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Recycling of construction and demolition waste and its impact on climate change and sustainable development

• Published: 01 April 2021
• Volume 19 , pages 2129–2138, ( 2022 )

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• M. A. T. Alsheyab   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-0487-7718 1 , 2  

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The huge generated amounts of construction and demolition (C&D) waste around the world, which amounts up to more than 25% of the total generated waste, has become a serious environmental challenge that needs to be addressed. This analytical review paper sheds light on the different adverse environmental impacts of the presently used conventional management method of landfilling and proposes waste recycling as an alternative sustainable management option. Analysis showed that C&D waste recycling could be an effective mitigation option to reduce the risk of landslides; reduce the energy consumption; offset the greenhouse emissions where about 39% is attributed to the construction industry; recover added-value materials; create jobs; and protect the earth’s natural resources. The results of analysis highlight the importance of on-site recycling and segregation at source for offsetting the greenhouse gas emissions as well as mitigating the risks of the hazardous portion. The results of this analytical review promote the importance of diverting construction and demolition waste from landfill sites to recycling and help decision makers to adopt the recycling option to achieve sustainable development.

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Alsheyab, M.A.T. Recycling of construction and demolition waste and its impact on climate change and sustainable development. Int. J. Environ. Sci. Technol. 19 , 2129–2138 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1007/s13762-021-03217-1

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Received : 08 December 2020

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DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/s13762-021-03217-1

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Project-Stage Attitude Gap in Construction Waste Management within UK: An Explanatory Analysis

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International Journal of Construction Engineering and Management

p-ISSN: 2326-1080    e-ISSN: 2326-1102

2014;  3(3): 91-98

doi:10.5923/j.ijcem.20140303.02

Waste Management Models and Their Applications on Construction Sites

Shant A. Dajadian 1 , Daphene C. Koch 2

1 Bechtel Corp, Gladstone, Queensland, Australia

2 Building Construction Management, Purdue University, West Lafayette, USA

Copyright © 2014 Scientific & Academic Publishing. All Rights Reserved.

Waste has been considered a major problem in the construction industry for its financial and environmental impacts. The attention to Construction and Demolition (C&D) waste has been increasing in the past 20 years from both researchers and specialists around the world. Large numbers of articles have been published in journals related to waste management (WM) discussing sources of waste, cost of waste, and how to minimize waste. A survey of current models used to minimize waste and increase their competition in the global market was reviewed. It is found that many countries have developed regulations to minimize C&D waste. The purpose of this study is to understand the general view of construction waste, cost of waste, sources of waste, and models of waste management. A web based survey design with 20 questions that was distributed to 400 construction professionals from supervisors, field engineer, safety professional, and site managers. The completed survey results were processed; graphs and charts were prepared and finally conclusion was developed and two WM models were recommended, the first is the use of WM subcontractor and the second is to have a WM department within the company.

Keywords: Construction waste, C&D waste, Waste management, Environment

Cite this paper: Shant A. Dajadian, Daphene C. Koch, Waste Management Models and Their Applications on Construction Sites, International Journal of Construction Engineering and Management , Vol. 3 No. 3, 2014, pp. 91-98. doi: 10.5923/j.ijcem.20140303.02.

Article Outline

1. introduction, 2. problem statement, 3. literature review, 3.1. construction waste, 3.2. types of construction waste, 3.3. cost of waste, 3.4. causes of c&d waste, 4. models of waste management, 5. data methodology, 7. conclusions, appendix 1. survey questions, acknowledgements.

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Waste Management in Construction (2012)

This dissertation aims to report the exploration of the problem of waste management on construction sites with more emphasis laid down in the United Kingdom. The study unveils the innate dangers that the material waste poses to the established construction Industry. Materials are extremely significant in the construction industries, particularly on the building sites, but the issue lies in the fact that not all the delivered material that has been ordered is used for the construction purposes.

The consequent desertion of the material left then becomes a part of waste. The extent of material wastage is discussed with minute details after thorough research from the internet and certain books. The measures of reducing the construction wastage is also extensively laid down and explained in the other part of the dissertation. With the implementation of measures, there come certain barriers that obstruct the smooth going path of material reduction.

These barriers are discussed in the next section. The chief research instruments that were used for this project included the secondary sources like books and website sources. The research revealed that material wastage result in an additional cost to any ongoing construction project and in turn reduces the contractor’s profit. The consideration of the transportation and storage cost of the material wastage is undertaken while evaluating the financial profits and losses.

Non- reclamation of waste also leads to a bare loss of revenue of the contractor. Therefore, the issues of lack of knowledge and poor management are discussed in the dissertation. The dissertation, to end with, recommends that the reusing and recycling of the material wastage in construction sites is a feasible option in construction waste management”. It also recommends that the material wastage can be abridged by providing certain incentives to the workmen for a better material handling.

