what is king essay

Martin Luther King Essay for Students and Children

500+ words essay on martin luter king.

Martin Luther King Jr. was an African-American leader in the U.S. He lost his life while performing a peaceful protest for the betterment of blacks in America. His real name was Michael King Jr. He completed his studies and attained a Ph.D. After that, he joined the American Civil Right Movement. He was among one of the great men who dedicated their life for the community.

Reason for Martin Luther King to be famous

There are two reasons for someone to be famous either he is a good man or a very bad person. Martin Luther King was among the good one who dedicated his life to the community. Martin Luther King was also known as MLK Jr. He gained popularity after he became the leader and spokesperson of the Civil Rights Movement in the 1950s and 1960s.

Martin Luther King was an American activist, minister, and humanitarian. Also, he had worked for several other causes and actively participated in many protests and boycotts. He was a peaceful man that has faith in Christian beliefs and non-violence. Also, his inspiration for them was the work of Mahatma Gandhi and Nelson Mandela. For his work in the field of civil rights, the Nobel Committee awarded him the Nobel Peace Prize.

He was a great speaker that motivated the blacks to protest using non-violence. Also, he uses peaceful strategies like a boycott, protest march , and sit-ins, etc. for protests against the government.

Impact of King

King is one of the renowned leaders of the African-American who worked for the welfare of his community throughout his life. He was very famous among the community and is the strongest voice of the community. King and his fellow companies and peaceful protesters forced the government several times to bend their laws. Also, kings’ life made a seismic impact on life and thinking of the blacks. He was among one of the great leaders of the era.

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Humanitarian and civil rights work

As we know that King was a civic leader . Also, he has taken part in many civil right campaigns and boycotts like the Bus Boycott, Voting Rights and the most famous March on Washington. In this march along with more than 200,000 people, he marched towards Washington for human right. Also, it’s the largest human right campaign in U.S.A. history. During the protest, he gave a speech named “I Have a Dream” which is history’s one of the renowned speeches.

Death and memorial

During his life working as a leader of the Civil Rights Movement he makes many enemies. Also, the government and plans do everything to hurt his reputation. Martin Luther King was assassinated in 1968. Every year the US celebrates his anniversary as Martin Luther King Jr. day in the US. Also, they honored kings’ memory by naming school and building after him and a Memorial at Independence Mall.

Martin Luther King was a great man who dedicated his whole life for his community. Also, he was an active leader and a great spokesperson that not only served his people but also humanity. It was due to his contribution that the African-American got their civil rights.

Essay Topics on Famous Leaders

• Mahatma Gandhi
• APJ Abdul Kalam
• Jawaharlal Nehru
• Swami Vivekananda
• Mother Teresa
• Rabindranath Tagore
• Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel
• Subhash Chandra Bose
• Abraham Lincoln
• Martin Luther King

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A Summary and Analysis of Martin Luther King’s ‘I Have a Dream’ Speech

By Dr Oliver Tearle (Loughborough University)

‘I Have a Dream’ is one of the greatest speeches in American history. Delivered by Martin Luther King, Jr. (1929-68) in Washington D.C. in 1963, the speech is a powerful rallying cry for racial equality and for a fairer and equal world in which African Americans will be as free as white Americans.

If you’ve ever stayed up till the small hours working on a presentation you’re due to give the next day, tearing your hair out as you try to find the right words, you can take solace in the fact that as great an orator as Martin Luther King did the same with one of the most memorable speeches ever delivered.

He reportedly stayed up until 4am the night before he was due to give his ‘I Have a Dream’, writing it out in longhand. You can read the speech in full here .

‘I Have a Dream’: background

The occasion for King’s speech was the march on Washington , which saw some 210,000 African American men, women, and children gather at the Washington Monument in August 1963, before marching to the Lincoln Memorial.

They were marching for several reasons, including jobs (many of them were out of work), but the main reason was freedom: King and many other Civil Rights leaders sought to remove segregation of black and white Americans and to ensure black Americans were treated the same as white Americans.

1963 was the centenary of the Emancipation Proclamation , in which then US President Abraham Lincoln (1809-65) had freed the African slaves in the United States in 1863. But a century on from the abolition of slavery, King points out, black Americans still are not free in many respects.

‘I Have a Dream’: summary

King begins his speech by reminding his audience that it’s a century, or ‘five score years’, since that ‘great American’ Abraham Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This ensured the freedom of the African slaves, but Black Americans are still not free, King points out, because of racial segregation and discrimination.

America is a wealthy country, and yet many Black Americans live in poverty. It is as if the Black American is an exile in his own land. King likens the gathering in Washington to cashing a cheque: in other words, claiming money that is due to be paid.

Next, King praises the ‘magnificent words’ of the US Constitution and the Declaration of Independence . King compares these documents to a promissory note, because they contain the promise that all men, including Black men, will be guaranteed what the Declaration of Independence calls ‘inalienable rights’: namely, ‘life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness’.

King asserts that America in the 1960s has ‘defaulted’ on this promissory note: in other words, it has refused to pay up. King calls it a ‘sacred obligation’, but America as a nation is like someone who has written someone else a cheque that has bounced and the money owed remains to be paid. But it is not because the money isn’t there: America, being a land of opportunity, has enough ‘funds’ to ensure everyone is prosperous enough.

King urges America to rise out of the ‘valley’ of segregation to the ‘sunlit path of racial justice’. He uses the word ‘brotherhood’ to refer to all Americans, since all men and women are God’s children. He also repeatedly emphasises the urgency of the moment. This is not some brief moment of anger but a necessary new start for America. However, King cautions his audience not to give way to bitterness and hatred, but to fight for justice in the right manner, with dignity and discipline.

Physical violence and militancy are to be avoided. King recognises that many white Americans who are also poor and marginalised feel a kinship with the Civil Rights movement, so all Americans should join together in the cause. Police brutality against Black Americans must be eradicated, as must racial discrimination in hotels and restaurants. States which forbid Black Americans from voting must change their laws.

Martin Luther King then comes to the most famous part of his speech, in which he uses the phrase ‘I have a dream’ to begin successive sentences (a rhetorical device known as anaphora ). King outlines the form that his dream, or ambition or wish for a better America, takes.

His dream, he tells his audience, is ‘deeply rooted’ in the American Dream: that notion that anybody, regardless of their background, can become prosperous and successful in the United States. King once again reminds his listeners of the opening words of the Declaration of Independence: ‘We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.’

In his dream of a better future, King sees the descendants of former Black slaves and the descendants of former slave owners united, sitting and eating together. He has a dream that one day his children will live in a country where they are judged not by the colour of their skin but by the content of their character.

Even in Mississippi and Alabama, states which are riven by racial injustice and hatred, people of all races will live together in harmony. King then broadens his dream out into ‘our hope’: a collective aspiration and endeavour. King then quotes the patriotic American song ‘ My Country, ’Tis of Thee ’, which describes America as a ‘sweet land of liberty’.

King uses anaphora again, repeating the phrase ‘let freedom ring’ several times in succession to suggest how jubilant America will be on the day that such freedoms are ensured. And when this happens, Americans will be able to join together and be closer to the day when they can sing a traditional African-American hymn : ‘Free at last. Free at last. Thank God almighty, we are free at last.’

‘I Have a Dream’: analysis

Although Martin Luther King’s speech has become known by the repeated four-word phrase ‘I Have a Dream’, which emphasises the personal nature of his vision, his speech is actually about a collective dream for a better and more equal America which is not only shared by many Black Americans but by anyone who identifies with their fight against racial injustice, segregation, and discrimination.

Nevertheless, in working from ‘I have a dream’ to a different four-word phrase, ‘this is our hope’. The shift is natural and yet it is a rhetorical masterstroke, since the vision of a better nation which King has set out as a very personal, sincere dream is thus telescoped into a universal and collective struggle for freedom.

What’s more, in moving from ‘dream’ to a different noun, ‘hope’, King suggests that what might be dismissed as an idealistic ambition is actually something that is both possible and achievable. No sooner has the dream gathered momentum than it becomes a more concrete ‘hope’.

In his ‘I Have a Dream’ speech, King was doing more than alluding to Abraham Lincoln’s signing of the Emancipation Proclamation one hundred years earlier. The opening words to his speech, ‘Five score years ago’, allude to a specific speech Lincoln himself had made a century before: the Gettysburg Address .

In that speech, delivered at the Soldiers’ National Cemetery (now known as Gettysburg National Cemetery) in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania in November 1863, Lincoln had urged his listeners to continue in the fight for freedom, envisioning the day when all Americans – including Black slaves – would be free. His speech famously begins with the words: ‘Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.’

‘Four score and seven years’ is eighty-seven years, which takes us back from 1863 to 1776, the year of the signing of the Declaration of Independence. So, Martin Luther King’s allusion to the words of Lincoln’s historic speech do two things: they call back to Lincoln’s speech but also, by extension, to the founding of the United States almost two centuries before. Although Lincoln and the American Civil War represented progress in the cause to make all Americans free regardless of their ethnicity, King makes it clear in ‘I Have a Dream’ that there is still some way to go.

