cause and effect essay about dropping out of school

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Dropping Out of School Causes, Consequences, and Solutions

Written on November 3, 2021 . Posted in High School Dropout Prevention .

Roughly, a staggering one million students drop out each year , and nearly half of all African Americans, Hispanics, and Native Americans fail to graduate. Dropping out of school can have severe consequences for students both immediately and far into their futures. 86% of high school students graduate, according to the national average. The other 14% disproportionately affects low-income communities with higher dropout rates and less opportunity to improve their situation in the future.

This article will cover some of the reasons why so many students are dropping out of school, the risk factors, and how to prevent this epidemic.

High School Students

Student success towards high school graduation is a goal for most high schools. They aim for higher school rankings and test scores, support students in their extracurricular activities, and dial in on the specific skills of each student. Many schools offer career coaching to students, encouraging them to go on to community college or to become college students, but many students drop out due to family obligations, lack of community resources, and even poorer health.

High School Diploma

Earning a high school diploma has become essential to the financial success of people living in the United States, and attaining a high school diploma is often the first step towards future goals for students. Whether that be going on to four-year universities, community colleges, or the workforce.

Many jobs will not hire students without a high school diploma and the military will not take students without a GED (General Educational Development). The General Educational Development tests are a group of four subject tests which, when passed, provide certification that the test taker has United States or Canadian high school-level academic skills. It is an alternative to the US high school diploma.

Earning a High School Diploma

High school graduates earn their high school diploma as a marker of their academic achievement, typically at the end of their fourth school year. A typical school day is about 6-7hrs long and has the potential to engage students, provide students with new experiences and field trips they wouldn’t have otherwise, and keep the school’s dropout rate at bay.

High School Dropouts

Dropping out means leaving high school, college, university, or another group for practical reasons, necessities, inability, or disillusionment with the system from which the individual in question leaves.

Lack of Resources

Many high schools are without the resources necessary to provide the support students need. Especially high-risk students whose parents may have lower-paying jobs and need help from their children to support their other family members. These students often lack the agency to focus on school. Needing to leave school for work is just one aspect contributing to the dropout rate.

Failing Grades

More than 27% of students say that they leave school because they are failing too many classes. Without enough passing grades and/or credits than required, students start to become discouraged and resigned to the idea that school just isn’t for them, adding to the dropout crisis.

Nearly 26% report boredom as a contributing factor. About 26% also say that they dropped out to become caregivers, and more than 20% say that school simply wasn’t relevant to their lives. Only a small percentage say that they drop out because of school life, ineffective teachers, residential instability, mental health issues, or getting kicked out of school.

Dropping Out of School Causes, Consequences and Solutions

Risk factors.

Researchers have connected many of these factors of at-risk students and lower high school graduation rates to socio-economic status. Low-income students from low-income areas are 2.4 times more likely to drop out of school than those from middle-income neighborhoods. When students need to worry about necessities like food, shelter, and safety, they cannot expend energy on school.

Consequences

There are enormous consequences for dropouts, their families, and their communities. Young adults with a high-school degree earn 25 percent more than those without one, and this divide lasts a lifetime. A high school graduate’s lifetime income is 50 to 100 percent higher than a dropout’s.

While individuals cannot control many of the factors that contribute to students dropping out of high school, they can do some things to help students succeed.

Considering more than 27% of high school dropouts say that they were failing too many classes, it makes sense that a large portion of dropout prevention may focus on parent involvement and educators giving at-risk students more opportunities to learn course materials and get better grades. This may involve after-school tutoring, more active learning, finding a mentor through community centers, or helping students to find out and understand a potential learning disability that may make academic success more challenging.

Family Involvement

Parental involvement can also contribute to student success simply by staying involved in education. Staying involved may include checking in with teachers, making extracurricular events a family engagement, and making plans for what their children would like to do after graduation. Establishing academic expectations, such as going to college, can influence how students perceive their goals.

Students enrolled in sports and extracurricular activities correlate with a higher high school graduation rate as well as student retention. Young people stay in school when they have something to look forward to and that is meaningful to them.

National Dropout Prevention Center

The National Dropout Prevention Center (NDPC) offers topical videos and virtual professional development to support schools and educators. Approaches to school dropout prevention include providing helpful resources and improving the learning process for students early on.

Early Education

Birth-to-five interventions demonstrate that providing a child additional enrichment can enhance brain development. The most effective way to reduce the number of children who will ultimately drop out is to provide the best possible classroom instruction and perform an education evaluation from the beginning of their school experience through the primary grades.