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1. Introduction Aims/Objectives Description of the Research Methodology

2. Extent of Material Wastage In the UK Construction Industry Necessity of Waste Management In Construction Industry Imports of Material Wastage In Construction Processes Average Amount And Nature of Waste Materials Generated Resources Facilitating Effective Waste Management Primary Sources And Origins of Material Wastes Construction Processes Emitting Maximum Amount of Waste

3. Mechanisms for Reducing Material Wastage for the Construction Industry Various Types of Construction Waste Measures To Reduce Construction Waste Why Dispose Construction Waste Effectively Waste Constitution How To Improve Resource Efficiency? Anarchy And Lack of Organization In Construction Management Methods To Improve Resource Efficiency Level of Realization Among Construction Companies Suitability of Mechanisms Being Employed Outsource the Cleaning Services

4. Realisation of Financial Savings Why Waste Management Steps To Get It Started Benefit Analysis of Waste Management Cost Benefit Credit Benefits Environmental Benefits

5. Barriers in Implementing Various Mechanisms Barriers In Implementing A Successful Waste Management Mechanism Barriers In Reducing Waste To Landfills Recycling Waste Minimisation Steps Before Designing Study of Site Take a future view of the building Keep the project team in loop Research Causes of Wastage During Designing Complexity of Material and components Complexity of building Co-ordination To track fast Communication

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Suburbanization Problems in the USSR : the Case of Moscow

• Référence bibliographique

Gornostayeva Galina A. Suburbanization Problems in the USSR : the Case of Moscow . In: Espace, populations, sociétés , 1991-2. Les franges périurbaines Peri-urban fringes. pp. 349-357.

DOI : https://doi.org/10.3406/espos.1991.1474

www.persee.fr/doc/espos_0755-7809_1991_num_9_2_1474

• RIS (ProCite, Endnote, ...)

Résumé (fre)

La suburbanisation n'existe pas en URSS au sens des phénomènes décrits dans les villes occidentales. Cependant on observe certains transferts limités d'activités industrielles exigeantes en espace ou polluantes, voire même de centres de recherches, vers les zones suburbaines ou des villes-satellites. Mais ces déconcentrations répondent à une logique de planification administrative. En outre, les Moscovites hésitent à aller habiter dans ces centres d'emploi, de crainte de perdre les privilèges liés à l'autorisation d'habiter Moscou (la propiska) et du fait des communications insuffisantes avec la capitale. Le taux de croissance de la population moscovite reste supérieur à celui du reste de l'oblast. Par contre le développement de datchas de seconde résidence est très important dans l'oblast de Moscou, en particulier aux alentours des stations de chemin de fer. L'abolition du système de propiska pourrait transformer les datchas les plus proches de Moscou en résidences principales.

Résumé (eng)

The suburbanisation does not exist as such in the USSR with the meaning one has of the phenomena in Western cities. Though one may notice some limited transfers of industrial activities demanding a lot of space or polluting ones, even research centres, towards the suburban areas or satellite-towns. But these déconcentrations correspond to an administrative planification logics. Moreover the Muscovites hesitate before going and living in these employment centres, because they are afraid of loosing the privileges linked with the authorisation to live in Moscow (the propiska) and because of insufficient communications with the capital. The growth rate of the Muscovite population remains higher than this of the remainder of the oblast. To the contrary developing of datchas for second residences is very high in the Moscow oblast, especially in the vicinity of a railway station. The abolishment of the «propiska» system might transform the datchas nearer to Moscow into main residences.

• Economic structure [link]
• Suburbanization of activities [link]
• Suburbanization of population [link]
• Conclusions [link]
• Literature [link]

Liste des illustrations

• Table 1. Employment structure, % [link]
• Table 2. Annual rate of population increase, % [link]
• Fig. 1. Spatial distribution of country-cottages and gardening associations in the Moscow region [link]

Texte intégral

Galina A. GORNOSTAYEVA

Moscow University

Suburbanization Problems

in the USSR :

the Case of Moscow

Suburbanization processes typical to cities in Western Europe, the USA and other countries are not observed in the USSR or they are distorted to such an extent that they may not be compared with existing standards. This states the question how Soviet cities-succeeded in escaping this stage of urban development. In order to answer this question, we should first summarize the main aspects of Western suburbanization.

Firstly, it is well known that the urbanization processes are linked to structural changes in the economy. Thus the transition from the stage of concentration to this of suburbanization is associated with industrialization, and the transition to the third stage - déconcentration - is related with the rapid growth of employment in the non-industrial sphere. Secondly, a suburbanization of economic activities can be distinguished. It applies in the first place to the building and iron- working industry, transports, engineering and chemical works. These are polluting and requiring extensive areas. This suburbanization of industry is caused by the following factors: rising demand for land from firms ; worsening of transport

tions in the inner cities ; demand for lower land costs and taxation levels in suburbs ; rapid growth of road transports; state policies regulating the growth of large cities ; migration of the labour force to the suburban zones. Scientific and educational activities are also transferred from the centre to the suburbs.