In the last analysis, King’s speech is a rhetorically clever and emotionally powerful call to use non-violent protest to oppose racial injustice, segregation, and discrimination, but also to ensure that all Americans are lifted out of poverty and degradation.

But most of all, King emphasises the collective endeavour that is necessary to bring about the world he wants his children to live in: the togetherness, the linking of hands, which is essential to make the dream a reality.

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Letter From Birmingham Jail

By martin luther king, jr., letter from birmingham jail essay questions.

Discuss Dr. King’s use of restraint in the “Letter.” What does it reveal about his purpose, and what is its effect?

Considering the context of its creation, the “Letter from Birmingham Jail” is remarkably restrained in tone. Throughout his career, many critics of Dr. King argued that he was too deferential to the white authorities that facilitated segregation and other racist policies, but the tone here seems to serve several purposes. First, it conforms to his ultimate purpose of justifying his cause as being in the name of justice. He does not wish to validate his audience’s deep-seeded fears - that the black movement is an extremist set that will engender violence. Therefore, by utilizing restraint, he earns a sympathetic ear to which he then declares his proud embrace of extremism and tension. His difficult arguments end up practically unimpeachable precisely because he has presented them through logos as well as through pathos. However, the restraint also allows him to reinforce one of the letter’s central themes, the interconnectedness of man. There are times when he distinguishes himself and his cause from that of his opponents, particularly in terms of race. However, he for the most part suggests that all men are responsible for all others, an idea that would not be as effective if the tone of the argument was too fiery and confrontational.

How does the “Letter” deal with the subject of race?

Considering it was written in a situation so infused with racial issues, the “Letter from Birmingham Jail” is often strangely divorced from explicitly racial issues. Obviously, Dr. King cannot avoid the topic, but much of his argument, especially in the letter’s first half, is presented in universalist terms and through abstractions like “justice” and the interrelatedness of man. He argues that the clergymen, and his larger audience, should support his cause not because the victims are black but because it is the right thing to do. However, this passionate but restrained argument ultimately sets the stage for a declaration of what scholar Jonathan Rieder calls “a proclamation of black self-sufficiency” (94). Once he establishes the definitions of justice and morality, Dr. King argues that the black man will succeed with or without the help of white moderates because they operate with the just ideals of both secular America and divine guidance. Further, he implicitly suggests that by continuing to facilitate the oppression of the black man through moderation, his audience is operating in sin and will ultimately be on the losing side.

Why does Dr. King decry moderation?

In Dr. King’s argument, moderation is a reflection of the moderate’s ignorant and unwitting sinfulness. In terms of the former, the white moderate operates under an illusion that patience will be more effective towards ending segregation than tension will be. Through a variety of legally-structured arguments, Dr. King illustrates the fallacy of both these assumptions. He argues that moderation is but a handy disguise for cowards who fear upsetting the status quo more than desire to pursue justice. However, because he stipulates that his audience is ostensibly interested in the virtue of justice, he argues that moderation allows them license to live in a sinfulness of inaction. To view the suffering of others but to remain silent facilitates a world where men are “separate,” which he equates with sinfulness. Through a variety of unambiguous comparisons – the just crusader to Jesus, and the moderates to those who did not protect the Jews of Nazi Germany – Dr. King decries moderation as the largest obstacle towards equal rights in America at the time.

How does the discussion of group immorality relate to the letter’s overall purpose?

One recurring idea that supports Dr. King’s arguments is that group mentality supports and enables immorality, and that the individual must therefore act for justice even when the group does not share that goal. He makes this point explicitly in the early part of the “Letter.” This argument supports his defense of civil disobedience, allows him to criticize the church for supporting the status quo rather than empowering crusaders for change, and supports the idea that law must reflect morality since it might otherwise be designed solely for the comfort of the majority. Overall, the discussion of group immorality supports his purpose of encouraging individual action in the face of injustice, and criticizing those who do not support such individual action for fear of upsetting the status quo.

Who is the letter’s intended audience?

On the surface, “Letter from Birmingham Jail” is intended for the Birmingham clergymen who published an open letter criticizing the actions of Dr. King and the SCLC. And yet little by little, it becomes clear that Dr. King intends this statement for a much larger audience. Based on the arguments he makes and the stipulations he assumes, it is possible to construct the audience he means to be affected by this letter: a moderate, white, generally moral but conflicted group. He is clearly addressing people who represent the power class, but assumes in several arguments that they support the ideals of justice, at least on the surface. More specifically, he assumes they accept the validity of Christian morality. And yet his harsh tone is much more universalist than simply the criticism of the clergymen would support. In attacking moderation, he addresses himself to parties as high-ranking as the Kennedys to as everyday as students and churchgoers who are witnessing the changes of the civil rights era without admitting their own moral responsibility to support it as a quest for positive change.

Professor Jonathan Rieder argues that the “Letter” can be understood as having two sections: the “Diplomat” and “Prophet” sections. What does this mean, and how do these sections differ?

While Rieder’s designations are perhaps too tight to be perfectly applicable, they do help to understand the overall progression of “Letter from Birmingham Jail.” At the beginning, Dr. King is playing a “diplomat,” attempting to reach a certain end through polite, restrained means. His hope is that he will not only defend himself against the clergymen and white moderates in general, but also that he will encourage them to support his cause. Knowing that their fears and anxieties will predispose them to doubt his call to action, he presents the call through a variety of rational arguments and personal pathos. And yet as the arguments progress, Dr. King’s attacks become less passive aggressive and more direct, moving him into a sort of “prophet” who no longer argues that he needs the support of his audience. Though he obviously would prefer it, he is firm in his commitment to justice and certain that his cause will succeed because of that commitment. By the end, he is no longer arguing, but telling his audience that change will come, and that they should join him not because he needs them, but because they need it so as to not avoid later regret over their cowardice and sinfulness.

Discuss Dr. King’s use of allusions throughout the text. How do they strengthen his argument and underscore his overall message?

Due to the extent of his higher learning, Dr. King had ready access to a number of allusions from a variety of religious and secular traditions, and he makes full use of that knowledge in the “Letter.” While each allusion serves a particular purpose in the context of the argument in which it is used, when taken together they underline two aspects of his argument. First is his argument that all men are interrelated, and responsible for one another. The multiple traditions from which Dr. King draws his allusions reflects this belief, showing his deference for and trust in a variety of approaches, including: secular theory; Jewish theology; Christian thinkers; political figures; and historical persons. Secondly, Dr. King’s use of multiple traditions for his allusions reinforces the unimpeachability of his argument. By directing the text to peoples of so many backgrounds, and using their most celebrated figures to support his case, he makes it difficult for any person to view the overall argument as separate from him or his own culture or background.

In what ways does the “Letter” attack the clergymen even when being outwardly deferential towards them?

If nothing else, “Letter from Birmingham Jail” is a masterpiece of pointed passive aggression. Even when he becomes more confrontational in the letter’s second half, Dr. King is always deferential, offering the possibility that the clergymen sin from ignorance or error, thereby offering them a way to backtrack. And yet his attacks are incessant, usually through implicit threats or suggestions. When he explains the many distinctions that support his cause – such as the differences between just and unjust laws, violence and nonviolence, or just means and unjust ends – he is implicitly suggesting that the clergymen are too dense to realize the nuances of the situation they have so openly criticized. In other cases, he uses unimpeachable figures – like Jesus Christ or Abraham Lincoln – to illustrate the basic way in which the clergymen are acting hypocritically. Finally, he uses occasional warnings, suggesting that oppressed people will inevitably fight for freedom, and so the clergymen are inviting violent revolution if they do not support Dr. King’s nonviolent crusade. Overall, the “Letter” is a litany of attacks even though it is presented more as a defense.

In what ways do Dr. King’s repeated references to Socrates help to elucidate his overall approach?

Except for Jesus Christ, Socrates is the allusion Dr. King most often uses to make his point. Though the allusion serves several particular purposes – as a symbol of wisdom or of civil disobedience – it often speaks to Dr. King’s overall approach in the “Letter.” The Socratic dialogues are masterpieces of misdirection, as Socrates does not offer answers but rather questions assertions made by other people. His overall point is ultimately made by speaking in his opponent’s language, hence showing the natural human inclination towards fallacy. Dr. King uses a similar approach, structuring most of his letter as a direct defense against the criticism published by the clergymen. By speaking in their voice, he suggests a sense of deference even as he is dismantling his opponents’ arguments and revealing them as misguided, or worse, fools. Further, he frequently uses their definitions to show how they are contradicting themselves. Though Dr. King has a more pointed suggestion to make about the world than Socrates did, he nevertheless recognized in the Socratic method a rhetorical approach that would pacify the knee-jerk defenses of his opponents so he could then defeat them.

Detail the distinction between just and unjust laws. Why is it important Dr. King make this distinction?

