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Social Responsibility Journal

ISSN : 1747-1117

Article publication date: 13 August 2019

Issue publication date: 31 August 2020

Self-help groups (SHGs) have widely been accepted by developing nations for their contribution to inclusive development. Despite its importance and the recognition of the same, SHGs and their members face several challenges. The purpose of this paper is to comprehensively investigate the inhibiting factors affecting the effectiveness of women SHGs. The paper also proposes a roadmap for all the self-help promoting institutions, such as banks, state and central government, and non-government organizations to address the challenges.

Design/methodology/approach

The study adopts an exploratory research design to undertake this applied research. It uses phenomenographic and interpretative approaches. Qualitative data have been collected from 24 members belonging to eight SHGs from the eastern Indian state of Odisha with the help of a semi-structured interview schedule. The result has been analyzed by using content analysis.

The study finds that SHG members in Odisha face several challenges in the form of financial bottlenecks, entrepreneurial obstacles, capacity-building impediments, mentor-ship challenges, socio-structural challenges and group dynamics.

Research limitations/implications

The study finds many unique and contextual inhibiting factors, which are valuable additions to the existing literature. At the same time, the result may not be applicable to other kinds of SHGs, such as Alcoholic Anonymous, as their nature, composition and deliverables are quite different from the SHG that the current study has taken into consideration.

Practical implications

The proposed roadmap would be useful to policymakers, non-government organizations and other agencies involved in the promotion and capacity building of SHGs operating in Odisha in particular and India in general.

Originality/value

The literature is mainly concerned with the impact evaluation of SHG programs. This study investigates the challenges faced by SHGs in a systematic way and provides a roadmap to address the same in a comprehensive way.

• Sustainability
• Self-help group
• Self-help promoting institutions

Nayak, A.K. , Panigrahi, P.K. and Swain, B. (2020), "Self-help groups in India: challenges and a roadmap for sustainability", Social Responsibility Journal , Vol. 16 No. 7, pp. 1013-1033. https://doi.org/10.1108/SRJ-02-2019-0054

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Self-help research and the public mental health system

Affiliation.

• 1 Center for Self-Help Research and Knowledge, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor 48104-1567.
• PMID: 1763790
• DOI: 10.1007/BF00938046

Discusses views of self-help leaders, researchers, and policy makers from the public mental health system about collaborative research with self-help groups. Topics include assumptions underlying collaborative research, barriers to collaborative research, and the potential benefits of collaborative research. Special attention is given to the rationale and methods for including minorities in self-help research. Initial discussions were held at a meeting convened by the NIMH-funded Center for Self-Help Research and Knowledge Dissemination at the University of Michigan.

• Community Mental Health Services*
• Group Processes
• Group Structure
• Mental Disorders / psychology
• Mental Disorders / rehabilitation*
• Patient Care Team
• Research / organization & administration*
• Self-Help Groups*

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Home » Research Methodology – Types, Examples and writing Guide

Research Methodology – Types, Examples and writing Guide

Table of Contents

Research Methodology

Definition:

Research Methodology refers to the systematic and scientific approach used to conduct research, investigate problems, and gather data and information for a specific purpose. It involves the techniques and procedures used to identify, collect , analyze , and interpret data to answer research questions or solve research problems . Moreover, They are philosophical and theoretical frameworks that guide the research process.

Structure of Research Methodology

Research methodology formats can vary depending on the specific requirements of the research project, but the following is a basic example of a structure for a research methodology section:

I. Introduction

• Provide an overview of the research problem and the need for a research methodology section
• Outline the main research questions and objectives

II. Research Design

• Explain the research design chosen and why it is appropriate for the research question(s) and objectives
• Discuss any alternative research designs considered and why they were not chosen
• Describe the research setting and participants (if applicable)

III. Data Collection Methods

• Describe the methods used to collect data (e.g., surveys, interviews, observations)
• Explain how the data collection methods were chosen and why they are appropriate for the research question(s) and objectives
• Detail any procedures or instruments used for data collection

IV. Data Analysis Methods

• Describe the methods used to analyze the data (e.g., statistical analysis, content analysis )
• Explain how the data analysis methods were chosen and why they are appropriate for the research question(s) and objectives
• Detail any procedures or software used for data analysis

V. Ethical Considerations

• Discuss any ethical issues that may arise from the research and how they were addressed
• Explain how informed consent was obtained (if applicable)
• Detail any measures taken to ensure confidentiality and anonymity

VI. Limitations

• Identify any potential limitations of the research methodology and how they may impact the results and conclusions

VII. Conclusion

• Summarize the key aspects of the research methodology section
• Explain how the research methodology addresses the research question(s) and objectives

Research Methodology Types

Types of Research Methodology are as follows:

Quantitative Research Methodology

This is a research methodology that involves the collection and analysis of numerical data using statistical methods. This type of research is often used to study cause-and-effect relationships and to make predictions.

Qualitative Research Methodology

This is a research methodology that involves the collection and analysis of non-numerical data such as words, images, and observations. This type of research is often used to explore complex phenomena, to gain an in-depth understanding of a particular topic, and to generate hypotheses.