Technical Education

For older students, a focus on technical education can be a great approach. A quality technical education program and a related guidance program are essential to improve students’ educational experience and often lead to greater student retention, test scores, and graduation rates. School-to-work programs recognize that youth need specific skills to prepare them to measure up to the larger demands of today’s workplace and can help improve poor attendance as students find their classes to be more relevant to their real lives.

Alternative High School

Alternative schooling provides potential dropouts with a variety of options that can lead to graduation, with programs paying special attention to the student’s individual social needs and academic requirements for a high school diploma.

At the Rose Academies Charter Schools, we have had an alternative approach to high school education for over 20 years. Our goal is to help students who have fallen behind to become high school graduates. As students drop out of school, students drop out of a number of opportunities we think are too valuable to forgo.

Credit Recovery

Oftentimes when students drop a class, they are failing what is required for graduation and so are then required to complete a whole additional year of schooling. At Rose Academies, we offer a credit recovery program where students only take the credits they need for graduation. This encourages students to stay the course of their education, especially when students lack the time to devote an entire additional year in full-time school.

Flexible Scheduling

Due to the fact that so many students need to or choose to work throughout their high school experience, Rose Academies offer flexible scheduling options. Each student can choose a five-hour-long session offered three different times throughout the day. We find that some school policies and the rigidity of curriculum other schools can be discouraging for students whose lives don’t fit that of typical high school students, and we aim to give each and every one of our students the opportunity to succeed.

Reaching Graduation

The high school dropout rate is in constant flux for young people, but here at Rose Academies, we help to prevent students from feeling the need to contribute to the dropout rate with a focus on individual students.

To separate our charter school from traditional education we focus on what high school students want: a small, friendly environment that puts an emphasis on personalized needs. Because of that, all of our teachers are caring guides who work with their students on an individualized basis, in engaging classrooms, to help them meet and exceed all of their goals.

Beyond being a charter school Tucson can trust, Rose Academies help provide continued success after high school for young adults. Our Rose Personal Progress Planners can help students set and achieve post-graduation goals on a continued basis, long after they have left our campuses.

Dropping out of school should never be an option or last resort. We invite you to learn more by continuing to explore our website and see the Rose difference for yourself!

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Why Students Drop Out

Even though school completion rates have continually grown during much of past 100 years, dropping out of school persists as a problem that interferes with educational system efficiency and the most straightforward and satisfying route to individual educational goals for young people. Doll, Eslami, and Walters (2013) present data from seven nationally representative studies (spanning more than 50 years) regarding reasons students drop out of high school. Some excerpts are presented below in tables; however, for a complete discussion, please see the original article: “ Understanding Why Students Drop Out of High School, According to Their Own Reports ”

The selected tables are presented in opposite order than they appear in the article so as to present the most recent data first. Note also that survey questions varied from study to study (database to database) so caution should be taken in making comparisons across years and studies.

Included in the tables presented is an analysis of whether the reasons presented are considered “push,” “pull,” or “falling out” factors. The following briefly presents an explanation from Doll et al. (2013).

Jordan et al. (1994) explained pressures on students of push and pull dropout factors. A student is pushed out when adverse situations within the school environment lead to consequences, ultimately resulting in dropout. . . . [S]tudents can be pulled out when factors inside the student divert them from completing school. . . . Watt and Roessingh (1994) added a third factor called falling out of school, which occurs when a student does not show significant academic progress in schoolwork and becomes apathetic or even disillusioned with school completion. It is not necessarily an active decision, but rather a “side-effect of insufficient personal and educational support” (p. 293).

The National Dropout Prevention Center (NDPC) exists to support those who work to improve student success and graduation rates. NDPC offers a wide range of resources and services to schools, districts, regional agencies, and states. Contact NDPC by (email:  [email protected]  or phone: (864-642-6372.).

Featured Resources

Special Report / Why Students Drop Out

The top five, what could help.

• Make school more engaging through real-world, experiential learning. Students want to see the connection between school and work.
• Improve instruction and supports for struggling learners. These include better teachers, smaller classes, more individualized instruction, more tutoring, and extra time with teachers.
• Improve school climate. A majority of students believed that schools need greater supervision and classroom discipline. More than half said schools should do more to protect students from violence.
• Ensure that students have a relationship with at least one adult in the school. Only 56 percent of students said that they could go to a staff person for help with school problems; only 41 percent said that they could talk to an adult in school about personal problems.
• Improve communication between parents and schools. Fewer than half of students said that their schools contacted them or their parents when they were absent or had dropped out.

