opening speech mun sample human rights

The Art of the Perfect Opening Speech

Written by Pierre-Jean

Mun articles | strategy, july 16, 2019, action | argumentation | debate | hook | model un speech | opening speech | point | public speaking | rhetoric | speakers list | speech delivery.

That’s it. The moment you waited for. It could be your first conference or your tenth, but the first time you ever address your committee will always be a highly nerve wracking, and equally critical, moment for even the most experienced delegates.

Public speaking is a staple of Model UN.  To become an expert speaker, every delegate has to ask themselves the same question: How can I improve my skills, and therefore my performance, while in committee?

First of all, you have to differentiate the two categories of committee speeches: the persuasive speech versus and the opening speech.

Opening speeches usually range from one minute to one minute and thirty seconds long and are presented to the entire committee.  Their main purpose is for a delegate to present their specific position’s stance on the topic of the committee.

The framework for any public speech has remained the same since the rise and fall of Roman Republic: you will have to present a hook, a point related to the topic and a final call to action:

Any type of hook must tackle the ongoing issue in committee, while creating a keen interest for future policies and actions a delegate would like to take. You can choose from a large panel of rhetorical tools such as rhetorical questions, metaphors, jarring statistics, or sound bites to make your speeches more interesting to listen to. Other ideas could include an assertion or a reference to a striking historical event.

After the hook, the next step is to focus on the point you want to make. The point should account for the largest portion of your speaking time: this is your chance to change the flow of debate and establish yourself as a critical contributor to committee. Assert your position’s policy or opinion on the topic of committee. Be sure to use evidence or examples when discussing what your country or representative believes: whether you want it or not, you cannot throw the point you want to make without emphasis on facts. Tactics one could use include using statistics or comparisons, appealing to factual evidence, and using quotes from public officials to emphasize your country’s conviction on its particular stance. 

Never “echo the sentiments” of a previous delegate; never regurgitate the same stale opinions that have already been voiced by all the speeches that came before you. Contribute something new: voice a perspective that hasn’t been represented yet, point out a weak spot in your opponent’s argumentation style, play the devil’s advocate, or bring up a new subsidiary issue within the topic of debate.

III. Action

What you will end your speech on is your call to action: do not reveal your entire set of solutions, but instead make it what closes the deal. The call to action aims to present how you will vote in future caucuses, as well as make it clear to those in committee who you will side with. By crafting an effective hook, using strong evidence, making your opinions clear to the committee, your opening speech can quickly make you the most coveted ally for others to have before the first caucus even begins. 

At the end of the day, your opening speech will not make or break your ability to win an award in your committee. It’s an opportunity to make a good first impression and set yourself ahead of others for the first few committee sessions; that being said, putting too much pressure on the first speech can result in stuttering or a lack of confidence. The best, and only, thing to do is to give your first speech with confidence and a solid structure in order to start your committee performance off on a strong note.

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• London International Model United Nations - Opening ceremony: International Maritime Organization - “Supporting the United Nations”
• Media Centre
• Secretary General

London International Model United Nations Opening ceremony, Central Hall Westminster Friday, 21 February Speech by Koji Sekimizu, Secretary-General International Maritime Organization “Supporting the United Nations”   Ladies and gentlemen, aspiring diplomats,   It is my great pleasure, indeed a great honour, to be with you today and to welcome you to this Model United Nations exercise. Indeed, we are all standing in the shadows of greatness today, because it was here, in this very hall, that the inaugural meetings of the UN General Assembly and the Security Council took place in January 1946.   Not only is this a wonderful opportunity for you to experience for yourself the pressures, challenges and, ultimately, rewards that come from working within this unique system that we call the United Nations: it is also an opportunity for me to tell you something about my own personal journey; about how I came to be the Secretary-General of a UN agency here in London. It is an opportunity that I relish, and for which I am grateful.   In due course, I want to tell you about some of the things that have shaped me and inspired me, in the hope that you too will one day find your own inspiration.   But first, I want to say a few words about the United Nations itself. Let me say straight away that the United Nations is vast, complex and incredibly ubiquitous. There is almost no limit to the areas of human activities it covers.   Speaking as an insider, we have a number of different words that we use to describe ourselves; we refer to the 'UN system', we refer to 'Organizations' (with a capital 'O'), and extend to embrace agencies, programmes, funds and so on.   But perhaps my favourite term is one that we use more colloquially. We talk about the 'UN family'. I like this, because, as in any family, we have our arguments, our quarrels and our disputes; but, again like any family, we are bound together by something deeper and stronger, and it is this strength that we draw on to face our challenges.   Here in the UK, we are a relatively small branch of the family. The International Maritime Organization, IMO, is a specialized agency with its headquarters about a 15 minute walk from here, on the south bank of the river Thames.   IMO is the only UN agency to have its Headquarters based here, but the UN High Commission for Refugees, the World Food Programme, the UN Environment Programme and the World Bank all have offices in the UK too. There is also the International Organization for Migration, a thriving United Nations Association and several other groups that actively support the system and espouse its values.   I have had the privilege to work in the United Nations system for a quarter of a century. Yes, it is my job: but it is also so much more than that. The UN is something I am passionate about and in which I have a resolute and unshakeable belief.   For me, the United Nations is the ultimate expression of mankind’s need to learn from its own history; and, in particular, from the appalling history of the first half of the twentieth century.   The concept of a peaceful community of nations first began to emerge in Europe, following the Napoleonic Wars of the nineteenth century. The first Geneva Conventions and Hague Conventions, which sought to address aspects of the conduct of war and promote the peaceful settlement of disputes, were drawn up and signed during that period.   But, as we now know, none of this prevented Europe, and the world, from being plunged into the awful destruction of the First World War. The social, political and economic devastation of this conflict was simply unprecedented.   When the fighting ended, in 1918, it was called 'the war to end all wars'. The League of Nations was born out of the 1919 Paris Peace Conference and civilized people everywhere hoped and prayed that a new era had dawned.   And yet, a mere 21 years later, the world was engulfed in an even more dreadful war – one that, once again, pushed levels of destruction and cruelty beyond anything that had been previously imaginable. Mankind, it seems, does not find these lessons easy to learn.   If anything good can be said to have come out of the two World Wars of the twentieth century, then let it be the renewed vigour for international peace and the widespread rejection of armed conflict that led to the formation of the United Nations.   The Charter that founded the United Nations was signed in San Francisco in June 1945; and, today, almost 70 years later, the values enshrined in its provisions still provide a relevant and credible blueprint for a better world.   Its preamble speaks of the need to save future generations from the scourge of war; but it also speaks of human rights, human dignity, gender equality, equality between nations, justice and international law, tolerance, freedom, respect, security and social advancement. It is a document for our time – it is a document for all time.   I mentioned a few moments ago that the United Nations of today is a vast and complex entity. The influence of this global family reaches the remotest wildernesses and densest conurbations on the planet. Its work ranges from front-line, headline-grabbing missions such as peacekeeping, peace building, conflict prevention and humanitarian assistance, through broader, fundamental issues such as sustainable development and environmental stewardship, the protection of refugees, disaster relief, food production, health, counter terrorism, disarmament and non-proliferation, to more technical matters, such as those dealt with by my own agency, the International Maritime Organization.   The common threads that run through all this are a firm commitment to improving peoples’ lives; a strong desire to promote equality; and a passion and a belief that we can, and must, strive to make the world a better place – where human rights and the rule of law are respected and we recognize and rejoice in the diversity of global culture.   At IMO, the main thrust of our work is to develop and adopt technical standards for international shipping, so that countries involved in international trade can have confidence that ships entering and leaving their ports adhere to appropriate standards of safety and environmental performance. It is important – but, nevertheless, might be considered marginal to the overall objectives of the UN. It can be broadly set alongside similar work carried out by other technical agencies such as the International Civil Aviation Organization or the Universal Postal Union.   But, even in these smaller agencies and marginal areas, we quickly learn that nothing is ever achieved without cooperation, understanding and a willingness to work together to find a solution. The members of IMO – and there are 170 of them – frequently have disagreements, hold different viewpoints and sometimes have different objectives. Sometimes they disagree on technical matters, and sometimes political considerations set them apart.   What is a high priority for one country may not even be on the radar for another. And yet, over the course of more than 50 years since it became operational, IMO has produced a series of international agreements and conventions that, collectively, have made shipping infinitely safer and more secure and dramatically reduced its negative impact on the environment.   It isn’t my intention to speak to you in any detail about this work. The point I wish to make is to do with the process.   For it is in the search for common ground, for consensus, and in the understanding that solutions must be supported by the wider international community.  Our activities, through the standard UN process at IMO, even in limited areas, do make their real contribution towards the objectives and the spirit of the United Nations.   I mentioned earlier that I have been working in the UN system, exclusively for IMO, for a quarter of a century. I feel both proud and privileged to have done so. I was born in 1952, which was also the year of the San Francisco Peace Treaty that saw my country, Japan, come back into international society after World War Two. It was the year that Japan applied to join the United Nations. Four years later, in 1956, Japan joined the UN. So I am a child of the peace time. I never saw or experienced the horrors of war for myself.   But the war left its mark on me, nevertheless. As a boy, I was taken on a school trip to visit the Hiroshima National Peace Memorial Hall, a place of contemplation and reflection designed to deepen peoples’ understanding of the power of the atomic bomb against human dignity and to reaffirm Japan’s commitment to genuine and lasting peace. I still remember, facing photos after photos of truly terrifying calamity, my eyes were filled with tears.   That was a powerful moment for me and, when I look back, I think that that experience had a lasting impact on my life. I remember to this day how it shaped my mind-set and defined the path I wished to follow. Rather than blacken my mind with any thoughts of blame, it brought home to me, most graphically, that only actions united through cooperation and mutual understanding can ensure that such horrors are never repeated. Simple prayers for peace would not work here.  So, although by training I am a technical person – a naval architect, or ship designer, to be precise – my life has been devoted to, and defined by, international cooperation, within the United Nations family.   It is a family of which I am proud to be a member. And I don’t mind admitting that I sometimes get frustrated and defensive when others, outside the family, seem intent on belittling its efforts or darkening its reputation. Of course, it’s not perfect; of course, it has its weaknesses. But it is, without doubt, the best hope for a better future for mankind.   It’s easy to stand outside something like the UN and simply point to its imperfections; but doing this achieves nothing. Today’s UN may not be ideal, but it is the best chance we have, to tackle the serious, global challenges that affect us all. So I would encourage all to be critical, yes: but be constructive, be supportive and help us to strengthen and improve it.   I hope that many of you will one day join the UN family, whether in a professional capacity in one of its many organizations, agencies or programmes, or as a supporter or volunteer.   The fact that you are here today – engaged, active, interested and concerned – tells me very clearly that you recognize and understand the importance of the UN system and that you embrace its values. As your careers and your lives progress, I urge you; do not lose sight of them. Continue to seek out the ways in which you can make your own contribution towards the peace and prosperity of mankind, wherever your life takes you, and whatever you do.   I am sure this event will give you a strong flavour of the mechanisms that underpin and shape the United Nations, and I hope it will strengthen the zeal you already have for collaboration, consensus and for working together.   I would like to conclude my short address to you today, by quoting words of Paul Kennedy, a contemporary historian specializing in international relations, economic power and grand strategy. In the afterword to his book 'The Parliament of Man', about the United Nations, he writes:   "The world is not so happy a place. Billions of people suffer impoverishment, many until the end of their miserable lives. Population pressures build up. Can we really offer justice and freedom to a mid-twenty-first-century earth of perhaps nine billion people, one-third of whom may live in squalor and desperation?"   "How do we handle our collective human impact on the environment, with its rising sea levels, collapsing glaciers, and massive weather turbulences, without multinational work? How do we manage global fiscal and trading dislocations without strengthening present UN instruments or creating new ones? How do we push for the advancement of human rights and displacement of awful dictatorships except through the summoning of world opinion, pressure, and Security Council sanctions?"   "So the only answer, as far as I see it, is by trying; by repairing weakness, coaxing reluctant governments to accept change, understanding what works best and where international organization has problems – or even should not be involved at all – and not giving up. A hard-nosed realist approach to the world order will not work here. Nor will an over imaginative idealist belief that everything will be okay if we just pull together. The world needs both sceptical intelligence and vision. Mixed properly, as they were between 1942 and 1945, they can work wonders."   Ladies and gentlemen, I have nothing to add, except that I just hope he is right; and that you, the younger generation, will carry our hopes and aspirations into the future.   It has been a pleasure speaking to you, and I wish you an enjoyable and rewarding event.   Thank you. __________    