Arguably the most sophisticated section of the “Letter” is Dr. King’s distinction between just and unjust laws. Simply put, he suggests that just laws uphold human dignity, while unjust laws demean it. Though he makes other subsumed distinctions (like the way just and unjust laws either punish or include minorities), this general definition serves to illustrate his overarching point: that laws are not separate from morality, but instead ought to be reflections of it. Presupposing that his audience accepts the virtue of morality (and more specifically, of Judeo-Christian morality), Dr. King illustrates that unjust laws demean all men, the oppressed and oppressor both. Thus, a moral man cannot simply suffer those laws because they are the law. The argument lays the groundwork for the “Letter” to pose a call to individual action, a defense of those who stand up and sacrifice themselves and their comfort in the name of freedom and justice.

Letter From Birmingham Jail Questions and Answers

The Question and Answer section for Letter From Birmingham Jail is a great resource to ask questions, find answers, and discuss the novel.

what injustices does dr. king describe in the letter from Birmingham jail.

Dr. King provides a moral reason for his presence, saying that he came to Birmingham to battle “injustice.” Because he believes that “all communities and states” are interrelated, he feels compelled to work for justice anywhere that injustice is...

How do allusions that King uses in his letter help the audience relate to him and what he is saying?

King uses allusions to align his arguments with famous thinkers of Western civilization.

John Donne : "New Day in Birmingham" allusion to "No Man is an Island" .

John Bunyan : Puritan writer, imprisoned; "I will stay in jail before I make a butchery...

The timing of the protest continued to change because

D. They did not want to interfere with the mayoral election.

Study Guide for Letter From Birmingham Jail

Letter From Birmingham Jail study guide contains a biography of Martin Luther King, Jr., literature essays, quiz questions, major themes, characters, and a full summary and analysis.

• About Letter From Birmingham Jail
• Letter From Birmingham Jail Summary
• Character List

Essays for Letter From Birmingham Jail

Letter From Birmingham Jail essays are academic essays for citation. These papers were written primarily by students and provide critical analysis of Letter From Birmingham Jail by Martin Luther King, Jr.

• Rhetorical Analysis of “Letter From a Birmingham Jail”
• How Stoicism Supports Civil Disobedience
• We Are in This Together: Comparing "Letter from Birmingham Jail" and "Sonny's Blues"
• Fighting Inequality with the Past: A Look into "Letter from a Birmingham Jail" and Related Historical Documents
• A Question of Appeal: Rhetorical Analysis of Malcolm X and MLK

Lesson Plan for Letter From Birmingham Jail

• About the Author
• Study Objectives
• Common Core Standards
• Introduction to Letter From Birmingham Jail
• Relationship to Other Books
• Bringing in Technology
• Notes to the Teacher
• Related Links
• Letter From Birmingham Jail Bibliography

Wikipedia Entries for Letter From Birmingham Jail

• Introduction
• Summary and themes
• Publication

The New York Times

The learning network | text to text | ‘i have a dream’ and ‘the lasting power of dr. king’s dream speech’.

Text to Text | ‘I Have a Dream’ and ‘The Lasting Power of Dr. King’s Dream Speech’

American History

Teaching ideas based on New York Times content.

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Last summer was the 50th anniversary of the March on Washington, when the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. painted his dream of racial equality and justice for the nation that still resonates with us. “I have a dream,” he proclaimed, “my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.” In this Text to Text , we pair Dr. King’s pivotal “I Have a Dream” speech with a reflection by the Times literary critic Michiko Kakutani, who explores why this singular speech has such lasting power.

Background: The speech that the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. delivered on Aug. 28, 1963, on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial was not the speech he had prepared in his notes and stayed up nearly all night writing.

Dr. King was the closing speaker at the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, and the “Dream” speech that inspired a nation and helped galvanize the civil rights movement almost never happened. The march itself almost never happened, as David Brooks writes , because the Urban League, the N.A.A.C.P. and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference either chose to opt out or were focusing their energy elsewhere before the events in Birmingham, Ala., in May 1963, with fire hoses and snapping dogs turned on protesters, helped reignite the call for a national march. The speech almost never happened because Dr. King didn’t think he had time to say all he wanted to say in the five minutes he was allotted — at the end of a long, hot summer day before the crowds were ready to disperse and go home.

But Dr. King was “the son, grandson and great-grandson of Baptist ministers,” Michiko Kakutani writes, and he “was comfortable with the black church’s oral tradition, and he knew how to read his audience and react to it.” In the middle of his speech, the gospel singer Mahalia Jackson urged him from behind the podium, “Tell ’em about the ‘Dream,’ Martin, tell ’em about the ‘Dream’!” She was referring to a riff he had delivered many times before, and in that moment, Dr. King broke from his prepared remarks and shared his transcendent vision for the nation’s future.

Below, we excerpted only the first part of Dr. King’s speech, but students should read the entire speech or this abridged version (PDF). For greater effect, they can listen to the audio or watch the video of Dr. King’s delivery while they read along.

Ms. Kakutani, a Pulitzer Prize-winning literary critic for The Times, reflects on the speech’s lasting power on the 50th anniversary of the March on Washington. We offer an excerpt that introduces her analysis, but we recommend that students read the entire article to explore her evidence for what makes the speech so remarkable.

Key Questions: Why is Martin Luther King’s “I Have a Dream” speech so powerful, even 50 years later?

Activity Sheets: As students read and discuss, they might take notes using one or more of the three graphic organizers (PDFs) we have created for our Text to Text feature:

• Comparing Two or More Texts
• Double-Entry Chart for Close Reading
• Document Analysis Questions

Excerpt 1: From “The Lasting Power of Dr. King’s Dream Speech,” by Michiko Kakutani

It was late in the day and hot, and after a long march and an afternoon of speeches about federal legislation, unemployment and racial and social justice, the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. finally stepped to the lectern, in front of the Lincoln Memorial, to address the crowd of 250,000 gathered on the National Mall. He began slowly, with magisterial gravity, talking about what it was to be black in America in 1963 and the “shameful condition” of race relations a hundred years after the Emancipation Proclamation. Unlike many of the day’s previous speakers, he did not talk about particular bills before Congress or the marchers’ demands. Instead, he situated the civil rights movement within the broader landscape of history — time past, present and future — and within the timeless vistas of Scripture. Dr. King was about halfway through his prepared speech when Mahalia Jackson — who earlier that day had delivered a stirring rendition of the spiritual “I Been ’Buked and I Been Scorned” — shouted out to him from the speakers’ stand: “Tell ’em about the ‘Dream,’ Martin, tell ’em about the ‘Dream’!” She was referring to a riff he had delivered on earlier occasions, and Dr. King pushed the text of his remarks to the side and began an extraordinary improvisation on the dream theme that would become one of the most recognizable refrains in the world. With his improvised riff, Dr. King took a leap into history, jumping from prose to poetry, from the podium to the pulpit. His voice arced into an emotional crescendo as he turned from a sobering assessment of current social injustices to a radiant vision of hope — of what America could be. “I have a dream,” he declared, “my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today!” Many in the crowd that afternoon, 50 years ago on Wednesday, had taken buses and trains from around the country. Many wore hats and their Sunday best — “People then,” the civil rights leader John Lewis would recall, “when they went out for a protest, they dressed up” — and the Red Cross was passing out ice cubes to help alleviate the sweltering August heat. But if people were tired after a long day, they were absolutely electrified by Dr. King. There was reverent silence when he began speaking, and when he started to talk about his dream, they called out, “Amen,” and, “Preach, Dr. King, preach,” offering, in the words of his adviser Clarence B. Jones, “every version of the encouragements you would hear in a Baptist church multiplied by tens of thousands.” You could feel “the passion of the people flowing up to him,” James Baldwin, a skeptic of that day’s March on Washington, later wrote, and in that moment, “it almost seemed that we stood on a height, and could see our inheritance; perhaps we could make the kingdom real.” Dr. King’s speech was not only the heart and emotional cornerstone of the March on Washington, but also a testament to the transformative powers of one man and the magic of his words. Fifty years later, it is a speech that can still move people to tears. Fifty years later, its most famous lines are recited by schoolchildren and sampled by musicians. Fifty years later, the four words “I have a dream” have become shorthand for Dr. King’s commitment to freedom, social justice and nonviolence, inspiring activists from Tiananmen Square to Soweto, Eastern Europe to the West Bank. Why does Dr. King’s “Dream” speech exert such a potent hold on people around the world and across the generations? Part of its resonance resides in Dr. King’s moral imagination. Part of it resides in his masterly oratory and gift for connecting with his audience — be they on the Mall that day in the sun or watching the speech on television or, decades later, viewing it online. And part of it resides in his ability, developed over a lifetime, to convey the urgency of his arguments through language richly layered with biblical and historical meanings….

Excerpt 2: From “I Have a Dream,” by the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But 100 years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we’ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we’ve come to our nation’s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men — yes, black men as well as white men — would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check that has come back marked “insufficient funds.” But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so we’ve come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God’s children….

