gender based violence thesis

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Research Thesis on Effects Of Gender Based Violence Among Students In Masinde Muliro University, Kakamega, Kenya

2014, EFFECTS OF GENDER BASED VIOLENCE AMONG STUDENTS N MASINDE MULIRO UNIVERSITY, KAKAMEGA, KENYA

Background: A recent global review of 50 population-based studies carried out in 36 countries indicates that between 10 and 60% of women who have ever been married or partnered have experienced at least one incident of physical violence from a current or former intimate partner (Heise.L, 2009). Kenya‟s Demographic and Health Survey in 2003 found that 44 percent of married, divorced or separated women aged 15–49 report they had been physically or sexually violated at least once by their husbands or partners. Purpose of the study: This research however not only focused on the general overview of GBV but specifically arrowed on the effects of GBV amongst campus students in Masinde Muliro University. No such research had been conducted in Masinde Muliro Univeristy and any other public university in Kenya but there was evidence in written articles of the existence of GBV victims amongst the students courtesy of reports from I Choose Life Africa –Masinde Muliro chapter. Methodology: A cross sectional quantitative explorative study design was employed which combined both quantitative and qualitative enquiries. The study was conducted in Masinde Muliro University main campus as the study site with the target population of this study being both the male and female students of Masinde Muliro University. Results: From the results, it was quiet evident that the Females were the ones who faced Gender Based violence more at 96% as opposed to the male who only had 4% of the cases. Conclusion: From the findings and analysis of these results; this research came to the conclusion that GBV is present in MMUST majorly physical abuse of the students by their partners and psychological abuse from the university staff and their colleagues. It also established that There was a correlation between substance abuse and instances of GBV hence curbing substance abuse would help curb GBV.

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Home > Student Scholarship > THESES > 814

Senior Theses and Projects

Gender-based violence: a global crisis that is handled ineffectually.

Marlén Miranda , Trinity College, Hartford Connecticut Follow

Date of Award

Spring 2020

Degree Name

Bachelor of Arts

Political Science (International Relations) and Human Rights (Gender Issues)

First Advisor

Benjamin Carbonetti

This research seeks to outline the current understandings of Gender-Based Violence (GBV) in academic literature and how it contrasts from the ways governmental and non-governmental bodies interpret and address GBV. A little more than a yearlong investigation in Chile, Nepal, Jordan, Spain, and the United States serves as the foundation of the research. The researcher uses the ethnographic method (Draper, 2015) and the interpretive approach (Schwartz-Shea & Yanow, 2012) to interview individuals successfully and to comprehend better how GBV operates within each of the countries. The study focuses on answering the research question: How is GBV understood, and do current understandings capture the experiences of historically marginalized individuals? A thorough study of the data concludes that GBV is institutional violence: a comparison that is not yet grasped amongst many governmental and non-governmental bodies. This lack of a multifaceted understanding by formal institutions is limiting agencies’ ability to address the violence, generating hegemonic discourse, and excluding certain groups who should be receiving services. Social movements against GBV and acts of resistance amongst survivors demonstrate the need for a paradigmatic shift in how GBV is understood and conceptualized, specifically amongst women’s organizations, NGOs, courtrooms, and governmental institutions. Additionally, I argue that these new understandings of GBV must expand beyond the theory of “modern-day intersectional feminism” and that of current hegemonic discourse (Gordon, 2018).

Senior thesis completed at Trinity College, Hartford CT for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in Political Science (International Relations) and Human Rights (Gender Issues).

Recommended Citation

Miranda, Marlén, "Gender-Based Violence: A Global Crisis that is Handled Ineffectually". Senior Theses, Trinity College, Hartford, CT 2020. Trinity College Digital Repository, https://digitalrepository.trincoll.edu/theses/814

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• Original Article
• Open access
• Published: 03 October 2022

Gender-based violence (GBV) against women with precarious legal status and their access to social protection in advanced welfare societies: an analytical contribution to reconstruct the research field and its institutional development

• Claudia Di Matteo   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-6504-2082 1 &
• Roberto Scaramuzzino 1  

Comparative Migration Studies volume  10 , Article number:  40 ( 2022 ) Cite this article

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The aim of this paper is to map the emergence and development of a research field around the topic of “gender-based violence (GBV) against women with precarious legal status and their access to social protection in advanced welfare societies”. We explore the academic knowledge production around this topic as a specific research field by using bibliometric data. We investigate the place occupied by scholars who publish in well-established journals, and their disciplines, in order to understand the relevance of different disciplines and groups of researchers in the knowledge production within the field. Our methodology includes analysis of co-authorship, cross-country collaboration, and co-citation. The search strategy is informed by discursive practices and knowledge production by influential international civil society actors (CSAs) involved in framing welfare responses to GBV against women with precarious legal status. Our results suggest that the knowledge produced in the field increased in terms of number of publications between 2010 and 2021, indicating a process of institutionalisation. Disciplines oriented towards certain groups of professionals such as clinical psychology, medicine, health, nursing, and social work, affiliated mainly to institutions in the US, Canada, and the EU, have a prominent role in knowledge production in this field. In our conclusions, we discuss the implications of these results in relation to gender studies and migration studies, along with some limitations of the use of bibliometrics software combined with an intersectionality approach.

Introduction

This study focuses on knowledge production in the field of gender-based violence (GBV) against women with precarious legal status and their access to social protection in advanced welfare societies. This choice allows us to focus on just one specific intersection of gender and migration studies: i.e. gender-based violence and women with precarious legal status. To approach our chosen field of research, we have looked to knowledge produced outside of academia as a point of departure. In this regard, as further explained in the Sect. 1.2, a propaedeutically qualitative exploration of grey literature was made to explore the ways in which some prominent civil society actors (CSAs) have internationally framed a) GBV as a public problem and b) public responses to it. In line with conceptualisations of GBV against women developed by internationally recognised CSAs, we use specific terminology to map academic authors and disciplines that contribute to knowledge production within this field.

The field of research explored in this paper has increasing relevance, given the large number of people living outside protection systems as a consequence of the exclusionary effect of institutionalised categories that restrict entitlements based on the legal status of migrants. The question of access to social protection systems for individuals with precarious legal status calls attention to the welfare-migration nexus (Ryndyk, Sutter, and Odden, 2021 ). In order to access social rights and entitlements (i.e., social protection systems), human beings need to be recognised as members of particular rights regimes (e.g., citizen regimes/citizenship; human rights regimes/humanitarian protection; migration regimes/residence) (Benhabib, 2004 ). In this regard, this study looks exclusively at knowledge production that refers to those with “precarious legal status”, operationalised as people who are subject to migration controls but have not been granted refugee status, and are thus denied access to refugee resettlement programmes. More specifically, by “women with precarious legal status” (see Table 1 ), we refer to asylum seekers and refused asylum requests; special visa categories, such as spousal and temporary workers (framed here as immigrant); and some human rights cases, such as migrants who have overstayed their visa (framed as displaced or stateless).

In the following section, we present the theoretical background to our research, with particular attention given to the debate around the conceptualisation of GBV against women and its links with feminist, intersectional, post-colonial, and post-national discourses and actors. Further, we briefly introduce membership regimes in respect to human/social rights and entitlements and their conceptualisation around categories used by non-state actors. This is propaedeutically to clarify the background literature that directly informs our study.

Conceptualisation of gender-based violence (GBV) against women with precarious legal status and their access to social protection in advanced welfare societies

Our theoretical framework draws on different bodies of literature and conceptualisations of GBV against women with precarious legal status and their access to social protection in advanced welfare societies.

Current discussion at the cutting edge of gender and migration

Firstly, we explore feminist migration scholars and the conceptualisation of gender in migration studies . Recent studies focusing on knowledge production in the field of migration research (Levy et al., 2020 ; Sirckeci et al., 2017 ), and with particular attention to feminist analysis within migration studies (Kelson & DeLaet, 1999 ; Kofman, 2020 ; Morokvasic, 1984 ; Nawyn, 2010 ), have suggested that gender should be understood as “more than an individual-level binary category ascribed at birth (…) It is, rather, a system of power relations that permeates every aspect of the migration experience” (Nawyn, 2010 , p.760). Despite the increased incorporation of gender analysis into migration research, it has also been highlighted that there remains a degree of gender blindness among migration scholars (Kofman, 2020 ; King et al., 2006 , p.249), and that “gender (and often women) continues to be largely ignored” (Nawyn, 2010 , p.758). In this regard, transnational feminist scholars (Mohanty, 1988 ; Mukhopadhyay, 2015 ) have highlighted that the marginalization of colonial past as well as of race, ethnicity, sexual identity, class, and cast markers corresponds to a political act by those academics and activists who are in a position of power when addressing women’s rights and struggles. For instance, Mohanty ( 1988 ) pointed out that the knowledge produced around the “third world women” is constructed as an inherently homogenous monolithic group where women are subjected to a singular a-historical notion of male domination. Furthermore, it has been suggested (Mukhopadhyay, 2015 ) that scholars using specific analytic categories of sisterhood and sameness while referring to gender equality meant framing the problem of GBV as having a one-size-fits-all solution, without considering historical and contextual differences in terms of poverty, discrimination, and neocolonial power relations.

In recent years the complexities in the composition of migratory flows have been increasingly taken into consideration by scholars, whose renovated attention has been addressed to diversity in populations’ composition such as women and gender/sexual marginalised groups (e.g. LGBTQ +) (Haas, Castles, and Miller, 2014 ). Consequently, female international migration is also categorised looking at both the women’s positions in the economic market of the receiving country (ies) and their positions within the family. As an example, gendered categories have made it possible to investigate the different positions and experiences of male and female domestic workers from Filipino communities in Italy and Canada (Banfi, 2008 ; Parreñas, 2015 ). The results of the latest showed that not only do migration paths differ between male and female domestic workers, but that the experience of racial segregation into domestic work is different for men and for women. Finally, in terms of GBV and precarious legal status, the same investigation on gendered Filipino communities (Ambrosini, 2020 ; Parreñas, 2015 ) pointed out how the state’s construction of domestic work can leave women at the mercy of employment agencies (Canada) or in the precarity of irregular migration (Italy) (Ambrosini, 2020 ; Banfi, 2008 ; Parreñas, 2015 ).

Following this stream of research, our study looks at GBV as different forms of discrimination (ILGA, 2022 ) related not only to a specific ethnicity, gender identity, sexual orientation, but also linked to “national regimes of citizenship, which are inherently exclusionary and produce separate legal codes and practices to differentiate groups of people within the same national space” (Bhuyan, 2012 , p.6).

The use of the term “women” does not directly exclude a variety of identity formations. Regarding the latter, the Brazilian philosopher Marcia Tiburi ( 2020 ) highlights that feminist discourses on “women, black women, black Brazilian women, black Brazilian trans-women, black Brazilian Trans Muslim Lesbian Women have both a political potential of affirmation and a risk of social fragmentation depending to different interests in time and space” (Tiburi, 2020 , p.96). In our study, the aim is to analyse in bibliometric terms a specific stream of literature that frame the problem and the solutions to GBV against women having a precarious legal status in the specific context of welfare advanced societies, with the aim to investigate the power relations in terms of knowledge production.