Mixed-Methods Research Methodology

This is a research methodology that combines elements of both quantitative and qualitative research. This approach can be particularly useful for studies that aim to explore complex phenomena and to provide a more comprehensive understanding of a particular topic.

Case Study Research Methodology

This is a research methodology that involves in-depth examination of a single case or a small number of cases. Case studies are often used in psychology, sociology, and anthropology to gain a detailed understanding of a particular individual or group.

Action Research Methodology

This is a research methodology that involves a collaborative process between researchers and practitioners to identify and solve real-world problems. Action research is often used in education, healthcare, and social work.

Experimental Research Methodology

This is a research methodology that involves the manipulation of one or more independent variables to observe their effects on a dependent variable. Experimental research is often used to study cause-and-effect relationships and to make predictions.

Survey Research Methodology

This is a research methodology that involves the collection of data from a sample of individuals using questionnaires or interviews. Survey research is often used to study attitudes, opinions, and behaviors.

Grounded Theory Research Methodology

This is a research methodology that involves the development of theories based on the data collected during the research process. Grounded theory is often used in sociology and anthropology to generate theories about social phenomena.

Research Methodology Example

An Example of Research Methodology could be the following:

Research Methodology for Investigating the Effectiveness of Cognitive Behavioral Therapy in Reducing Symptoms of Depression in Adults

Introduction:

The aim of this research is to investigate the effectiveness of cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT) in reducing symptoms of depression in adults. To achieve this objective, a randomized controlled trial (RCT) will be conducted using a mixed-methods approach.

Research Design:

The study will follow a pre-test and post-test design with two groups: an experimental group receiving CBT and a control group receiving no intervention. The study will also include a qualitative component, in which semi-structured interviews will be conducted with a subset of participants to explore their experiences of receiving CBT.

Participants:

Participants will be recruited from community mental health clinics in the local area. The sample will consist of 100 adults aged 18-65 years old who meet the diagnostic criteria for major depressive disorder. Participants will be randomly assigned to either the experimental group or the control group.

Intervention :

The experimental group will receive 12 weekly sessions of CBT, each lasting 60 minutes. The intervention will be delivered by licensed mental health professionals who have been trained in CBT. The control group will receive no intervention during the study period.

Data Collection:

Quantitative data will be collected through the use of standardized measures such as the Beck Depression Inventory-II (BDI-II) and the Generalized Anxiety Disorder-7 (GAD-7). Data will be collected at baseline, immediately after the intervention, and at a 3-month follow-up. Qualitative data will be collected through semi-structured interviews with a subset of participants from the experimental group. The interviews will be conducted at the end of the intervention period, and will explore participants’ experiences of receiving CBT.

Data Analysis:

Quantitative data will be analyzed using descriptive statistics, t-tests, and mixed-model analyses of variance (ANOVA) to assess the effectiveness of the intervention. Qualitative data will be analyzed using thematic analysis to identify common themes and patterns in participants’ experiences of receiving CBT.

Ethical Considerations:

This study will comply with ethical guidelines for research involving human subjects. Participants will provide informed consent before participating in the study, and their privacy and confidentiality will be protected throughout the study. Any adverse events or reactions will be reported and managed appropriately.

Data Management:

All data collected will be kept confidential and stored securely using password-protected databases. Identifying information will be removed from qualitative data transcripts to ensure participants’ anonymity.

Limitations:

One potential limitation of this study is that it only focuses on one type of psychotherapy, CBT, and may not generalize to other types of therapy or interventions. Another limitation is that the study will only include participants from community mental health clinics, which may not be representative of the general population.

Conclusion:

This research aims to investigate the effectiveness of CBT in reducing symptoms of depression in adults. By using a randomized controlled trial and a mixed-methods approach, the study will provide valuable insights into the mechanisms underlying the relationship between CBT and depression. The results of this study will have important implications for the development of effective treatments for depression in clinical settings.

How to Write Research Methodology

Writing a research methodology involves explaining the methods and techniques you used to conduct research, collect data, and analyze results. It’s an essential section of any research paper or thesis, as it helps readers understand the validity and reliability of your findings. Here are the steps to write a research methodology:

• Start by explaining your research question: Begin the methodology section by restating your research question and explaining why it’s important. This helps readers understand the purpose of your research and the rationale behind your methods.
• Describe your research design: Explain the overall approach you used to conduct research. This could be a qualitative or quantitative research design, experimental or non-experimental, case study or survey, etc. Discuss the advantages and limitations of the chosen design.
• Discuss your sample: Describe the participants or subjects you included in your study. Include details such as their demographics, sampling method, sample size, and any exclusion criteria used.
• Describe your data collection methods : Explain how you collected data from your participants. This could include surveys, interviews, observations, questionnaires, or experiments. Include details on how you obtained informed consent, how you administered the tools, and how you minimized the risk of bias.
• Explain your data analysis techniques: Describe the methods you used to analyze the data you collected. This could include statistical analysis, content analysis, thematic analysis, or discourse analysis. Explain how you dealt with missing data, outliers, and any other issues that arose during the analysis.
• Discuss the validity and reliability of your research : Explain how you ensured the validity and reliability of your study. This could include measures such as triangulation, member checking, peer review, or inter-coder reliability.
• Acknowledge any limitations of your research: Discuss any limitations of your study, including any potential threats to validity or generalizability. This helps readers understand the scope of your findings and how they might apply to other contexts.
• Provide a summary: End the methodology section by summarizing the methods and techniques you used to conduct your research. This provides a clear overview of your research methodology and helps readers understand the process you followed to arrive at your findings.