For Writing or Discussion

• Michiko Kakutani asks: “Why does Dr. King’s ‘Dream’ speech exert such a potent hold on people around the world and across the generations?” What answer does she provide? What is the most powerful evidence she uses to back up her analysis?
• Ms. Kakutani explains that “with his improvised riff, Dr. King took a leap into history, jumping from prose to poetry, from the podium to the pulpit.” What does she mean by that description?
• After reading, listening or watching Dr. King’s “Dream” speech, describe your reaction. What do you find powerful or moving in the speech? Do you have a favorite line or phrase? Explain.
• How does Dr. King use figurative language and other poetic and oratorical devices, such as repetition and theme, to make his speech more powerful?
• What historical and biblical allusions do you recognize within the speech? Which allusions do you find most compelling, and why?
• Have we achieved Dr. King’s dream 50 years later? What progress do you think this country has made since the March on Washington with regard to civil rights? What progress do we still need to make? Cite evidence to support your opinion.

Going Further

1. Witnesses to History: How did people at the time react — to Dr. King’s “Dream” speech as well as to the march as a whole? The Times gathered reflections from readers who attended the march . Choose one or two memories to read in the Interactive. What was most powerful about the march for them? What was their recollection of Dr. King’s speech?

Alternatively, read James Reston’s 1963 news analysis published the day after the march in The Times to understand one contemporary critic’s perspective. Mr. Reston writes:

It was Dr. King who, near the end of the day, touched the vast audience…. But Dr. King brought them alive in the late afternoon with a peroration that was an anguished echo from all the old American reformers. Roger Williams calling for religious liberty. Sam Adams calling for political liberty, old man Thoreau denouncing coercion, William Lloyd Garrison demanding emancipation, and Eugene V. Debs crying for economic equality — Dr. King echoed them all. “I have a dream,” he cried again and again. And each time the dream was a promise out of our ancient articles of faith: phrases from the Constitution. lines from the great anthem of the nation, guarantees from the Bill of Rights, all ending with a vision that they all one day might come true.

How does Mr. Reston view the “Dream” speech? What additional insights does this news analysis give you about how The Times, or the mainstream news media in general, might have viewed the event at the time?

2. Other Civil Rights Speeches: Dr. King’s “Dream” speech is the best known of a long line of civil rights speeches. The Times collected other speeches that have influenced perceptions of race in America, including Malcolm X’s “The Ballot or the Bullet” and Fannie Lou Hamer’s testimony at the 1964 Democratic National Convention. Choose one speech and compare it to “I Have a Dream” in both tone and message.

3. Nonviolent Resistance: Dr. King’s speech was grounded in a larger movement committed to nonviolent resistance. Read the Times columnist David Brooks’s “The Ideas Behind the March,” and then consider the following questions:

• Mr. Brooks writes: “Nonviolent coercion was an ironic form of aggression. Nonviolence furnished the movement with a series of tactics that allowed it to remain on permanent offense.” What does he mean by that? How does this analysis help explain why nonviolence is often so effective?
• What current issue do you think would be well served by a nonviolent reform movement like the civil rights movement? Why is this issue important to you, and what actions would you want such a movement to take to make change?

4. Assessing the Dream: Daniel R. Smith attended both the March on Washington in 1963 and the 50th anniversary commemoration last August. Five decades after Dr. King’s historic speech, Mr. Smith reflected on how much progress the nation has made in terms of civil rights, but he also wondered if “the pace has slowed considerably.” Read “50 Years After March, Views of Fitful Progress” and study the related graphic analyzing change over time in key areas like education and jobs. How much progress do you think the country has made in civil rights since 1963? How much progress do we still need to make? Cite evidence to support your opinion.

More Resources:

Celebrating M.L.K. Day — news articles, Opinion articles, multimedia and lesson plans related to Dr. King and the civil rights movement

Additional Lesson Plans — by the Gilder Lehrman Institute and PBS for middle school and high school students

This resource may be used to address the academic standards listed below.

Common Core E.L.A. Anchor Standards

1   Read closely to determine what the text says explicitly and to make logical inferences from it; cite specific textual evidence when writing or speaking to support conclusions drawn from the text.

2   Determine central ideas or themes of a text and analyze their development; summarize the key supporting details and ideas.

4   Interpret words and phrases as they are used in a text, including determining technical, connotative, and figurative meanings, and analyze how specific word choices shape meaning or tone.

5   Analyze the structure of texts, including how specific sentences, paragraphs, and larger portions of the text (e.g., a section, chapter, scene, or stanza) relate to each other and the whole.

Comments are no longer being accepted.

Another fantastic lesson plan. I teach AP English Language and Composition. King’s writings are an essential part of the curriculum; these ideas will be great springboards for discussion. Thank you!

James Mulhern, //www.synthesizingeducation.net Atlantic Technical Center Magnet High School Coconut Creek, Florida

Remarkable Rev, Dr Martin Luther King, an exemplary and epitome of peace movement, who has shown extreme rationality in pursuit of justice, equality and freedom without any violence, taught us how to live a life with a high plane of dignity and prosperity, a life of liberty and equality, a life of complete unanimity and harmony in regard with racism. He taught us the real meaning of revolution……. revolution forwarded to bring the bright and sparkling light of hope of peace and tranquillity. His philosophies, ideologies and of course his dream for AMERICANS reflect his heart which is replete with abundance of humanity, compassion, fraternity and brotherhood. Yes, I have a dream and the dream is to live your dream.

Martin Luther King Jr. had the most memorable speak ever in the history of time. Something new that I have learned about Dr. King’s speech is that it was not the one he had prepared for the event. It amazes me that he still managed to say such a magnificent speak and it was not the one he was preparing for it just happened. I think Martin Luther King Jr. speech of “I Have a Dream” is still so powerful till this day is because it was something he was fighting for, for everybody and it was something that was so unique to everybody to hear it was wonderful. The main reason for the speech is for everyone to see that we are equal and for the future to be better than how it was, it just needed to be different. Many people loved the speech that he did but then again there were also others who disliked for the meaning it was about. The people who did not like it probably did not like it because they wanted it to stay the same and were probably taught to hate on others for a reason. Martin to me was a very unique man for doing what he did but there were also others who did the same thing and stood up for what they believed in. Everyone including Martin made others realize what was going on and things needed to be different. So it gave others confidence to do something towards a situation that they may not like and to say something about. The speech was a very peaceful way to say what the problem of the situation was it was not a violent thing to do but it was also dangerous. He did not care that if some were hating on him because of the speech or what he was doing, he must have been proud for what he was doing, I now I would be proud. This speech will always be around and very memorable till this day and till the future.

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Martin Luther King Jr.

By: History.com Editors

Updated: January 25, 2024 | Original: November 9, 2009

Martin Luther King Jr. was a social activist and Baptist minister who played a key role in the American civil rights movement from the mid-1950s until his assassination in 1968. King sought equality and human rights for African Americans, the economically disadvantaged and all victims of injustice through peaceful protest. He was the driving force behind watershed events such as the Montgomery Bus Boycott and the 1963 March on Washington , which helped bring about such landmark legislation as the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act . King was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1964 and is remembered each year on Martin Luther King Jr. Day , a U.S. federal holiday since 1986.

When Was Martin Luther King Born?

Martin Luther King Jr. was born on January 15, 1929, in Atlanta, Georgia , the second child of Martin Luther King Sr., a pastor, and Alberta Williams King, a former schoolteacher.

Along with his older sister Christine and younger brother Alfred Daniel Williams, he grew up in the city’s Sweet Auburn neighborhood, then home to some of the most prominent and prosperous African Americans in the country.

Did you know? The final section of Martin Luther King Jr.’s iconic “I Have a Dream” speech is believed to have been largely improvised.

A gifted student, King attended segregated public schools and at the age of 15 was admitted to Morehouse College , the alma mater of both his father and maternal grandfather, where he studied medicine and law.

Although he had not intended to follow in his father’s footsteps by joining the ministry, he changed his mind under the mentorship of Morehouse’s president, Dr. Benjamin Mays, an influential theologian and outspoken advocate for racial equality. After graduating in 1948, King entered Crozer Theological Seminary in Pennsylvania, where he earned a Bachelor of Divinity degree, won a prestigious fellowship and was elected president of his predominantly white senior class.

King then enrolled in a graduate program at Boston University, completing his coursework in 1953 and earning a doctorate in systematic theology two years later. While in Boston he met Coretta Scott, a young singer from Alabama who was studying at the New England Conservatory of Music . The couple wed in 1953 and settled in Montgomery, Alabama, where King became pastor of the Dexter Avenue Baptist Church .

The Kings had four children: Yolanda Denise King, Martin Luther King III, Dexter Scott King and Bernice Albertine King.

Montgomery Bus Boycott

The King family had been living in Montgomery for less than a year when the highly segregated city became the epicenter of the burgeoning struggle for civil rights in America, galvanized by the landmark Brown v. Board of Education decision of 1954.

On December 1, 1955, Rosa Parks , secretary of the local chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People ( NAACP ), refused to give up her seat to a white passenger on a Montgomery bus and was arrested. Activists coordinated a bus boycott that would continue for 381 days. The Montgomery Bus Boycott placed a severe economic strain on the public transit system and downtown business owners. They chose Martin Luther King Jr. as the protest’s leader and official spokesman.