Secondly, our study draws on conceptualizations of gender-based violence (GBV) and membership regimes in advanced welfare societies. A recent study was carried out by Ozcurumez et al. ( 2021 ) as part of a larger international project called SEREDA, Footnote 1 which sought to investigate the conceptualisation of GBV in forced migration through a scoping review. Using search terms limited to only two simple queries – “Sexual and Gender-based Violence” and “Sexual and Gender-based violence and refugees” – Ozcurumez et al., ( 2021 , p.66) retrieved respectively 292 and 91 scholarly articles and policy reports published in English between 1993 and 2018. What they found was that GBV is conceptualised mostly in relation to women (Ozcurumez et al., 2021 , p. 69), limiting the analysis of violence occurring in specific contexts such as conflict zones, war, and refugee camps. The scoping review revealed that the literature focused mostly on geopolitical areas such as Sierra Leone, Syria, Afghanistan, Liberia, and Lebanon, confining violence in spatial territories without considering how gendered experiences of violence are embedded in the displacement journey, on the way towards resettlement contexts (Ozcurumez et al., 2021 , pp. 67–69). The confinement of GBV to specific geopolitical spaces with an emphasis on the “homeland” was also confirmed by the literature on sex trafficking (Davidson, 2001 ; Watts & Zimmerman, 2002 , in Nawyn, 2010 ; Palmary, 2021 ), which referred mainly to violence experienced by women in their country of origin.

Concerning the conceptualisation of GBV exclusively in contexts of forced migration, post-colonial feminist scholars (Abu-Lughod, 2011 , 2013 ; Fassin & Barnett, 2016 ; Martinsson and Griffin, 2016 ; Ozcurumez et al., 2021 ; Spivak, 1988 , 2012 ) have pointed out how the use of the concepts of “violence” and “women” contribute to reinforcing the positive image of male white saviours in humanitarian contexts who rescue black women from wild and uncivilised societies. While Nawyn ( 2010 ) has pointed out that the field of migration studies has not incorporated much of the findings related to GBV into mainstream research (Nawyn, 2010 , p.758), Ozcurumez et al. ( 2021 ) advocate for including both resettlement contexts and intersectional approaches in the study of GBV in the context of migration, looking not only to GBV migration experiences across time and space, but also to social protection responses involving a plurality of state and non-state actors.

Post-national approaches to migrants´ access to welfare regimes

Shifting our attention from humanitarian settings to resettlements contexts in welfare advanced society, a key issue discussed among post-national migration scholars (Abji, 2016 ; Pinelli, 2020 , 2021 ; Scheibelhofer, 2022 ) is that governments in resettlement contexts are reluctant to find permanent political solutions (Abji, 2016 ) to GBV experienced by migrants with precarious legal status. Consequently, responsibility for access to social protection systems in the context of resettlement is displaced from the state to civil society as key actors involved in the enforcement of human rights (e.g., in the form of advocacy, political action, and/or service provision). With reference to GBV interventions accessed by migrant women with precarious legal status in Western liberal democracies, attention has been drawn to the role of professionals working within the social protection systems and in organisational settings like CSAs in advocating for anti-deportation policies and in addressing violence against such women within debordering practices (Abji, 2017 ).

Furthermore, although human rights in resettlement contexts are formally recognised within membership regimes (e.g., citizenship, residency, humanitarian protection) (Benhabib, 2004 ), access to these fundamental rights still requires the intervention of a state authority which must formally recognise them (Abji, 2016 ). In this sense, the membership regimes fall short to acknowledge the variability and precarity of the legal and administrative real-life conditions of migrants in resettlement contexts (e.g., migrant populations displaced for longer periods of time, who might relocate to different states, regions, and cities depending on family structures, generational evolution, social networks, mixed marriages, and other circumstances linked to geopolitical processes), which in turn has real consequences for access to institutionalised social protection systems (Ryndyk et al., 2021 ).

The reality of increasing numbers of people living outside protection systems, such as women victims of GBV with precarious legal status, underlines the relevance of this research area. In our methodology, we use terminology that allows us to map studies and literature involving production of knowledge on GBV that takes into consideration both the resettlement context and access to social protection systems in advanced welfare societies (Høgsbro and Shaw, 2018 ). Thirdly, we draw on the influence of CSAs on the conceptualisation of GBV in the international and national policy arena. In democratic welfare states, civil society is seen as key actors involved in the enforcement of human rights through advocacy, political action, and/or service provision (Hodgkinson & Foley, 2003 ; Trägårdh, 2007 ; Arvidson, Johansson, Scaramuzzino, 2018 ). As a consequence, in resettlement contexts, the conceptualisation of GBV is historical linked to the fight against violence (Johansson & Hvinden, 2007 ) as part of “the achievement of women´s rights” (Rosche, 2016 ) and strongly related to feminist movements and CSAs (e.g., INGOs, NGOs, advocacy groups). In her work, Rosche ( 2016 ) points out the great influence over the process of inclusion of gender equality in the Agenda 2030 held by UN offices (i.e., UN Women) with their headquarters based in New York, as well as the primary involvement of INGOs based in EU countries, such as Oxfam (The Netherlands), GADN (UK), and Care International (Switzerland), alongside other women's rights and international organisations (i.e., Action Aid, International Planned Parenthood Federation). The goal of ending violence against women declared by international CSAs (Rosche, 2016 ) was rapidly extended to other international policy domains, such as migration, within a process of negotiations among UN member states that concluded in 2018 with the adoption of the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly, and Regular Migration (GC) (IOM, ). In this context, the International Organisation for Migration, IOM (headquartered in Germany) played a major role in negotiating the adoption of the GC at the UN General Assembly, drawing a clear connection between the GC and the Agenda 2030 gender equality goal (IOM, ).

In sum, gender mainstreaming and gender/migration policy discourses are tied to conceptualisation of GBV produced by both UN offices (i.e., UN Women) and CSAs headquartered mainly in Western countries. The latter organisations are not only prominent voices in framing the problem of GBV in the international policy arena, but also provide support and resources for the implementation of social protection activities in advanced welfare societies.

Methods and tools

Adapting the process of systematic literature review to the intersectionality-informed analysis.

In the previous paragraphs, we presented GBV against women as a category of analysis, invoked by feminist migration scholars to help conceptualise how structures of power and inequalities operate across time and space. We further highlighted the feminist critique of migration studies that points to GBV as being confined exclusively to conflict and refugee contexts. Finally, we discussed the importance of the discursive production of both the public problem of GBV and its public solution (e.g., social protection) by CSAs in democratic welfare states. Drawing on these debates, this study analyses the position of scholars involved in knowledge production on GBV against women with precarious legal status and their access to social protection in advanced welfare societies.

The choice of methodology is made following the assumption that a common terminology used both within and outside academia reinforces a specific conceptualisation of GBV in specific resettlement contexts. In this regard, before operationalising our aim into research questions and developing a mapping strategy, we gave analytical attention to grey literature, limited to the following: a report titled “The Situation of Women Specialist Support Services in Europe” (WAVE, 2019 ) and documents and material produced by recent (2016–2020) EU-funded projects such as the “Co-creating Counselling Method for Refugee Women GBV Victims” (Inka et al., 2019 ), the “SWIM- Safe Women in Migration” project (Fondazione L’Albero della Vita, 2020 ), and “PROVIDE – Proximity on Violence: Defence and Equity” (ISMU, 2020 ). These projects were selected because they all involve INGOs, or international networks of NGOs involved in policy making in the field of GBV and migration. All these projects address specific forms of violence in migration contexts across time and space; and all are focused on specific forms of interventions in resettlement contexts and are not limited to refugee resettlement programmes. All the reports inform the key debate on the division of responsibilities concerning welfare responses to GBV experienced by migrant women with precarious legal status. Finally, all projects were selected partly because they have strong links to CSAs operating under the EU’s geopolitical influence, which have a significant impact on the international conceptualisation of GBV in the context of migration. Nevertheless, the criteria used to select the grey literature bring certain limitations; these are discussed in paragraph 5.

The method of bibliometric analysis and its application in this study

Building on a bibliometrics analysis of the literature, this study investigates whether and how GBV as a category of analysis takes a prominent position in academic journals, exploring the place occupied by scholars who publish in well-established journals, and their disciplines, in order to understand the relevance of GBV within the scientific academic landscape. Given the existing limitations of bibliometric analysis (Kofman, 2020 ; Levy et al., 2020 ), our methodology included analysis of co-authorship, cross-country collaborations, and co-citation.

The theoretical framework of this study draws on intersectionality as a concept (Hoffart, 2021 ; Moradi and Grzanka, 2017 ; Nash, 2014 ; Kofman, 2020 ) that captures the advantages and disadvantages experienced by all people within a structural system of power (CIJ, 2020). For the scope of this study, we used the Intersectionality-Based Policy Analysis Framework (IBPA) (Hankivisky, 2012 ) Footnote 2 as a guiding tool to develop the research questions. The analytical point of departure was to identify “the problem” and apply the following question and related sub-question to our aim: How have representations of “the problem” come about? Who was involved in defining the problem in this way? What types of evidence were used? (Hankivisky, 2012 , p. 39) . In accordance with our aim, the first research question (RQ1) of our study can be formulated as follows: Who produces the knowledge related to the problem of GBV against women with precarious legal status? How does the research community come about over time (i.e., historically) and in space (i.e., geographically and institutionally)?

In the second stage, the authors used the equity principle of the IBPA framework Footnote 3 in combination with the question: What are the current policy responses to the problem? (Hankivisky, 2012 , p. 39) . In this sense, the aim was to identify the research (and researchers) involved in the production of knowledge that concerns both the representation of the problem “GBV against women with precarious legal status” and its political outcome, represented by policy responses. Consequently, the second research question (RQ2) was: Does the community of researchers produce knowledge related to welfare responses or the absence of responses to GBV against women with precarious legal status?

The next step was to combine the format of the IBPA with the process of systematic literature review (Cochrane, 2019 ) for the identification of relevant documents. For the identification of the literature, the authors created a search strategy (Cochrane, 2019 ), using a complex query Footnote 4 which was tested in different databases. In the process of systematic literature review, the complex query is composed of multiple interrelated terms (Cochrane, 2019 ). The use of each term can be connected to truncation (e.g., asterisks) and proximity elements (e.g., AND, OR, W2, W5) in order to refine the search results (see footnote). However, adding or removing terms or punctuation in a query might disproportionally affect the results, depending on the databases used. Table 1 displays the final version of the complex query. Initially, we ran six official trials including various terms under each column in the table (Public Problem, Target Group, and Public Responses) but the results were imbalanced (e.g., 0 documents retrieved in some databases). Furthermore, terminology related to refugees is avoided in the query because, as explained above, our aim was to focus on the knowledge produced concerning migrant women with precarious legal status. Limitations associated with this decision are discussed in Sect. 5.

The terminology composing the complex query was derived from the research questions (see Table 1 ) stated above. We again emphasise that the terminology used here in relation to the identified problem, such as “GBV against women with precarious legal status” and “public responses and interventions”, is influenced by the grey literature produced by relevant international CSAs and limited to the scope of the study, which is to identify conceptual elements inside academia (i.e., in publications) which are shared and commonly used outside the academic field of knowledge production (i.e., among CSAs).

Following the evidence-based protocols of systematic reviews (see Fig.  1 below), metadata were collected from 10 databases, covering multiple sources of knowledge. A filter was added which meant that only documents published after the year 2010 were included. This decision was made because very few records could be found for the previous years, as well as because 2010 marked the political threshold for the Istanbul Convention (2011), the first legally binding policy tool in the field of violence against (migrant) women. 3,176 records were identified, and after duplicates were removed in Zotero, 2,790 records remained. After additional software removal in Ryaan, the number of records remaining was 2,734 (Fig.  1 ). Given the relatively high number of records identified, VOSviewer software (van Eck & Waltman, 2020 ) was used to perform bibliometric analyses. When using software with bibliographic data from different sources, data cleaning must be performed to produce a structured file in which all the data imported display the same comparable variables.