Upcoming Events

How to Write a MUN Position Paper

A MUN Position Paper, also known as Policy Paper, is a strategic document that gives an overview of a delegates country position.

A good MUN Position Paper has three parts:

1) Country’s Position on the Topic 2) Country’s Relation to the Topic 3) Proposals of Policies to Pass in a Resolution

The following guide will show you how to write an excellent Position Paper, make the right impression to your chair and fellow delegates while achieving your overt, and covert, goals.

Table of Contents:

What is a Position Paper?

• The Sections of a Position Paper
• The PREP Formula

Types of Position Papers

The purpose of a position paper.

A Position Paper/Policy Paper, is a document, normally one page, which presents your country’s stance on the issue/topic your committee will be discussing. A solid position paper has three parts 1) Country’s position, 2) Country’s relation 3) Country’s Proposal

Great Position Papers require research and strategic analysis to effectively convey your countries position. Most MUN conferences require Policy Papers for a delegate to be eligible to win an award. Having an outstanding Position Paper could be the tiebreaker to win an award.

Why is the Position Paper important?

A MUN Position Paper is important for a wide variety of reasons beyond ensuring that delegates do a basic level of research before the conference. Understanding why a Position Paper is important lays the foundation to help you sort your thoughts as well as delivering your desired message to the chair.

The chairs oversee the committee from start to finish and as a delegate, you will want to show consistency with the principles and values present in your Position Paper.

Goals of a Position Paper

1. Show your country’s unique understanding of the issue being discussed . 2. Show your country’s previous relationship with the topic (preferably with relevant examples). 3. Show policies and ideas that your country would like to see in the resolution .

As most position papers are limited to one page, a minimum of one paragraph should be devoted to each of the aforementioned goals, and there should be clear transitions from paragraph to paragraph. The following position paper outline is universal, with options to expand in specific sections if you see it is needed.

The Sections of a Good Position Paper

A position paper is the result of proper preparation and research for your Model UN conference . Once you finish researching, follow the position paper guidelines (the conference should provide you with these). With the formatting instructions in mind, follow the instructions below to produce a high-quality position paper.

Model UN Position Paper Structure

1) How you / your country sees the situation/problem in general

2) Your country’s relation to the topic

3) What you want to pass in your MUN resolution

1) Your Position on the Topic Being Discussed

To answer the question “how to start a Position Paper’, keep in mind that you are not only sharing your position, but also introducing the reader to see the topic being discussed from your eyes.

To establish your position, start with a brief history of the situation / problem the committee will be discussing (How you see the situation / your position on the topic). Define what you see as the challenge to the global community (or at least what some of them face). Keep in mind that your goal is to meet this challenge by the end of the paper.

Frame the issue to be discussed as something that does not only pertain to your country but, ideally, also the other countries you would want to support your policy.

It helps to keep in mind that you will not get support for your clauses, or pass a resolution, alone. It is only if other countries see the topic the same way you do, that they will want to join you to implement your solution.

Example of Position Country: Angola Committee: The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) Topic : Improving Access to Clean Water

The Republic of Angola believes consistent access to clean water is a basic human right. Some countries have an abundance of water, such as: Canada, Scotland and Switzerland. Others have next to no water, such as: Yemen, Libya and Djibouti, or low rainfall like Namibia and Sudan which creates water scarcity and desertification. The solution to all of these problems is the weather control that comes from cloud-seeding, with richer countries already reaping the benefits. The National Center of Meteorology and Seismology (NCMS) witnessed an increase in rainfall of 10%–15% in polluted air and 30%–35% in clean air. China uses cloud seeding over several increasingly arid regions including Beijing, the capital. In 2017, the United Arab Emirates launched 235 cloud-seeding operations by five cloud-seeding planes based in Al Ain. The use and success proves the technology works, but it is only accessible to those who can afford setting up the mechanisms to cloud seed, or pay for the chemicals from companies like Bayer and DowDuPont Inc, who control the patents and sales rights.

2) Your Country’s Relation To The Topic

presentation of the policies your country has used to deal with the issue in the past. You should also describe the successes or failures of those policies (Your country’s previous relation to the topic and the precedents it set).

Note: This is also the place to write previous actions your committee has with the topic ONLY IF it is relevant to how your country introduces itself. Otherwise, you are repeating factual information that is not related to you introducing your position. Writing facts that do not forward your case is a trap many fall into. In the cases where your country has a strong link to the issue, the examples in the 2nd paragraph should be about your country’s connection to the specific issue.

If your country has no direct relation, see if similar countries to yours, or countries with similar positions, have a relation to the topic. You can also conduct research to find out if your country has a relation to a similar topic, from where you can draw inspiration and a direction to justify your policies. (More on this in our article about ‘ How to effectively represent your country ’)

Example of Relation Country: Angola Committee: The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) Topic : Improving Access to Clean Water

Angola’s history is scarred with conflicts arising from the abuse and mismanagement of natural resources, such as iron ore, petroleum, uranium, and diamonds. Angola is oil-rich while our people are dirt-poor. We stand at 149 out of 186 on the 2016 Human Development Index poverty scale. In rural areas, which contain 11.4 million people (38.5% of our total population), only 6% of households having access to electricity and 38% do not have access to safe water sources. Approximately 15 out of every 100 children do not survive beyond the age of five, leaving us with a child mortality rate is around 17%. These challenges are especially difficult for our president Joao Lourenco, who entered the office in September 2017. President Lourenco biggest challenge is reforming 38 years of cronyism and corruption under former President José Eduardo dos Santos. During his 38 years in power, infrastructure has not been developed while tens of billions of petrodollars disappeared. The 2014 oil slump made our situation worse reaffirming that we are unable to pull ourselves up on our own. Additionally, we do not get enough rain. We only get 32 days of rain with more than 0.1mm of rainfall meaning only 2.7 days of quality rain, sleet, and snow per month. Not enough to maintain adequate crop yields.

3) Extra Supporting Material

be hard data needed to support paragraph 2 or justify paragraph 3; this 4th paragraph still comes before the final section where you describe your desired policies.

what was originally read in the committee study guide.

Example of Extra Country: Angola Committee: The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) Topic : Improving Access to Clean Water

The global system that depends on technologies provided by companies like Corteva is strongly entrenched in the Sub Saharan agriculture sector, as well as all over the world. The four biggest companies, Bayer-Monsanto, ChemChina, Corteva and Syngenta have 59 percent of the world’s patented seeds, 64 percent of all pesticides and held near-monopolies over other agrichemicals. The use of these crops and chemicals has become fundamental to grow corn in Tanzania, potatoes in Kenya and other crops in sub-Saharan Africa throughout their diverse range of crops and terrains. This position of power persists because the sub-Saharan farmers are similar in their lack of access to best practices, techniques, technologies, finances and markets. This lack of skills is combined with limited resources results in the agriculture sector that is as under-development in agriculture as it is dependent on companies like ChemChina.

4)Proposal – What You Want to Pass in a Resolution

Give an outline of possible / likely solutions that your country proposes and would advocate to see implemented during the Model UN simulation. Do this within the limits of what your particular committee can do (What you would want to pass a resolution about). If you want to do additional actions beyond the mandate of your committee, you can outsource them to other committees. If this is an integral part of your strategy they should also go here. In the Proposal section, you can either commit to one strong Call to Action, a few different policies or two extreme red lines, which you say you intend to work between. Remember, while you do not need to fully commit yourself to what you write in your Position Papers, it is important that you show the margins within which you will be operating at the conference. Doing this shows there is thought behind your actions and gives you more credit with the chairs for diplomatic progress. It is thus strongly advisable that you not write something that you will directly contradict through your actions in committee sessions.

What is a Policy? A policy is a course of action proposed, or adopted, by a government, party, business, or individual. Your policies are a Call to Action telling the UN officials, who get the resolution, what to do.

You want your MUN policy to be clear, concise, and SMART .

The SMART MUN Policy

SMART is an acronym to describe the criteria needed to set policy goals. S pecific – Target a specific area for improvement in your policy.

M easurable – Suggest an indicator of progress once the policy is in place.

A ctionable – Specify what action this policy will do.

R ealistic – Given available resources and committee mandate, ensure your proposed policy can realistically be attained.