The third important aspect of suburbanization applies to the population. In the suburbs two opposite flows of population meet ; one is centripetal, coming from non- metropolitan regions, the other is centrifugal, coming from the central city. The reasons for the migration to the suburbs are as follows : declining living standards in large cities (overcrowding, slow housing renewal, environmental problems, etc.); growth of motorization of the population, development of communications (telephone, telex, fax, computer) ; intensifying decentralization of working places ; lower land prices in the suburbs ; state support for the intensification of real estate development in the suburbs. The above-mentioned factors and reasons for suburbanization are altered in the Soviet cities. Let us explore them, by taking for example the largest one - Moscow.

Economic structure

The employment structure in the USSR reveals sharp differences from those in developed urbanized countries. The USSR is characterized by a high share of employment in agriculture, industry, construction and a low share in the non-industrial sphere (tab. 1).

A correlation analysis of the percentage of urban population and employment in the different spheres of economic activity reveals that the share of urban population in the USSR is higher than in countries with the same percentage of persons employed in agriculture.

TABLE 1. EMPLOYMENT STRUCTURE,

Source: personal calculations.

The urbanization processes in the Moscow Capital Region (MCR) are more intensive than in other regions of the USSR. Structural changes are more obvious here : the share of employment in the non-industrial sphere increases more substantially and the percentage of persons employed in industry and agriculture is lower than in the whole country. However the MCR cannot therefore be compared with a metropolitan region in a Western country. Although Moscow is the most advanced agglomeration in the USSR, it lags is far behind the major world cities in terms of development and it is at the very start of the post- industrial stage of its structural and urban transformation.

The structural «anomaly» of the USSR as a whole and of the MCR in particular is explained by the enforced process of industrialization (starting from the thirties) at the expense of the peasantry (thus, there is not only a booming industrial employment in cities, but also worsening living and working conditions in villages and forced collectivization having triggered off the massive rural emigration). As a result, the share of urban population in the USSR is higher than expected, based on changes in the economic structure. While urbanization in the developed countries was due, among

other causes, to an increasing labour efficiency in agriculture, this remained quite low in the USSR. Therefore the employment share in agriculture is overstated in comparison with countries with a similar percentage of urban population, and even this considerable part of the labour force is unable to feed the whole population of the country.

The share of agricultural employment in the mcr increased from 7,4 % to 7,6 °7o between 1980 and 1985 (as a result of Moscow attractiveness and the better living standards in its surrounding villages), whereas it continued to decline in other parts of the Central region. The population growth in villages adjacent to Moscow is especially intensive, though labour efficiency in localities near Moscow is higher than in the other oblasts. In spite of this, Moscow oblast provides only 61 % of milk, 34 °/o of potatoes, 45 % of vegetables and 23 % of meat needed by the population in Moscow city and oblast (Argumen- ty i facty, 1988, N50, p. 3). The structural anomaly is not only related to processes in agricultural sphere but also in industrial sector. As a result of the low economic mobility of socialist firms and of the absence of market relations, the industrial development was extensive,

without significant increases of the labour

productivity.

Thus the employment transfer from the

agricultural to the industrial sector, their

extensive development and their low labour

productivity are intrinsically related with the political definition of productiorfrela- tions and course of structural economic transformation.

Suburbanization of activities

Moscow and Moscow oblast show divergent economic structures and changes (tab. 1). In Moscow the employment share in the non-industrial sphere in Moscow is growing more rapidly, whereas the share of industrial employment is decreasing. In Moscow oblast the part of transport and communication infrastructure, retail trade, administration, housing (presently less developed than in Moscow) is increasing. Some stages in the transformation of activities in the mcr's settlements may be pointed out here. The stage of industrialization and reconstruction after World War II is characterized by the swift industrial development and the active restructuration of the Moscow and Moscow oblast economy. New industries have been built (motor-car and aircraft assembly, machine-tool industry, organic synthesis, etc.), around Moscow research and production potential. Nevertheless, this restructuration is extensive, since traditional industries don't curtail production. It favours the heavy concentration of modern functions in Moscow. There is no transfer of firms outside Moscow. Suburbanization of industrial activities did not occur because of the state owning the means of production and of thé socialist form of production relations. When research and technological progress are slowing down, these firms become inefficient and spatially immobile. The period 1956-1970 is marked by an intensive development of the region scientific sphere and by the rise of « satellite » urban policy. The new centres were specialized in modern branches of machinery and research-engineering activities and were undoubtedly very attractive for the population. Therefore towns like Dubna were growing rapidly. While the aim was to redirect part of Moscow population