By the time the Supreme Court ruled segregated seating on public buses unconstitutional in November 1956, King—heavily influenced by Mahatma Gandhi and the activist Bayard Rustin —had entered the national spotlight as an inspirational proponent of organized, nonviolent resistance.

King had also become a target for white supremacists, who firebombed his family home that January.

On September 20, 1958, Izola Ware Curry walked into a Harlem department store where King was signing books and asked, “Are you Martin Luther King?” When he replied “yes,” she stabbed him in the chest with a knife. King survived, and the attempted assassination only reinforced his dedication to nonviolence: “The experience of these last few days has deepened my faith in the relevance of the spirit of nonviolence if necessary social change is peacefully to take place.”

Southern Christian Leadership Conference

Emboldened by the success of the Montgomery Bus Boycott, in 1957 he and other civil rights activists—most of them fellow ministers—founded the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), a group committed to achieving full equality for African Americans through nonviolent protest.

The SCLC motto was “Not one hair of one head of one person should be harmed.” King would remain at the helm of this influential organization until his death.

In his role as SCLC president, Martin Luther King Jr. traveled across the country and around the world, giving lectures on nonviolent protest and civil rights as well as meeting with religious figures, activists and political leaders.

During a month-long trip to India in 1959, he had the opportunity to meet family members and followers of Gandhi, the man he described in his autobiography as “the guiding light of our technique of nonviolent social change.” King also authored several books and articles during this time.

Letter from Birmingham Jail

In 1960 King and his family moved to Atlanta, his native city, where he joined his father as co-pastor of the Ebenezer Baptist Church . This new position did not stop King and his SCLC colleagues from becoming key players in many of the most significant civil rights battles of the 1960s.

Their philosophy of nonviolence was put to a particularly severe test during the Birmingham campaign of 1963, in which activists used a boycott, sit-ins and marches to protest segregation, unfair hiring practices and other injustices in one of America’s most racially divided cities.

Arrested for his involvement on April 12, King penned the civil rights manifesto known as the “ Letter from Birmingham Jail ,” an eloquent defense of civil disobedience addressed to a group of white clergymen who had criticized his tactics.

March on Washington

Later that year, Martin Luther King Jr. worked with a number of civil rights and religious groups to organize the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, a peaceful political rally designed to shed light on the injustices Black Americans continued to face across the country.

Held on August 28 and attended by some 200,000 to 300,000 participants, the event is widely regarded as a watershed moment in the history of the American civil rights movement and a factor in the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 .

"I Have a Dream" Speech

The March on Washington culminated in King’s most famous address, known as the “I Have a Dream” speech, a spirited call for peace and equality that many consider a masterpiece of rhetoric.

Standing on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial —a monument to the president who a century earlier had brought down the institution of slavery in the United States—he shared his vision of a future in which “this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: ‘We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.'”

The speech and march cemented King’s reputation at home and abroad; later that year he was named “Man of the Year” by TIME magazine and in 1964 became, at the time, the youngest person ever awarded the Nobel Peace Prize .

In the spring of 1965, King’s elevated profile drew international attention to the violence that erupted between white segregationists and peaceful demonstrators in Selma, Alabama, where the SCLC and Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) had organized a voter registration campaign.

Captured on television, the brutal scene outraged many Americans and inspired supporters from across the country to gather in Alabama and take part in the Selma to Montgomery march led by King and supported by President Lyndon B. Johnson , who sent in federal troops to keep the peace.

That August, Congress passed the Voting Rights Act , which guaranteed the right to vote—first awarded by the 15th Amendment—to all African Americans.

Assassination of Martin Luther King Jr.

The events in Selma deepened a growing rift between Martin Luther King Jr. and young radicals who repudiated his nonviolent methods and commitment to working within the established political framework.

As more militant Black leaders such as Stokely Carmichael rose to prominence, King broadened the scope of his activism to address issues such as the Vietnam War and poverty among Americans of all races. In 1967, King and the SCLC embarked on an ambitious program known as the Poor People’s Campaign, which was to include a massive march on the capital.

On the evening of April 4, 1968, Martin Luther King was assassinated . He was fatally shot while standing on the balcony of a motel in Memphis, where King had traveled to support a sanitation workers’ strike. In the wake of his death, a wave of riots swept major cities across the country, while President Johnson declared a national day of mourning.

James Earl Ray , an escaped convict and known racist, pleaded guilty to the murder and was sentenced to 99 years in prison. He later recanted his confession and gained some unlikely advocates, including members of the King family, before his death in 1998.

After years of campaigning by activists, members of Congress and Coretta Scott King, among others, in 1983 President Ronald Reagan signed a bill creating a U.S. federal holiday in honor of King.

Observed on the third Monday of January, Martin Luther King Day was first celebrated in 1986.

Martin Luther King Jr. Quotes

While his “I Have a Dream” speech is the most well-known piece of his writing, Martin Luther King Jr. was the author of multiple books, include “Stride Toward Freedom: The Montgomery Story,” “Why We Can’t Wait,” “Strength to Love,” “Where Do We Go From Here: Chaos or Community?” and the posthumously published “Trumpet of Conscience” with a foreword by Coretta Scott King. Here are some of the most famous Martin Luther King Jr. quotes:

“Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.”

“Darkness cannot drive out darkness; only light can do that. Hate cannot drive out hate; only love can do that.”

“The ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort and convenience, but where he stands at times of challenge and controversy.”

“Freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed.”

“The time is always right to do what is right.”

"True peace is not merely the absence of tension; it is the presence of justice."

“Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter.”

“Free at last, Free at last, Thank God almighty we are free at last.”

“Faith is taking the first step even when you don't see the whole staircase.”

“In the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends.”

"I believe that unarmed truth and unconditional love will have the final word in reality. This is why right, temporarily defeated, is stronger than evil triumphant."

“I have decided to stick with love. Hate is too great a burden to bear.”

“Be a bush if you can't be a tree. If you can't be a highway, just be a trail. If you can't be a sun, be a star. For it isn't by size that you win or fail. Be the best of whatever you are.”

“Life's most persistent and urgent question is, 'What are you doing for others?’”

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The quote “Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere” is one among many by American Baptist minister, civil rights activist and Nobel Laureate Martin Luther King Jr, which retains their relevance even today. The line is often used to highlight the lack of socio-economic and/or political justice and also to demonstrate how various strands of society are interconnected.

With regards to the UPSC-CSE examination, understanding this quote could be beneficial in the Mains examination’s Essay writing paper, and also in the Ethics (GS-IV) portion. We dive deeper into the quote and its significance.

What is the full quote?

This quote appears in a 1963 letter King wrote from the Birmingham Jail (in the state of Alabama) that was addressed to his “fellow clergymen”. King wrote the letter as a response to members of the clergy calling his activism “unwise and untimely”. King wrote:

“Moreover, I am cognizant of the interrelatedness of all communities and states. I cannot sit idly by in Atlanta and not be concerned about what happens in Birmingham. Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly. Never again can we afford to live with the narrow, provincial “outside agitator” idea. Anyone who lives inside the United States can never be considered an outsider anywhere within its bounds.” he writes.

Through his words, King disposes of the notion that only the people directly affected by any sort of injustice can protest against it – he reasons that as human beings, we are all tied to one another, and what affects one community has the potential of affecting many others.

What does the quote mean?

In the years after the US Supreme Court ruled against racial segregation in 1954 in ‘Brown v Board of Education’, tensions erupted continuously between segregationists (white supremacists) and African American communities in various parts of the American South.

Birmingham Police, at this time, was notorious for its excessive use of force and brutality. In response, King and other civil rights activists created the ‘Birmingham Manifesto’, which called for justice through both Christian and American ideals. King and his supporters also held several non-violent protests, in keeping with the spirit of the manifesto. It was during one of these protests that he was arrested for violating a state order forbidding such demonstrations.

The letter can be read as a document detailing King’s understanding of civil disobedience and also his greater vision for humanity. For him, what affects even one person directly, has consequences for everyone else indirectly. He refuses to see society in silos, each group ‘protected’ via its own insularity. This is also the idea that reinforces racism, of keeping communities as far away from each other as possible, and what King fought against his entire life.

In the letter, King also talks about the complexity of the processes of legality and justice: “Sometimes a law is just on its face and unjust in its application. For instance, I have been arrested on a charge of parading without a permit. Now, there is nothing wrong in having an ordinance which requires a permit for a parade. But such an ordinance becomes unjust when it is used to maintain segregation and to deny citizens the First-Amendment privilege of peaceful assembly and protest.”

Reading this along with the quote mentioned above, it is clear that King is also reflecting on how it is important to analyse how notions of justice overlap or diverge from what is strictly legal. If a law is being used to unfairly target individuals or a community, it must be rectified. It is not enough to think about our own benefits and selfish motives – in a democratic country, equality and equal treatment of all should be the primary concern.

Why the quote is relevant

King’s words resonate with one of the most famous World War II statements, frequently attributed to the German pastor Martin Niemöller:

“First they came for the socialists, and I did not speak out—because I was not a socialist. Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out—because I was not a trade unionist. Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out—because I was not a Jew. Then they came for me—and there was no one left to speak for me.”