Identification and selection of relevant literature

In the process of data cleaning, two limitations were encountered. First, it was impossible to access and format the same information in all the databases, leading to the decision to include only data retrieved from Scopus. This decision was based on the fact that 68.4% of records included in the Zotero library before duplicate removal were gathered using Scopus. Furthermore, the database provides comprehensive data, such as citation information (i.e., author, document title, sources, EID, year), bibliographic information (i.e., affiliation, correspondence address, editor), abstract information (i.e., complete abstract, author keywords, index keywords), funding details, and additional information such as the list of references used in every document extracted. The second limitation at this stage of the systematic literature review is related to the impossibility of including research published in languages other than English, which in turn automatically excludes experiences from particular settings.

Analysis of the institutional field

In the following sections, the field of “GBV against women with precarious legal status and their access to social protection in advanced welfare societies” is explored in bibliometric terms. The number of documents published between 2010 and 2021 (Fig.  2 ) shows consistent growth. The decline seen in 2021 probably refers to the fact that the analysis is based only on publications released during a five-month period from January to May of 2021.

Documents published per year

Internationally, GBV as policy issue and related debates entered the political space in 2011, leading to the Council of Europe’s approval of the Istanbul Convention. The Convention has been strongly advocated for by feminist movements and represents the first legally binding treaty created to tackle violence against women. Articles 60 and 61 refer explicitly to violence against women in the context of migration (e.g., asylum claims and non-refoulement principles). The Convention has since been adopted by EU member states and non-member states such as the US, Canada, and Japan.

The intensified growth in publications reached its peak in 2020, with 304 publications registered in Scopus, along with 204 documents published from January to May 2021 (a relatively high number for a five-month period) and can be understood as a token of the recent but continuous institutional development of the field. If we look at the total number of documents published by source (Fig.  3 ), we see that the journals most active in the last decade are the Journal of Interpersonal Violence , which is oriented towards the field of clinical and applied psychology; Violence Against Women , which is specialised in subject areas such as law, gender studies, and political science; and the Journal of Family Violence , which publishes research in law, political science, and clinical psychology.

Total number of published documents by source—years 2010/2021

In our dataset, the first source related directly to the field of migration is the Journal of Immigrant and Minority Health , which, along with Health Care for Women International , publishes in the field of international health, medicine, and epidemiology. Finally, lower in the ranking we found Women’s Studies International Forum , which represents the field of development studies, education, sociology, and political science; Journal of Refugee Studies , which relates to the area of development, international relations, and political science; and the Journal of Immigrant and Refugees’ Studies , publishing in the field of geography, demography, development, and health.

Furthermore, we analysed the annual total number of publications by the journals included in our dataset. In particular, we examined the years between 2010 and 2015, as we were interested in the foundational knowledge on which our subject matter rests.

Table 2 displays the journals that published the most per year (in bold); selected journals in migration studies (in bold) that published at least three items; and, finally, selected journals in migration studies (in bold) that published in 2010, and therefore initiated the production of knowledge at the cutting edge of GBV and migration, but eventually did not pursue the topic (fewer later publications after 2010).

Overall, despite consistent growth in the number of publications over the first five years, we can observe (Table 2 ) that, in 2010, the leading journals were, again, Violence Against Women , Journal of Family Violence , Journal of Interpersonal Violence , and Issues in Mental Health Nursing . This indicates that the aspects of migration, ethnicity, and race are mainly absorbed by the disciplines of law, health, and medicine when it comes to the study of gender-based violence within families or interpersonal relations. Still looking at 2010, Social Politics along with two publications from Princeton University and the State University of New York respectively, Refugee Survey Quarterly , The Journal of Refugee Studies , and The Review of International Political Economy were all active in the field. These findings indicate an initial and tentative interest in considering gender, sexuality, and migration not as separate clusters, but rather interlocking systems of power with political relevance. Nevertheless, this promising emerging body of knowledge did not last over time, as confirmed by an analysis of the publications from 2011 to 2015. Indeed, the literature developed mostly around the category of GBV described in terms of “women’s issues”, “family issues”, and “health issues”. Therefore, categories of race and ethnicity are assimilated into investigations of the physical, mental, and legal practical consequences of violence, with little attention paid to the political and transformative perspectives of women in international migration processes. Finally, we highlight that knowledge specifically addressing themes related to culture and sexuality, as well as to the social aspects of violence, such as that produced by journals like Sexuality Research and Social Policy , the British Journal of Social Work , and Affilia—the Journal of Women and Social Work , increased between 2012 and 2015.

Based on this overview of the leading journals in the field, we can conclude that, with some exceptions, the epistemic community of migration studies tends to disappear when the focus is on GBV in resettlement contexts. Further, as explained previously, this study aims to identify studies focused on representing GBV while also framing public responses and interventions. In other words, such knowledge has a political influence in legitimising the categories of “migrants” entitled to specific forms of social protection. In this sense, the prepositions related to “gender” and “violence” do not have the power of affirmation in the field of migration studies, nor do prepositions related to “migration” have the power of affirmation in gender-related disciplines, as evinced by the relatively low number of publications by gender-related journals. The result is a double exclusion when the grammatic of gender intersects that of migration reproducing established disciplinary hierarchies in academia. Thus, when Levy et al. ( 2020 ) describe the institutionalisation of migration studies as a research field, the authors point to the evolutionary development of discursive regimes related to race, ethnicity, culture, refugees, transnationalism, and social development, alongside the traditional discursive practices related to labour market/economy, demography, and psychology, missing out the gender studies, development studies, and social work studies present in our dataset.

Reconstruction of structural and relational components of the field

Citation networks.

A citation analysis of the 2,174 documents was conducted using VOSviewer. When working with citation links in VOSviewer (van Eck & Waltman, 2020 ), the citation attributes indicate the number of citations of a document (Table 3 ) or the total number of citations of all documents published by an author (Table 4 ). The weight indicates the importance of an item (in our case, items are authors and documents). The more important the item, the greater its weight (Van Eck & Waltman, 2020 ). In addition, we analysed citations while looking at the disciplines and research fields to which the authors belong (Tables 3 and 4 ). Disciplines and research fields have been coded mostly based on the institutions to which the authors were affiliated. It is interesting to note that the largest research field in this selection, by number of citations, is medicine (n.7). If we also include psychiatry and psychology, we see that most of the works are within the broader field of “health” (n.11). Other relevant fields are sociology/social work (n.5) and, finally, international affairs/relations (n.4). It is not surprising that some of the documents most cited are written by authors focused on migration or women’s studies.

Further, authors connected to English-speaking institutions dominate this selection of publications, with half of publications from the US, five from the UK, three from Canada, and two from Australia.

When we turn to the 20 most cited authors within the database, and some of the attributes that characterise them (Table 4 ), the dominance of medicine/health is confirmed by the higher-weight citation of 12 authors in this field.

Within the very broad field of medicine/health, we find a variety of subfields. It is not surprising to find three researchers with profiles related to GBV and health. Other themes include sexual health (n. 3), nursing (n. 2), health care (n. 2), and clinical psychology (n.1). The remaining eight authors can be linked to the social sciences, specifically the disciplines of social work (n. 5), social psychology (n.2), and sociology (n.1). Also, the dominance of the English-speaking world is clear, with a few exceptions: i.e., Spain (n.3) and Israel (n.1).

It is also interesting to note that respective analyses of the most cited publications and authors produce similar results, but with certain salient differences. This is also confirmed by the fact that only six of the 20 most cited authors have written at least one of the 20 most cited publications, all of which are within the field of medical/health research.

On the one hand, this result might be due to differing practices of co-authorship between disciplines, where publications within the field of medicine/health often have several co-authors (e.g., 20 +), creating a cumulative effect on citations of authors. On the other hand, the recognition of GBV as a ground of social protection of migrant women also came with the medical, psychological, and social conceptualisation of violence as a “traumatic experience” of vulnerable women groups or women victims (Fassin & Barnett, 2016 ). In this sense, the knowledge created by scholars in health- and social work-related disciplines confirms a prevalent humanitarian mission to identify mechanisms of protection and treatment of the symptoms of traumatic experiences of violence (Fassin & Rechtman, 2009 ).

Co-authorship network

A co-authorship analysis was conducted in VOSviewer to frame the structure and the intensity of collaborations among researchers from different countries and disciplines. In this sense, we can describe the power relations in the field in terms of number of collaborations (co-authorship by authors, Fig.  4 ) and networking (co-authorship by countries, Fig.  5 ). Of the 5,418 authors in the dataset, 303 authored at least three documents between 2010 and 2021. For each of these 303 authors, we calculated the total strength of the co-authorship (i.e., the total strength of the co-authorship links between a given researcher and other researchers).

Visualisation map of co-authorship links

Visualisation map of co-authorships links by countries

The co-authorship filter (authors with at least three documents in co-authorship) was used to identify scholars who are more active in terms of collaborations and publications (single-authored documents are not included in this selection). The map below seems to indicate that authors from cluster 4 (yellow) and cluster 6 (light blue) work more closely, creating an interdisciplinary field between social work and nursing. It is interesting to note that some of the authors included in those two clusters (i.e., Messing, Campbell, and Glass) are the most cited authors in our dataset (Table 4 ), confirming the prominence of US “clinical” or “practice-oriented” scholars.

Clusters 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, and 12 confirm again the production of knowledge within collaborations between the fields of health, nursing, psychology, and social work. Worth mentioning are clusters 10 (pink) and 9 (pale violet), in which disciplines such as health, medicine, and nursing are more oriented towards ethnic minority groups (e.g., African Americans, internally displaced women) and gender/sex minority groups (LGBTQA + , queer communities). Cluster 9 also includes scholars in the field of critical studies, using qualitative approaches such as participatory methods. Finally, cluster 11 (light green) stands somewhat apart, with scholars working in the field of psychology/social work, specialising in child welfare, violence, and trauma.

Looking at country networking (co-authorship analysis based on authors’ affiliations) (Fig.  5 ), at the centre of the map below, the US shows the largest overall output in terms of co-authorship links. Nevertheless, the US stands on its own (isolated at the centre of the map), reflecting its overall lower weight of international co-authorships compared to the total number of documents published. US scholars collaborate most closely with Canada, followed by the UK, Australia, and South Asian and South American countries. On the contrary, European countries conform to the international trend, and particularly strong links exist between the UK and Nordic countries. Spain, Italy, Germany, and France display a slightly different international trend, oriented bidirectionally: international collaborations have developed between EU countries and with non-EU countries. This two-dimensional internationalisation process might be explained by linguistic factors (e.g., France collaborates with Canada; Spain with Mexico and Colombia).

In Oceania and Asia as well, the development of international collaborations is comparatively lower and unevenly distributed. Finally, within African countries, South Africa displays a significant international trend, with a high proportion of links with Australia, the EU, Canada, and the US.

Discussions and conclusions

As shown in the results, the growth of publications between 2010 and 2021 testifies to a process of institutionalisation of GBV against women in resettlement contexts, which has developed around disciplines such as clinical psychology, medicine, health, nursing, and social work.