growth, they display a quite specific relation with the capital. For instance, Muscovites working in Pushchino cannot reach their job every day because they lack transport facilities. Nevertheless, they don't wish to move and register their passports in the city in which they actually work, since they would have to give up their Moscow registration and then lose all Moscow privileges (see further). These new centres are isolated from information sources in Moscow. Poor telephone communications, lack of computers and telex systems hamper contacts and teamwork with colleagues in the city. It seems that material resources for experimental work in research centres are not sufficient to compensate for lack of information and communications. At the same time, poor transport links with Moscow and the other towns of Moscow oblast isolate the scientists from the higher standard of culture in the centre and from a well developed social infrastructure. An original home-work relation can be observed in Dubna: the Muscovites get the second registration of passports and live there in hostel apartments during 4 or 5 working days, during the weekends they go back to Moscow, where their families are living. The change of functions in Moscow oblast towns is still going on. Inside the towns of the first circle adjacent to Moscow, the share of employment in the non-industrial sectors and transport is growing. Inside the towns of the second circle (suburban zone) these changes lead to an increasing potential of non-industrial, industrial and construction functions. Finally, in the outlying parts of the region the further grovth of construction and industrial functions is observed and the organization potential is intensifying in some towns. The mcr towns display a crawling concen-

tration of the regional most important functions and their extension outside the boundaries of Moscow to the towns of the suburban zone. But the déconcentration of functions in the mcr is not only of natural- economic character. It also results from the state urban policy. Déconcentration is not related to the search for more advantageous sites for firms and institutions as regards to economic or social relations (the availability of cheaper labour force or more comfortable living conditions, etc.), nor is it sustained by the expansion of transport and communication facilities. Thus, this déconcentration is independent from curtailment of any function in central Moscow, whose potential is still growing, and it is also completely inadequate regarding the continuing concentration of population (see below). All this, together with the slow economic and territorial mobility of firms, is an obstacle to the economic restructuration of the region, and to the reorientation of Moscow and its suburbs to non-industrial activities and to progressive scientific and informational work. The mass labour-consuming functions still remain in Moscow and its suburbs, but they are inevitably cut off from modern types of activities.

The idea of alleviating Moscow's development appeared from the very beginning of its rapid growth, since the excessive concentration of population and employment led (as in the other major world cities) to environmental discomfort, worsening of transport, strip-holding of land and other congestion signs. In market economies, the firms react to alterations of economic or social conditions by their mobility: some

of them close, other relocate in more convenient places. In the USSR, the problem of firm transfer (unhealthy or unprofitable firms) becomes unsolvable because of the special type of production relations. Economic and territorial passivity of firms is apparent in the difficulties of erecting industrial buildings and dismantling machinery and equipment, in the low turnover of the means of production. The same problem exist regarding the labour force. Firms transferred to the suburban towns of Moscow oblast are encountering great difficulties in recruiting staff in sufficient numbers and of required skill. The local labour force is rather weak, while the Moscow workers wouldn't leave the capital to follow their firm, because they are afraid of being deprived of passport registration in Moscow. From the social point of view, giving up a Moscow registration is more significant to people than losing their job. The processes going on in the mcr are therefore not quite comparable with those in the Western world. The market economy is more «lively» and replacement of functions has the character of territorial waves. Some functions disappear while new ones emerge. In the mcr, the waves are replaced by stratification. New functions do not replace the old ones, but joining them. At the same time, this process of relative déconcentration of functions overpass the process of stable concentration of population. In the mcr, the modern branches are gravitated closely to Moscow, where skilled workers are retained by their registration advantages. Suburban towns have to be satisfied with commuters or specialists from the outlying regions of the USSR.

Suburbanization of population

The urbanization structure of the region is characterized by the predominance of its main centre - Moscow. The share of the capital in the total Moscow oblast population was as follows: in 1929 - 44,3 Vo, in 1939 - 51,6 %, in 1959 - 54,9 %, in 1979 -54,5 Vo, in 1985 - 57,3 % (Moscow Capital Region, p. 137.). Within the agglomeration, the share of Moscow is still higher, in 1959 it was 75,5 % and in 1985

- 67,3 % (ibid., p. 141), whereas in the highly developed capital regions of the world the agglomeration counts one half or less of the total population and of the economic potential, the second half being concentrated in the suburbs (Gritsay, p. 71). Moreover, the growth rate of Moscow population is higher than that of Moscow oblast (tab . 2).

TABLE 2. ANNUAL RATE OF POPULATION INCREASE,

Migrations are of great importance to the mcr. The internal migration of rural population to the cities is rather substantial, and the immigration flow from the rest of the USSR is not compensated by the decrease of rural population in the mcr. The nearer a town to Moscow, the larger the migration share in its total population increase.

The dynamics of population in the mcr has a specific character. In agglomerations of the developed countries the principle of the «broken glass» summarizes the suburbanization process. When, for some reasons, the centre loses its attractiveness the urban population moves to suburbs in search of higher living standard. In Moscow agglomeration the principle of the «overfilled glass» is operating. People wanting to live in Moscow cannot enter the city and are forced to settle near it. In Moscow immigration undoubtedly prevails over emigration, confirming the extreme territorial differentiation in conditions, level and way of life. As a rule, commuting is oriented from suburbs to Moscow (600 thousand persons come to Moscow and only 200 thousand leave it), but it accounts only for 12-15 % cf the total employment in Moscow's economy. Moreover, these commuters are not Muscovites but potential new inhabitants of the capital (striving for passport registration and domicile in Moscow).