When to Write Research Methodology

Research methodology is typically written after the research proposal has been approved and before the actual research is conducted. It should be written prior to data collection and analysis, as it provides a clear roadmap for the research project.

The research methodology is an important section of any research paper or thesis, as it describes the methods and procedures that will be used to conduct the research. It should include details about the research design, data collection methods, data analysis techniques, and any ethical considerations.

The methodology should be written in a clear and concise manner, and it should be based on established research practices and standards. It is important to provide enough detail so that the reader can understand how the research was conducted and evaluate the validity of the results.

Applications of Research Methodology

Here are some of the applications of research methodology:

• To identify the research problem: Research methodology is used to identify the research problem, which is the first step in conducting any research.
• To design the research: Research methodology helps in designing the research by selecting the appropriate research method, research design, and sampling technique.
• To collect data: Research methodology provides a systematic approach to collect data from primary and secondary sources.
• To analyze data: Research methodology helps in analyzing the collected data using various statistical and non-statistical techniques.
• To test hypotheses: Research methodology provides a framework for testing hypotheses and drawing conclusions based on the analysis of data.
• To generalize findings: Research methodology helps in generalizing the findings of the research to the target population.
• To develop theories : Research methodology is used to develop new theories and modify existing theories based on the findings of the research.
• To evaluate programs and policies : Research methodology is used to evaluate the effectiveness of programs and policies by collecting data and analyzing it.
• To improve decision-making: Research methodology helps in making informed decisions by providing reliable and valid data.

Purpose of Research Methodology

Research methodology serves several important purposes, including:

• To guide the research process: Research methodology provides a systematic framework for conducting research. It helps researchers to plan their research, define their research questions, and select appropriate methods and techniques for collecting and analyzing data.
• To ensure research quality: Research methodology helps researchers to ensure that their research is rigorous, reliable, and valid. It provides guidelines for minimizing bias and error in data collection and analysis, and for ensuring that research findings are accurate and trustworthy.
• To replicate research: Research methodology provides a clear and detailed account of the research process, making it possible for other researchers to replicate the study and verify its findings.
• To advance knowledge: Research methodology enables researchers to generate new knowledge and to contribute to the body of knowledge in their field. It provides a means for testing hypotheses, exploring new ideas, and discovering new insights.
• To inform decision-making: Research methodology provides evidence-based information that can inform policy and decision-making in a variety of fields, including medicine, public health, education, and business.

Advantages of Research Methodology

Research methodology has several advantages that make it a valuable tool for conducting research in various fields. Here are some of the key advantages of research methodology:

• Systematic and structured approach : Research methodology provides a systematic and structured approach to conducting research, which ensures that the research is conducted in a rigorous and comprehensive manner.
• Objectivity : Research methodology aims to ensure objectivity in the research process, which means that the research findings are based on evidence and not influenced by personal bias or subjective opinions.
• Replicability : Research methodology ensures that research can be replicated by other researchers, which is essential for validating research findings and ensuring their accuracy.
• Reliability : Research methodology aims to ensure that the research findings are reliable, which means that they are consistent and can be depended upon.
• Validity : Research methodology ensures that the research findings are valid, which means that they accurately reflect the research question or hypothesis being tested.
• Efficiency : Research methodology provides a structured and efficient way of conducting research, which helps to save time and resources.
• Flexibility : Research methodology allows researchers to choose the most appropriate research methods and techniques based on the research question, data availability, and other relevant factors.
• Scope for innovation: Research methodology provides scope for innovation and creativity in designing research studies and developing new research techniques.

Research Methodology Vs Research Methods

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Meditation: a simple, fast way to reduce stress.

Meditation can wipe away the day's stress, bringing with it inner peace. See how you can easily learn to practice meditation whenever you need it most.

If stress has you anxious, tense and worried, you might try meditation. Spending even a few minutes in meditation can help restore your calm and inner peace.

Anyone can practice meditation. It's simple and doesn't cost much. And you don't need any special equipment.

You can practice meditation wherever you are. You can meditate when you're out for a walk, riding the bus, waiting at the doctor's office or even in the middle of a business meeting.

Understanding meditation

Meditation has been around for thousands of years. Early meditation was meant to help deepen understanding of the sacred and mystical forces of life. These days, meditation is most often used to relax and lower stress.

Meditation is a type of mind-body complementary medicine. Meditation can help you relax deeply and calm your mind.