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Like King’s quote, this statement also highlights how it is ultimately the duty of everyone to speak out and act against injustice happening around them, whether or not they are directly affected.

Another less abstract way in which King’s words find resonance is through the concept of Public Interest Litigation (PIL), which incidentally also evolved during the 1960s in the US. It was formulated to provide legal representation to marginalised groups and interests because the legal services market failed to provide relevant services to large sections of the population and for issues that did not enjoy mainstream popularity.

In India, the PIL came about as a product of judicial activism. Supreme Court Justices V R Krishna Iyer and P N Bhagwati were the first to introduce the concept in India in the 1980s. Under this, any citizen or organisation can move a court for the enforcement of the rights of any person or a group who cannot access the remedies provided by the court due to material or any other kind of disadvantage.

The apex court further defined the PIL as “a legal action initiated in a court of law for the enforcement of public interest or general interest in which the public or a class of the community have pecuniary interest or some interest by which their legal rights or liabilities are affected”, in ‘ Janata Dal v H S Chowdhury’ (1992). The concept of PIL thus reinforces King’s words: “Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere”.

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Arushi works with the online desk at The Indian Express. She writes on entertainment, culture, women's issues, and sometimes a mix of all three. She regularly contributes to the Explained and Opinion sections and is also responsible for curating the daily newsletter, Morning Expresso. She studied English literature at Miranda House, University of Delhi, along with a minor in Sociology. Later, she earned a post-graduate diploma in Integrated Journalism from the Asian College of Journalism, where she learnt the basics of print, digital and broadcast journalism. Write to her at [email protected]. You can follow her on LinkedIn and Instagram. ... Read More

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An essay of a king with an explanation what manner of persons those should be that are to execute the power or ordinance of the kings prerogative / written by the Right Honorable Francis, Lord Verulam, Viscount Saint Alban.

About this item.

To the extent possible under law, the Text Creation Partnership has waived all copyright and related or neighboring rights to this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above, according to the terms of the CC0 1.0 Public Domain Dedication (http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/). This waiver does not extend to any page images or other supplementary files associated with this work, which may be protected by copyright or other license restrictions. Please go to http://www.textcreationpartnership.org/ for more information.

description Page 2

An essay of a king written by sir francis bacon..

A King is a mortall God on Earth, unto whom the living God hath lent his own name as a great honour: But with∣all told him hee should die like a man, lest he should be proud and flatter him∣self, that God hath with his name im∣parted unto him his nature also.

2 Of all kinds of men, God is least beholding unto them, for he doth most for them, and they do ordinari∣ly least for him.

3 A King that would not feele his Crown too heavy for him, must weare it every day, but if he think it too light, he knoweth not of what mettall it is made of.

4 He must make Religion the Rule of government, and not the Scale; for he that casteth in Religion onely to make the scales even, his own weight is contained in these Characters Tekel uphrasin, he is found too light, his Kingdom shall be taken from him.

5 And that King that holds not Religion the best reason of state, is void of all piety and justice, the Sup∣porters of a King.

6 He must be able to give Counsell himself, but not to relye thereupon: for though happy events justifie their Councels, yet it is better that the evill event of

description Page 3

good advice be rather imputed to a Subject then a So∣vereigne.

7 He is the Fountain of Honour, which should not run with a wast pipe, lest the Courtiers • • ell the waters, and then (as Papists say of their holy Wels) to lose the vertue.

8 He is the life of the Law, not onely as he is lex lo∣quens himself, but because he animateth the dead letter, making it active towards all his Subjects praemio & poena.

9 A wise King must doe lesse in altering his Laws, then he may; for new government is ever dangerous, it being true in the body politique, as in the corporall, that omnis subita mutatio est periculosa, and though it be for the better, yet it is not without a fearfull apprehen∣sion; For he that changeth the fundamentall Laws of a Kingdome, thinketh that there is no good title to a Crown but by conquest.

10 A King that setteth to sale Seats of Justice, op∣presseth the People, for he teacheth his Judges to fell Justice, and praecio parata, praecio vincitur Justicia.

Bounty and Magnificence are vertues, verae Regiae, but a prodigall King is neerer a Tyrant, then a parcimo∣nious: for store at home draweth his contemplations abroad, but want supplyeth it self of what is next, and many times the next way, and herein he must be wise and know, wh • • t he may justly doe.

12 That King which is not feared, is not loved, and he that is well seen in his craft, must as well study to be feared as loved, yet not loved for feare, but feared for love.

13 Therefore as hee must alwayes resemble him whose great name he beareth, and that in manifesting

description Page 4

the sweet influence of his mercy over the severe stroke of his Justice sometimes, so in this not to suffer a man of death to live, for besides that the Land doth mou • • n, the restraint of Justice towards sin doth more retard the affection of love, then the extent of mercy doth en∣flame it, and sure where love is bestowed, feare is quite lost.

14 His greatest Enemies are his Flatterers, for though they ever speak on his side, yet their words still make against them.

15 The love which a King oweth to the weal-pub∣like, should not be restrained to any one particular, yet that his more speciall favour do reflect upon some wor∣thy ones, is somwhat necessary, because there are so few of that capacity.

Hee must have a speciall care of five things, if hee would not have his Crown to be put upon him.

First, that simulata sanctitas, be not in the Church, for that is duplex iniquitas.

Secondly, that inutilis aequitas, sit not in the Chance∣cery, for that is inepta misericordia.

Thirdly, that utilis iniquitas, keep not the Exchequer, for it is crudele latrocinium.

Fourthly, that fidelis temeritas be not his Generall, for that will bring but seram poenitentiam.

Fiftly, that infidelis prudentia, be not his Secretary, for that he is Anguis sub viridi herba.

To conclude, as he is of the greatest power, so hee is subject to the greatest cares, made the servant of his people, or else he were without a calling at all.

He then that honoureth him not, is next an Atheist wanting the feare of God in his heart.

description Page 5

An explanation what manner of persons those should be, that are to execute the power or ordinance of the kings prero∣gative, written by the said sir francis bacon late lord chancellour, and lord st. albans..

THat absolute Prerogative according to the Kings pleasure revealed by his Lawes, may be exercised and executed by any Subject, to whom power may be given by the King, in any place of Judgement or Com∣mission, which the King by his Law hath ordained, in which the Judge subordinate cannot wrong the people, the Law laying downe a measure by which every Judge should governe or execute; Against which Law if any Judge proceed, he is by the Law questionable and pu∣nishable for his transgression.

In this nature are all the Judges and Commissioners of the Land no otherwise then in their Courts, in which the King in person is supposed to sit who cannot worke that trespasse, Felony or treason which the Law hath not made so to be, neither can punish the guilty by o∣ther punishment then the Law hath appointed.

This Prerogative or power as it is over all the Sub∣jects so being knowne by the Subjects, they are without excuse if they offend; and suffer no wrong, if they be pu∣nished. And by this prerogative the King governeth all sorts of people according unto knowne will.

The absolute prerogative which is in Kings according to their private will and judgement cannot be executed by any Subject, neither is it possible to give such power by Commission, or fit to subject the people to the same. For the King in that he is the substitute of God imme∣diatly

description Page 6

the Father of his people, and head of the Com∣mon wealth by participation with God and his subjects, Discretion, Iudgement, and feeling love towards those over whom he raigneth only proper to himselfe, or to his places and person, who seeing he cannot in any o∣thers diffuse his wisedome, power, or gifts, which God in respect of his place and charge hath enabled him withall, can neither subordinate any other Iudge to go∣verne by that knowledge, which the King can no other∣wise then by his knowne will participate unto him. And if any subordinate Iudge shall obtaine Commission ac∣cording, of such Iudge to govern the people, that Iudge is bound to think that to be his sound discretion, in which the law in which the Kings known will sheweth unto him to be that Iustice which hee ought to administer: otherwise he might seeme to esteeme himselfe above the Kings law, who will not governe by him, or to have a power derived from other then from the King, which in the Kingdome will administer Iustice contra∣rie to the justice of the Land. Neither can such a Judge or Commissioner under the name of his high Authori∣tie shrowde his owne high affection, seeing the Consci∣ence and discretion of every man is particular and private to himselfe; As the discretion of the Judge can∣not be properly or possibly the discretion of the King, or conscience of the King; And if not his discretion, nei∣ther the Judgement that is ruled by another m • • ns only. Therefore it may seeme they rather desire to bee Kings then to rule the people under the King, which will not administer Justice by law, but by their owne wills.

This Administration in a subject is derogative to the Kings Prerogative, for he administreth Justice out of a

description Page 7

private direction, being not capable of a generall dire∣ction, how to use the Kings pleasure in Causes of par∣ticular respect, which if another then the King himselfe can doe, how can it be so, that any man should desire that which is unfit and impossible, but that it must p • • oceed out of some exorbitant affection, the rather seeing such places to be full of trouble, and being altogether unne∣cessary, no man will seeke to thrust himselfe into it, but for hope of gaine. Then is not any prerogative oppug∣ned but maintained, though it be desired that every sub∣ordinate Magistrate may not be made supreame, where∣by he may seale up the hearts of the people, take from the King the respect due unto him only, or to judge the people otherwise then the King doth himselfe.