Moscow became the most attractive place for living and an intensive flow of ruined rural residents as well as residents from other regions of the country were rushing -to Moscow. These processes were generated not only by the inception of the country structural economic transformation,

but also by the policy of special privileges for Moscow. These privileges came into being after the establishment of a centralized distribution system. Such a system involves the assignment of a priority level of foodstuffs and manufactured goods to each territory. Moscow was awarded the highest priority level. From the very beginning, better living standards and higher income for certain population categories were established there. In the thirties the artificial differentiation in living standards was confirmed by imposing restrictions to passport registration in the capital, and also by the division of administrative bodies into Moscow and Moscow oblast authorities. In the period 1925-30 dozens of new large firms were located in Moscow, but housing was insufficient at that time. Therefore, a great number of migrants from every corner of the country came to get a job in Moscow and settled in cottages in the nearby countryside. Soon, these settlements in the nearby countryside. Soon, these settlements turned into urban ones. For example, towns like Mytishchi and Luberstsy developed rapidly, and even Muscovites moved there when the railways were electrified. This was clearly the outset of a suburbanization process, but it stopped as soon as the restrictions on passport registration in Moscow were imposed and the social barrier between Moscow and Moscow oblast was established. In the period 1930-40, new industrial developments were banned from Moscow and firms drawn towards the city were located on the outskirts thus causing a rapid growth of the old and new towns. Although the development of cottages as second residence near Moscow started even before the revolution, since the en-

vironmental degradation of Moscow was practically completed at that time, they became the main resorts of those years. They had flourished in the districts with privileged natural conditions and convenient transport services (not further than 2 km from a railway station). In the period 1930-40, this sprawl of leisure housing carried on - cottage settlements expanded into an entire belt of scattered one- storeyed buildings. But at the same time, urban multi-storeyed housing also increased and after World War II these multi- storeyed buildings were found in the cottage settlements of the leisure zone. In the period 1950-60 a network of gardening associations was established. In those

years the most convenient land near Moscow had already been built on. The gardening plots allotted to the Muscovites were located in the remote parts of the mcr, outside the suburban zone, and very frequently they were on improper territories. Because of their remoteness, the difficulties in cultivation and building, the lack of infrastructure, these plots cannot become effective leisure resorts. More frequently Muscovites use them for fruit and vegetable growing.

The desire of the Muscovites for having a second residence in the suburbs can be interpreted as an unfulfilled suburbanization tendency. This desire has the same, mainly environmental, causes as suburbaniza-

tion in Western countries. The cottages within the reach of Moscow's traffic and having access to appropriate infrastructure and amenities, might become the principal residence of Muscovites if passport registration is abolished. The restrictions of passport registration in Moscow fixed in the thirties were devised as an administrative solution against the effects of Moscow's unique attractiveness and not as a means of eliminating the attractiveness itself. For this reason, Moscow became even more attractive, like a forbidden fruit. The consequences were both the concentration of the upper strata of society in the city and the extensive development of industry, resulting in a growing shortage of unskilled labour.

The shortage of regular workers in Moscow is sometimes explained by the increasing number of working places. An adequate planning of the «limiters» (1) system is then put forward as the solution for controlling the growth of Moscow is found in (Glushkova, 1988, p. 43). To be frank, about twenty industrial units and more than one hundred scientific institutions were already created in the seventies alone, in spite of the industrial building ban in Moscow, only a few firms moved outside the city in return. New industrial units easily find staff, since they offer new machinery, relatively good working conditions and higher wages. New scientific and administrative institutions are in a similar position. But the situation is totally different in the old industrial units, with rundown equipment and a high level of manual tasks. Those units suffer from a staff shortage. Moreover, as in any other city, there is a social mobility in Moscow, in most cases improving - from manual up to mental, from unskilled up to highly skilled work. Furthermore, the prestige of a higher education (university) is overestimated in Moscow, whereas the prestige of the manual professions has declined as a result of the stagnation of reinvestments in industry, the high share of manual labour (40 %), and also favouritism and

crowding in the administrative staffs. The attractiveness of an upper class position is therefore overestimated, and social mobility activated. Since Moscow cannot admit free «immigrants» the lower strata of the social structure are vacant and there appears a shortage of unskilled labour force. The lower strata of the social structure were filled in with « limiters ». Available employment in Moscow was not the cause of an organized immigration flow, but represented the only possible way to register the passport there. Roughly half of these people drawn into Moscow's economy left their jobs. «Limiters» get the right to register their passports in Moscow and take up their residence in new houses when their contract expires. They usually quit their job as soon as possible in search of better working conditions (Glushkova, 1988, p. 42). The nature of unskilled work in Moscow and the associated working conditions are so unattractive that it is nearly impossible to find Muscovites willing to perform them.