Timely – Specify when the result(s) from your proposed policy can be achieved, or when to revisit.

Example of Proposal Country: Angola Committee: The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) Topic : Improving Access to Clean Water

Angola advocates for a UN-sanctioned policy that gives permission to dry developing countries to make generic replicas of their patented chemicals at a fraction of the cost to achieve water independence. An example of these technologies belongs to German rainfall enhancement leader WeatherTec Services GmbH. WeatherTecs cutting edge technologies to improve water access are cheaper than many of their competitors but the operating costs start at 11 – 15 million Euros a year. Angola does not believe the United Nations should subsidize the cost of the chemicals, as the subsidy is a temporary solution and it would take funds from other important programs while leaving the corporations with the same level of control. Today, aside from South Africa, none of us can afford cloud seeding. We can cloud seed on our own if freed from the shackles of patent laws that benefit the rich. Dupot made net sales of $62.5B in 2017, by charging prices which the poorer dry countries could never afford. The UN should allow the relevant member states to locally produce WeatherTecs technologies so we can join the ranks of self-sufficient nations who can provide for themselves the basic water needs to survive.

The PReP Formula for Successful Position Papers

PReP stands for Position, Relation, extra & Proposal , which are the essential parts of every position paper . PReP will help you remember the formula.

Position – Your view / interpretation of the issue being discussed. (Paragraph 1)

Relation – Your connection to the topic being discussed. (Paragraph 2)

extra – The optional 4th paragraph which can contain extra information your feel is critical to your case, but doesn’t naturally fit into one of the other three paragraphs. This paragraph still comes before the one containing your policies.

Proposal – The practical policies you would want to see in the resolution. (Paragraph 3)

The PReP Strategy

With the Proposal ( paragraph 3), you solve the issue shown in your Position (paragraph 1) with the tools and relevance you set up in your Relation (paragraph 2). (The examples used in paragraph 2 should, preferably, also show the policy margins of your country).

The policy outlined in the final section of the Position Paper should show ideas that address the issues outlined in your position associated with the committee topic (as should have been specified in the first paragraph). This position should be justified by the country’s relation (or guesstimate relation) to the topic (the second paragraph). These should be used to justify the policy proposals you outline in the third paragraph. Each of these paragraphs should try to have as much unique information as possible that can’t be found in the committee study guide (because everyone in the committee should theoretically know that information). Obviously, your paper should have some connection to the main issues of the topic, but if you feel the paper should go in a different direction, that is completely your right.

Topic: Finding the cure for the Zika virus

Country: Greece

While this topic is one that is important, the delegate of Greece can decide that he doesn’t want his country to fund viruses they don’t have and only exists half a world away. In such a case, we would see:

Position (First paragraph) : How the global community spends collective money on local issues.

Relation (Second paragraph): How Greece doesn’t have the money to spend and how it has local diseases and problems at home.

Extra (Fourth Optional Paragraph): Optional paragraph could include data on regional diseases that broke out in neighboring countries and remain a viable threat for Greece.

Proposal (Third paragraph): Passing laws that would have localized diseases with body counts that don’t cross the tens of thousands, to be funded by local unions. There can also be a second idea that the World Health Organization divert extra funds instead of countries collectively forking out money.

There is no set amount of space each section needs to have. Some Position papers need a longer first section while others need double the space for the policy. What is certain is that no paper can miss any of the sections (except the extra part) and each one should be developed to at least 25% of the paper.

Practicum: The four-step plan to implement PReP

Writing a Position Paper should come after you finish your MUN research . Once you have completed that (and especially if you haven’t), follow this three-step plan and don’t over complicate things.

– Position Papers chairs read – Position Papers delegates read – Position Papers everyone will read – Position Papers no one will read

“Everyone has a story to tell or a product to sell. Know your audience before you open your mouth.” – April Sims

While not all Model United Nations conferences require Position Papers, many of them do. Whether it be your Chairs, other delegates, a mix or none of the above, knowing who will be your audience will help you craft the right paper and achieve your desired goal.

Position Papers Only The Chair Will Read

When the chair is required to send feedback, this usually means they will have read your Position Paper. This is an excellent opportunity to go all out, regarding the reasons for why your country has the position that it is taking and why you chose the policies that you did. (See our article on ‘Properly Represent Your Country?’) This is also the place to describe your Call to Action / the policies you want to implement in detail. The reason for such open and clear (but not too clear) writing is because no one but the Chair will read it, meaning you don’t need as much nuance as you would in a public Position Paper or opening speech. This is the place to give your ideas in a clear, unfiltered manner so that the Chair can understand it later when you give a more layered speech during the formal sessions.

‘For Chair eyes only’ Position Papers are also an excellent opportunity to bring facts and ideas that you want known to the chair, but don’t have time to fit into your first speech or two. While not bluntly giving away your country’s real motivation, you have a lot more liberty to flag things you’re afraid might be missed once the committee session starts.

Position Papers Only Delegates will Read (but not Chairs)

These are Position Papers where all the delegates are able to read each other’s work, research and position on the topic at hand. An example of where this can happen, is a large conference (e.g. 200 delegates), where the Position Paper deadline is the day before the conference.

For these papers, you still want to use the Position Paper platform to show why the discussion should focus on where you want it to go. For this reason, the Position Paper should be written more to frame the issue than give concrete detailed policies. Delegates who did not research to the same extent, or have no clear position, can be introduced to your interpretation of the topic. Some may completely adopt it, or at least be familiar with it when they hear it in a speech. (See our article on ‘ Writing the Killer Speech ’)

Position Papers Everyone Will Read (Chairs and Delegates)

The Chair + Delegate Position Papers are the most complex to write. In these cases, the ideal situation is for the chair to see what you would want them to see, as if it was written just for them, while at the same time, the other delegates would see a Position Paper customized for them. This is a hard balance to find, but if erring to one side, it is better to build a paper for the delegates and hope the chair has the experience to read between the lines.

One more variable to take into consideration is when Position Papers are written for a gigantic committee (100 or more delegates).

In gigantic rooms, the Position Paper should have at least the basics of the policy, because one might not speak in the first few hours and this might be the only way to get you onto the floor.

Position Papers No One Will Read

Yes, this actually exists in MUN. Some Position Papers will not be read by the Chairs  or anyone else at all. However, the conference requires submission to qualify for a diplomacy award. A few conferences will admit that no one will read the Position Papers, but most will not.

Here are a few things to look out for to know your Position Papers likely won’t be read:

-When Chairs are not required to send you feedback on the Position Paper

– The deadline is the day before the conference.

In these cases, the main benefit of writing a Position Paper is to organize your thoughts. However, in practice, a poor document can be just as easily submitted to qualify.

Pitfalls to Avoid

Potential issues you may run into:

• You may run into a situation where your country does not have a clear policy towards a topic, or they have recently changed policy. For example, with the election in the US and the change from one ideology to another, their rhetoric towards the Iran Nuclear issue changed almost overnight. It would be tempting to follow the words of the leaders in a case like this, but pay attention to actual actions. Nothing has changed.
• When faced with conflicting positions from your country, choose one and stick with it. Use the position that you can find the most research on.
• Sometimes you will be stuck with a topic or committee that your country has little to no interest in. This will cause a lack of information to work with. For example, if you are in UNESCO and the topic is oil drilling in Ecuador’s rainforest, you may find that Malawi has not put out any statement on the issue. Don’t despair.
• In a situation like this, when your country has no position on a topic, you have to get creative. Find similar issues that affect your country and extrapolate that to the current topic. For the Ecuador example, Malawi can use their position of environmental issues in their own country and throughout the continent as a guide as to how they would respond.
• If you find yourself on a topic with indigenous people’s rights, but your country does not have a strong position, find out if there are indigenous groups in that country. Do they treat them well or poorly? Both will give you a direction to take with your Position Paper.
• There shouldn’t be a single sentence that has no purpose.  Each fact or statement should support the identity you are constructing.
• If you feel a fact or statement that doesn’t seem to have a place, must be in the PP, think about why. If it is so vital that it fits into the first, second, or sometimes the  third paragraph. If it does not, perhaps it can be replaced with one which does.
• The information can be used later – this fact or statement can be important and be saved for a later speech. However, the position paper needs to be a self-supporting document and just because it is important doesn’t mean it has to go here.
• You want to end every Position Paper on a strong note, but you do not want to have a conclusion that is overwhelming or concrete. Remember, you will not have many pages, usually, one to get your country’s position across. The Chair is not judging your Position Paper on how well you close, they are judging it based on your understanding of the issues and the solutions you bring to the table.
• That being said, it helps to close the paper well. There is an old saying about writing an essay that can apply to a Position Paper as well:
• “Your introduction tells them they will be intrigued. The body is the meat of the argument. The conclusion reminds them that they were impressed.”
• How do we apply this to a Position Paper? In the beginning, you frame the problem, not wasting your time giving a detailed research paper. The bulk of the paper is letting the Chair know that you understand your country’s relationship to the topic and your proposed solutions. Your conclusion is going to close briefly with a strong, concluding remark. BRIEFLY is the key word here.

Position Paper Format

The format of each Positions Paper, or Position Paper template, varies from conference to conference. However, even if you have no format instructions you do not want to have a messy position paper.

An unorganized paper can:

• Make you look less serious (to chairs and delegates)
• Make your text harder to follow
• Give your reader less incentive to pay attention

Messy Position Paper – Example

You can see here how the bunched lines, uneven spacing, random bullet points, different sizes, confused margins and everything else makes the paper unappealing to the eye before we even start reading.

Organized Position Paper – Example

Here you can see the Position Paper is more organized and easier to read.

Sometimes, the conference will give you an unfilled Position Paper template, with the logo and blank headings for you to fill in. Other times, the conference will send you a Model UN Position Paper sample. Other conferences will send you specific, or loose, Position Paper instructions about how they want the paper formatted.

Each Position Paper should be measured by its content and its ability to inform and influence the respective Chairs and delegate. However, the Position Paper will not reach that point if it is not accepted. It is a pity when your work is not be read or forwarded on because you got the font wrong, exceeded the margins or sent the paper in late. For this reason, whether strict or lax, read and follow the Model UN Position Paper formatting instructions so the hard work you put into the document will achieve its strategic objective.