And although the Prince be not bound to render any accompt to the Law, which in person administreth it selfe. Yet every subordinate Judge must render an ac∣compt to the King by his lawes how hee hath admini∣stred Justice in his place where he is set. But if he hath power to rule by private direction, for which there is no law, how can he be questioned by a law, if in his pri∣vate censure he offendeth.

Therefore it seemeth that in giving such authority the King ordaineth not subordinate Magistrates, but ab∣solute Kings; And what doth the King leave to him∣selfe, who giveth so much to others as he hath himself? neither is there a greater bond to tie the subject to his Prince in particular then when he shal have recourse unto him in his person or in his power for releif of the wrongs which from private men be offered, or for reformation of the oppressions which any subordinate Magistrate shall impose upon the people: there can be no offence in

description Page 8

the Judge, who hath power to execute according to his discretion, when the discretion of any Judge shall be thought fit to be unlimited; And therefore there can be therein no reformation, whereby the King in this useth no prerogative to gaine his Subjects right. Then the subject is bound to suffer helplesse wrong, and the dis∣content of the people is cast upon the King, the lawes being neglected, which with their equitie in all other Causes and Judgements, saving this, interpose them∣selves and yeeld remedy.

And to conclude, * 1.1 Custome cannot confirme that which is any wayes unreasonable of it selfe; Wisedome will not allow that which is many wayes dangerous, and no wayes profitable; Justice will not approve that government where it cannot be, but wrong must bee committed. Neither can there be any rule by which to try it, nor meanes for reformation of it.

Therefore whosoever desireth Government, must seeke such as he is capable of, not such as seemeth to himselfe most easie to execute; For it appeareth that it is easie to him that knoweth not law nor justice to rule as he listeth, his will never wanting a power to it selfe: but it is safe and blamelesse both for the Judge and Peo∣ple, and honour to the King, that Judges bee appointed who know the Law, and that they bee limited to go∣verne according to the Law.

description Page [unnumbered]

1. Custome. 2. Wisdome. 3. Justice. 4. Rule a∣gainst it.

A King Among Fools and Flatterers

During the reign of the Danish king Canute, a devout Christian, the Faith in England flourished.

Even though King Alfred had turned back the tide of pagan invasion in the late ninth century, repelling the Danes and keeping England part of Christendom, the tide would turn once again. By the eleventh century, for a brief period, the Danes ruled supreme in England. These Danes were, however, very different from the pagan Vikings who had terrorized the country in preceding centuries because these Norsemen were Christians.

In embracing the faith of the host culture, the conquerors had ironically been conquered. Like the Romans a thousand years earlier, who had conquered the Greeks militarily but had been conquered by the Greeks culturally, adopting the Greek gods as their own, so the Danes had conquered the Anglo-Saxons militarily but had been conquered by the Anglo-Saxons culturally, adopting the Christian God as their own. During the reign of the Danish king Canute, a devout Christian, the Faith in England flourished.

Such a view does King Canute a great injustice. Far from being a megalomaniac intent on singing his own praises, he is an unsung hero of Christendom who should be praised for his humility and his wisdom. During his reign, which was from 1016 until 1035, new churches were built in London and there were thought to be about twenty-five within the city by the time of his death, including six dedicated to the Norwegian saint Olaf and one to Olaf’s son, St. Magnus the Martyr. He made a pilgrimage to the Marian shrine at Glastonbury and also established the Benedictines at Gloucester Abbey. In addition, at the height of his power, he went on pilgrimage to Rome.

Yet those who think of King Canute do not think of the promotion of Christianity during his reign, nor do they have visions of him as a pilgrim visiting Christian shrines. Instead, he remains best known to posterity for the legendary account of his ordering the tide to obey him. “My tide,” King Canute cried. “My tide you must turn!” Although, as we have said, this is often cited as evidence of the foolishness of egocentric rulers who “try to stop the tide,” the true source of the account, which dates from the twelfth century, demonstrates Canute’s piety and humility, not his folly and pride.

According to the twelfth-century account by Henry of Huntingdon, Canute ordered his throne to be placed on the beach. Then, sitting on it, he ordered the incoming tide to stop. When the tide lapped against his feet, in defiance of the royal command, he used the incident to teach a priceless lesson to his flattering courtiers. “Let all men know how empty and worthless is the power of kings,” he declaimed, “for there is none worthy of the name, but He whom heaven, earth, and sea obey by eternal laws.” He then hung his crown on a crucifix and, according to the account, never wore it again “to the honour of God the almighty King.”

The episode shows King Canute to be a kindred spirit to the chastened and converted King Lear, who refers to flattering courtiers as “gilded butterflies” and “poor rogues [who] talk of court news.” Such men are not to be trusted, either in history or on the stage. Although most historians question the veracity of this anecdotal episode, seeing it as “apocryphal,” the fact that the source for the story dates from only a century after Canute’s own time suggests the possibility that there could be a core of fact at the heart of Henry of Huntingdon’s account.

King Canute, as wise and virtuous as he was, would be eclipsed in terms of sanctity by his stepson, St. Edward the Confessor, who ruled England from 1042 until the fateful year of the Norman Conquest in 1066. As with Alfred the Great, historians have sung the praises of St. Edward the Confessor. He would be England’s patron saint until the adoption of St. George as England’s patron at the time of the crusades. He would be lauded and lionized by Shakespeare who shone him forth as the embodiment of a good and virtuous king in contradistinction to the wickedness of Macbeth.

No such praises have been sung to King Canute who could justly complain, with Hamlet, that he has suffered the slings and arrows of outrageous fortune and has borne the whips and scorns of time. He has suffered the oppressive wrongs of ignorant gossip, passed from one generation to the next, and “the proud man’s contumely,” the insults and the scorn of lesser men.

And yet, the final judgment that matters is not the judgment of history but the judgment of God. And the only songs of praise that really matter are the songs of praise to God. This being so, let’s join the noble Horatio with the prayer that he said for the soul of Hamlet, the “sweet prince” of Denmark, saying it for the soul of Canute, the humble King of Denmark (and England): May flights of angels sing the unsung hero to his rest!

Republished with gracious permission from  Crisis Magazine (December 2023).

This essay is part of a series,  Unsung Heroes of Christendom .

The Imaginative Conservative  applies the principle of appreciation to the discussion of culture and politics—we approach dialogue with magnanimity rather than with mere civility. Will you help us remain a refreshing oasis in the increasingly contentious arena of modern discourse? Please consider  donating now .

The featured image is “Portrait of King Canute” (between 1873 and 1933) by Poul Simon Christiansen, and is in the public domain, courtesy of Wikimedia Commons .

All comments are moderated and must be civil, concise, and constructive to the conversation. Comments that are critical of an essay may be approved, but comments containing ad hominem criticism of the author will not be published. Also, comments containing web links or block quotations are unlikely to be approved. Keep in mind that essays represent the opinions of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Imaginative Conservative or its editor or publisher.

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Burger King enters the fast-food value wars with its $5 ‘Your Way Meal’

The fast food value wars are heating up as diners are sick of high prices in the drive-through lane.

Burger King confirms to TODAY.com it will be re-releasing a $5 value meal in the hopes of attracting cash-conscious customers. The fast-food royal is the latest in a long line of national chains to announce a lower-cost meal as they report lower traffic and profit declines.

“Burger King is accelerating its value offers after three quarters of leading the industry in value traffic,” a Burger King spokesperson tells TODAY.com. “We are bringing back our $5 Your Way Meal as agreed upon with our franchisees back in April.”

The move was first reported by Bloomberg , which obtained a Burger King memo discussing the deal. According to the report, the value meal would feature a choice of one of three sandwiches with nuggets, fries and a drink.

Additionally, Burger King plans to relaunch the meal before McDonald’s drops its own similar deal in June. CNBC reported in May that McDonald’s USA would be introducing a $5 value meal for one month on June 25. Customers will be able to pick between a McChicken and McDouble, which will come with a four-piece McNuggets, fries and a drink.

Unlike the Golden Arches, Burger King plans to offer its meal “for several months,” per the memo signed by Tom Curtis, president of Burger King U.S. and Canada.

Burger King previously offered $5 Duo deals  which came with a choice of any two items from a selection of BK Royal Crispy Wrap flavors and/or a Whopper Jr.

The chain’s latest announcement comes as drive-through fans voice their displeasure with expensive fast food, and chains like KFC and Starbucks report sales declines .

Folks have been posting about eye-popping fast food prices on TikTok, X and beyond. Viral complaints about the cost of $17 for two Filet O’ Fish sandwiches and $3 for a single hash brown shows prices have been driving these customers away. Now, from Buffalo Wild Wings to Wendy’s, Pizza Hut and more, restaurants are finally listening.

Quick-serve sit-down restaurants are also joining in on the value wars. In April, Denny’s announced the return of its low-priced All-Day Diner Deals starting at $5.99 while Applebee’s and Chili’s have their own low-cost offerings , too.