The institution of passport registration raised many problems. Thus the « limiters » are recruited in social groups not needing most of the advantages of a large city, their psychology and value system differ sharply from native Muscovites. The direct environment of the hostels where «limiters » live, has a pronounced criminal character. Fictitious marriage in order to register the passport in Moscow has become a widespread practice.

Moscow's environmental problems can hardly be solved as long as passport registration exists. The population is literally locked up within the city boundaries. Notwithstanding the environmental stresses, the Moscow privileges prevent the Muscovites from leaving the city. The urban districts not saturated with harmful industrial units are the most prestigious. The social and economic causes of Moscow's extensive growth reveal that its problems are a reflection of the ones facing the USSR. The concentration of economic, social and management functions in Mos-

cow in Soviet times materializes the strong centralism of the particraty and weighs down on the city's development. Low labour efficiency in agriculture and sheer desolation of villages on the one hand, rapid but extensive industrialisation together with forced increasing social attraction of Moscow, confirmed by the restrictions on passport registration, on the other hand, were the key factors of the mcr's polarization during decades. Together with objective factors found in other large cities of the world, subjective factors related to the Soviet political and economic system influence Moscow's growth.

The objective factors are as follows: the diversity of employment in the capital, the emergence of new types of occupations, the concentration of high-skilled and creative labour, the higher living standards, the large educational and cultural opportunities.

The subjective factors are the higher supply level of foodstuff and manufactured goods different than in other regions (the existence of meat-rationing system in many regions of the country and its absence in Moscow establishes a significant threshold not only in terms of supply but also in the outlook of the population); the lack of communications and individual motorized transport (in the rsfsr one counts 47 cars per 1000 urban inhabitants against 560 in the USA) (Argumenty i facty, 1988, N47, p. 2); the craving for joining the upper social classes and for accessing neighbourhoods with a high quality of life; unjustified promotion of upward social mobility releasing «the ground floors» of Moscow's economy; continued growth of employment due to the extensive economic development and the low economic and territorial mobility of firms. Today, the hierarchy of priorities for selecting a residence within the mcr and the whole country is as follows. Food supply comes first. The supply of manufactured

goods, the opportunities to obtain better and larger living quarters and to accede to a prestigious employment with a wage increase, social promotion, well developed consumer services come next. And only at the end of the scale appears the opportunity to fulfil cultural needs and education. Thus, there is a process of «pseudo- urbanization» characteristic of the Soviet economic and social system, superimposed on the process of «natural» urbanization. By natural urbanization we mean the process related to economic development and to the natural difference between rural and urban ways of life. The specificity, the structural changes and the hierarchy of city functions shape the migration flows conditioned by natural urbanization. «Pseudo-urbanization» points to «the scum» of the process, that may complete the economic and socially conditioned urbanization. The «pseudo-urbanization» is generated by a disproportionate development of the country's economic structure (hypertrophie share of industry; economic and political reforms have triggered off a massive flow of the peasantry towards the cities, related not with the rising but with the lowering of labour efficiency in agriculture, with impoverishment of the countryside and hence with the urge towards the centres of relative well-being), and by the territorial inequalities in standards of living, artificially created and maintained by the institution of passports and registration.

The suburbanization of population cannot be observed in the MCR. The centripetal tendencies mentioned above resulted in rapid growth of Moscow and its suburbs, as well as in some stagnation of its periphery. Thus Moscow agglomeration is now in the first stage of development, the stage of «crawling» concentration where centrifugal forces are very weak. This situation will last as long as the barrier in terms of standards of living exists between Moscow and Moscow oblast.

Conclusions

This study has reaffirmed the general lack of suburbanization in the Soviet cities. Some signs of suburbanization like the

transfer of some activities from Moscow to the suburbs, the concentration of population in towns and villages near the central

city and commuting, differ significantly pie and firms will emancipate, only if the from the Western cities. The process of ur- existing political and economic system in banization will take its normal course, peo- the USSR is dismantled.

Argumenty i facty, 1988, N47, p. 2 Argumenty i facty, 1988, N50, p. 3

GLUSHKOVA V.G. Questions of Interrelated Settlement in Moscow and the Moscow Region, Problems of Geography, vol. 131, Moscow, 1988, pp. 40-56.

GRITSAY O.V. Western Europe : Regional Contrasts at the New Stage of Scientific-Technological Progress, Moscow, 1988, 148 p.

Moscow in Figures. 1980, Moscow, 1981, 220 p. Moscow in Figures. 1985, Moscow, 1986, 240 p.

National Economy of Moscow Oblast. 1981-1985, Moscow, 1986, 271 p.

National Economy of the ussr. 1985, Moscow, 1986, 421 p. Yearbook of Labour Statistics. 1987, Geneva, 1987, 960 p.