During meditation, you focus on one thing. You get rid of the stream of thoughts that may be crowding your mind and causing stress. This process can lead to better physical and emotional well-being.

Benefits of meditation

Meditation can give you a sense of calm, peace and balance that can benefit your emotional well-being and your overall health. You also can use it to relax and cope with stress by focusing on something that calms you. Meditation can help you learn to stay centered and keep inner peace.

These benefits don't end when your meditation session ends. Meditation can help take you more calmly through your day. And meditation may help you manage symptoms of some medical conditions.

Meditation and emotional and physical well-being

When you meditate, you may clear away the information overload that builds up every day and contributes to your stress.

The emotional and physical benefits of meditation can include:

• Giving you a new way to look at things that cause stress.
• Building skills to manage your stress.
• Making you more self-aware.
• Focusing on the present.
• Reducing negative feelings.
• Helping you be more creative.
• Helping you be more patient.
• Lowering resting heart rate.
• Lowering resting blood pressure.
• Helping you sleep better.

Meditation and illness

Meditation also might help if you have a medical condition. This is most often true if you have a condition that stress makes worse.

A lot of research shows that meditation is good for health. But some experts believe there's not enough research to prove that meditation helps.

With that in mind, some research suggests that meditation may help people manage symptoms of conditions such as:

• Chronic pain.
• Depression.
• Heart disease.
• High blood pressure.
• Irritable bowel syndrome.
• Sleep problems.
• Tension headaches.

Be sure to talk to your healthcare professional about the pros and cons of using meditation if you have any of these or other health conditions. Sometimes, meditation might worsen symptoms linked to some mental health conditions.

Meditation doesn't replace medical treatment. But it may help to add it to other treatments.

Types of meditation

Meditation is an umbrella term for the many ways to get to a relaxed state. There are many types of meditation and ways to relax that use parts of meditation. All share the same goal of gaining inner peace.

Ways to meditate can include:

Guided meditation. This is sometimes called guided imagery or visualization. With this method of meditation, you form mental images of places or things that help you relax.

You try to use as many senses as you can. These include things you can smell, see, hear and feel. You may be led through this process by a guide or teacher.

• Mantra meditation. In this type of meditation, you repeat a calming word, thought or phrase to keep out unwanted thoughts.

Mindfulness meditation. This type of meditation is based on being mindful. This means being more aware of the present.

In mindfulness meditation, you focus on one thing, such as the flow of your breath. You can notice your thoughts and feelings. But let them pass without judging them.

• Qigong. This practice most often combines meditation, relaxation, movement and breathing exercises to restore and maintain balance. Qigong (CHEE-gung) is part of Chinese medicine.
• Tai chi. This is a form of gentle Chinese martial arts training. In tai chi (TIE-CHEE), you do a series of postures or movements in a slow, graceful way. And you do deep breathing with the movements.
• Yoga. You do a series of postures with controlled breathing. This helps give you a more flexible body and a calm mind. To do the poses, you need to balance and focus. That helps you to focus less on your busy day and more on the moment.

Parts of meditation

Each type of meditation may include certain features to help you meditate. These may vary depending on whose guidance you follow or who's teaching a class. Some of the most common features in meditation include:

Focused attention. Focusing your attention is one of the most important elements of meditation.

Focusing your attention is what helps free your mind from the many things that cause stress and worry. You can focus your attention on things such as a certain object, an image, a mantra or even your breathing.

• Relaxed breathing. This technique involves deep, even-paced breathing using the muscle between your chest and your belly, called the diaphragm muscle, to expand your lungs. The purpose is to slow your breathing, take in more oxygen, and reduce the use of shoulder, neck and upper chest muscles while breathing so that you breathe better.

A quiet setting. If you're a beginner, meditation may be easier if you're in a quiet spot. Aim to have fewer things that can distract you, including no television, computers or cellphones.

As you get more skilled at meditation, you may be able to do it anywhere. This includes high-stress places, such as a traffic jam, a stressful work meeting or a long line at the grocery store. This is when you can get the most out of meditation.

• A comfortable position. You can practice meditation whether you're sitting, lying down, walking, or in other positions or activities. Just try to be comfortable so that you can get the most out of your meditation. Aim to keep good posture during meditation.
• Open attitude. Let thoughts pass through your mind without judging them.

Everyday ways to practice meditation

Don't let the thought of meditating the "right" way add to your stress. If you choose to, you can attend special meditation centers or group classes led by trained instructors. But you also can practice meditation easily on your own. There are apps to use too.

And you can make meditation as formal or informal as you like. Some people build meditation into their daily routine. For example, they may start and end each day with an hour of meditation. But all you really need is a few minutes a day for meditation.

Here are some ways you can practice meditation on your own, whenever you choose:

Breathe deeply. This is good for beginners because breathing is a natural function.

Focus all your attention on your breathing. Feel your breath and listen to it as you inhale and exhale through your nostrils. Breathe deeply and slowly. When your mind wanders, gently return your focus to your breathing.

Scan your body. When using this technique, focus attention on each part of your body. Become aware of how your body feels. That might be pain, tension, warmth or relaxation.