.css-191dech{margin-top:16px;margin-bottom:16px;display:-webkit-box;display:-webkit-flex;display:-ms-flexbox;display:flex;} .css-12z0wuy{margin-right:8px;} • .css-16w6vyg{margin:0;font-family:'Poppins',sans-serif;font-weight:400;font-size:0.875rem;line-height:1.43;font-size:1rem;font-weight:400;line-height:1.625rem;letter-spacing:0.2px;} 1 Swanson, C. B. (2004). Who graduates? Who doesn't? A statistical portrait of public high school graduation, Class of 2001 . Washington, DC: The Urban Institute.

• 2 The Silent Epidemic: Perspectives of High School Dropouts is available at www.gatesfoundation.org/nr/downloads/ed/TheSilentEpidemic3-06FINAL.pdf .

Amy Azzam has contributed to Educational Leadership.

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By Matthew Lynch

While high school dropout percentages in the U.S. are much lower today than they were a few decades ago, there is still a lot of room for improvement. So what are the underlying causes? And how does every student who does not earn a high school diploma hurt society as a whole?  My hope is that in discovering shared traits among dropouts, we can achieve higher high school graduation rates as a nation.

Why are students dropping out?

One unchanging factor when it comes to the dropout rate is socioeconomic background. Since the National Center for Education Statistics first started tracking different groups of high school students in the late 1960s, the socioeconomic status of each pupil has impacted the graduation rate. Students from low-income families are 2.4 times more likely to drop out than middle-income kids , and over 10 times more likely than high-income peers to drop out.

Household income is the not the only disadvantage many dropouts have, though. Students with learning or physical disabilities drop out at a rate of 36 percent. Some behaviors that are often characteristic in dropouts include being retained from advancing a grade level with peers, relocating during the high school years and the general feeling of being left out or alienated by peers or adults at the school. Overall, a student who does not fit the traditional classroom mold, or who falls behind for some reason, is more likely to lose motivation when it comes to high school and decide to give up altogether.

How valuable is a high school diploma?

The U.S. Census Bureau estimates that d ropouts bring in just $20,241 annually , which is $10,000 less than high school graduates and over $36,000 less than a person holding a bachelor’s degree. The poverty rate for dropouts is over twice as high as college grads, and the unemployment rate for dropouts is generally 4 percentage points higher than the national average. In the end, the lifetime earnings of high school dropouts are $260,000 LESS than peers who earn a diploma .

Why should I care?

The financial ramifications of dropping out of high school hurt more than the individual. It’s estimated that half of all Americans on public assistance are dropouts. If all of the dropouts from the class of 2011 had earned diplomas, the nation would benefit from an estimated $154 billion in income over their working lifetimes. Potentially feeding that number is the fact that young women who give up on high school are nine times more likely to be, or become, young single mothers . A study out of Northeastern University found that high school dropouts cost taxpayers $292,000 over the course of their lives.

It’s not just about the money though. Over 80 percent of the incarcerated population is high school dropouts – making this an issue that truly impacts every member of the community. Numbers are higher for dropouts of color; 22 percent of people jailed in the U.S. are black males who are high school dropouts . As a society, we are not just paying into public assistance programs for dropouts, but we are paying to protect ourselves against them through incarceration.

I wonder what these numbers would look like if we took the nearly $300K that taxpayers put in over the course of a dropout’s lifetime and deposited it into their K-12 learning upfront. If we invested that money, or even half of it, into efforts to enhance the learning experience and programs to prevent dropping out, what would that do to dropout, poverty and incarceration rates? Right now the process seems to be reactionary. What would it look like if more preventative actions were put in place?

What are some underlying causes of the high school dropout rate not mentioned here?

photo credit: ralph and jenny via photopin cc

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BRIEF RESEARCH REPORT article

Dropping out of school: explaining how concerns for the family’s social-image and self-image predict anger.

• 1 Faculty of Health and Welfare, Østfold University College, Fredrikstad, Norway
• 2 PErSEUs, Sciences Humaines et Sociales, Université de Lorraine (Metz), Nancy, France

As dropping out of school is considered a violation of moral norms, the family associated with the drop out can react with anger directed toward the pupil or with anger directed at others that might know of the drop out. In our vignette study ( N = 129), we found that anger at others and anger at the pupil were significantly higher if our community participants imagined a drop out from a vocational education rather than a general education. As expected, anger directed at others was fully explained by a concern for the family’s social-image (i.e., a concern for condemnation by others), while anger directed at the former pupil was fully explained by a concern for the family’s self-image (i.e., a concern for their moral self-image). Thoughts for how to better understand family reactions in relation to drop out are discussed.