Our results indicate that the predominance of documents published in English by scholars collaborating within professional practice-oriented disciplines developed mainly in the US, Canada, and the EU. This might indicate that those scholars and their institutional affiliations occupy a position of relative power in the production of knowledge within their respective disciplines. Furthermore, the documents analysed in our dataset belong to specific disciplines such as medicine, health, psychiatry, psychology, and nursing, followed by social work and sociology. It is interesting to notice that migration studies have a less prominent position in our database, especially if we look at the 25 journals where the 25 most-cited migration studies articles where published (according to a recent bibliometrics analysis by Sirkeci et al., 2017 ) none of which were present in our database.

As reported by Fassin and Barnett ( 2016 , pp. 89–90), under pressure from feminist and gay rights movements, the Geneva Convention was updated to include recognition of persecution based on gender and sexual orientation. Its inclusion was legitimised based on the humanitarian aim of protecting women and liberating them from patriarchal domination (Fassin & Barnett, 2016 ). In the knowledge produced by scholars in fields connected to health and social work, we also see evidence of this humanitarian mission to identify mechanisms of protection for migrant women, facing the risk to shift attention away from structural forms of power and inequalities to focus instead on questions such as what the symptoms of traumatic experience are, and who is responsible and must therefore pay for social interventions and treatment (Fassin & Barnett, 2016 ). The community of practice-oriented scholars poses the question: “What can we do to help women who experience violence in the context of migration?”. To a certain extent, they also try to propose feasible short- and medium-term policy solutions and interventions (Hankivisky, 2012 ). At the same time, the transformative sides of the question —including what inequalities actually exist in relation to the problem; the identification, assurance, and implementation of possible long-term transformative solutions; and the measurement of outcomes to ensure that inequities are reduced — seem less relevant (Hankivisky, 2012 , pp. 41–42).

Finally, the US and Canada seem to represent self-referential actors (Fig.  5 ) while the UK and EU member states displayed a higher degree of international collaboration (the absolute number of international authorships based on the overall number of documents published by each country). This might be connected with the choice of terms used in our search and with the scope of our study, which was to identify documents published within the field of GBV against women with precarious legal status and their access to social protection in advanced welfare societies. Indeed, instrumental for international CSAs outside of academia is the conceptualisation of GBV in terms of both public problems to be tackled and public solutions to be identified. In the same way, within the academic field claim makers whose work is oriented towards both scientific and specific policy/practices are nurses, social workers, psychologists, physiatrists, and doctors, i.e., street-level bureaucrats with the public mission of rescuing, protecting, and rehabilitating by deploying specific values, work ethics, and beliefs that are communicated in the form of administrative practices, categories, classifications, variables, and definitions (Yanow, 2003 , pp. 8–9). In this sense, the production of knowledge responds to a practical logic, what Bourdieu called la raison pratique (Bourdieu, 1994 ), which serves to reflect, represent, describe, and give meaning to the everyday encounters of practitioners working not only in public agencies but also in civil society organisations (NGOs, INGOs, associations), and facing the double pressure of treating the symptoms of the violence on the one hand, and on the other, navigating social protection systems which restrict the possibilities for migrant women with precarious legal status to access their social rights in resettlement contexts.

The result showing an increasing academic knowledge production oriented towards the professional groups that are supposed to meet the needs of migrant women exposed to GBV rhymes well with the relevance of the issue and might be crucial to further develop and improve services that are based on scientific data and knowledge.

Limitations

Choice of the grey literature and terminology.

The grey literature is limited to international collaborations within EU countries, and it is not exhaustive. Further research could explore international collaborations in resettlement countries encompassing the EU states and CSAs. In this way, the complex query could be enriched with key terms that were not included in this exploratory bibliometric study. Suggested terms to be included are “survivors”, “psycho-social support”, “irregular migrant”, “host country”, and “LGBTQA + ”. Further research might also expand the bibliometrics analysis to include knowledge production looking at different membership regimes not exclusively focused on precarious legal status, which means including terms such as “refugee”, “refugee camps”, and “exile”.

Choice of bibliometrics analysis and literature review

Last, but not least, the authors must address the limitations of evidence-based methods and tools. The process of a systematic literature review and a bibliometric analysis of metadata, alongside the IBPA interpretative approach, helped in reconstructing the institutionalisation of the research field. The digital tools and the indexed databases assume the shape of a Trojan horse in the field of knowledge, using numerical measures to circulate high-quality peer-reviewed documents registered and made available by influential publishers who do not consider non-English and non-indexed, less-well institutionalised journals (Kofman, 2020 ). In addition, several research institutions, including universities, are developing technical tools for bibliometric analysis whose algorithms are heavily oriented towards commercial sources. Therefore, the results and rankings within our dataset have significant limitations in terms of the methods and tools used for the analysis. The systematic literature review and the bibliometric software have created, on the one hand, a transparent and reliable research framework. But on the other hand, the output of these sophisticated digital systems reproduces the structure of power, which strongly supports the English-speaking world and its commercial interests. Thus, this type of classification comes with a high risk of excluding influential researchers and voices outside traditional academic fields, who are nonetheless involved in important critical debates.

Availability of data and materials

The bibliographic metadata are available from the corresponding author, upon reasonable request.

The SEREDA Project is a major new research initiative that is being undertaken across the United Kingdom, Australia, Sweden and Turkey by a multi-country research team from the University of Birmingham, University of Melbourne, Uppsala University and Bilkent University. It is funded by German, Swedish, and EU donors, and carried out by academics and NGO actors in the UK, Australia, Turkey, and Sweden. (Retrieved from https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/research/superdiversity-institute/sereda/index.aspx ).

The IBPA (Hankivisky, 2012 ) is an analytical tool developed by the Institute for Intersectionality Research and Policy, Canada, for the analysis of public policies. It is composed of eight guiding principles (intersecting categories, multi-level analysis, power, reflexivity, time and space, diverse knowledge, social justice, and equity) and 12 questions (divided into five descriptive questions and seven transformative questions) with related sub-questions. The framework is flexible and can be used in combination with other methods and adapted to all areas of policy and interventions.

The equity principle extends the analysis of social inequalities to the concept of fairness by promoting analysis that considers ways of equalising health outcomes between more and less disadvantaged groups and communities (e.g., policies, interventions). The concept of inequality is used to measure differences in outcomes created by the social structure, while equity targets the root causes of inequalities created by the social structure and thus has a transformative intention.

("Violence against women" OR trafficking OR prostitution OR "sexual abuse" OR "interpersonal violence*” OR rape* OR "sexual violence*" OR "honour based violence" OR "sexual assault" OR "forced marriage*" OR stalk* OR "domestic violence*" OR "intimate partner* violence" OR "sex work*" OR victimisation OR violence* OR "institutional violence*") AND (helpline OR shelter* OR "social protection" OR "social work*" OR "social support" OR "welfare service*" OR rehabilitation OR "social policy*" OR "welfare policy*") AND (( women OR woman OR fem*) W/5 (migrant* OR "asylum seeker*" OR immigrant* OR displace* OR stateless)).

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CDM wrote paragraphs Introduction, Conceptualisation of gender-based violence (GBV) against women with precarious legal status and their access to social protection in advanced welfare societies, Current discussion at the cutting edge of Gender and Migration, Methods and tools, Analysis of the institutional field, Co-authorship network and Discussions and Conclusions, and the References. RS wrote Citation networks, cross-checked and edited the manuscript, and discussed with CDM key concepts and use of data and material. Both authors read and approved the final manuscript.

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Di Matteo, C., Scaramuzzino, R. Gender-based violence (GBV) against women with precarious legal status and their access to social protection in advanced welfare societies: an analytical contribution to reconstruct the research field and its institutional development. CMS 10 , 40 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1186/s40878-022-00314-z

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Conclusion: Combatting Gender-Based Violence: Reflections on a Way Forward

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Part of the book series: Advances in Preventing and Treating Violence and Aggression ((APTVA))

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Gender-based violence is a serious violation of human rights and with long-term physical and mental health consequences, even death. Although anyone can be a victim of violence, we know that it disproportionately affects women and girls putting them especially at risk. Whilst not a comprehensive guide, this book attempts to explore and represent a nuanced understanding of gender-based violence. It hopes to highlight the far-reaching impacts of gender-based violence, and its many related practices, along with policy and practice responses. The conclusion chapter presents a summary of the book and urges thinkers and scholars to come together from different perspectives to combat this deeply pervasive and complex crime.

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Reflections and Way Forward

Gendering Violence: Theorising the Links Between Men, Masculinities and Violence

Structures of Violence Throughout the Life Course: Cross-Cultural Perspectives of Gender-Based Violence

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Pandey, M. (2023). Conclusion: Combatting Gender-Based Violence: Reflections on a Way Forward. In: Pandey, M. (eds) International Perspectives on Gender-Based Violence. Advances in Preventing and Treating Violence and Aggression . Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-42867-8_14

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The role of social media abuse in gender- based violence: the challenge of vituperative communication in the age of new technology

Online abuse communicated via social networking sites has increased considerably in recent years, with a significant amount of vituperative communication targeted at women. This mixed methods study investigates the gendered online abuse received by women serving in the occupations of academia, journalism, policing, and politics. Written in the shadow of the murder of two Parliamentarians, the research considers how abuse in the online space echoes other forms of gender-based violence, drawing upon evidence gathered from 50 interviews, the analysis of three Twitter ‘storms’, and the review of a wide interdisciplinary corpus. This study reveals that the online abuse of women in high-profile, public facing occupations consists of seven elements: defamation, emotional harm, harassment, threat, belittlement, silencing, and criticism of appearance; and that at least one of these elements is present in every abusive encounter evidenced here. This research further demonstrates that the online abuse directed at women is misogynistic, frequently includes violent threats, and dismisses women’s contributions to online discussions. The study also reveals that the abuse directed at women varies by occupation, with police officers most likely to receive abuse that denigrates their ability or appearance; politicians and journalists more likely to receive violent threats, and academics receiving abuse of all types. The expectation that women maintain an online presence frequently acts as a trigger for abuse, with other determinants an increased focus on topics that compel individuals to take a binary stance; and the malign nature of political debate. The study concludes by presenting a series of recommendations, operating at the personal, organisational, legislative, and structural level. Ultimately, this doctoral research demonstrates that online abuse is about gender and is the consequence of being a woman on the internet. This thesis contains content that readers may find obscene and / or distressing.

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Gender-Based Violence (Violence Against Women and Girls)

Photo: Simone D. McCourtie / World Bank

Gender-based violence (GBV) or violence against women and girls (VAWG), is a global pandemic that affects 1 in 3 women in their lifetime.

The numbers are staggering:

• 35% of women worldwide have experienced either physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence or non-partner sexual violence.
• Globally, 7% of women have been sexually assaulted by someone other than a partner.
• Globally, as many as 38% of murders of women are committed by an intimate partner.
• 200 million women have experienced female genital mutilation/cutting.

This issue is not only devastating for survivors of violence and their families, but also entails significant social and economic costs. In some countries, violence against women is estimated to cost countries up to 3.7% of their GDP – more than double what most governments spend on education.

Failure to address this issue also entails a significant cost for the future.  Numerous studies have shown that children growing up with violence are more likely to become survivors themselves or perpetrators of violence in the future.

One characteristic of gender-based violence is that it knows no social or economic boundaries and affects women and girls of all socio-economic backgrounds: this issue needs to be addressed in both developing and developed countries.

Decreasing violence against women and girls requires a community-based, multi-pronged approach, and sustained engagement with multiple stakeholders. The most effective initiatives address underlying risk factors for violence, including social norms regarding gender roles and the acceptability of violence.