Mix body scanning with breathing exercises and think about breathing heat or relaxation into and out of the parts of your body.

• Repeat a mantra. You can create your own mantra. It can be religious or not. Examples of religious mantras include the Jesus Prayer in the Christian tradition, the holy name of God in Judaism, or the om mantra of Hinduism, Buddhism and other Eastern religions.

Walk and meditate. Meditating while walking is a good and healthy way to relax. You can use this technique anywhere you're walking, such as in a forest, on a city sidewalk or at the mall.

When you use this method, slow your walking pace so that you can focus on each movement of your legs or feet. Don't focus on where you're going. Focus on your legs and feet. Repeat action words in your mind such as "lifting," "moving" and "placing" as you lift each foot, move your leg forward and place your foot on the ground. Focus on the sights, sounds and smells around you.

Pray. Prayer is the best known and most widely used type of meditation. Spoken and written prayers are found in most faith traditions.

You can pray using your own words or read prayers written by others. Check the self-help section of your local bookstore for examples. Talk with your rabbi, priest, pastor or other spiritual leader about possible resources.

Read and reflect. Many people report that they benefit from reading poems or sacred texts and taking a few moments to think about their meaning.

You also can listen to sacred music, spoken words, or any music that relaxes or inspires you. You may want to write your thoughts in a journal or discuss them with a friend or spiritual leader.

• Focus your love and kindness. In this type of meditation, you think of others with feelings of love, compassion and kindness. This can help increase how connected you feel to others.

Building your meditation skills

Don't judge how you meditate. That can increase your stress. Meditation takes practice.

It's common for your mind to wander during meditation, no matter how long you've been practicing meditation. If you're meditating to calm your mind and your mind wanders, slowly return to what you're focusing on.

Try out ways to meditate to find out what types of meditation work best for you and what you enjoy doing. Adapt meditation to your needs as you go. Remember, there's no right way or wrong way to meditate. What matters is that meditation helps you reduce your stress and feel better overall.

Related information

• Relaxation techniques: Try these steps to lower stress - Related information Relaxation techniques: Try these steps to lower stress
• Stress relievers: Tips to tame stress - Related information Stress relievers: Tips to tame stress
• Video: Need to relax? Take a break for meditation - Related information Video: Need to relax? Take a break for meditation

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• Meditation: In depth. National Center for Complementary and Integrative Health. https://nccih.nih.gov/health/meditation/overview.htm. Accessed Dec. 23, 2021.
• Mindfulness meditation: A research-proven way to reduce stress. American Psychological Association. https://www.apa.org/topics/mindfulness/meditation. Accessed Dec. 23, 2021.
• AskMayoExpert. Meditation. Mayo Clinic. 2021.
• Papadakis MA, et al., eds. Meditation. In: Current Medical Diagnosis & Treatment 2022. 61st ed. McGraw Hill; 2022. https://accessmedicine.mhmedical.com. Accessed Dec. 23, 2021.
• Hilton L, et al. Mindfulness meditation for chronic pain: Systematic review and meta-analysis. Annals of Behavioral Medicine. 2017; doi:10.1007/s12160-016-9844-2.
• Seaward BL. Meditation. In: Essentials of Managing Stress. 5th ed. Jones & Bartlett Learning; 2021.
• Seaward BL. Managing Stress: Principles and Strategies for Health and Well-Being. 9th ed. Burlington, Mass.: Jones & Bartlett Learning; 2018.

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The neuroscience of singing: How choirs help our brains and bodies recover from burnout

For some, the sensation feels like fireworks exploding out of their brain into the night sky.

For others, there’s a kind of buzz — electricity or vibration. Goosebumps cover their whole body.

"A bit like a warm hug." A moment of "collective happiness", "clarity", and feeling totally grounded. Entering some kind of "flow state".

This is what it's like to sing in harmony as part of a community choir.

Humans have come together in song for — at least —  tens of thousands of years. Through ancient songlines and sacred hymns, in times of celebration and in grief.

And if you ask any of those who dedicate a window of their everyday lives to this practice, they'll tell you just how good it feels.

Many say it's a form of therapy, and that without it, they're not sure they would survive.

Scientists have been singing the praises   of choirs for decades. These musical gatherings seem to support social and emotional wellbeing for all sorts of groups — among small or large crowds, those with established connections and those who are just getting to know each other, and across cultures.

Researchers have established how group singing can support and even facilitate recovery in patients with Parkinson's disease , post-natal depression and some types of cancer — and they say they've only just begun to scratch the surface on the cognitive possibilities.

A safe place to recover and reconnect

Emily Fleming went in search of a choir as part of her recovery from chronic illnesses that worsened after an episode of severe burnout.

In her mid-20s, Emily was diagnosed with myalgic encephalomyelitis, also known as chronic fatigue syndrome or ME/CFS. She became so unwell she was unable to leave her house for about a year, feeling isolated, disconnected, and confused about the road to recovery.