John Peyton, CEO of Dine Brands (the Applebee’s and IHOP parent company), also told TODAY.com his company has been looking at consumer spending patterns and is prepared for a shift towards more value-focused purchases.

Washington, D.C. native Joseph Lamour is a lover of food: its past, its present and the science behind it. With food, you can bring opposites together to form a truly marvelous combination, and he strives to take that sentiment to heart in all that he does.

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Zeus: the Mighty King of the Greek Gods

This essay about Zeus explores his role as the king of the Greek gods, highlighting his power over the sky and thunder, and his authority as a divine judge. It discusses Zeus’s control over natural phenomena, his role in upholding justice, and his complex relationships with other gods and mortals. The essay also touches on his strategic mind, as seen in his rise to power, and his influence on ancient Greek culture, including religious practices and the Olympic Games. Zeus’s representation in art and literature is also noted, showcasing his lasting impact on human imagination and storytelling.

How it works

Zeus, the preeminent figure in Hellenic lore, stands as an emblem of unparalleled potency, omnipresent influence, and intricate character. As the sovereign of Mount Olympus and the Hellenic pantheon, Zeus’s legacy is expansive and multifaceted, mirroring the intricate web of narratives and convictions that have sculpted the comprehension of deities and champions in Western civilization.

One of Zeus’s quintessential attributes lies in his supremacy over the firmament and thunder. Often depicted brandishing a thunderbolt, Zeus’s dominion over meteorological phenomena epitomizes his supreme dominion.

Ancient Hellenes perceived thunder and lightning as manifestations of Zeus’s volition, instilling both dread and reverence within mortal hearts. This affiliation with natural occurrences underscores his role as a deity capable of influencing both the elemental and human domains, rendering him a pivotal entity in their cosmogony.

The saga of Zeus transcends mere omnipotence; it is interwoven with motifs of equity and structure. As the custodian of law and the overseer of ethical conduct, Zeus was frequently invoked in matters of rectitude. His function as a celestial adjudicator is manifest in myriad myths where he intercedes to enforce order and penalize infractions. This facet of Zeus illuminates the ancient Hellenes’ aspiration to imbue their cosmos with a sense of cosmic equity, wherein the king of gods ensures the triumph of righteousness.

Another captivating facet of Zeus resides in his convoluted liaisons with other deities and mortals. Revered for his myriad dalliances, Zeus sired a plethora of deities, semidivine beings, and champions, each enriching his sprawling mythological progeny. His romantic entanglements, though frequently tempestuous, imbue the gods with anthropomorphic qualities, rendering them more relatable and their sagas more captivating. These unions also exemplify the interconnection within Hellenic mythology, where the deeds of one deity could yield far-reaching repercussions across the divine and mortal realms.

Furthermore, Zeus’s mythic chronicles frequently unveil his sagacity and tactical acumen. His ascension to supremacy, characterized by the overthrow of his progenitor Cronus, showcases his valor and intellect. By liberating his siblings from Cronus’s gastric clutches and leading the Olympians to triumph in the Titanomachy, Zeus instituted a novel hierarchy of deities, showcasing his mettle as a leader and strategist. These tales accentuate themes of insurrection and rejuvenation, pivotal to myriad mythological traditions.

Zeus’s sway extended beyond the bounds of mythology into various facets of ancient Hellenic civilization. Sanctuaries consecrated to him, such as the magnificent Temple of Zeus at Olympia, served as hubs of veneration and communal interaction. The Olympian Games, conducted in his honor, constituted not only athletic contests but also religious revelries that bolstered communal ties and exalted human prowess. This fusion of religiosity, athleticism, and societal intercourse underscores Zeus’s central standing in ancient Hellenic life, transcending mere myth to become a bastion of their cultural ethos.

In the realm of artistic and literary expression, Zeus has been immortalized through innumerable creations, from the neoclassical sculptures of Phidias to the Homeric and Hesiodic epics. These aesthetic renderings have aided in perpetuating and disseminating his visage throughout epochs, influencing subsequent generations and civilizations. The enduring allure of Zeus in myriad mediums attests to his enduring imprint on human imagination and narrative tradition.

In summation, Zeus is renowned for his unassailable sovereignty as the sovereign of the gods, his function as a divine magistrate, his intricate entanglements with other deities and mortals, and his strategic acumen. His sway permeates ancient Hellenic culture, religion, and art, rendering him a seminal figure in Western mythos. Through the thunderbolts he wields, the justice he administers, and the narratives he inspires, Zeus endures as an emblem of authority, order, and intricacy, captivating the human psyche across epochs. His legacy, simultaneously awe-inspiring and multifaceted, persists, serving as a poignant reminder of the opulent mythic legacy that informs our comprehension of the celestial and the terrestrial.

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"Letter from Birmingham Jail"

April 16, 1963

As the events of the  Birmingham Campaign  intensified on the city’s streets, Martin Luther King, Jr., composed a letter from his prison cell in Birmingham in response to local religious leaders’ criticisms of the campaign: “Never before have I written so long a letter. I’m afraid it is much too long to take your precious time. I can assure you that it would have been much shorter if I had been writing from a comfortable desk, but what else can one do when he is alone in a narrow jail cell, other than write long letters, think long thoughts and pray long prayers?” (King,  Why , 94–95).

King’s 12 April 1963 arrest for violating Alabama’s law against mass public demonstrations took place just over a week after the campaign’s commencement. In an effort to revive the campaign, King and Ralph  Abernathy   had donned work clothes and marched from Sixth Avenue Baptist Church into a waiting police wagon. The day of his arrest, eight Birmingham clergy members wrote a criticism of the campaign that was published in the  Birmingham News , calling its direct action strategy “unwise and untimely” and appealing “to both our white and Negro citizenry to observe the principles of law and order and common sense” (“White Clergymen Urge”).

Following the initial circulation of King’s letter in Birmingham as a mimeographed copy, it was published in a variety of formats: as a pamphlet distributed by the  American Friends Service Committee  and as an article in periodicals such as  Christian Century ,  Christianity and Crisis , the  New York Post , and  Ebony  magazine. The first half of the letter was introduced into testimony before Congress by Representative William Fitts Ryan (D–NY) and published in the  Congressional Record . One year later, King revised the letter and presented it as a chapter in his 1964 memoir of the Birmingham Campaign,  Why We Can’t Wait , a book modeled after the basic themes set out in “Letter from Birmingham Jail.”

In  Why We Can’t Wait , King recalled in an author’s note accompanying the letter’s republication how the letter was written. It was begun on pieces of newspaper, continued on bits of paper supplied by a black trustee, and finished on paper pads left by King’s attorneys. After countering the charge that he was an “outside agitator” in the body of the letter, King sought to explain the value of a “nonviolent campaign” and its “four basic steps: collection of the facts to determine whether injustices exist; negotiation; self-purification; and direct action” (King,  Why , 79). He went on to explain that the purpose of direct action was to create a crisis situation out of which negotiation could emerge.

The body of King’s letter called into question the clergy’s charge of “impatience” on the part of the African American community and of the “extreme” level of the campaign’s actions (“White Clergymen Urge”). “For years now, I have heard the word ‘Wait!’” King wrote. “This ‘Wait’ has almost always meant ‘Never’” (King,  Why , 83). He articulated the resentment felt “when you are forever fighting a degenerating sense of ‘nobodiness’—then you will understand why we find it difficult to wait” (King,  Why , 84). King justified the tactic of civil disobedience by stating that, just as the Bible’s Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego refused to obey Nebuchadnezzar’s unjust laws and colonists staged the Boston Tea Party, he refused to submit to laws and injunctions that were employed to uphold segregation and deny citizens their rights to peacefully assemble and protest.

King also decried the inaction of white moderates such as the clergymen, charging that human progress “comes through the tireless efforts of men willing to be co-workers with God, and without this hard work, time itself becomes an ally of the forces of social stagnation” (King,  Why , 89). He prided himself as being among “extremists” such as Jesus, the prophet Amos, the apostle Paul, Martin Luther, and Abraham Lincoln, and observed that the country as a whole and the South in particular stood in need of creative men of extreme action. In closing, he hoped to meet the eight fellow clergymen who authored the first letter.

Garrow,  Bearing the Cross , 1986.

King, “A Letter from Birmingham Jail,”  Ebony  (August 1963): 23–32.

King, “From the Birmingham Jail,”  Christianity and Crisis  23 (27 May 1963): 89–91.

King, “From the Birmingham Jail,”  Christian Century  80 (12 June 1963): 767–773.

King, “Letter from Birmingham City Jail” (Philadelphia: American Friends Service Committee, May 1963).

King, “Letter from Birmingham Jail,” in  Why We Can’t Wait , 1964.

Reverend Martin Luther King Writes from Birmingham City Jail—Part I , 88th Cong., 1st sess.,  Congressional Record  (11 July 1963): A 4366–4368.

“White Clergymen Urge Local Negroes to Withdraw from Demonstrations,”  Birmingham News , 13 April 1963.