Examples of Position Paper Instructions

Position Paper Instructions Example #1:

Write the Position Paper for ExampleMUN 2026 using the standards below:

• Length must not exceed two pages.
• Margins must be 2.54 cm or 1 inch for the entire paper.
• Font must be Times New Roman, size 12.
• Justify the paragraphs. The left and right margins must both have straight edges.
• Country name / institution committee name must be clearly labeled on the top of the 1st page.
• Agenda topics must be clearly labeled as the title.
• National symbols, such as flags, logos, etc. are deemed inappropriate for ExampleMUN Position Papers.
• Send your document in PDF format.

Position Paper Instructions Example #2:

We ask delegates of ExampleMUN to each produce a position paper before the conference. It must outline their country’s position, main objectives and issues they are seeking to address during the conference. Your Chairs will return the Position Papers to you with feedback a fortnight before the conference. This will give you time to ascertain which countries would be considered natural allies for you and for you to read which issues the other delegates may deem important.

A Position Paper the length of one side of A4 should be sufficient to state your position.

Example of Formatted Position Paper

Angola feels that in this day and age, hunger should be a thing of the past. However, in 2018, over 795 million people do not have enough food to lead a healthy, active life. This does not include the half of the world’s population, more than 3 billion people, who live on less than $2.50 a day. For better or worse, the road to more accessible and cheaper food is strongly related to water supply. Some countries have an abundance of water, such as: Canada, Scotland and Switzerland. Others have next to no water, such as: Yemen, Libya and Djibouti, or low rainfall like Namibia and Sudan which creates water scarcity and desertification. The solution to all of these problems is the weather control that comes from cloud-seeding, with richer countries already reaping the benefits. The National Center of Meteorology and Seismology (NCMS) witnessed an increase in rainfall of 10–15% in polluted air and 30–35% in clean air. China uses cloud seeding over several increasingly arid regions including Beijing, the capital. In 2017, the United Arab Emirates launched 235 cloud-seeding operations by five cloud-seeding planes based in Al Ain. The use and success proves the technology works, but it is only accessible to those who can afford setting up the mechanisms to cloud seed, or pay for the chemicals from companies like Bayer, Dupont and Dow Chemical Company, who control the patents and sales rights.

How to Win a Best Position Paper Award

T he difference between a good and a great Position Paper

Good Chairs will give credit to delegates who properly predict the room and are able to guide their policies from the Position Paper to the final resolution. This is because it means that the delegates accurately predicted which direction the discussion would go in, or better still, were able to direct the room in that direction.

This does not mean that the best delegate must have an excellent Position Paper, or perfectly stick to it. Aside from the ‘Best Position Paper’ award, the actions that take place in the committee are almost completely what Chairs will consider for awards. However, it is not uncommon that a Position Paper is used as a tiebreaker between two extremely close delegates.

In all these cases, you need to have an opinion. To win the ‘Best Position Paper’ award, your Position Paper needs to be full of new solutions, it must follow proper format and it has to be concise and ‘ fluff-free ’. Neutrality on an issue, or saying your country has no opinion, is admitting that you will let other delegates take the lead on the issue. It is better to find a policy of a country similar to yours, or your own policy on a similar issue, than saying nothing. More on how to deal with this can be found in our ‘ Research ’ and ‘ How to Represent Your Country ’ articles.

Top Position Paper Strategies

• The Chair of your committee will be reading so many Position Papers about the same exact topic that they will be bored to death of seeing the same solutions over and over again. To stand out, come up with a viable, new strategy that other countries may not have thought of. We say viable because it cannot be so outlandish as to be impossible, but it should be something that makes the Chair stop and focus on your paper.
• You can get a little off-the-wall with solutions, as long as they have a basis in reality.
• Alexander Hamilton employed a similar strategy during the Constitutional Convention in the US. When debating an overhaul of the US government, there were two main plans (the Virginia Plan and the New Jersey Plan). The New Jersey plan was closer to what was already in place, while the Virginia Plan was a change almost too much for people to handle (though most knew this was the only way to save the nation). In order to discredit the New Jersey Plan, Hamilton boldly proposed a plan so radical, that the Virginia Plan became moderate in comparison.
• Hamilton’s plan opened the discussion and changed the conversation. It caught the attention of everyone present and moved them towards a solution.
• You can do this with a position paper. Even if you do not ultimately get what you want, you have caught the Chair’s attention and have become a player in the game.

While this seems self-explanatory, you would be surprised how many people disregard the format rules given by the conference. Do not ignore this. As Chairs are reading the papers, they will come to expect certain formatting and anything not following the rules will stand out, and not in a good way. Do not get on the Chair’s bad side before the conference even begins. You can be sure that they will take points off for improper formatting and keep your name written down for conference time.

When you think about how to start a Position Paper, don’t go for an intense sound-bite. Flare is not good without substance. Try to be as clear as you comfortably can and reach your important points as quickly as possible.

What Chairs Look For

Similarly to how Position Paper format instructions are given to delegates, Chairs are also given instructions by the Model UN Conference Secretariat on how to evaluate Position Papers. Chairing, from when you write the study guide until the closure of debate, is a sacred responsibility.

Sometimes, the instructions given by the secretariat on how to evaluate Position Papers are clear and uniform. However, often, a Chair needs to fill in some gaps between the secretariat’s instructions and doing the job in real-time.  To better understand the considerations regarding Position Papers, read the following instructions, given by an Under-secretary General of Chairing to their staff.

 ————————————–

Dear Chairs,  

As of this weekend, all the registered delegates should receive their study guides. While a few delegates will still be getting allocations over the next week, most of them will have received guidelines for how and when to send Position Papers. The delegates are required to send the Position Papers to the committee email from the 20th – 26th of February. Any Position Paper received by the 26th before midnight should receive feedback from one of the Chairs. You are not obligated to give feedback to papers received from the 27th onwards. Hopefully, you should get most or all of the papers before the deadline. Papers received after the 28th are not eligible for the best position paper award, as you may not have time to check them. Position Papers that are received after March 1st, or not at all, will make the delegate ineligible for an award.

In the Position Papers, we want to see that delegates show they understand (a) the topic (b) their countries positions and history and (c) the policies they propose to solve it / perpetuate it (if they are evil).

The Position Papers which arrive on time should get feedback. This does not need to be more than a few lines per topic. However, we do require you to tell the delegates if they did a good job or if they are lacking in one of the three sections mentioned above. You should also tell them what you want them to improve. In the feedback, where possible, please use examples from their text. To do this most effectively, divide the position papers amongst yourselves and return them when you can. You are not required to send feedback if the delegate sends you an improved position paper. Our main goal is for you to have prepared delegates in your committee, and a rewritten position paper generally indicates better preparation.

  If anyone would like more information on how to give feedback, or have any other questions relating to Position Papers, please let me know in a reply to this email.

  If your delegates write you asking how to write a policy paper, or any other questions, we expect you to be helpful, courteous and available.

  Good Luck

USG Chairing

Not every MUN conference secretariat will have this level of instruction for their Chairs. Some have more; a few give online workshops about Position Papers, while others give no instruction at all. However, in most cases, the final feedback is left to a Chair’s discretion.

If your secretariat left you alone, giving feedback on the basics according to the guidelines at the beginning of this article is a good start. You can also give topic-specific feedback, which uses examples of where more research or analyses can be used, based on what you wrote in your study guide .

11 Questions Chairs Ask When Reading Your Position Paper

Question chairs ask about a quality position paper.

• Did the delegate reframe the topic to make the problem-specific and relevant to them?
• Did they show their country’s relation to the topic?
• Did they offer policies that can gain a majority in the committee?
• Do these policies represent their countries stated interests?
• Did the delegate use examples?
• Do the examples go beyond the information in the study guide?
• Did the writer bring something new, unique and interesting?

Questions You Hope Your Chair Never Asks

• Was this position paper copied and pasted from Wikipedia or some other online source?
• If I change the country name on this super vague paper will it be just as “valid”?
• How inebriated was the delegate when they wrote this?
• Has the writer even heard of Model UN?

Using these questions to measure the quality of your paper will let you review your work with a Chair’s eyes. If the answers to these questions aren’t good enough, then you now know what to work on. A few appropriate modifications can result in a complete makeover of a Position Paper, and possibly a much-improved delegate as well.

Closing thoughts on Position Papers

Position Papers are important. Knowing if the Position Paper will be read only by the Chair or by the delegates should be taken into account when choosing what to write and focus on. Position Paper format should also be taken into account, but not at the expense of quality.

A Position Paper should accomplish three goals: 1. Show a country’s position on the topic being discussed. 2. Show a country’s previous relationship to the topic (preferably with relevant examples). 3. Show policies and ideas that (1) represent the interests of your country and (2) you would ideally like to see in the resolution.

When you’re the Chair, give instructive feedback with specific examples. Your comments could be the difference between a lost delegate or an effective one, or between a good conference and a great one.

Lastly, don’t forget the PReP strategy:

In Policy (paragraph 3) you solve the issue in Position (paragraph 1) with the tools and relevance you set up in Relation (paragraph 2).

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In a wide-ranging opening speech to the UN Human Rights Council, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra'ad al Hussein sheds a light on "preventable calamities" and worrying trends in human rights around the world

In a wide-ranging opening speech to the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra'ad al Hussein sheds a light on "preventable calamities" and worrying trends in human rights around the world, including detailed concerns about the situation in more than 50 countries

Distinguished President of the Council, Director-General, Excellencies Colleagues and friends

(Issued as received) When the Inter-American Commission announces it has to cut its personnel by forty percent – and when States have already withdrawn from it and the Inter-American Court; When States Parties have threatened to withdraw from the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court – and, even more recently, others threaten to leave the United Nations, or the European Court of Human Rights and the European Union;

When those calling for departure have seemingly already fled in their minds from the urge to protect the world from the untold sorrow and miseries which twice swept it, and brought about the creation of many of these very institutions;

When filthy abuse by politicians of the vulnerable is tolerated; when the laws – human rights law, refugee law, international humanitarian law – are increasingly violated, and when hospitals are bombed – but no one is punished;

When human rights, the two words, are so rarely found in the world of finance and business, in its literature, in its lexicon – why? Because it is shameful to mention them?

When working for the collective benefit of all people, everywhere is apparently losing its ardour, and features only in empty proclamations swelling with unjustified self-importance and selfishness – Then do we really still have an international community? When the threads forming it are being tugged away and the tapestry, our world, is unravelling? Or are there only fragmented communities of competing interests – strategic and commercial – operating behind a screen of feigned allegiance to laws and institutions?