"Most health professionals would say, 'this is something you'll have forever, you won't ever be able to run again, you won't be able to go out and do the things you used to do', which is just devastating. And so I guess in the back of my mind, I'd always thought that recovery for me looks like getting back into the community," she says.

When Emily eventually became well enough to venture out into the world again, she set her sights on a community choir run by Brisbane musician Emma Dean.

"I had wanted to join a choir for so long because I loved music at school, it was a big part of my life. And then as an adult, I felt like there was a part of me missing … I thought, I'm just gonna do it. Because I think it's what my soul is longing for."

It's a common refrain at Cheep Trill. Every week, choristers gather in community halls — one on Brisbane’s north side and one on the south — to sing together. Manager Corinne Buzianczuk and musical assistant Tony Dean lead the choir in a physical and vocal warm-up before Emma takes the reins to work on the one of the arrangements she's been teaching the group for their end-of-term performance.

Section by section, sopranos, altos, tenors and basses practise their do-dos and woah-ohs, listening intently and frequently bursting into applause when their fellow singers nail a phrase — or a kind giggle when someone flubs a lyric.

There's a break for tea and biccies before switching to a fresh song for the second half of rehearsals. A hum of friendly chatter fills the hall once more as people stack and pack away the chairs, wash up the mugs and wander back out into the night.

From her first rehearsal, Emily says she felt an instant connection with her fellow singers.

"Choir people are just the best, because it's so inclusive …  I didn't get to connect with people for such a long time and so I do miss having that kind of connection with people of different ages. That for me has been what Cheep Trill has given me — intergenerational friendships," she says.

"To have this community of people that are from different walks of life, and in different stages of life, and to really understand that we're kind of going through the same thing."

This sense of community is more than just a hunch — there's an extensive volume of research that shows how singing as part of a group can alleviate feelings of loneliness and isolation, and increase self-efficacy and self-esteem.

Researchers led by Genevieve Dingle, director of clinical psychology programs at the University of Queensland, have found choirs are particularly powerful for people experiencing chronic ill health or significant social disadvantages .

Rockelle Duffy, who joined Cheep Trill in 2023, says it has been a lifeline — a safe space in a particularly dark period.

She had been struggling with what she now understands is functional neurological disorder and fibromyalgia on top of a major depressive disorder and anxiety. Like Emily, Rockelle became unable to work or leave her home.

"I found that I was really reclusive. I had incredibly terrifying dark thoughts constantly running in my brain, screaming at me … I became fearful of going out. So while that's going on in one part of my mind, this little creative spark kept trying to light up and grab my attention," Rockelle says.

She decided to join Cheep Trill after accompanying a friend and long-term member, David Truong .

"I remember going the first night of that term … I just was turned into this blubbering mess. I was streaming tears, my nose was full of snot, my body was shaking … I felt really safe just to sit there and go through whatever was going on for me,” Rockelle says.

“During the course of that term, one of the few things that would get me out of the house aside from attending to the multitude of medical appointments and so forth was choir."

Through the choir, Rockelle has been able to connect with her creativity, process difficult emotions and explore new opportunities — she's started singing in a rock band and writing her own music.

But she says the biggest change has been regaining her self-worth and learning to show up for herself day after day.

What's happening to our bodies when we sing together?

It perhaps goes without saying that in a room full of self-confessed musical theatre nerds, there's a lot of talk about feelings. But the benefits of group singing go beyond the mushy stuff.

Professor Sarah Wilson, a clinical psychologist credited with pioneering music neuroscience research in Australia, explains it as "an internal therapy tool" that engages several parts of the brain at once.

That "singing network", as Professor Wilson calls it, includes areas that control complex motor activity, auditory processing, language, emotion and memory.

Vocal motor control networks activate and coordinate the right muscles to project our voice and manage our airflow. Auditory and language networks help us to pitch our notes correctly, adjust our volume and sing the right lyrics.

Professor Wilson explains that in choir singing, higher level executive functions are also involved, "making sure we come in at the right time, on the right note, and that hold note in our mind … timing it and coordinating relative to the music and the other singers".

Long-term, engaging in musical activities has been shown to support neuroplasticity — that is, the ability to heal and adapt, creating new pathways over time — in healthy ageing brains.

Some of Professor Wilson's work has focused on using singing, through Melodic Intonation Therapy, to help rehabilitate speech in patients recovering from severe strokes .

"We're watching their brain rewire itself, in real time, and switching back on parts of the language network to support their rehabilitation and brain plasticity," she says.

"So it's a really powerful, innate tool … both for our brain plasticity and cognitive health, but also our mental health."

There are also physiological factors at play — our heartbeats and breathing sync up when we sing together .

Both Emily and Rockelle say they've noticed the regular practice has helped in other ways, too.

“I first thought that it would be purely for my mental health … What I wasn't expecting was how much of a physical difference [choir] has made for me," Emily says.

"With the conditions that I have, standing up for a long period of time is really challenging. With choir, for two hours a week [I'm] standing up and down, and just sort of practising those movements. So that has really improved my standing tolerance."

Rockelle says singing has become part of her "self-deigned therapy program" in managing her FND and chronic pain.