Introduction

«Hvorfor er det sånn at jeg må være flau, hvorfor må de som har valgt et yrkesfaglig program bli stemplet som dumme, teorisvake og skoleleie?» [“Why do I have to be embarrassed, how come those who choose vocational education are labeled as stupid, theoretically weak and sick of school?”] - Girl, 17 years, vocational student (interviewed in Aftenposten, 2015 , translated by us).

Even though most educational programs are organized in order to support integration into the social and professional world ( Beblavy et al., 2011 ), some pupils decide to drop out of these educational programs. As a drop out has the potential to be perceived by others as a violation of the expected egalitarian integration path ( Van Hoorn and Maseland, 2013 ), their norm violating decision is often met with stigmatizing condemnation by the larger community ( Weiner et al., 1988 ; Dorn, 1993 ; Hebl et al., 2007 ; Gausel, 2014 ). As a response to condemnation, people sometimes respond with blame ( Gausel, 2014 ) and anger ( Gausel et al., 2018 ). However, little if nothing is known about the families’ reactions and especially whether families respond with anger if their son or daughter drops out of school.

In order to investigate whether families would respond with anger to condemnation for dropping out of school, we asked community participants to imagine how a family would react if their son or daughter dropped out of an educational program. We expected that the more our participants expressed that the family would be concerned about the moral self-image of the family, the more the family would direct anger at their son or daughter (i.e., the former pupil). In contrast, the more our participants expressed that the family would be concerned about the social-image of the family, the more the family would direct anger toward others that might learn of the drop out.

Vocational Education: Dropping Out

In most western countries, the high-school (or upper secondary school) educational system consists of general education and vocational education. Even though most pupils choose vocational education in order to acquire a professional job qualification, the real-world citation by the 17-year old girl in the introduction demonstrates that vocational education has become to be viewed as a second-chance education ( Karmel and Woods, 2008 ) for pupils falsely believed to be less intelligent and thus having “a lower level of general aptitude” ( Arum and Shavit, 1995 , p.188). Due to this stigmatized belief, vocational pupils are therefore seen to be suited for professional work, instead of the more “university-oriented” general education ( Grootaers et al., 1999 ; Gausel, 2014 ). As a consequence of this stigma, many pupils within the vocational education report that they feel that others look down at them for following a vocational program ( Spruyt et al., 2015 ).

As the educational system represents the egalitarian view that everyone deserves a fair chance of bettering their position regardless of their background ( Beblavy et al., 2011 ), dropping out of the educational system represents “a serious problem, not only for the individual, the school system, and the community, but also for society.” ( Christle et al., 2007 , p. 325). Even though dropping out – in general – is understood as a problematic norm violation ( Dorn, 1993 ), dropping out from a vocational education seems to be more problematic for the pupil and its family for at least two reasons: firstly, dropping out violates the social ascension belief that members of low status groups should climb the social ladder via the educational system ( Festinger, 1954 ; Hauser et al., 2000 ). Secondly, as western people typically believe that one is responsible for one’s own fate ( Bénabou and Tirole, 2004 ), a discontinuation of schooling violates the meritocracy belief that individuals should demonstrate perseverance ( Lerner, 1980 ). Dropping out of a vocational education can therefore be perceived by the larger society as the pupil is entering a competitive labor market without formal means to partake ( Christle et al., 2007 ). Thus, the pupil is risking unemployment and dependence on welfare benefits ( Christle et al., 2007 ; King et al., 2010 ). As people generally react harshly toward norm violators ( Crocker et al., 1998 ; Major and O’Brien, 2005 ; Täuber et al., 2018 ), dropping out of vocational education has the potential to cause considerable psychological distress, not only for the pupil ( Dorn, 1993 ), but also for the family associated with the drop out ( Gausel, 2014 ) as families are commonly seen as a group ( Scabini and Manzi, 2011 ).

Anger: The Role of the Self-Image and the Social-Image

According to Gausel and Leach (2011) , a norm violation of this kind can be appraised in at least two main ways: firstly, as an indication that there is something morally defective with the family, since they allowed a violation of a societal norm (i.e., a threat to the moral self-image of the family) by failing to prevent the drop out, and thus, failing take advantage of the social ascension possibility and failing to demonstrate perseverance. Failures that are appraised as representing a threat to the self-image are often associated with anger directed at the self ( Miller and Tangney, 1994 ; Gausel and Leach, 2011 ) or one’s in-group ( Gausel and Leach, 2011 ). As it is well known that families represent a group and its members are group members (for discussions, see Scabini and Manzi, 2011 ), it is interesting to observe that on a family-related level, Gausel et al. (2016) found that participants appraising themselves as suffering from a morally defective self-image directed anger toward themselves as a consequence for their abusive behavior toward a family member. And Berndsen and McGarty (2012) found that majority group members reminded about moral failures committed by their group expressed anger at their own group in response to these failures. Similar to this, Gausel et al. (2012) found that the more their participants appraised their in-group moral failures as a threat to their in-group self-image, the more anger they directed toward their own group. Hence, in response to the current study, we expected that a concern for the self-image of the family as caused by the drop out would be predictive of self-directed anger.