I think of a video clip I saw on the internet the other day, where the body of a young child, a young girl, with a face that is white with dust, nose bloodied, hair springing with life still – and her body crushed, inert as the rubble – dug out as she was from a bombed building in Syria, so reports said, just days ago.

The poet Hafiz says:

As pallid ghost appears Speak the epic of thy pain Please stop this, because this madness can be stopped.

Mr President,

As I speak before this 32nd session of the Human Rights Council, at which all of the 193 Member States of the United Nations are represented, the international community's familiar customs and procedures are much in evidence.

And yet the workable space in which we function as one community – resolving disputes, coming to consensus – is under attack. The common sets of laws, the institutions - and deeper still, the values – which bind us together are buckling. And suffering most from this onslaught are our fellow human beings – your people – who bear the brunt of the resulting deprivation, misery, injustice, and bloodshed. I, and many others, seek your support.

Hate is becoming mainstreamed. Walls – which tormented previous generations, and have never yielded any sustainable solution to any problem – are returning. Barriers of suspicion are rising, snaking through and between our societies – and they are killers. Clampdowns on public freedoms, and crackdowns on civil society activists and human rights defenders, are hacking away at the forces which uphold the healthy functioning of societies. Judicial institutions which act as checks on executive power are being dismantled. Towering inequalities are hollowing out the sense that there are common goods.

These trends bleed nations of their innate resilience. They do not make them safe: they make them weaker. Piece by piece, these mutually reinforcing trends are shearing off the protections that maintain respect, enable development, and provide the only fragile basis for world peace. They are attacks on sanity. And they can be reversed.

This is a period of powerful lessons – if we choose to learn from them.

We can build societies in which disputes can be peacefully resolved by impartial and effective institutions, and where people's right to development and other fundamental rights are respected.

We can shore up the basic building blocks of co-existence and well-being, both within States and between them.

Sound rule of law institutions, which offer the confidence of impartial justice, build confidence and strength. Equality: every individual must be clear in the knowledge that regardless of sex, race, ethnicity, opinions, belief, caste, age or sexual orientation, her equal rights are fully acknowledged. Trust can only accrue if government is transparent and accountable – and when people know they are entitled to contribute to all decisions in which they have a stake, there is greater social unity. When fundamental economic and social goods – such as education, clean water and adequate health-care – are viewed, correctly, as rights, resources are allocated with greater fairness and society as a whole is stronger. The freedoms of expression, association and belief must prevail, together with independent media, in order that people be fully informed and free to contribute ideas and experiences without fear of attack.

These are powerful levers for development and peace. They are investments which pay instant and long-term benefits in maintaining peace, in maximising sustainable development, and in optimizing the well-being of each society and humanity as a whole. In contrast, the damage done by denial of human rights spills across borders and mutilates the destiny of generations to come. Human rights are not costly – they are priceless.

We are 7.4 billion human beings clinging to a small and fragile planet. And there is really only one way to ensure a good and sustainable future: ensure respect, resolve disputes, construct institutions that are sound and fair and share resources and opportunities equitably.

The 2030 Agenda, which arises out of the Declaration on the Right to Development, is a practical, structured road-map for investing in human rights, including vital economic, social and cultural rights, and maintaining loyalty to the needs of humanity as a whole. These and other policies that benefit humanity are in the national interest of every State.

The 2030 Agenda details the way forward to combat exploitation and exclusion, and to build more just and resilient societies that fulfill the rights of all – including women and others who frequently suffer discrimination. It may not be a perfect or entirely sufficient programme, but it constitutes a universal commitment by States to the absolutely vital work of prevention.

At next month’s High Level Political Forum, we need member states and our civil society partners to push for real delivery on the Agenda’s promises, based on its core commitments to human rights. I also ask States to use their development aid more effectively, to promote the human rights goals that truly build development. Accountable, inclusive and transparent governance and rule of law institutions that are impartial and effective – these massively amplify development. And in the coming months and years, we have an opportunity to truly improve life for millions of people.

My Office is dedicated to that goal. The objective of our scrutiny is to give States the benefit of detailed, fact-based analysis, and to use that analysis as the basis for cooperation programmes that assist States to improve their protection of human rights.

In many situations, and especially when there are conflicting accounts, the independent, objective, and factual information that my Office provides can play an important role to prevent further violations. I very much regret the refusal by some countries to permit my staff to have access in order to monitor and report on events. I must emphasise that non-cooperation by Governments will not result in my Office remaining silent. On the contrary, it creates a presumption of major violations, and may deprive local and national actors of the opportunity to explain and provide information about events.

In updating this Council at the September session, I may list a number of countries where engagement with or access for my Office is impeded.

This morning, in the course of this update, I will outline some very pressing human rights concerns, which could have been prevented – and must now be redressed. To undertake that work, my recommendations are clear. In every situation of conflict, the principles of distinction, proportionality, precaution and necessity must be strictly observed, in line with international humanitarian law. I urge every State to fully comply with international human right norms and implement the recommendations of the human rights mechanisms and of my Office. All political detainees should be released, and reforms undertaken to ensure fair trials and an impartial and effective administration of justice. Independent national institutions and civil society organizations must be free to raise their voice.

Freedoms of expression, assembly and association must be respected and wherever people are jailed for exercising these rights – and there are many – I urge the authorities to release them with immediate effect.

The actions of the police, security forces and all other agents of the State must be in line with relevant human rights obligations and minimum standards. When reports suggest violations of human rights, I call on the authorities to conduct investigations to establish the facts, prosecute perpetrators and ensure redress for victims. Economic, social and cultural rights are vital, and their respect must include equitable access to resources, services and opportunities. Refugee law must also be respected, especially the principle of non-refoulement. And all forms of discrimination must be eradicated, to ensure that every member of society can freely make choices and participate in decisions.

On a daily basis, we are witness to horrors of every kind around the world. I extend my condolences and respect to all victims of human rights violations, including the victims of conflict and those who suffer violations of their civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights. I also condemn with the greatest possible force the outrageous attacks by violent extremists on innocent people, chosen at random, or because of their presumed beliefs, or opinions, or – as we saw yesterday – their sexual orientation.

Martin Luther King spoke of the deep shame reserved "for those who possess power without compassion, might without morality, and strength without sight". But he also pointed out that we can "re-dedicate ourselves to the long, and bitter, but beautiful, struggle for a new world."

Globally, many countries have distinguished themselves by their principled welcome to large numbers of desperate, often terrified and poverty-stricken migrants and refugees. They have provided assistance, enabled access to education and labour markets, and protected many vital human rights in line with their commitments under international law.

Many other countries have not done so. And their failure to take in a fair share of the world’s most vulnerable is undermining the efforts of more responsible States. Across the board, we are seeing a strong trend that overturns international commitments, refuses basic humanity, and slams doors in the face of human beings in need.

The only sustainable way to resolve today’s movements of people will be to improve human rights in countries of origin, and I strongly urge the members of this Council to embark on that work. But meanwhile, the countries of Europe must find a way to address the current migration crisis consistently and in a manner that respects the rights of the people concerned – including in the context of the EU-Turkey agreement.

It is entirely possible to create well-functioning migration governance systems, even for large numbers of people, with fair and effective determination of individual protection needs. If European governments can remove hysteria and panic from the equation – and if all contribute to a solution – I am confident that they will be able to achieve this.

Recently I have sent staff to key locations along the Central Mediterranean and Balkan migration routes. They have observed a worrying increase in detention of migrants in Europe, including in the “hotspots” – essentially vast mandatory confinement areas which have been set up in Greece and Italy. Even unaccompanied children are frequently placed in prison cells or centres ringed with barbed-wire. Detention is never in the best interests of the child – which must take primacy over immigration objectives. Alternatives to the detention of children must be developed, drawing on the solid examples of non-custodial, community-based and child-friendly good practices that we have seen in the region in past years.

I also strongly recommended comprehensive collection of data by the EU on the detention of migrants in all Member States. These figures would, I fear, be very shocking.

I deplore the widespread anti-migrant rhetoric that we have heard, spanning the length and breadth of the European continent. This fosters a climate of divisiveness, xenophobia and even – as in Bulgaria – vigilante violence.

In contrast to these many deplorable failures of vision and humanity, a number of cities across Europe have responded commendably to the needs of vulnerable newcomers. I welcome the approach adopted by the Mayors of Lampedusa and Paris, alongside numerous other communities, many much smaller. With several European cities, such as Barcelona and Madrid, ready to relocate and resettle people, EU Member States need to make good on their commitments. In September 2015, they committed to relocate 160,000 people from Greece and Italy, but according to figures published last month fewer than 1,600 – less than 1% -- have actually been relocated.

In south-east Turkey, I am alarmed by satellite imagery which indicates widespread destruction in the eastern area of the town of Nusaybin due to the use of heavy weapons. Hundreds of buildings have been damaged or destroyed, including extensive damage between 25 and 29 May. Last month, I requested that my staff be given access to the affected areas, in the context of multiple and contradictory reports of violations of international law and other human rights abuses. While I welcome the personal invitation by the Turkish government for me to visit the country, this invitation must first be extended to my staff so that a team from my Office can establish clarity about the facts. I remain acutely concerned about the harassment of civil society organisations and journalists.

The rights of people still suffering from the protracted conflicts in the South Caucasus have long been a concern of my Office. We have received allegations of violations of international law in the context of the upsurge in hostilities along the line of contact in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict zone, especially in April. Significant efforts are needed to address the situation of displaced people. My Office is ready to assist in the collection of objective information on human rights needs in the affected areas.

In several countries of central and south-eastern Europe, including Hungary, Poland and The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, I am concerned by challenges to the independence of rule of law institutions which provide an important check to executive overreach. Human rights defenders and civil society activists are under increasing pressure, indicating an almost region-wide narrowing of the democratic space, and we have observed multiple cases of harassment or persecution of journalists. In Poland, the European Commission has issued an opinion that is highly relevant to the regrettable constitutional crisis in the country, and I encourage the Government to cooperate under the EU’s Rule of law framework. I further encourage the authorities to benefit from the expertise of Poland’s highly respected Ombudsman organisation.

In Azerbaijan, I welcome recent releases of civil society actors and journalists. I invite the authorities to use this momentum to undertake meaningful steps towards widening space for civil society and safeguarding freedom of expression, including improving the justice system and the legal framework regulating NGO activities. My Office is ready to further advance a constructive dialogue with the Government with a view to addressing these issues.