Moscow Capital Region: Territorial Structure and Natural Environment, Moscow, 1988, 321 p.

(1) Limiters are unskilled workers, hired in an organised way by Moscow firms; after working there for several years of working they get the right to register

their passports and to take up their residence in Moscow.

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Land use changes in the environs of Moscow

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Recycling and Waste Management of Plasterboards

• May 16, 2024

Recycling plasterboard has become essential to waste management due to increased construction and demolition activities. Plasterboards are primarily composed of gypsum, paper, and occasionally additives, so they require special handling to recycle.

Separation and Processing

• Separation : Before recycling, plasterboards must be separated from other construction debris. Manual or mechanical means can be used for this separation, but contamination by other materials must be minimised.
• Size Reduction : The separated plasterboard is then reduced to small pieces using crushers or shredders.
• Removal of Impurities : The smaller pieces are sifted to remove contaminants like nails, screws, and other non-gypsum materials.
• Processing : The gypsum is then separated from the paper and additives, often through water-based processes. The gypsum can be dried and ground into powder for further use, while the paper and other materials can be recycled separately.

Several innovative technologies have emerged, such as using optical sorters for more precise separation and employing specialized machinery to process large quantities of plasterboard.

Challenges and Opportunities in Plasterboard Waste Management

• Contamination : Contaminants like metal and plastic can make recycling more complex and costly.
• Regulatory Compliance : Adhering to various regulations and standards can be burdensome for recyclers.
• Logistical Issues : Transporting and storing large volumes of plasterboard waste requires careful planning and can be expensive.
• Public Awareness : There needs to be more awareness among contractors and the general public about the importance of plasterboard recycling.

Opportunities

• New Markets : The recycled gypsum can be used in agriculture, as a soil conditioner, or in producing new building materials, opening new market avenues.
• Environmental Benefits : Recycling plasterboard reduces landfill usage and contributes to resource conservation.
• Economic Advantages : The recycling process can create jobs and reduce the overall cost of waste management.

Regulations and Incentives Related to Recycling

Governments worldwide have recognised the importance of recycling plasterboards and have implemented various regulations and incentives.

Regulations

Many countries have specific regulations to guide and control plasterboard recycling. This includes setting standards for collecting, processing, and end-use of recycled materials.

Governments may offer financial incentives like grants, tax breaks, or subsidies to encourage plasterboard recycling.

Certification Programs

Third-party certification programs can provide assurance to consumers that recycled plasterboard products meet specific quality standards.

Potential Applications

Recycled plasterboard materials can be used in several applications, such as in manufacturing new plasterboards, as a component in cement production, or as a soil amendment in agriculture.

Recycling and waste management of plasterboards is a complex but vital aspect of modern construction practices. The current methods and technologies have evolved to address the challenges but continue to demand innovation and attention to detail. Opportunities abound for those willing to invest in recycling efforts, but alignment with regulations, consumer education, and market development are essential for continued success. 

Collaboration between governments, industries, and communities will be pivotal in leveraging recycling and waste management of plasterboards to conserve resources and protect the environment.

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Waste Connections Is Getting Things Done: Time to Buy the Stock?

Waste Connections could be an ideal buy, given its solid underlying business, improving profitability, and healthy growth prospects.

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Waste Connections ( TSX:WCN ) is a Canadian waste management company that collects, transfers, and disposes of non-hazardous solid waste across the United States and Canada. Supported by its solid quarterly performances and healthy growth prospects, the company is trading 14.9% higher this year, outperforming the broader equity markets. Let’s assess whether Waste Connections would be a buy at these levels by looking at its performance in the recently reported first quarter, growth prospects, and valuation. 

Waste Connections’s first-quarter earnings

Waste Connections reported solid first-quarter earnings, with its top line growing by 9.1% to US$2.07 billion. Contributions from acquisitions over the last 12 months and higher recovered commodity values drove its top line. Meanwhile, its adjusted EBITDA (earnings before interest, tax, depreciation, and amortization) grew 14.8% to US$650.7 million. It was US$10 million higher than the management’s guidance. Also, its adjusted EBITDA margin expanded by 160 basis points from the previous year and 20 basis points from the prior quarter to 31.4%.

Supported by its top-line growth and expansion of its operating margin, Waste Connections’s net income grew by 16.3% while its adjusted EPS (earnings per share) grew by 16.9%. The company generated an adjusted free cash flow of $324.8 million, representing an 18.5% increase from the previous year’s quarter. Its free cash flows were 15.7% of its total revenue, an improvement from 14.4% in the previous year’s quarter. During the quarter, the company raised US$750 million through senior notes, with the proceeds directed towards reducing its debt levels.

Now, let’s look at its growth prospects.

Waste Connections’s outlook

Given its solid financial position and healthy free cash flows, Waste Connections is well-equipped to continue its acquisitions, with the company naming 2024 one of its busiest years ever. As of April 24, the company has made several acquisitions this year that could contribute US$375 million of annualized revenue. In February, it acquired 30 energy waste treatment and disposal facilities, which could contribute around $300 million to its total revenue.