Secondly, as there is a real risk that failures can draw condemning attention from others ( Gausel and Leach, 2011 ), a drop out may pose a serious threat to the family’s social-image as respectable in the eyes of others. If such a threat to the social-image is appraised, people often react with anger directed at the others that can possibly come to condemn them for their failure ( Gausel, 2013 ). In empirical support of this, a recent study on family therapy and reciprocal partner-violence, Zahl-Olsen et al. (2019) found that outburst of anger and violence toward the other was associated with appraised condemnation manifested through rejecting behavior from the other as well as criticism for failure. Gausel et al. (2018) found that the more victims of immorality feared that they would be condemned for their own perpetrating failures in a reciprocal conflict, the more they reacted with hostile anger toward others. In response to the current study, we expected that a concern for the family’s social-image would be predictive of other-directed anger.

In sum, there is ground to assume that being associated with dropping out of school can be appraised by a family as a threat to their self-image as dropping out symbolize the failure to demonstrate perseverance, as well as the failure to conform with the social ascension belief. This might very well predict anger directed at the responsible one, i.e., the pupil. That said, there is also ground to believe that the eyes of others are now critically resting on the family. Thus, being associated with dropping out of school represents a vivid threat to the social-image of the family, especially if they fear that these others get to find out about the failure. If so, the family might very well direct anger against these others.

The Current Study

In order to test the above assumptions, we returned to a large-scale study where parts have previously been reported in a manuscript by Gausel (2014) . However, none of the measures, and analyses and none of the correlations reported here in this manuscript have been examined or reported elsewhere. For the sake of clarity, we illustrate how the measures are used across the two manuscripts in Table 1 .

Table 1 . Illustration of the measures used.

In line with previous research and theorizing, we expected that our community participants would regard a drop out as a wrong decision, and that the drop out is expected to hurt the family’s self and social-image. Importantly, based on the folk-view that a vocational education can be seen as a “second-chance” education, we anticipated the following results: firstly, we expected that a drop out from a vocational education would be seen to be making the family more upset, i.e., make them angrier at the former pupil, and angrier at others, than if the drop out had happened in a general education program. Secondly, anger directed at the former pupil would be explained by a concern for the family’s self-image. In contrast, anger directed at others would be explained by a concern for the family’s social-image.

Materials and Methods

Participants.

Hundred and twenty nine community participants (62.2% women, 37.8% men; mean age : 36.1, age range : 17–74 years) agreed to partake in an anonymous, hard copy standardized questionnaire study focusing on social perceptions. They were approached individually in parks, cafes, and libraries in a medium-sized city in Norway. Participants were randomized into two conditions: “ Vocational education drop out ” ( N = 64) and “ General education drop out ” ( N = 65).

Procedure and Measures

On the first page of the questionnaire participants read the information of the study as described above and agreed to partake in the study. On the same page, we asked the participant to fill in demographics of gender and age. On the next page, “ vocational education drop out ” participants were asked to imagine the following: “ A student at the (the name of a locally known vocational education high-school) decided to drop out from the education in the middle of the semester .” Participants allocated to the “ General education drop out ” condition were asked to imagine the same thing, only now naming a locally known general education high-school. On the third page, participants were presented with standardized items measuring how this drop out could be appraised by the family of the student, and how they would respond to the drop out. When finished, participants were debriefed and thanked. All items were adopted from Gausel et al. (2012 , 2016 , 2018 ) and ranging from 1 (not at all) to 7 (very much).

Anger directed at the pupil ( α = 0.96) was measured with: “The family would be angry at the pupil,” “The family would be cross at the pupil,” and “The family would be irritated at the pupil.” Anger directed against those who know ( α = 0.93) was measured using three items: “The family would be angry at those who know what the pupil did,” “The family would be cross at those who know what the pupil did,” and “The family would be irritated at those who know what the pupil did.”