The World Bank is committed to addressing gender-based violence through investment, research and learning, and collaboration with stakeholders around the world.

Since 2003, the World Bank has engaged with countries and partners to support projects and knowledge products aimed at preventing and addressing GBV. The Bank supports over $300 million in development projects aimed at addressing GBV in World Bank Group (WBG)-financed operations, both through standalone projects and through the integration of GBV components in sector-specific projects in areas such as transport, education, social protection, and forced displacement.  Recognizing the significance of the challenge, addressing GBV in operations has been highlighted as a World Bank priority, with key commitments articulated under both IDA 17 and 18, as well as within the World Bank Group Gender Strategy .

The World Bank conducts analytical work —including rigorous impact evaluation—with partners on gender-based violence to generate lessons on effective prevention and response interventions at the community and national levels.

The World Bank regularly  convenes a wide range of development stakeholders  to share knowledge and build evidence on what works to address violence against women and girls.

Over the last few years, the World Bank has ramped up its efforts to address more effectively GBV risks in its operations , including learning from other institutions.

Addressing GBV is a significant, long-term development challenge. Recognizing the scale of the challenge, the World Bank’s operational and analytical work has expanded substantially in recent years.   The Bank’s engagement is building on global partnerships, learning, and best practices to test and advance effective approaches both to prevent GBV—including interventions to address the social norms and behaviors that underpin violence—and to scale up and improve response when violence occurs.  

World Bank-supported initiatives are important steps on a rapidly evolving journey to bring successful interventions to scale, build government and local capacity, and to contribute to the knowledge base of what works and what doesn’t through continuous monitoring and evaluation.

Addressing the complex development challenge of gender-based violence requires significant learning and knowledge sharing through partnerships and long-term programs. The World Bank is committed to working with countries and partners to prevent and address GBV in its projects. 

Knowledge sharing and learning

Violence against Women and Girls: Lessons from South Asia is the first report of its kind to gather all available data and information on GBV in the region. In partnership with research institutions and other development organizations, the World Bank has also compiled a comprehensive review of the global evidence for effective interventions to prevent or reduce violence against women and girls. These lessons are now informing our work in several sectors, and are captured in sector-specific resources in the VAWG Resource Guide: www.vawgresourceguide.org .

The World Bank’s  Global Platform on Addressing GBV in Fragile and Conflict-Affected Settings  facilitated South-South knowledge sharing through workshops and yearly learning tours, building evidence on what works to prevent GBV, and providing quality services to women, men, and child survivors.  The Platform included a $13 million cross-regional and cross-practice initiative, establishing pilot projects in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Nepal, Papua New Guinea, and Georgia, focused on GBV prevention and mitigation, as well as knowledge and learning activities.

The World Bank regularly convenes a wide range of development stakeholders to address violence against women and girls. For example, former WBG President Jim Yong Kim committed to an annual  Development Marketplace  competition, together with the Sexual Violence Research Initiative (SVRI) , to encourage researchers from around the world to build the evidence base of what works to prevent GBV. In April 2019, the World Bank awarded $1.1 million to 11 research teams from nine countries as a result of the fourth annual competition.

Addressing GBV in World Bank Group-financed operations

The World Bank supports both standalone GBV operations, as well as the integration of GBV interventions into development projects across key sectors.

Standalone GBV operations include:

• In August 2018, the World Bank committed $100 million to help prevent GBV in the DRC . The Gender-Based Violence Prevention and Response Project will reach 795,000 direct beneficiaries over the course of four years. The project will provide help to survivors of GBV, and aim to shift social norms by promoting gender equality and behavioral change through strong partnerships with civil society organizations. 
• In the  Great Lakes Emergency Sexual and Gender Based Violence & Women's Health Project , the World Bank approved $107 million in financial grants to Burundi, the DRC, and Rwanda  to provide integrated health and counseling services, legal aid, and economic opportunities to survivors of – or those affected by – sexual and gender-based violence. In DRC alone, 40,000 people, including 29,000 women, have received these services and support.
• The World Bank is also piloting innovative uses of social media to change behaviors . For example, in the South Asia region, the pilot program WEvolve  used social media  to empower young women and men to challenge and break through prevailing norms that underpin gender violence.

Learning from the Uganda Transport Sector Development Project and following the Global GBV Task Force’s recommendations , the World Bank has developed and launched a rigorous approach to addressing GBV risks in infrastructure operations:

• Guided by the GBV Good Practice Note launched in October 2018, the Bank is applying new standards in GBV risk identification, mitigation and response to all new operations in sustainable development and infrastructure sectors.
• These standards are also being integrated into active operations; GBV risk management approaches are being applied to a selection of operations identified high risk in fiscal year (FY) 2019.
• In the East Asia and Pacific region , GBV prevention and response interventions – including a code of conduct on sexual exploitation and abuse – are embedded within the Vanuatu Aviation Investment Project .
• The Liberia Southeastern Corridor Road Asset Management Project , where sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) awareness will be raised, among other strategies, as part of a pilot project to employ women in the use of heavy machinery. 
• The Bolivia Santa Cruz Road Corridor Project uses a three-pronged approach to address potential GBV, including a Code of Conduct for their workers; a Grievance Redress Mechanism (GRM) that includes a specific mandate to address any kinds gender-based violence; and concrete measures to empower women and to bolster their economic resilience by helping them learn new skills, improve the production and commercialization of traditional arts and crafts, and access more investment opportunities.
• The Mozambique Integrated Feeder Road Development Project identified SEA as a substantial risk during project preparation and takes a preemptive approach: a Code of Conduct; support to – and guidance for – the survivors in case any instances of SEA were to occur within the context of the project – establishing a “survivor-centered approach” that creates multiple entry points for anyone experiencing SEA to seek the help they need; and these measures are taken in close coordination with local community organizations, and an international NGO Jhpiego, which has extensive experience working in Mozambique.

Strengthening institutional efforts to address GBV  

In October 2016, the World Bank launched the  Global Gender-Based Violence Task Force  to strengthen the institution’s efforts to prevent and respond to risks of GBV, and particularly sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) that may arise in World Bank-supported projects. It builds on existing work by the World Bank and other actors to tackle violence against women and girls through strengthened approaches to identifying and assessing key risks, and developing key mitigations measures to prevent and respond to sexual exploitation and abuse and other forms of GBV. 

In line with its commitments under IDA 18 , the World Bank developed an Action Plan for Implementation of the Task Force’s recommendations , consolidating key actions across institutional priorities linked to enhancing social risk management, strengthening operational systems to enhance accountability, and building staff and client capacity to address risks of GBV through training and guidance materials.

As part of implementation of the GBV Task Force recommendations, the World Bank has developed a GBV risk assessment tool and rigorous methodology to assess contextual and project-related risks. The tool is used by any project containing civil works.

The World Bank has developed a Good Practice Note (GPN) with recommendations to assist staff in identifying risks of GBV, particularly sexual exploitation and abuse and sexual harassment that can emerge in investment projects with major civil works contracts. Building on World Bank experience and good international industry practices, the note also advises staff on how to best manage such risks. A similar toolkit and resource note for Borrowers is under development, and the Bank is in the process of adapting the GPN for key sectors in human development.

The GPN provides good practice for staff on addressing GBV risks and impacts in the context of the Environmental and Social Framework (ESF) launched on October 1, 2018, including the following ESF standards, as well as the safeguards policies that pre-date the ESF: 

• ESS 1: Assessment and Management of Environmental and Social Risks and Impacts;
• ESS 2: Labor and Working Conditions;
• ESS 4: Community Health and Safety; and
• ESS 10: Stakeholder Engagement and Information Disclosure.

In addition to the Good Practice Note and GBV Risk Assessment Screening Tool, which enable improved GBV risk identification and management, the Bank has made important changes in its operational processes, including the integration of SEA/GBV provisions into its safeguard and procurement requirements as part of evolving Environmental, Social, Health and Safety (ESHS) standards, elaboration of GBV reporting and response measures in the Environmental and Social Incident Reporting Tool, and development of guidance on addressing GBV cases in our grievance redress mechanisms.

In line with recommendations by the Task Force to disseminate lessons learned from past projects, and to sensitize staff on the importance of addressing risks of GBV and SEA, the World Bank has developed of trainings for Bank staff to raise awareness of GBV risks and to familiarize staff with new GBV measures and requirements.  These trainings are further complemented by ongoing learning events and intensive sessions of GBV risk management.

Last Updated: Sep 25, 2019

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Rethinking feminist approaches to gender-based violence

• May 20, 2024

Our Scholars

Ilaria Michelis talks about her research into gender-based violence, based on years of working in the humanitarian space

Knowledge alone is not enough to enact change. We need people to come together and push collectively to change things. We need to be able to develop tools that lead to meaningful action that changes some of the rules of the game. Ilaria Michelis

Ilaria Michelis [2019] was completely surprised when, earlier this year, she was awarded this year’s Journal of Gender Studies Janet Blackman Prize. The Prize celebrates scholarship on international feminist movements and trade unions/women in work. 

It was awarded for an article she published the year before in the Journal of Gender Studies based on an issue she covered in her PhD. Her article, Contesting gender: young women and feminist generations in gender-based violence services ,  argues that narratives of generational conflict, despite being frequently deployed by activists themselves, obfuscate a genuine struggle to redefine the subject of feminism and extend feminist solidarity to trans women and other marginalised groups. 

Ilaria says she was completely surprised by winning the prize. “It was my first academic article from my PhD and as such it was very validating that the work I am doing is resonating,” she says. She feels the current divisions about the trans issue are wrapped up in a generational discourse that allows each side to dismiss the other without allowing a space where genuine conversations about how feminism can evolve .  

The issue is not central to her PhD thesis, but at the heart of it is finding a space for different viewpoints. “We need to have more of these conversations,” says Ilaria, “so everyone remains engaged.”

Humanitarian work

Ilaria’s PhD grew out of her 11 years working in humanitarian response, with the UN and international NGOs, and her previous academic studies. Most of her humanitarian work was focused on violence against women and women’s empowerment. Ilaria, from Italy, has lived in the Middle East and East Africa and has travelled widely. Having been to school in the UK and studied in the UK during her undergraduate degree through the Erasmus programme and her first master’s in Development Management from the London School of Economics and Political Science , she knew the UK well. 

In 2018 she opted to do a second master’s at the University of Cambridge in the Sociology of Marginality and Exclusion where she focused on the humanitarian system and started questioning how the concepts of intersectionality and inclusion were being understood and used in the humanitarian sector. She felt they were being used to cut costs, whereas she felt good intersectional work required more resources and more specialised services rather than less.

“Instead of having experts on gender-based violence, disability, child protection or religious-based violence they would just have an inclusion expert who had to cover everything,” she says. “There is value in seeing connections between these areas, but that was not what they were trying to do. They wanted to spend less money and the results were that women had lower quality services and less voice.” That meant the most marginalised became more disenfranchised.

Cambridge research

For her PhD in Sociology, which she began in 2019, Ilaria wanted to further explore the need for an intersectional approach to support female survivors of violence, to reconsider feminist approaches to dealing with gender-based violence and recognise any blind spots to delivering appropriate services for a wide range of individuals.

Ilaria had wanted her PhD to involve participatory research, with her embedded in an organisation she had worked for before in a refugee camp in Uganda. However, due to Covid, she shifted to working in organisations in Italy and Serbia and a lot of her research was done online, although she did get some time for participatory observation in both places. The two organisations work with refugee and migrant women and women from their local communities who are survivors of human trafficking or other forms of gender- based violence, including intimate partner violence and forced marriage. 