This week, a number of amendments to the Russian Federation’s law on foreign agents come into force. More than 90 NGOs are now listed as "foreign agents” a designation which implies that their activities are “political”. I continue to urge the authorities to follow up on recommendations from UN human rights mechanisms and to amend this law in line with Russia’s international human rights obligations.

In Ukraine, we are concerned about the increasing violations to the ceasefire and the presence of heavy weaponry on both sides of the contact line. Only full implementation of the Minsk Agreements by all parties can protect civilians and restore hope for a lasting peace. My Office has access to detention facilities in areas under the control of the Government and there has been some improvement in conditions, and in terms of specific individual cases. But this access has not been possible in areas controlled by armed groups, leading to an assumption that allegations of very severe conditions may be accurate. We continue to receive reports of torture, arbitrary deprivation of liberty, and sexual and gender based violence linked to the conflict on both sides of the contact line. In areas controlled by the armed groups, we deplore the continued collapse of rule of law and severe restrictions on freedoms of opinion, expression, association and assembly. ASG Simonovic has recently completed a mission to Ukraine and will brief the Council during this session.

I welcome the continued search by many States for innovative, human rights-based approaches to challenges, including economic, social and cultural rights. Last week Switzerland held a referendum to consider a guaranteed basic income. The vote was negative, but in other countries, such as Brazil, Finland, Italy and the Netherlands, local and national governments are experimenting with new ways to approach social protection and equal opportunities using some form of basic income.

In many parts of the Middle East and North Africa, the life-forces of society – which are the freedom and hopes of the people – are crushed by repression, conflict or violent anarchy. Torture, summary execution and arbitrary arrests are assaults on the people's security, not measures to protect security. It is a mistake to imagine that attacking the people’s rights makes them any safer or more content.

The antidote to the savagery of violent extremism is greater rule of law. The best way to fight terrorism, and to stabilize the region, is to push back against discrimination; corruption; poor governance; failures of policing and justice; inequality; the denial of public freedoms, and other drivers of radicalization.

The disaster of Syria continues to deepen. So disturbed are we by the Inferno that Syria has become that to brief, month after month, this gathering or other bodies has become grotesque in itself. Collecting and analysing information so appalling, and reporting on it, is intended to serve action. But when it simply piles up and then dissipates into the corridors of power, we are shaken, feeling as I'm sure many around the world feel, almost helpless in this horror.

Torture, arbitrary detention, enforced disappearances, forced evictions and the destruction of schools and entire neighbourhoods continue unabated. Hospitals are attacked, apparently deliberately: last week, in Aleppo, three medical centres hit in a single day – one, a paediatric centre, for the second time. Women and girls in particular, and minorities, are abused by twisted fanatics with a dehumanising sadism that is part of no religion. Over half a million people are trapped in sieges by government forces or armed groups, and are forced to scavenge for their basic needs – in some cases, since 2012. In yet another atrocity, on Friday the people of Daraya were hit by multiple air and ground attacks – just hours after aid made it through to them, for the first time in four years. When the reckoning is taken, all global decision-makers will find their legacy has been forever damaged by their failure to take decisive action to end this terrible, and entirely preventable, conflict. The serious and systematic crimes that are being inflicted daily on the people of Syria profoundly dishonour all those responsible.

In Iraq, I am acutely concerned about the situation of tens of thousands of civilians who currently remain trapped inside Fallujah, and I refer you to my public communications on this topic earlier this month. I have urged the authorities to take immediate steps to redress the situation regarding people fleeing the outskirts of the city. I welcome the announcement last week that the Prime Minister will appoint a committee to investigate all allegations of violations committed against these displaced people, and I trust that this investigation will be truly consequential. I also commend the statement by Ayatollah al-Sistani urging security forces to protect the lives of civilians. The country must avoid further divisions or violence along sectarian lines, lest it implode completely.

I am also profoundly concerned about the suffering of the people of Yemen. The armed conflict that began more than a year ago has taken a terrible toll on civilians, with 9,700 civilian casualties documented by my Office. The humanitarian situation is disastrous and continues to worsen. More than 21 million Yemenis – 80% of the population – need basic assistance, 2.8 million people have been forced to leave their homes. Humanitarian aid is frequently obstructed by the parties to the conflict and limited by funding difficulties. In September, I will be submitting a comprehensive report on human rights violations in Yemen and the progress made by the national commission of investigation. I strongly urge all parties to the conflict to abide by their obligations under international humanitarian law, in particular concerning the protection of civilians. The delivery of humanitarian aid must be ensured in all conflict zones and besieged areas.

The occupation of Palestinian territory by Israel entered its 49th year last week. Tensions remain high across the Occupied Palestinian Territory and in Israel, and the risk of a further sudden escalation in violence remains very real. Violence is among the many consequences of this prolonged oppression, including and inexcusably against civilians on both sides. Both sides have seen civilians attacked recently, and I deplore those actions. The reactions of the Israeli authorities – in particular, instances of excessive use of force – have also been a cause for concern. I have reminded the Israeli Government of its obligations under international human rights and humanitarian law on a number of occasions. The increase in detention of Palestinians this year, particularly in administrative detention without trial, is another serious concern. At the end of April there were almost 700 Palestinian administrative detainees, more than double the figure at the end of September 2015 and the highest number since June 2008. Over 400 Palestinian children are currently detained in Israeli prisons, among them 13 who are in administrative detention – again, the highest figure since public records began in 2008. I once again join the call by a number of Treaty Bodies for the practice of administrative detention by Israel to be abolished.

The situation in Gaza is untenable, with the continuing illegal blockade impeding reconstruction and basic services, and bleeding the people of hope. Arbitrary and often violent enforcement of the so-called "Access Restricted Areas" along the land and sea borders of Gaza not only obstructs access by Gazans to their livelihoods, but also results in deaths and injuries. So far this year, 73 fishermen have been arrested and detained by Israeli security forces – the same number as for all of 2015. Recent skirmishes along the border are a warning signal that another escalation of hostilities is a very real prospect unless there is real improvement for the people of Gaza.

Libya continues to be beset by violence and impunity, and my Office continues to document violations and abuses by all parties. Civilians have been attacked, killed, and abducted on account of their origins, religion, or political views and all parties have used heavy weaponry in residential areas without regard for civilian life. The main hospital of Benghazi, the country’s second-largest city, came under repeated fire throughout the month of May, and two weeks ago shells damaged the intensive care unit. Thousands of people continue to languish in detention centres controlled by various armed brigades, where my staff have documented extremely dire conditions. Human rights defenders and journalists have been attacked or abducted.

We have also received disturbing reports of many migrants in Libya being subjected to prolonged arbitrary detention; attacks and unlawful killings; torture and other ill-treatment; sexual violence; and abduction for ransom. On a visit to one centre in which migrants were detained, UN staff found dozens of people crammed into storage rooms without space to lie down. All cooperation measures that are taking place between the European Union and Libyan authorities on migration and border management must only be carried out in full respect for the human rights of the people involved. Such cooperation should not, for example, facilitate migrants being sent back to face arbitrary detention in centres where such abuses are rampant.

I remain acutely concerned about the actions by violent extremists in Egypt, as well as by the shrinking democratic space, including constant harassment of civil society organizations and human rights defenders. Measures being employed to restrict freedom of peaceful assembly and freedom of expression include excessive use of force by security forces, arbitrary arrests and detention. The legislation governing peaceful assembly is excessively restrictive. Crackdowns breed grievance and rage, and feed cycles of violence. I urge the authorities to reflect on the long-term implications of their policies.

At least 250 people in Bahrain have reportedly been stripped of their citizenship by the Government because of their alleged disloyalty to the interests of the Kingdom. In addition to these severe restrictions on freedom of expression, which contravene Bahrain’s international human rights obligations, an indefinite ban on gatherings in the capital has been in place since 2013. Dozens of people – including minors – have been prosecuted for participating in protests. Repression will not eliminate people’s grievances; it will increase them.

In Mauritania, there has been considerable progress on the issue of slavery in recent years, although much work remains to be done. My Office in Mauritania will continue to work with the Government and civil society to further human rights through constructive dialogue, including on the right to a fair trial.

New waves of attacks by violent extremist groups in Mali have targeted civilians, the armed forces and UN peacekeepers; MINUSMA has become the most deadly of all current peacekeeping missions. In addition to the toll of civilian casualties, the activities of extremist groups are also denying the population access to basic services, as they obstruct the work of the authorities and aid agencies. Schools have closed in some areas due to fear that they will be attacked, because these groups oppose their values. It is essential that all security forces conduct counter terrorism operations in line with international human rights standards – avoiding, in particular, arbitrary arrests, arbitrary detention and use of excessive force. Such methods are contrary to international law and create widespread resentment, fuelling greater recruitment by extremist groups.

In Burundi, killings, disappearances and arbitrary arrests by agents of the State or associated militia continue throughout the country and the political and security situation is tense and highly volatile. Almost on a daily basis, grenades explode indiscriminately in the centre of Bujumbura, or are aimed at police and military targets. In recent weeks military officers from the defunct Armed Forces of Burundi, known as ex-FAB, have also been targeted, and I am concerned that some of these killings may be ethnic-based. There are also deeply disturbing allegations of ethnic-based hate speech against Tutsis during a large public rally organised two weeks ago in the south of the country by the Imbonerakure militia. These allegations of speech amounting to incitement to violence must be urgently addressed.

As this Council is aware, the independent experts whom you mandated to conduct investigations travelled to Burundi in March. Their Secretariat was deployed to Burundi in May. Its six human rights officers and one security officer are conducting missions to Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo this month to interview refugees. The second mission of the independent experts is planned for this week, and they are due to report to the Council in September. I note also that the International Criminal Court recently announced it will open a preliminary examination into violence in Burundi.

The formation of a transitional government of national unity offers hope, at last, for the people of South Sudan. However, violence has continued in some areas – particularly in Greater Equatoria and Greater Bahr el Ghazal, which were not previously affected – and restrictions imposed on humanitarian access remain a significant problem. I trust that there will be no further delays in establishing the hybrid criminal court and other key institutions mandated by the peace agreement. The appalling violence that the country has suffered has roots in past failures of accountability, and there must now be a clear and determined commitment to hold perpetrators to account. I am hopeful that this session's enhanced interactive dialogue will contribute to that accountability and reconciliation, and that the new Commission on Human Rights on South Sudan will provide much-needed support.