Appraisals of Social-Image and Self-Image

The appraisal of being condemned by others, and thus causing damage to the family’s social image ( α = 0.87) was measured using three statements: “The family will think they can be isolated from others because of this,” “The family will think that their reputation can damaged because of what the pupil did,” and “The family will think that others might not have the same respect for them because of this.” The appraisal of damage to the family’s moral self-image ( α = 0.89) was measured with three statements: “The family will think that what the pupil did represented a moral failure in the family,” “The family will think they are defective in one way or another,” and “The family will think this represents a “black mark” in their shared memory.”

Appraising the Drop Out as Wrong

We measured whether participants appraised the dropout as wrong ( α = 0.85) using four items: “What the pupil did was wrong,” “What the pupil did was bad,” “What the pupil did was doubtful,” and “What the pupil did was not good.”

Participants View of Dropping Out of School as Wrong or Not

A one way ANOVA using IBM SPSS 22 (see Table 2 for scale inter-correlations and descriptive statistics) made it clear that participants considered it wrong to drop out from college irrelevant of education, F (1,128) = 1.16, p = 0.28, partial η 2 = 0.01. Interestingly, they saw dropping out from the vocational education as slightly more wrong than from a general education ( M = 4.28, SD = 1.67 and M = 3.97, SD = 1.54, respectively).

Table 2 . Scale inter-correlations and descriptive statistics.

A Concern for Self-Image and Social-Image

A Multivariate ANOVA demonstrated no significant overall effect on the appraisal of self-image and social-image, F (2,126) = 0.587, p = 0.56, partial η 2 = 0.01. A univariate analysis on each of the two variables showed that participants in the “ Vocational education drop out ” and the “ General education drop out ,” saw the drop out of school as equally damaging to the family’s self-image, F (1,127) = 1.16, p = 0.284, partial η 2 = 0.01 ( M = 2.67, SD = 1.53 and M = 2.40, SD = 1.31, respectively), and the family’s social-image, F (1,127) = 0.73, p = 0.395, partial η 2 = 0.01, ( M = 2.51, SD = 1.39 and M = 2.30, SD = 1.30, respectively) even though the means were a bit higher for participants in the vocational education drop out condition.

Participants View on Anger Directed at the Pupil and Anger Directed at Others

A Multivariate ANOVA demonstrated an overall effect on our main dependent variables of anger, F (2,123) = 3.10, p = 0.049, partial η 2 = 0.05. As expected, there was a significant univariate effect on anger directed at others who would know about the drop out, F (1,124) = 4.51, p = 0.036, partial η 2 = 0.04. The pairwise comparison showed that participants in the “ Vocational education drop out ” condition considered it as more likely that the family would be angry at others who knew about the drop out ( M = 1.97, SD = 1.27), than did participants in the “ General education drop out ” condition ( M = 1.55, SD = 0.95). As expected, there was a significant univariate effect on anger directed at the pupil, F (1,124) = 4.53, p = 0.035, partial η 2 = 0.04. The pairwise comparison demonstrated that participants in the “ Vocational education drop out ” condition considered it likely that the family would be more angry with the pupil ( M = 3.51, SD = 1.74), than did participants in the “ General education drop out ” condition ( M = 2.88, SD = 1.58).

Structural Equation Modeling: Explaining Direction of Anger

In order to explain anger directed at the pupil and anger directed at others, we specified a latent model using Structural Equation Modeling with AMOS 22 software. Mirroring the two conditions, we used effect coding (vocational education drop out = +1 and general education drop out = −1) in order to trace the main effects of the experimental conditions (represented with a manifest variable) on our two main dependent variables; anger directed at the self and anger directed at others. Since we expected a concern for the family’s self-image and concerns for the family’s social-image to explain the relationship with anger, we allowed them to mediate the relationship between the experimental conditions and the two anger variables (see Figure 1 ). This model fit the data very well, χ 2 (56) = 80.65, p = 0.017, χ 2 / df = 1.44, IFI = 0.982, CFI = 0.982, RMSEA = 0.059.

Figure 1 . Structural path model of the manipulation on concerns for self-image and social-image and their link to the two angers. Solid lines illustrate significant relationships ( * p < 0.05).

As seen in the upper half of Figure 1 , the original link between the experimental conditions and anger directed at the pupil ( β = 0.19, p = 0.031) dropped to non-significant ( β = 0.14, p = 0.077), indicating that the relationship was mediated by concern for the family’s self-image. In contrast, as we argued that the motivation behind anger directed at others was a concern for the family’s social-image, the lower half of Figure 1 illustrate that the original link between the experimental conditions and anger directed at others ( β = 0.20, p = 0.032) dropped to non-significant ( β = 0.14, p = 0.062). Hence, anger at others was mediated by concern for the family’s self-image.