Most of the staff in her study considered themselves to be secular, but there was a sense that they had not reflected on their own cultural background so they were unable to address religion in either a positive or negative way. There were also assumptions underlying how workers approached issues such as women who didn’t want to take legal action against the perpetrators of violence against them or chose to prioritise motherhood over economic independence. Western ideas about being a strong, independent woman meant workers might not understand some women’s decisions and might judge them, says Ilaria.

“They have their ideas about what a liberated woman looks like. It’s a colonial mindset and they can struggle to think in different ways,” she states. “Intersectionality helps to guide their analysis of a situation and their actions and serves as a principle for a more collaborative way of working.”

Intersectionality

By introducing the concept of intersectionality she believes new conversations can be initiated. “It’s a good tool to use to challenge very long established feminist principles and ways of doing this work and to point to the gaps that exist,” says Ilaria. “The idea is to make the work these organisations do better.”

For her it was important that she worked with the organisations to close the gaps between theory and practice. “Too often practitioners get tired of researchers saying this is wrong and then leaving,” she says. “Knowledge alone is not enough to enact change. We need people to come together and push collectively to change things. We need to be able to develop tools that lead to meaningful action that changes some of the rules of the game.”

She adds: “No-one goes into this line of work to be exclusionary. When you are working with survivors you are busy all day doing practical things such as helping with health and housing needs. You are exhausted and frustrated seeing all the barriers women face. You don’t have the time or the energy to focus on the big structural issues. I wanted to work out how we recognise that without letting it be an excuse.”

* Top picture: Marc Nozell from Merrimack, New Hampshire, USA, c/o Wikimedia commons .

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Ilaria Michelis [2019] was completely surprised when, earlier this year, she was awarded this year’s Journal of Gender Studies Janet Blackman Prize. The Prize celebrates scholarship on international feminist movements and trade unions/women in work.  It was awarded for an article she published the year before in the Journal of Gender Studies based on an issue […]

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Climate change is here, in Europe, and it kills. This is the warning of 69 contributors of the 2024 Europe report of the Lancet Countdown, published today in the Lancet Public Health and led by Gates Cambridge Scholar Kim Van Daalen [2018]. Tracking the links between climate change and health across the region, the new […]

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Prevalence and determinants of gender-based violence among high school female students in Wolaita Sodo, Ethiopia: an institutionally based cross-sectional study

• Temesgen Tantu 1 ,
• Sintayehu Wolka 2 ,
• Muluken Gunta 3 ,
• Million Teshome 4 ,
• Hangatu Mohammed 2 &
• Bereket Duko 5 , 6  

BMC Public Health volume  20 , Article number:  540 ( 2020 ) Cite this article

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Gender-based violence (GBV) often occurs in resource-limited settings such as Ethiopia. It could result in psychological and physical adverse outcomes such as stress, anxiety, depression, unsafe abortion, unwanted pregnancy, and sexually transmitted infections. This study aimed to assess the prevalence and factors associated with gender-based violence among female high school students in Wolaita Sodo, Ethiopia.

An institutionally based-cross-sectional study was conducted in Wolaita Sodo, Ethiopia. A total of 604 female high school students were recruited through multi-stage stratified sampling techniques. The gender-based-violence assessment tool, validated by the World Health Organization, was used to assess gender-based-violence and other determinants. The strength of statistical association was measured by adjusted odds ratios and 95% confidence intervals. Statistical significance was declared at p -value < 0.05.

The lifetime prevalence of GBV, sexual violence, and physical violence were found to be 63.2, 37.2, and 56.3%, respectively. The prevalence of sexual violence before and after joining the current school as well as in the current academic year were 30.5, 37.2, and 22% respectively. Having regular boy-friends (AOR = 2.02; 95% CI:1.07–3.79), being sexually active (AOR = 6.10; 95% CI: 2.49–14.92), having female or male friends who drink alcohol (AOR = 2.18; 95% CI:1.26–3.77), students witnessed their mothers being beaten by their partners or husband (AOR = 1.92; 95% CI:1.19–3.11) and joining public school (AOR = 1.74; 95% CI:1.11–2.76) were significantly associated with gender-based violence.

The prevalence of gender-based-violence was high. This needs a due concern from governmental, non-governmental and civic organizations as well as other responsible bodies to tackle factors associated with GBV in this study. Further large scale studies incorporating male students are warranted to elucidate the factors associated with GBV in Ethiopia.

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Gender-based violence (GBV) is not only referring to the use of one’s power deliberately towards individuals, groups or community thereby resulting in any type of injury but also includes violence against a person based on gender [ 1 , 2 , 3 ]. Globally, it has been incorporated into a different types of codes such as civil and criminal codes [ 3 ]. Gender-based violence is also defined as violence towards minority groups, individuals and/or communities solely based on their gender which can directly or indirectly result in psychological, physical and sexual traumas or injury as well as deprivation of their right as a human being [ 4 ].

The issue of gender-based violence has been existing for a long period and was detected in different socio-cultural and geographic areas [ 5 ]. The global conference on human rights that held in Vienna in 1993, delivered due concern to issues regarding female’s lives, psychological integrity, physical bodies and liberty [ 6 ]. Further, other similar conferences also recognized GBV as an obstacle to the achievement of equity, development, and peace [ 7 , 8 , 9 ].

The physical and psychological consequences secondary to sexual violence are not only limited to the victims but also result in negative impacts on the society and communities as well [ 7 , 8 , 9 ]. Furthermore, GBV also hinders the daily life activities of women. Considering its socio-cultural impact on many aspects of life, it has been stated that “neglecting the offense is as equal as violating the fundamental right of human” and which is not acceptable, regardless of its occurrence [ 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 ]. Finding from an epidemiological study also suggested that GBV could affect female students’ academic capabilities [ 10 ]. These could include poor or decreased attention to the class lectures, absent from the school and dropping out of their class. As a result, young girls are facing hindrances to continue their education as desired, affecting school enrolments, expected to yield and increased dropping outs from schools [ 10 , 11 ].

Previous studies conducted in Ethiopia are a few in number and reported inconsistent results. For example, in some studies, the prevalence of GBV ranges between 34 and 65% [ 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 ]. Further, some of the factors suggested to be associated with GBV are not explicitly adjusted in different previous studies. However, per our knowledge no study has been conducted in the study area. Therefore, this study aimed to determine the prevalence and identify factors associated with gender-based violence among female students in Wolaita Sodo, Ethiopia.

Study setting and population

An Institutionally based-cross-sectional study was employed among high school female students in Wolaita Sodo, Ethiopia. Wolaita Sodo is the administrative capital city of Wolaita zone in Southern Ethiopia, which is found at 329 KM of south of Addis Ababa, the capital city of Ethiopia. Based on the Ethiopian Demographic and Health Survey (EDHS) of 2011, it has the estimated population number of 76,050. There are seven high schools in the town. The study was conducted between in May 2017 and June 2017.

Sampling size and determination

Single population proportion formula was used to calculate the required sample size using the lifetime prevalence of physical violence among high school female students (29%) from the prior study mentioned elsewhere [ 13 ] considering 95% CI and 5% margin of error which resulted in a total of 633 students. We used a multi-stage stratified sampling techniques. First, the schools were stratified to private and public schools and then, we randomly selected four out of seven high schools. Proportion to population size sampling was used to allocate the students to their respective school and class. Lastly, systematic sampling technique was used to select students using students’ roster (name list) as a sampling frame. The total students (age  >  15 years) in each grade were divided by the allocated sample size for each grade to find the interval (K) and the 1st female students in each class was selected randomly using the lottery method. Twenty-nine students (29) were excluded from the study due to serious illness during the data collection period. The details of the sampling methods mentioned in Fig.  1 .

Diagrammatic presentation of sampling procedure on prevalence, consequences and associated factors of GBV in adolescent female high school student in Sodo town, Wolayta Zone, June 2018

Data collection instruments

The data was collected by trained data collectors and supervised on daily basis. Gender-Based Violence assessment tool, validated by the World Health Organization and adapted to Ethiopian context, was used to assess gender-based violence and other determinants of GBV [ 14 ]. This assessment tool along with other questionnaires was developed in the English language and then translated to Amharic language and back to the English language to ensure convenient information was retrieved. The tool consisted of socio demographic/background characteristics, family history, history of substances use and sexual history. A pre-test study before the actual data collection was done at Bodit secondary high school students. Then, we modified the questionnaire based on the feedback. Over-all the data collection tool was highly reliable in our pre-test with Cronbach’s alpha of 0.94.

Data processing and analyses

Data were checked for completeness and entered into Epi Info version 7 and then exported to SPSS version 20 for further data cleaning and analysis. Frequency distributions were obtained to check for data entry error (missing/unrecognized values and codes). Descriptive statistics, tables, graphs, means, and frequency distribution was used to present the information. The presence of an association between the independent and outcome variable was checked by the Pearson chi-square test. Additionally, each independent variable was fitted separately into bivariate logistic analysis to evaluate for the degree of association with gender-based violence and to check any variability between private and public school students. Also, a further degree of association was assessed by multivariate logistic regression on variables with p -values less than 0.25. The significance level was obtained with 95% CI and p -value < 0.05 to evaluate the degree of association between factors and GBV.

Socio-economic and demographic characteristics

A total of 604 out of 633 students were participated in the study giving a response rate of 95.4%. The mean age ( + SD) of the study participants was 17.08 ± 1.5 years. Of 604 students included in the study, 471 (78%) were from public schools and 417 (69%) were from Wolayta Sodo town. Among the respondents; 436 (72.2%) were grown in an urban setting, 455 (75.3%) were living with their parents, 26 (4.3%) were married and 206 (34.1%) had a boyfriend (Table  1 ).

Family history

Among students included this study; 438 (70.8%) were whose mothers were attended formal education, 238 (39.4%) reported that they were from families/guardian with good-income and 149 (24.7%) witnessed parental violence as a child (i.e. their mothers were beaten by a husband or male partner when they were child) (Table  2 ).

Substance abuse and related behaviors

The lifetime history of chewing chat (khat, Catha edulis ), smoking cigarette/tobacco, drinking alcohol and use of “ganja” was reported by 66 (10.9%), 49 (8.1%), 77 (12.7%) and 32(5.3%) of the respondents respectively (Table  3 ).

Sexual experiences

Of the total 604 students, 232 (28.4%) had regular boyfriends and 115 (19%) reported that they practiced sexual intercourse at least once in their life. The rate of involving in unintentional sexual intercourse was reported by 95 (79.2%) of students that practiced sexual intercourse at least once in their life. The mean age ( + SD) for having the first sexual intercourse were found to be 15.8 ± 1.5 years and the mean age ( + SD) for with whom sexual intercourse did was 22.2 ± 4.6 years with an average of around 7 years above the participants (Table  4 ).

The magnitude of GBV

The lifetime prevalence of GBV, sexual violence, and physical violence were found to be 63.2, 37.2, and 56.3%, respectively. Prevalence of GBV before joining the school, after joining the school and during the current academic year are 355(58.8%), 288(47.7%) and 254 (42.1%) respectively. Prevalence of sexual violence before and after joining the current school and in the current academic year were 30.5, 37.2, and 22% respectively.

Physical violence and implications

Of all respondents, 341(56.3%) reported physical violence once in their lifetime. Among respondents 306(50.7%) reported that violence happened before joining the school, 248 (41.1%) after joining the school and 208 (34.4%) sustained during this academic year (Fig.  2 ).