"When my body doesn't want to behave the way we think it should, when the signals aren't working properly, I tune into music. I get out the choir [guide tracks], and I look at the [sheet music] … and I'll sway and I'll dance on the spot. It gets that cognitive conversation happening … to get me moving again," she says.

Rockelle says learning about how to engage and switch between her chest voice and head voice has been helpful for regulating her breathing during bouts of extreme anxiety or panic attacks.

The academic jury is still out on exactly how singing in a group affects our levels of oxytocin — that warm, fuzzy feel-good brain chemical.

Professor Wilson says we know singing directly activates the brain's reward network, and there is evidence to suggest choir practice can reduce cortisol levels — an indicator of stress — and even boost immune function.

In two recent studies that measured hormone response in choir singers — one from the University of Regensburg in 2017 , and a smaller pilot study from the University of Toronto in Canada in 2021 — researchers found that positive effects of singing were more pronounced after group singing compared with solo singing.

In addition, Professor Wilson explains that choir singing engages the mirror neuron system, which plays a powerful part in social bonding.

"When we have a verbal conversation, we can't do it together, we have to take turns — otherwise, it's impossible, we're just talking over each other. Whereas singing is this one chance where we get to use our voices in unison," she says.

"Our brain activity is mirroring each other. That activates our own circuitry, and it helps us put ourselves in their shoes. And that facilitates that bonding that we experience when we're singing in a choir."

Cultivating a community around creativity

Cheep Trill is just one of the hundreds — possibly thousands — of community choirs in Australia that focus on bringing amateur singers together in a non-auditioned and non-competitive format.

The purpose of these groups is as much about connection as it is about crafting perfect harmonies.

That people feel supported, welcomed, and held in this space is no coincidence. It's a culture that every single one of the dozen or so 'Trillers' who spoke to the ABC puts down — at least in part — to their musical director, Emma Dean.

In 2014, Emma had been slogging it out to make a name in New York, working as a kids' entertainer and performing late-night opening sets for off-Broadway drag and cabaret artists, making very little money and careening towards total burnout.

With her marriage falling apart and a deep depression setting in, Emma says she had reached rock bottom when a friend suggested that she should start a choir. 

And so she returned to Brisbane and started singing with a small group of musical mates on a friend's verandah. Something clicked into place — watching other people shine gave Emma a new purpose.

“This choir, this strange little group of people who gathered on this verandah, saved me. Really genuinely saved my life," she says.

"They saved my love of music, because I kind of felt like music had betrayed me at some point. I knew that that wasn't completely the truth, but I knew I had to reignite the spark I felt for music."

In the 10 years since, the choir has evolved into a buzzing community of singers from all walks of life, welcoming fresh faces and expanding their repertoire each term.

It's seen new friendships blossom, family ties strengthen, and set the backdrop for at least one marriage proposal.

There are practical and intentional decisions that have allowed Cheep Trill to grow — finding a space that wheelchair users and singers with assistance dogs can navigate seamlessly, making sure there are vegan and gluten-free snacks available during the break, crafting arrangements that share melodies equally between parts, and working on creative solutions for singers with particular sensory needs.

Many community choirs have found ways to offer concessions on term fees or open up sponsored spots for choristers to pay it forward for singers who don’t have the financial means to join.

Emma says above all, she tries to conduct and teach in a way that "creates a space that is safe for people to explore their voice, to explore their creativity", without fear of judgement.

"We're not doing brain surgery. We're just singing a song. I actually quite like mistakes. They're fabulous," she says.

"It's also about facilitating a meeting place where people who have never come across other sorts of people are kind of forced to listen to each other."

Whatever the reasons behind it, there's just something magical that happens when people sing together.

What does it feel like to sing together in a choir?

On an almost-chilly Saturday morning earlier this month, the hundred-or-so Cheep Trillers gathered to share that magic with crowds wandering through the West End markets.

Diligently dressed in their brightest colours, the northside and southside chapters came together to perform four pieces for a small crowd under the shade of a mighty fig tree on the banks of the Brisbane River.

After 10 weeks spent working towards their creative debut, it was a big moment.

Rockelle noticed the feelings in her body, like "a ray of sunshine" penetrating from head to toe.

"My ears are soothed, my tummy settles and my heart swells with love," she says. "I feel light, I feel bright. I feel like I'm worthy. And that there's something here for me — let's keep going."

For Emily, it was a feeling of pure clarity. "Like that is the only thing that I'm thinking of in that moment. I'm not even thinking of the fact that I'm singing and remembering the words, I'm just thinking about how it sounds together, how we're blending our voices together."

There's a synchrony, too, in the way these singers talk about working creatively towards a common goal.

"That's the power of a choir. It's supportive, like you're an instrument in an orchestra, and everyone's voice is part of that," says Piet, who adds Cheep Trill has become like "a second family".

Liz Bremer joined this term as part of a challenge to herself after her father's death to do something each year that scares her.

"When it clicks, everybody starts to sound like one voice and you sort of don't even hear yourself. And that's when as soon as the song's finished, you just feel elated. It's really energising," she says.