Even though there can be good reasons for dropping out of an educational program, a drop out generally violates societal norms (e.g., Dorn, 1993 ; Gausel, 2014 ) such as the meritocracy norm of perseverance ( Lerner, 1980 ) and taking advantage of the possibility to climb the social ladder via the educational system ( Festinger, 1954 ; Hauser et al., 2000 ; Van Hoorn and Maseland, 2013 ). Probably therefore, our community participants considered dropping out to be moderately wrong regardless of the educational path, and by such, they lend support to Christle et al. (2007) view that a drop out represents a serious challenge, not only for the society but also for the school system, the community and the individual. Similarly, the decision to drop out was also viewed by the participants as a cause for concern in regard of both the family’s self-image and its social-image. This finding support Gausel and Leach (2011) argumentation that a failure to adhere to norms will likely threaten the self-image and the social-image of the individual (or group) associated with the failure.

In line with our hypotheses, we found that participants expected the family to be angrier at the former pupil for dropping out of vocational education than if dropping out of a general education. This is understandable, because expressing anger at the pupil might communicate that the family is disappointed over the decision to drop out of vocational education in an increasingly competitive labor market ( Grootaers et al., 1999 ; Van Hoorn and Maseland, 2013 ). Moreover, since anger directed at the former pupil was explained by concern for moral self-image, the findings support the arguments of Gausel and Leach (2011) that a threat to self-image will likely motivate self-directed anger.

Also in line with our hypotheses, we found that participants in the vocational education condition expected the family to be angrier at others for the drop out than did those in the general education condition. As expected, the motivation to direct anger at others was explained by the concern for loss of respect in the eyes of others (i.e., the threat to the family’s social-image). This finding is in line with Gausel and Leach (2011) argument that the threat to the social-image is a motivator of anti-social responses and hostility. Moreover, this finding bears resemblance to Zahl-Olsen et al. (2019) findings where anger and violence in families seems to be fueled by rejecting criticism for failure. It also lends support to Gausel et al. (2018) findings that victims of failures reacted with hostile anger toward others due to the fears that their social-image would be damaged. By such, it appears that the community participants expected reactions similar to those reported in recent research and theorizing on anger and anti-social motivations.

Possible Limitations

It should be underlined that our study focused on how people in general think a family would respond to a drop out. Naturally, it would be ideal to investigate how actual families of those who drop out would respond to our research questions. Even though this might be seen as a more “natural” approach, it is useful to remember that the vignette method has been found to produce results equal to other ecological methods ( Robinson and Clore, 2001 ) only without the ethical dilemmas attached with real-world challenges. Moreover, as people are good at imagining how others and themselves would feel and do in various situations (e.g., Decety and Grèzes, 2006 ), the vignette design seems to be a useful tool on topics such as failures and how to cope with them.

That said, one should be aware of the practical and ethical difficulties to find and locate families with pupils that have dropped out of school. In relation to the practical difficulties of locating them, we can inform that we first tried to contact the two different schools mentioned in our scenario in order to gain information about the drop outs. However, we were not granted this information and were thus left in the dark in response to locating these families. That said, out of ethical concerns, families of those who drop out might already have been exposed for stigmatizing attitudes and thus have experienced many emotional and practical hardships. One can imagine that if we were to locate them, it might not be welcomed if we were to address them about something they might very well be angry about.

Another limitation rests within the participant pool. We did not check if they had background from a vocational or a general education, and thus, we cannot guarantee that this would not have influenced their perception of drop out from the one or the other educational programs. Moreover, we did not ask for, and therefore could not control for whether their level of education influenced the results in any way. That said, we aimed for a randomized pool of community participants (instead of the more “normal” student participant pool) that were more or less mature participants with a mean-age of 36 years. We do believe that these participants have enough life-experience to be more moderate in their beliefs about the world than younger ones. Hence, we rest assured that the results based on the feedback from our participants can be trusted.

Practical Thoughts

Our findings indicate that professional helpers working with drop outs might meet families that, ironically, communicate anger instead of gratitude for the help they are given. If so, it could be helpful to know that this anger is likely explained by their fear of condemnation and feared damage to their social-image as a respectable family for the “failure” to prevent their son or daughter from dropping out of an educational program. Moreover, if the family is angry at the former pupil then the professional helper might see that their anger can be explained by the worry that there is a moral failure within the family since they could not prevent the drop out. In any way, we think helpers can use our model to better understand how families cope with the social and family-related challenges that a norm violating drop out might represent.

Data Availability Statement

The datasets generated for this study are available on request to the corresponding author.