Victims of physical violence among high school female students, June 2018

Sexual violence

The lifetime prevalence of sexual violence among female students was found to be 37.2%, while sexual violence before joining the school, after joining the school and the current academic year was reported as 184 (30.5%), 147(24.3%) and 133(22%) respectively. The lifetime prevalence of complete rape was 112 (18.5%). Similarly, the report of complete rape; before joining and after joining the school and the current academic year were reported as 69(11.4%), 58(9.6%) and 32(5.3%) respectively (Table  5 ).

Perpetrators of gender-based violence

According to this study, the offenders of physical violence were family members /other relatives 177(50.2%), students 66(18.7%), teachers 45(12.7%), husbands/boyfriends/partner 45(12.7%) and strange 20(5.7%). However, in case of perpetrators of sexual violence, the boyfriend/husband takes the lead 57(28.9%), family members/ other relatives 42(21.2%), students 39(19. 8%), stranger 31 (15.7%) teachers 20(10.2%). Therefore, the report suggested that 80 and 94% of perpetrators were known by the victims during sexual and physical violence respectively.

Consequences of sexual violence

There was lots of reported health, psychological and other complications associated with sexual violence. Complications like: rejection from family 37(25.5%), rejection from friends/peers 34 (23.4%), poor academic achievement/ failure to continue the school 25(17.2%), withdrawal from schools 22(15.2%), alcohol dependency 9(6.2%), having multiple sexual partners 7(4.8%), sexual dependency/abuse 6(4.1%) and others 5 (3.4%) (Fig.  3 ).

Consequence of gender-based violence among high school female students, June 2018

Factors related to gender-based violence

Initially, bivariate logistic regression was conducted to identify variables found to be associated with GBV. Next, multivariate logistic regression analysis was employed to identify factors associated with GBV (Table  6 ). Multivariate analysis indicated that a female who had boyfriends (AOR = 2.022; 95% CI: 1.08–3.79) and who are sexually active (AOR = 6.10; 95% CI: 2.49–14.92) were two and six times more faced GBV as compared to those who didn’t have any sexual partner and start sexual intercourse respectively. Students who had female or male friends who drink alcohol were two times (AOR = 2.18; 95% CI: 1.26–3.77) more likely to experience GBV when compared to their counter parts. Similarly, female students who witnessed their mothers were being beaten by their partners were more likely to experience GBV as compared to those who didn’t witness any paternal violence (AOR = 1.92; 95% CI: 1.19–3.11). And also joining public school was found as a risk factor for GBV with AOR = 1.74 (95% CI: 1.10–2.76).

This study was conducted to investigate the prevalence and factors associated with gender-based-violence among female high school students in Wolaita Sodo, Ethiopia. The lifetime prevalence of gender-based violence, sexual violence, and physical violence was 63.8, 37.2, and 56.2% respectively. The prevalence of GBV before joining the school, after joining the school and during the current academic year were 355 (58.8%), 288 (47.7%) and 254 (42.1%) respectively.

The lifetime prevalence of gender-based-violence among female students was in agreement with other previous studies conducted in Ethiopia and the pooled estimated prevalence of gender-based violence among adolescents attending higher educations in sub-Saharan African countries [ 12 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 ]. For example, a cross-sectional study conducted to assess the prevalence and factors associated with gender-based-violence among high school students residing in rural areas of Hadiya zone in Ethiopia reported 62.2% [ 15 ]. Further, a recent systematic review and meta-analysis that investigated the prevalence of gender-based-violence among female students attending schools in sub-Saharan Africa also showed a much similar report [ 16 ]. However, the prevalence of GBV in this study was higher than the study conducted in Hawassa, Ethiopia that reported 24.4% [ 19 ] and a result of a meta-analysis conducted in 2018 [ 20 ]. The lifetime prevalence of sexual violence among female students in the current study (37.2%) was in-line with the findings from studies conducted in Ethiopia [ 16 , 21 , 22 ]. In contrast, an institutionally-based-cross-sectional study that included female students from schools in Addis Ababa and Western Shewa to investigate the prevalence of sexual violence reported 74.4% [ 23 ]. This is also supported by finding from a study conducted among female students at Ambo University in Ethiopia that indicated 76.4% of female students have at least one incident of sexual coercion [ 24 ]. The lifetime and current prevalence of physical violence was 56.3 and 34.4% respectively. These findings were in agreement with the result of another community-based study [ 25 ]. However, these findings were lower than the results from the institution-based cross-sectional studies conducted in Debre Markos [ 17 ] and Jimma University students [ 13 ], but much higher than a study finding from Mekelle in Ethiopia that reported 26.4% [ 18 ]. The variation in the prevalence of gender-based violence, sexual and physical violence may due to the difference in the study population (university students versus high-school students), socio-demographic characteristics, different definitions used for gender-based-violence, sexual and physical violence, sample size included in the study, data-collection methods used (self-administered versus interviewer-administered) and study design and setting (community-based versus institution-based).

Students who had regular boyfriends or partners were more likely to have gender-based violence when compared to their counterparts. This is also supported by a study conducted in Medawellabu University [ 26 ] and other studies mentioned elsewhere [ 25 ] which reported that a high prevalence of intimate partner violence. For example, a cross-sectional study conducted to investigate factors associated with sexual violence among female students reported a similar result [ 26 ]. This may be due to these students can spend time in private places where her boy-friend or partner forces them for unintentional sexual activity. This is also supported by studies that showed forced sexual activity is more likely to happen in the later stages of a dating relationship [ 27 ]. Additional studies also reported that the most frequently reported rapists to be a boyfriend or partner [ 28 , 29 ].

The odds of having gender-based-violence were six and two times higher in students who witnessed their mothers being beaten by their partners or husband and started sexual intercourse when compared to those who did not respectively. This is also complemented by other previous studies that reported a strong association between witnessing parental gender-based-violence during childhood period and gender-based-violence at their later adolescence ages [ 18 , 26 , 30 , 31 ]. A meta-analysis conducted to assess the association between child witnesses to domestic violence and child problems in the later age reported much similar result [ 32 ].

Students attending their classes at private schools were less likely to have physical violence when compared to their counterparts. This may be due to strictness of rules and obligations at private schools which is usually not the case in the public schools as well as poor management of students due to large number may be contributed to this variation.

The odds of having gender-based-violence were two times higher in students who had friends (male or female) drink alcohol when compared to students who did not have friends who drink either. This is consistent with findings from the studies in Mekele [ 18 ], Western Ethiopia and Addis Ababa University in which sexual violence was associated with having friends who drink alcohol [ 31 , 33 , 34 ]. Drinking alcohol could result in poor judgment and predispose female students to either physical violence or sexual violence.

This study also found that the social, physical and psychological consequences of gender-based-violence. Gender-based-violence resulted in several social problems (rejection from the school and sexual dependency) and, health-related problems such as unwanted pregnancy, abortions, vaginal discharge, and injury to genitals and psychological complications such as self-blame, anxiety to the extent of having suicidal attempt. Further, family members/relatives and boyfriends/husbands take the frontline perpetrators of gender-based-violence which is in line with another previous study that suggested intimate partners were leaders in violence [ 35 ]. Although almost all perpetrators were known by the victims, less than 38% were brought to the legal body which calls for further interventions by stakeholders.

Strength and limitation of the study

The nature of the study design i.e. cross-sectional study, it will not tell us time association between the factors and the outcome variables. The burden of the problem may be underestimated since there are dropouts and absentee from the victims.

The prevalence of gender-based violence was high in the study area. This study recruited large sample size and hence it can be generalizable to other similar cities in the country. Having regular boy-friends, being sexually active, having female or male friends who drink alcohol, witnessed while their mothers being beaten by their partners and joining public school were significantly associated with gender-based-violence. This needs a due concern from governmental, non-governmental and civic organizations as well as other responsible bodies to tackle factors that are being identified in the study area. Further large scale studies incorporating male students are warranted to elucidate the factors associated with GBV in Ethiopia.

Availability of data and materials

All relevant data are within the paper. Raw data can be accessible from the first and last author upon reasonable request.

Abbreviations

• Gender-based violence

Intimate partner violence against women

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Acknowledgements

The authors appreciate the College of Medicine and Health Sciences, Hawassa University, Ethiopia for funding the study. We would like to thank respective high school directors, teachers and other staffs for their genuine help during data collection.

The study data collection was funded by College of Medicine and Health Sciences, Hawassa University, Ethiopia. The funding body has no role in the design of the study and collection, analysis, and interpretation of data and in writing the manuscript.

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Temesgen Tantu

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Sintayehu Wolka & Hangatu Mohammed

Wolaita Zone Health Department, Wolaita Sodo, Ethiopia

Muluken Gunta

Faculty of Medical Sciences, College of Medicine and Health Sciences, Hawassa University, Hawassa, Ethiopia

Million Teshome

Faculty of Health Sciences, College of Medicine and Health Sciences, Hawassa University, Hawassa, Ethiopia

Bereket Duko

School of Public Health, Curtin University, Perth, Australia

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TT, SW and MT were responsible for the formulation and designing of the research topic, acquisition of data and data analysis, interpretation of results and drafting of the manuscript. MG and HM supervised the data collection process and data analysis, writing as well as the review of the drafted manuscript. BD involved in the analysis, write-up and drafting the manuscript as well as editing the document for proof reading. All authors had full access to all the data in the study and take responsibility for the integrity of the data and the accuracy of the analysis. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

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Tantu, T., Wolka, S., Gunta, M. et al. Prevalence and determinants of gender-based violence among high school female students in Wolaita Sodo, Ethiopia: an institutionally based cross-sectional study. BMC Public Health 20 , 540 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-020-08593-w

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What is the impact of gender-based violence on families?

Thank you for this question. When a family member experiences gender-based violence, the trauma can create a ripple effect that impacts the entire family. For those who witnessed the violence firsthand, the impact can be particularly severe. Children who grow up in a home where violence occurs may experience a range of emotional and behavioral problems , including fear, anxiety, aggression, and difficulty forming healthy attachments. They may also be at higher risk of experiencing violence in their own relationships later in life. In addition, family members who witness violence against a loved one can experience a profound sense of powerlessness and helplessness, as well as guilt and shame for not being able to prevent the abuse. 

Even family members who did not directly witness the violence can experience secondary trauma as they support the survivor in the aftermath. Holding space for a loved one's pain and trauma can be emotionally exhausting and can lead to feelings of anger, frustration, and helplessness. Family members may struggle with how to best support the survivor while also processing their own emotions and experiences. They may also be impacted by institutional betrayal , as they witness systems not supporting their loved ones in the ways that they need.

The impact of trauma can also extend beyond the immediate family to include extended family members, friends, and even entire communities. The shame and stigma associated with gender-based violence can make it difficult for survivors and their loved ones to reach out for help and can lead to social isolation and disconnection.

It's important for family members to recognize that healing from trauma is a long and difficult process that requires patience, understanding, and support. Seeking professional help, such as therapy or counseling, can be crucial for both the survivor and their loved ones. It's also important for family members to prioritize their own self-care and to seek out support systems, such as support groups or community resources, to help them navigate the challenges of supporting a survivor.

Ultimately, breaking the cycle of violence requires a collective effort that involves not only supporting survivors and their families but also working to change societal norms and attitudes that perpetuate gender-based violence. By acknowledging the ripple effects of gender-based violence, we can better understand the magnitude of these harms and can more effectively work to repair and heal within our communities. 