In Sudan, the ongoing conflict in the Jebel Marra area of Darfur, the fighting in Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile States and inter-tribal clashes continue to result in serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law, and large-scale displacement of civilians. Accountability and respect for human rights remain the only realistic hope for a sustainable end to this protracted conflict. I call on the Government to cooperate with the investigation and prosecution processes laid out in the Doha Document for Peace in Darfur, as well as with the work of the International Criminal Court pursuant to Security Council resolution 1593.

The peaceful transfer of power to the Central African Republic's newly elected President, in March, was an important milestone. President Touadera's government has no representative of any armed group, breaking with past practises and sending a courageous message that using violence will not lead to political reward. Nevertheless, the new government faces enormous challenges ahead and will need strong support to deliver effective reforms that can secure a path away from conflict and towards sustainable peace, respect for human rights and development. I encourage steps towards the disarmament of armed groups, the protection of civilians who remain threatened, and an end to impunity for human rights violations, to help reconcile divided communities.

Mozambique, which has been considered an African success story in recent years, shows signs of backsliding into violence. The resumption of an armed confrontation between Renamo’s armed wing and the national army has led to the displacement of people in affected areas. Abductions, summary executions, and ill-treatment and threats to human rights defenders and journalists have been reported. I urge the Government to do its utmost to hold perpetrators to account, and to address the corruption that deprives so many of their economic and social rights.

Gambia's President reportedly made statements vilifying and threatening the Mandinka ethnic group at a political rally ten days ago. His speech included comparisons to animals and death threats to both the Mandinka and to political opponents. This appalling rhetoric may constitute incitement to violence under the terms of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Furthermore, in the run-up to the Presidential elections scheduled for December, peaceful demonstrations have met with severe actions by police. I call on the President and the Government to unreservedly guarantee the rights of all the people of the Gambia.

In the Republic of the Congo, I am concerned about recent reports of human rights violations in the Pool region, following an alleged militia attack on a police office. This week, with the Government's agreement, I have deployed a six-week mission to assess the human rights situation, with particular attention to the affected area, and to make appropriate recommendations on possibilities for strengthening OHCHR's engagement in the country.

In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, there has been a sharp reduction in the democratic space since the changes to the electoral law of January 2015, including arbitrary arrests and detention; the prohibition or disruption of numerous meetings and demonstrations by the opposition or civil society; and ill-treatment of protestors. Last month police fired on demonstrators in North Kivu province, and subsequent related protests in Kinshasa also resulted in violence. I remind the authorities that all Congolese have a right to participate in the public affairs of their country.

I am also concerned about heightened tension in Kenya, where elections will take place next year. Fears have been raised by the excessive use of force by police in response to protests over alleged bias by the election commission; by the widespread use of speech tantamount to incitement to violence; and by some violence on the part of protestors. Kenya's people, who endured the massive post-election bloodshed and destruction of eight years ago, deserve better. As in every country, I urge the authorities to respect the right to peaceful assembly and to investigate and prosecute the use of excessive force. I also urge protesters to remain peaceful.

The Commission of Inquiry on Eritrea mandated by this Council has found reasonable grounds to conclude that widespread and systematic crimes against humanity have been committed since 1991. My Office is ready to support the Government in implementing the Commission's recommendations. I have noted recent developments in the country, including the release of some Djiboutian prisoners of war as well as reports of the release of Eritrean ex-combatants, and I encourage the Government to continue along this path and release other political prisoners.

The government in Nigeria has made progress in addressing insecurity linked to the operations of Boko Haram. I encourage the government to address issues highlighted by militancy in the Niger Delta, including dislocation and environmental damage resulting from business activity. Attacks against sedentary communities by Fulani herdsmen should also be addressed. The perception of exclusion and discrimination in the South, which is articulated by the Indigenous People of Biafra, is also of concern. As the country painfully learned from its initial response to Boko Haram, high-handed and militaristic responses to grievances may exacerbate situations and cement intractable problems into place. I welcome unreservedly the government's anti-corruption focus, and I hope national anti-corruption bodies will be rapidly strengthened, to enhance their transparency and impartiality.

In Afghanistan, civilian casualties continue to rise. Earlier this year, UNAMA’s Human Rights Unit documented a 2% increase, and almost one third of the victims were children. UNAMA is also reporting numerous attacks across the country targeting judges, prosecutors and judicial staff, with the Taliban claiming responsibility for many of these incidents. I deplore this continuing carnage, and demand that all attacks against civilians immediately cease.

Regarding the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, where very serious human rights concerns persist, my Office is working to implement Resolution 31/18, which mandates the establishment of a group of independent experts, in order to recommend mechanisms for accountability, truth and justice for the victims of possible crimes against humanity. I continue to believe that dialogue with the Government is also essential, to encourage reform and cooperation. In April, the Government submitted reports to CEDAW and CRC. I welcome this as an indication of its willingness to cooperate with international human rights mechanisms, and I renew my offer of technical cooperation.

I am very concerned about the dramatically increased number of brutal murders in Bangladesh that target freethinkers, liberals, religious minorities and LGBT activists. I note recent reports of police arrests, and I urge that investigating and prosecuting the perpetrators of these vicious crimes be made a priority, with full respect for human rights. I also urge all government officials and political and religious leaders to unequivocally condemn these attacks on freedom, and to do more to protect affected groups.

In China, I have repeatedly noted my concern regarding the detention and interrogation of lawyers in connection with their work, as well as harassment and intimidation of Government critics and NGO workers. I am concerned that legislation on NGOs which is due to come into effect next January will further shrink the space available for civil society. Following last year's wave of arrests, at least 24 individuals have reportedly been charged with crimes, including subversion, incitement to subversion and assembly to disturb social order, and I understand that by mid-August, judicial authorities will decide whether or not to proceed with their prosecution. I call on the authorities to reconsider these proceedings and to release all individuals who have been detained in the context of legitimate work and activism, including the ten activists arrested in recent days.

In Cambodia, recent arrests of opposition members, officials of the National Election Committee and members of civil society indicate a drastic and deplorable narrowing of the democratic space. This will not help to create an environment conducive to credible elections in 2017 and 2018.

I remain concerned about the shrinking democratic space in the Maldives. Recent events once again raise significant fair trial issues. I am troubled by the application of terrorism-related charges against opposition leaders, and a number of new rules which have negative impact on fundamental freedoms. The access given to my Office by the Government is a positive signal that the authorities are open to discussion, and I am hopeful that we will be able to assist the Government to embark on institutional and legislative reform.

In Thailand, the authorities have scheduled a referendum in August so that the public can determine whether or not to support the draft constitution. Paradoxically, they have also limited dialogue on the topic. People who have posted critical comments on the draft constitution have been detained and charged with “sedition”. The people of Thailand have a right to discuss – and to criticise – decisions about their country, and free, fair and dynamic public debate on the draft constitution is vital if the country is to return to sustainable democracy. I remain concerned about the increasing use of military courts to try civilians. I welcome the decision last month to enact the Prevention and Suppression of Torture and Enforced Disappearance Act and to ratify the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance. I trust these commitments will be put into effect as a matter of priority.

I remind the incoming President of the Philippines that international law, which is binding on his administration, requires him to protect the rights of all his people, including journalists, civil society activists and human rights defenders who expose malfeasance. Criticism of people in power is not a crime. However, incitement to violence, and extra-judicial assassination, are crimes and are prohibited under multiple conventions to which the Philippines has acceeded. The people of his country have a right to the rule of law. The offer of bounties and other rewards for murder by vigilantes, and his encouragement of extrajudicial killings by security forces, are massive and damaging steps backwards which could lead to widespread violence and chaos. I urge the Government to reconsider such initiatives, and to refrain from its plans to reintroduce the death penalty, in a country which has been a leading force in the campaign to end the practise.

In Papua New Guinea, longstanding protests escalated last week when police used excessive force, including live ammunition, against demonstrators. I welcome announcements by the Prime Minister and police that investigations will be set up, and I trust these will be independent and result in appropriate accountability. Police and security forces must embody the rule of law – or tarnish the reputation and legitimacy of the State among its people.

In Sri Lanka, the government’s efforts to implement its commitments in Resolution 30/1 will require a comprehensive strategy on transitional justice that enables it to pursue different processes in a coordinated, integrated and appropriately sequenced manner. This will require the inclusive and meaningful engagement of all Sri Lankans. I will present an oral update later in the session.

In Myanmar, the formation of a civilian Government in March represents a watershed moment in the continuing transition to democracy. The President and State Counsellor have set a reformist agenda focused on national reconciliation, peace, democratic reforms and development. Complex and wide-ranging human rights challenges remain, but they are not intractable. My Office stands ready to support the Government in addressing these challenges, which will be key to Myanmar's transformation,. As requested by this Council, on 29 June I will present my report on the human rights situation of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar.

The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights is an important strategic partner and inspiration for the United Nations system, and a vital human rights actor within the region. The financial crisis that it faces is alarming. I call on Member States from the Americas, who so constructively engage with the Human Rights Council, to also come out in defence of their regional human rights system through regular financial contributions.

I share the concern of many partners across the Americas regarding the very high incidence of gun violence and gun-related deaths. According to UNODC, the Americas have by far the highest rate of intentional homicide of any region in the world. Many of these crimes can be linked to organised criminal gangs, which also drive corruption of the judiciary and other institutions.

In El Salvador, violence has risen steadily and, last year it had by far the highest murder rate of any country in the world not at war. Pervasive violence has forced thousands of people to migrate, mainly to the US, including unaccompanied children who fear they will be killed if they refuse to enrol in gangs. While the Government has launched a comprehensive “Plan for a Safe El Salvador” that included accountability and work to rehabilitate former gang members following prison sentences, more recently much harder-line security measures have been put forward. Recent allegations of extra-judicial killings by death squads are intolerable and are likely to fuel even greater violence.

I urge firm action to increase public security in all the affected countries, with a focus on the respect of human rights and on strengthening the capacity of rule of law institutions.

Regarding the situation in Venezuela, my Office shares many of the concerns of the Organization of American States, as well as its conviction that a solution to the current critical situation cannot be imposed from outside but must come from Venezuelans. We urge the Government and opposition to work towards this end, refraining from violence and hate speech, and in full respect of all international human rights norms. I am encouraged to see that the region is now engaging in support of Venezuela, and I offer the experience of my Office in ensuring independent and objective human rights monitoring and reporting, as well as support for the implementation of all human rights recommendations.