Ethics Statement

The studies involving human participants were reviewed through the standardized checklist of the Norwegian Centre for Research Data and found not to be subject to notification. Written informed consent from the participants’ legal guardian/next of kin was not required to participate in this study in accordance with the national legislation and the institutional requirements.

Author Contributions

NG did the design and analysis and contributed to the interpretation of the data, theoretical framework and write-up, and approved submission. DB contributed to the interpretation of the data, theoretical framework and write-up, and approved submission. All authors contributed to the article and approved the submitted version.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to thank Agnes Serine Bossum, Linda Lie Christensen, Cathrine Solum Hansen, and Kine Maria Laup Karlsen, Fredrikstad, Norway, for their help collecting data as part of their Bachelor-thesis.

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Keywords: self, social, image, dropping out, school, anger, stigma, family

Citation: Gausel N and Bourguignon D (2020) Dropping Out of School: Explaining How Concerns for the Family’s Social-Image and Self-Image Predict Anger. Front. Psychol . 11:1868. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2020.01868

Received: 12 February 2020; Accepted: 07 July 2020; Published: 04 August 2020.

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Copyright © 2020 Gausel and Bourguignon. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Nicolay Gausel, [email protected]

Disclaimer: All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article or claim that may be made by its manufacturer is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

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القائمة الرئيسية, writing : dropping out of school causes and effects.

Dropping Out Of School Causes and Consequences in Morocco

Cause and effect why students dropout of school, أخر المواضيع من قسم : english.

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Essay Sample on Causes and Effects of Dropping Out of College

Inability to balance between working and studies for those students employed is a cause to drop out of college. It is a great challenge to students since they must ensure full class and work attendance. In addition to this, the time factor is an integral element since they must report to class and place of work in time. Most students find it tough to establish a balance between work and college thus end up thinking either leaving the job or dropping out of school. Furthermore, college and work require the student`s commitment and dedication to be active in their education and work by inputting efforts and working diligently in the workplace to guarantee them retention. In most cases, students struggle with education, and it is at this juncture that they start thinking of dropping out of college (Todd and Ralph 18). Even though, they might struggle at work place the first ideology that clicks in their mind is dropping out of college. The obvious reason that a student prefers to drop out of college other than leaving their job is that they earn which in turn they pay their bills as compared to being a student their parents, guardians or scholarships caters for their fees and basic needs.

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The second cause of students dropping out of college is unexpected personal problems. Personal problems act as hindrance and deterrence to academics. Students in college-level face challenges such as relationships, drug addiction and to some health concerns. Personal problems to the students in particular among the female gender is grave in the sense that they face challenges such childbirth which tend to impact their academics negatively. Childbirth in ordinary occasions requires best care and condition to the child such as breastfeeding and some instances changing diapers. Once a female student in college has childcare responsibilities, and they do not have the right person to offer assistance the only choice they do have in their mind is dropping out of college. Personal problems range to health concern with a prime example of a student experiencing lung failure. It leads to dropping out of college because they are unable to concentrate on their studies since they face depression and sadness which renders them academically unfit. In the end, they drop out of college because the problems are unbearable. Whichever, reasons a student drops out of college they feel confident it is the right choice and path to follow not being aware of the effects to their life.

Effects of dropping out of college are evident in the job market in regards to earning. College dropouts in the job market earn lower than the degree level holders. In this case, dropping out of college presents a challenge to an individual of earning less as compared to their degree level counterparts. In addition to this, college dropouts have limited chances when it comes to hiring since the employers always perceive them as uncontrollable. The fear by the employers is because the dropout probability of having disciplinary matters that lead to leaving college is high. The employers feel it is a gamble they do not wish to encounter when they employ the person.

High unemployment rates is a critical effect to college drop outs. College dropouts unemployment rate is high. It is because college dropouts have low self-esteem. While, other dropouts have completely lost self-esteem. The dropouts have low or lost self-esteem because the job market is competitive and they are regretting their decision in life. Students opt to drop out of college with a mentality of shunning future regrets instead they face susceptibility to stiff competition in the job market that haunts their life. Dropping out of college to students bases on the ideology of avoiding future setbacks, wasted time, and some feel the education would not help them in their life.

Stinebrickner, Todd R, and Ralph Stinebrickner. Learning About Academic Ability and the College Drop-Out Decision. Cambridge, Mass: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2009. Internet resource.

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IELTS Writing Task 2/ Essay Topics with sample answer.

Ielts essay # 1177 - many young people drop out of school, ielts writing task 2/ ielts essay:, so many young people are dropping out of school these days, and as a result, the rate of unemployment is increasing. it also affects our society in different ways., why are so many young people dropping out of school how can this situation be improved.

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