Related Questions

Is it still considered sexual assault if i was never touched but i felt pressured to sexually touch the other person when i didn’t want to, i was sexually abused by three older girls when i was 6-9 years old, and as a result, i acted out sexually against my younger sister when i was 10. i deeply regret my actions and want to tell my parents and apologize to my sister, but i'm afraid of losing my family and facing legal consequences. what should i do, when i was 8, my 9-year-old cousin convinced me that certain sexually inappropriate behaviors were normal between girls. i don't have many memories of the incidents, but i remember some parts clearly. months later, she tried to get me to engage in these behaviors with our younger cousin, who was 4 or 5 at the time. thankfully, our parents found out before anything more serious happened. most of the family made jokes about the situation, but one aunt kindly explained to me why it was wrong and that children should never touch each other in those ways. the older cousin seems to be doing alright now, but i'm not entirely sure. the younger cousin appears normal on the outside, but she has been pressured to date and refuses. i don't know if this is related to what happened. i hope all three of us can heal from this experience, but i feel incredibly guilty. i keep worrying about what might have happened if our parents hadn't intervened or if something worse occurred that i can't remember. am i both a victim and a perpetrator in this situation, for immediate help, contact the rainn national sexual assault hotline, 1-800-656-4673, free. confidential. 24/7, for updates & more.

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Ending Gender-Based Violence

CDC affirms its commitment to preventing and responding to violence during the 16 Days of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence campaign. The campaign is observed annually from November 25 to December 10.

With support from the U.S. President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), CDC works with partners in 46 countries to achieve global targets to end the HIV epidemic. Although progress is being made, some people, including adolescent girls and young women, bear a disproportionate burden of HIV.

Women with a history of physical and/or sexual abuse are more likely to be living with HIV, especially if that abuse started during childhood. HIV-related stigma, discrimination, and violence restrict access to prevention and treatment services for those most at risk. These challenges serve as persistent barriers to ending the HIV epidemic.

Violence against youth is also a global public health problem. One in eight young people reported having experienced sexual abuse. The results can be devastating—leading to long-term psychological, social, and physical harm.

Violence prevention and response for youth is a global priority . It is complementary to efforts to eliminate all barriers to HIV treatment and prevention and accelerate progress toward ending the HIV epidemic.

What is gender-based violence?‎

The 2023 campaign highlighted the urgent call to " End inequalities. End HIV ." by breaking down barriers posed by gender disparities and violence. Stories featured had a keen focus on:

• Engaging young people for youth-led solutions to address stigma
• Strengthening youth's skills and economic empowerment
• Using Violence Against Children and Youth data to create actions that measurably reduce violence
• Focusing on health equity by putting people at the center of our efforts

Starting with the 16 Days of Activism, we invite you to explore the stories and learn how CDC works with our local partners to and respond to gender-based violence as part of our commitment to end inequalities and end AIDS. By amplifying voices worldwide, CDC aims to continue to increase awareness of gender-based violence—and ultimately save lives.

Empowering Young People in Mozambique and Zambia

Empowering Women through Visual Storytelling

Additional resources

Renewed Focus on Ending Gender-Based Violence to End HIV/AIDS

Global Health

CDC's Global Health Center works 24/7 to reduce illness and respond to health threats worldwide.

The Scorching Intersection: Heatwaves, Gender, And India’s Marginalised Communities

As the Earth’s temperature continues to rise, the impacts of extreme heat are far from gender-neutral. Women, transgender individuals, and other gender minorities bear a disproportionate brunt of this intensifying crisis, facing heightened risks to their health, livelihoods, and safety. In India, the intersection of gender inequalities and climate change is particularly stark, exacerbating existing vulnerabilities and threatening to reverse decades of hard-won progress.

The staggering projections for heat-related deaths among women in India by 2050 serve as a sobering wake-up call. With an estimated 73,500 annual fatalities, and a staggering potential of 131,000 deaths during exceptionally hot years, the toll on women’s lives is nothing short of catastrophic. These figures are not mere statistics; they represent individuals and sometimes sole bread earners.

The reasons behind women’s heightened susceptibility to extreme heat are multifaceted, rooted in both physiological differences and deeply entrenched sociocultural norms. From a biological standpoint, women’s generally smaller body mass and lower sweat rates compared to men render them more prone to heat-related illnesses and dehydration. Additionally, the burdens of pregnancy and menstruation can further exacerbate these vulnerabilities, placing pregnant persons and menstruators at even greater risk.

However, the challenges extend far beyond the realm of physiology. Limited access to healthcare, inadequate nutrition, and the disproportionate burden of unpaid domestic labour all contribute to the compounded risks faced by women. In rural areas and among marginalised communities, these barriers are often amplified, leaving women with fewer resources to cope with the escalating impacts of heat stress.

The discomfort index and the rise of gender-based violence

The level of discomfort a person feels due to the combined effects of heat and humidity is known as the ‘ discomfort index .’ As global temperatures rise, coastal regions across the global south, including India, are experiencing record-breaking heatwaves and a significant increase in this index.

In February 2023, India experienced its hottest February since 1901, while July 2023 broke records as the hottest July on Earth. These extreme conditions have pushed the discomfort index to alarming levels.

This index is a measure of heat-driven stress and anxiety, reflecting the emotional and physiological responses to varying levels of heat and humidity. With land temperatures rising, more water evaporates from oceans, leading to higher humidity levels in coastal areas. This imbalance between land and sea temperatures creates an oppressive combination of heat and humidity, resulting in soaring discomfort index readings.

Prolonged exposure to such conditions can lead to a range of health hazards, from minor issues like headaches, irritability, and anxiety to more severe problems like acute dehydration, climate disparity, and even violence . A South Asia-based study published in the journal JAMA Psychiatry looked at an alarming pattern across three countries, India, Pakistan, and Nepal between 2018-18, wherein it was found that an increase in temperatures has led to a substantial rise in domestic violence against women.

The research established a significant association between high heat index born out of various extreme climatic conditions like high temperature, rising humidity levels, and high levels of hygroscopic pressure, factors that also directly link to discomfort index, and the frequency and prevalence of gender-based violence, majorly intimate partner violence (IPV). With every one-degree Celsius rise in annual mean temperature and rise in real-time real-feel temperatures in regions, an increase of more than 6.3 per cent in incidents of physical and sexual domestic violence was noted across the three countries.

According to the study, India is projected to witness the highest IPV prevalence in the 2090s among the three countries with 23.5 per cent when compared to Nepal (14.8 per cent) and Pakistan (5.9 per cent). If emissions are not controlled, IPV prevalence caused by erratic heat levels could increase by as much as 21 per cent by the end of this century in India.

Mewat’s double whammy of heat and anaemia 

The rural district of Mewat in Haryana offers a sobering glimpse into the intersection of extreme heat, gender inequality, and socioeconomic vulnerabilities. According to the National Family Health Survey 5 (2019-21), a staggering 68.6 per cent of women aged 15-49 and 79.9 per cent of pregnant women in the same age group are anaemic in Mewat. This nutritional deficiency, coupled with the intense physical labour required in agriculture under scorching temperatures, has led to severe health consequences, including life-threatening cases of heatstroke and severe anaemia requiring hospitalisation.

Miskena, a 35-year-old mother of four from Mewat, exemplifies this struggle. With a haemoglobin level of 8.5 grams per deciliter (below the normal range of 12-16 g/dL), she breastfeeds her nine-month-old son while toiling in the fields for seven to eight hours daily under the relentless heat. ‘ It’s hard. I’m constantly exhausted and get these tingling sensations all over my body ,’ she laments, highlighting the toll of this dual burden.

Tragically, her story is not unique, as countless other women like Satram, 22, have faced similar ordeals, narrowly escaping death due to their anaemic conditions exacerbated by the relentless heat.

According to Dr Anita Shankar, a leading gynaecologist in the region, ‘ The combination of extreme heat, physical labour, and anaemia creates a perfect storm of health risks for these women. We’ve seen a sharp rise in cases of heat exhaustion, dehydration, and even organ failures among anaemic women in Mewat during heatwaves .’

The impacts of this crisis extend beyond physical health. Suniti Gargi, an activist and former employee of Uttar Pradesh’s Commission for Women, highlights the economic stress caused by heat waves. ‘If a man can migrate to another state to get work, it can help keep the home fires burning, but when he cannot, for whatever reason, his wife is often at the receiving end of his anger and feelings of uselessness ,’ she explains, underscoring the link between economic hardship and domestic violence.

The invisible struggles of the Hijra community

Within the intricate tapestry of gender identities in India, the Hijra community – a historic and culturally recognised third gender – faces unique and often overlooked challenges in the face of climate crises like extreme heat. Historically ostracised and relegated to the fringes of society, many Hijras struggle with poverty, lack of access to basic services, and discrimination, rendering them acutely vulnerable to the impacts of rising temperatures.

The precarious living conditions of many Hijras, often in overcrowded and poorly ventilated spaces without access to reliable cooling systems, create a perfect storm of risk during heat waves. The stigma and marginalisation they endure can also impede their ability to seek medical attention or access support services, further exacerbating the health consequences of heat exposure.

The Civilian Welfare Foundation (CWF), an NGO based in the east Indian city of Kolkata, is studying the medical problems faced by transgender people in urban areas and the healthcare they receive. CWF’s study found that clinics in Kolkata asked transgender patients to visit early in the morning or late at night when they were less likely to come into contact with other patients.

Moreover, the Hijra community’s reliance on traditional occupations such as begging and performing at public events heightens their vulnerability during extreme heat conditions. With limited opportunities for alternative livelihoods, many Hijras are forced to brave the scorching temperatures, putting their health and safety at risk to secure their daily sustenance. A large percentage of Hijras in India rely on begging or ritualistic performances as their primary source of income.

The unequal burden of heat

As India grapples with the escalating crisis of extreme heat, it is imperative to recognise and address the multifaceted challenges faced by women, transgender individuals, and other gender minorities. Failing to do so not only undermines their fundamental rights and dignity but also jeopardises the nation’s collective resilience and ability to adapt to the rapidly changing climate.  

As India strives to tackle this formidable challenge, it is crucial to recognise that the battle against extreme heat is not merely a matter of survival but a fight for justice, equality, and the preservation of human dignity for all, regardless of gender identity or expression.

Addressing this intersection of vulnerabilities requires a multidimensional approach that integrates gender-sensitive policies, inclusive healthcare access, targeted support for marginalised communities, and robust measures to combat gender-based violence. Promoting gender equality, enhancing access to education and economic opportunities, and fostering greater social inclusion are critical steps towards building a more equitable and resilient society.

Additionally, amplifying the voices and leadership of women, transgender individuals, and other gender minorities in climate change adaptation and mitigation efforts is essential. Their lived experiences and unique perspectives can inform more effective and inclusive solutions, ensuring that no one is left behind in the fight against the escalating impacts of extreme heat and climate change.

Fat, neuro-diverse, and queer are the foremost words Sahil uses to describe themselves. A full-time undergraduate student of Economics at the University of Delhi, Sahil is a Laadli Media awardee of 2023. They are also a recipient of the Reliance Undergraduate Scholar for 2023 and various prestigious fellowships including Global Citizen Year Academy ’22 and Civics Unplugged (Civics Innovator Fellowship ’22). Sahil regularly writes for Thred Media, and also for Youth Ki Awaaz as an alumnus of the Justice-Makers WTP ’22.

Sahil is part of UNICEF India’s YuWaah Young People’s Action Team (YPAT) 2023 and the YLAC Ambassador for Delhi.

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