In Guatemala, I welcome the launch of a national dialogue on justice reform in response to numerous recommendations by my Office regarding judicial independence, access to justice and institutional strengthening. I hope this will be a decisive turning point in the fight against impunity and corruption, and that it will result in comprehensive reform to guarantee a fully independent and effective judiciary. As part of the Technical Secretariat of this dialogue, my Office has been closely involved in many aspects of its work, and in the context of discussion about recognising indigenous jurisdiction over legal matters, our staff have held meetings throughout the country with indigenous communities to foster their participation.

Haiti still does not have a constitutional President, and this lack of stable governance structures is impeding action on a wide range of crucial human rights issues. I take note of the Verification and Evaluation Commission’s recent report and invite all actors to work together to ensure a swift return to constitutional order. Six years after the 2010 earthquake, more than 60,000 people remain displaced and are urgently in need of sustainable solutions. The fate of Haitians and people of Haitian descent deported from the Dominican Republic is also of concern. Other vital human rights issues include the cruel and degrading conditions in detention centres and prisons, and the exploitation of children as domestic workers. Cholera remains a serious issue with the authorities recording more than 9000 deaths since 2010. Member States and, especially, members of the Security Council need to consider what can or should be done to deal with the tragic consequences of the cholera epidemic for Haitians.

I welcome the historic ruling two weeks ago in Argentina regarding Operation Condor, a covert pact in the 1970s between military dictatorships in Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay to hunt down and murder political activists. Fourteen former military officials from Argentina and Uruguay were found guilty of crimes and human rights violations, including torture. This landmark of accountability will, I hope, bring a measure of peace to the families of the countless victims.

The greatest threat to the dividends of peace in Colombia is the risk that violence and human rights violations will be generated by struggles for control of illicit coca growing and illegal mining, following demobilisation. This is a trend that my office in Colombia is already observing. I urge the international community to invest with Colombia to transform these areas into productive economies that will improve the human rights situation and sustain peace.

In the United States of America, although federal civil rights legislation has had undeniable positive impact, many African Americans in particular struggle to achieve their rights to full equality. Especially when they are poor – as they disproportionately are – African Americans are more likely to be exposed to violence and crime, less likely to achieve a decent education and will have fewer employment opportunities, receive less adequate health care and face more violent interactions with the police. There is a need for much more action to address structural racial discrimination in the country. Accountability and justice must be upheld in cases of excessive use of force by law enforcement officials. I am also concerned about the findings by the Working Group on People of African Descent that voter ID laws have discriminatory impact on minorities.

As the coordinator of the International Decade for People of African Descent, I am concerned about the continuing low political representation of Afro-descendants in Latin America and the Caribbean. There are around 150 million people of African descent in the region, amounting to about 30 percent of the population. They make up more than half the population of Brazil and well over ten percent of the population of Cuba, to take two examples. But their representation in high levels of government, including Ministerial Cabinets, is far lower.

Representation matters. This deficit of representation at the summit of power affects all of society: parliaments, workplaces in the public and the private sectors, schools, law courts, the media – all of them places in which the voices of Afro-descendants are given too little weight. The voices, the choices, the experiences and the faces of Afro-descendants need to be better reflected in government. I urge these and other States to take action to reflect the diversity of their population in decision making bodies, including consideration of affirmative action policies.

The state of implementation of resolution 68/268 on treaty body strengthening is globally positive. The treaty body system is already making strides towards greater efficiency and effectiveness, as attested by the notable increase in State party reviews, examinations of individual communications and field visits. The capacity-building programme which the resolution called for has been established by my Office, and I encourage States to make use of it. Looking ahead, the Secretary General will soon submit to the General Assembly a first report under resolution 68/268. It remains clear that the ever-growing treaty body system still requires sustained support and attention in the process leading towards the 2020 review.

As the world learned very recently from Ebola, major health emergencies are also human rights crises. The Zika epidemic continues to grow, with 60 countries worldwide now reporting cases – and there is an urgent need for a strong preventive and human rights-based approach in every one of those countries, as well as regionally and globally. Zika appears to disproportionately affect poor people, who live in areas with inadequate sanitation and whose homes and workplaces are less likely to be air-conditioned and mosquito-free. That must not mean that decision-makers downplay this epidemic. I urge adequate preventive measures, include the allocation of funds, as well as full respect for the human rights of all those affected. Disease is inevitable, but it is within our capability to prevent and reverse epidemics and pandemics. Indeed, it is our urgent duty.

Today is International Albinism Awareness Day, and I would like to stress my appreciation for this Council's work to address the terrible problems faced by people with albinism – including the appointment of the first Independent Expert. I am glad to note that Malawi has adopted a plan of action to address attacks against persons with albinism. Tanzania has recently appointed, for the first time, a person with albinism as a Deputy Minister. In Malawi and South Africa, organisations of traditional healers have publicly dismissed the myths that body parts of persons with albinism can be used to make traditional medicine. These are significant steps, but the gruesome suffering that is inflicted on people with albinism will require much greater focus and support from many actors.

I have listed many preventable calamities, which inflict unnecessary suffering on many people. I have also suggested many of the tools which can roll back those forces and revive the resilience and unity of societies around the world. Equality. Dignity. Participation. Respect. Conflict can be prevented, and peace, security and development can be strengthened or rebuilt, brick by brick. Respect for human rights offers States a path towards greater stability, not less. And assistance in establishing that path is what my Office, in all humility, offers. We shed light on protection gaps in order to help States repair them. I urge you to assist our work, and to avail yourselves of the help we offer. Despite the often terrible trends that I have outlined in this discussion, I firmly believe that it is not yet too late to act.

For more information and media requests, please contact please contact Rupert Colville (+41 22 917 9767 /[email protected]) or Ravina Shamdasani (+41 22 917 9169 / [email protected]) or Cécile Pouilly (+41 22 917 9310 / [email protected])

For use of the information media; not an official record

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Speech: ‘Be the light that brings hope and that accelerates progress towards an equal, sustainable, and peaceful future’

Opening remarks delivered by un women executive director sima bahous at the un official commemoration of international women’s day, 8 march 2024, un headquarters.

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[As delivered.]

I will begin on this International Women’s Day with a moment of reflection for all the women and girls killed in wars and conflicts that are not of their making.

Wars and conflicts are eroding the achievements of decades of investments in gender equality and women’s empowerment. From the Middle East, to Haiti, to Sudan, Myanmar, the Sahel, Ukraine, Afghanistan, and elsewhere in the world, women pay the biggest price of conflicts.

Conflict is inherently violent, but for women and girls ever more so, including in sexual and gender-based ways. This is intolerable. No woman or girl anywhere, ever, should experience sexual violence or any form of violence. UN Women, alongside everyone here, condemns it unequivocally.

The need for peace has never been more urgent. We salute women everywhere who strive to bring peace every day, who are human rights activists, who are human rights defenders, who lead and fight for change.

This year’s International Women’s Day sees a world hobbled by confrontation, fragmentation, fear, and, most of all, inequality.

Persistent poverty gaps continue to exist worldwide, and women bear an increasingly heavy burden. One in every ten women in the world lives in extreme poverty. Poverty has a female face.

Men own 105 trillion dollars [USD] more wealth than women. They dominate the corridors of power.

And the pushback against gender equality is well resourced and powerful, fuelled by anti-gender movements, de-democratization, restricted civic space, a breakdown of trust between people and state, and regressive policies and legislation.

We all feel this pushback acutely. Our values and principles have never been as challenged as they are today.

I thank all of you for lending your energies to this struggle, to the cause of women’s rights and gender equality, and I thank you all for joining us in pushing forward against the pushback.

This year’s International Women’s Day calls us all to invest in women and girls and to accelerate progress.

It is only by investing in women and girls that we will meet the challenges we face, be they economic-, conflict- or climate-related.

Investing in women and girls is indisputably the best pathway to the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals , to peace and security.

When more women are economically empowered, economies grow.

Where women are equally represented in government, governance thrives.

Where women are free to live their lives without the perpetual threat of violence, families flourish, and businesses benefit.

Where women have a bigger say in peace processes, peace is found sooner and is more durable.

But in spite of these clear facts, we continue to stubbornly invest in weapons more than we invest in women and girls.

We continue to say gender equality can be postponed for “later”, as we watch the world fall further off track, and even “later” is postponed.

In the coming months and year, we have a collective opportunity to recommit ourselves to gender equality. The Summit of the Future presents an opportunity to centrally place gender equality across discussions on development, financing, technology, and peace and security. The thirtieth anniversary of the Beijing Platform for Action next year has the potential to be a watershed moment for increased and accelerated action to make truth of the promises made 29 years ago. I welcome the Secretary-General’s announcement of the Gender Equality Acceleration Plan. Please count on UN Women as your partners in this.

The International Women’s Day this year has a call. And this call is clear and compelling. For every woman and girl, we ask that we finally make the best investment we can: financing gender equality and unlocking its dividends for all. More than 100 million women and girls could be lifted out of poverty if governments prioritized education, healthcare, fair and equal wages, and expanded social benefits. We know that when women raise their voices it is for equality, for their rights and for the rights of others, for peace and justice for all. They fight to leave a better world behind them for all the people and for our shared planet.

On International Women’s Day we elevate their voice. We elevate their cause, and our cause. We commit to affording it the resources it deserves and demands.

Allow me before I end to echo the call of the Secretary-General, the President of the General Assembly, the Chair of the Commission on the Status of Women: We need a humanitarian ceasefire in Gaza now. More than 9000 women have been killed in Gaza, and this must stop. We cannot return to a path to peace without justice for all survivors of this conflict—and I say all survivors of this conflict—and without an end to the indiscriminate violence in Gaza.

I began my remarks today with a moment of reflection. I end my remarks with a call for all of us to be the light that brings hope and that accelerates progress towards an equal, sustainable, and peaceful future. For all people. For every woman and for every girl, everywhere. I know that together, it is within our reach.

I thank you.

• 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development
• Executive Director
• Conflict, war
• Commission on the Status of Women
• Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)
• Financing for gender equality
• Economic empowerment
• Gender equality and women’s empowerment
• Governance and national planning
• Intergovernmental processes
• Peace and security
• UN Women administration

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