Further, Waste Connections also focuses on organic growth and is developing several renewable gas or RNG (renewable natural gas) facilities, three of which will be operational this year. Also, despite the industry-wide equipment and utility installation delays, the company’s management is optimistic that its developmental projects could deliver an incremental $200 million annual EBITDA beginning in 2026. Meanwhile, the company has planned to invest around $150 million in these projects this year.

Amid these growth prospects, Waste Connections’s management has provided impressive 2024 guidance, with its topline projected to grow by 9.1% to $8.75 billion. Its adjusted EBITDA could increase by 13.4% while expanding its adjusted EBITDA margin by 120 basis points to 32.7%. So, its growth prospects look healthy.

Investors’ takeaway

Amid the recent increase in its stock price, Waste Connections’s valuation has increased, with its next 12-month price-to-earnings multiple at 34.1. Although its valuation looks expensive, I believe it is justified, given its solid underlying businesses, improving profitability, and healthy growth prospects. It has also raised its dividends at an annualized rate of 14.3% since 2010, which is encouraging.

The broader equity markets have turned volatile amid concerns over high inflation, geopolitical tension, and the impact of high interest rates on global growth. So, in this uncertain outlook, Waste Connections, which has been delivering consistent performances over the years, would be an ideal buy.

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Out of the Centre

Savvino-storozhevsky monastery and museum.

Zvenigorod's most famous sight is the Savvino-Storozhevsky Monastery, which was founded in 1398 by the monk Savva from the Troitse-Sergieva Lavra, at the invitation and with the support of Prince Yury Dmitrievich of Zvenigorod. Savva was later canonised as St Sabbas (Savva) of Storozhev. The monastery late flourished under the reign of Tsar Alexis, who chose the monastery as his family church and often went on pilgrimage there and made lots of donations to it. Most of the monastery’s buildings date from this time. The monastery is heavily fortified with thick walls and six towers, the most impressive of which is the Krasny Tower which also serves as the eastern entrance. The monastery was closed in 1918 and only reopened in 1995. In 1998 Patriarch Alexius II took part in a service to return the relics of St Sabbas to the monastery. Today the monastery has the status of a stauropegic monastery, which is second in status to a lavra. In addition to being a working monastery, it also holds the Zvenigorod Historical, Architectural and Art Museum.

Belfry and Neighbouring Churches

Located near the main entrance is the monastery's belfry which is perhaps the calling card of the monastery due to its uniqueness. It was built in the 1650s and the St Sergius of Radonezh’s Church was opened on the middle tier in the mid-17th century, although it was originally dedicated to the Trinity. The belfry's 35-tonne Great Bladgovestny Bell fell in 1941 and was only restored and returned in 2003. Attached to the belfry is a large refectory and the Transfiguration Church, both of which were built on the orders of Tsar Alexis in the 1650s.  

To the left of the belfry is another, smaller, refectory which is attached to the Trinity Gate-Church, which was also constructed in the 1650s on the orders of Tsar Alexis who made it his own family church. The church is elaborately decorated with colourful trims and underneath the archway is a beautiful 19th century fresco.

Nativity of Virgin Mary Cathedral

The Nativity of Virgin Mary Cathedral is the oldest building in the monastery and among the oldest buildings in the Moscow Region. It was built between 1404 and 1405 during the lifetime of St Sabbas and using the funds of Prince Yury of Zvenigorod. The white-stone cathedral is a standard four-pillar design with a single golden dome. After the death of St Sabbas he was interred in the cathedral and a new altar dedicated to him was added.

Under the reign of Tsar Alexis the cathedral was decorated with frescoes by Stepan Ryazanets, some of which remain today. Tsar Alexis also presented the cathedral with a five-tier iconostasis, the top row of icons have been preserved.

Tsaritsa's Chambers

The Nativity of Virgin Mary Cathedral is located between the Tsaritsa's Chambers of the left and the Palace of Tsar Alexis on the right. The Tsaritsa's Chambers were built in the mid-17th century for the wife of Tsar Alexey - Tsaritsa Maria Ilinichna Miloskavskaya. The design of the building is influenced by the ancient Russian architectural style. Is prettier than the Tsar's chambers opposite, being red in colour with elaborately decorated window frames and entrance.

At present the Tsaritsa's Chambers houses the Zvenigorod Historical, Architectural and Art Museum. Among its displays is an accurate recreation of the interior of a noble lady's chambers including furniture, decorations and a decorated tiled oven, and an exhibition on the history of Zvenigorod and the monastery.

Palace of Tsar Alexis

The Palace of Tsar Alexis was built in the 1650s and is now one of the best surviving examples of non-religious architecture of that era. It was built especially for Tsar Alexis who often visited the monastery on religious pilgrimages. Its most striking feature is its pretty row of nine chimney spouts which resemble towers.

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