"It feels electric," adds her new friend Lucy, another alto-slash-tenor who's new to Cheep Trill. "There's something beautiful about doing something where you can mess up and maybe embarrass yourself in public, but then you don't ... even if you sing off-key or you accidentally sing the wrong lyric, it is such a safe place."

Lucy passes the mic back to Liz: "It reminds you that you're not alone."

Professor Wilson calls it kama muta, a Sanskrit phrase that roughly translates to "being moved by love".

"It's that real sense of being moved by music … and being part of maybe something that's bigger, a communal sense, a higher connection," she says.

In fact, this suspected link between music and feelings of nostalgia or kama muta is currently under investigation by one of Professor Wilson's PhD students at the University of Melbourne. That research is still underway, but Professor Wilson says the hypothesis is that this overwhelming communal feeling is an important evolutionary function of music.

On a basic level, Emma says there is "this great joy, and a great relief that comes from being a part of something bigger than yourself".

"Singing solo is a very different experience to singing in a group … you feel lifted, you feel supported by so many other people around you," she says.

"You are creating something so special, that is not only making the people in the choir happy, but also the people listening to it. You're giving this incredible gift to people witnessing this magic."

Again, the science supports that sentiment. Another study from Professor Dingle and her fellow UQ researchers in 2023  found that watching a choir performance "can foster admiration, respect and positive regard toward choristers" among members of the audience.

The crowd watching Cheep Trill seemed to agree. Uplifting, engaging, playful, a little bit whimsical — a good vibe all round, was how some enjoying the performance put it afterwards.

They did notice, however, one singer standing towards the back who became a bit teary during a moving rendition of REM's Nightswimming. Overcome with emotion, perhaps. The choir sang on while she gathered herself — it's a safe space, after all.

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Intergenerational Ambivalence, Self-differentiation and Ethnic Identity: A Mixed-methods Study on Family Ethnic Socialization

• Original Paper
• Open access
• Published: 08 May 2024

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• Hong Yao 1 ,
• Yajie Hou 2 ,
• Carolina Hausmann-Stabile 3 &
• Angel Hor Yan Lai 4  

Ethnic identity, profoundly influenced by familial factors, embodies multifaceted layers; yet, the intricate process of family ethnic socialization warrants deeper exploration. This study focuses on exploring the complexities of ethnic identity formation, specifically within the context of Yi adolescents. Employing a mixed-methods approach, it delves into family ethnic socialization dynamics among Yi adolescents. The research engaged 606 surveyed participants and conducted interviews with 188 individuals in focused group settings in Liangshan Yi Autonomous Prefecture, Sichuan Province, China. Quantitative analysis revealed correlations between caregiver-adolescent relationships (CAR) and ethnic identity. Adolescents experiencing ambivalent, positive, or neutral CAR exhibited higher ethnic identity levels than those with negative CAR. Qualitative analysis highlighted two key themes. Firstly, families tended to acculturate love through traditional cultural expectations and socialization, demonstrated through unconscious integration of Yi culture and a focus on individual modernity within family values. Secondly, ethnic identity attainment was observed through self-differentiation, including reflexive awareness of Yi ethnicity, enrichment of Yi identity through peer interactions, and the connection of self-actualization with Yi prosperity. The findings emphasize the need for culturally sensitive support, particularly for social workers, to facilitate reflexive self-differentiation among ethnic minority adolescents during family ethnic socialization.

Avoid common mistakes on your manuscript.

In China’s diverse ethnic landscape, home to 56 distinct ethnic groups, the Yi community stands as a culturally rich and significant minority group. Known for their unique traits, including a distinct language, intricate customs, and traditional practices, the Yi represent a unique segment of China’s vast ethnic mosaic. These characteristics, deeply embedded in their daily lives and social structures, are critical in shaping the Yi’s socialization processes within their families, influencing everything from daily interactions to broader communal engagements (Tao et al. 2020 ). This rich cultural backdrop provides a fertile ground for examining ethnic identity and socialization, key elements in understanding how minority groups like the Yi navigate their cultural and individual identities within a broader societal context.

The exploration of ethnic identity within the Yi community is compelling due to their distinct cultural heritage. Ethnic identity development, involving a dynamic process from unexamined identity to active exploration and achievement as proposed by Phinney ( 1993 ), is particularly salient for the Yi. Their rich cultural practices, languages, and traditions significantly contribute to the development of a cohesive ethnic identity. Understanding this process is crucial, as it forms a core component of an individual’s self-concept and well-being, especially within minority groups (Ong et al. 2010 ). The ethnic identity formation in minority communities like the Yi is influenced by a multitude of factors, including cultural preservation, intergenerational transmission of values, and adaptation to broader societal contexts (Umaña-Taylor et al. 2014 ).

The exploration of ethnic identity within the Yi community revolves around the pivotal concept of family ethnic socialization, encapsulating the diverse ways families impart values, traditions, and customs associated with their ethnic-racial group (Umaña-Taylor, and Hill, 2020 ). Contemporary research in ethnic-racial socialization underscores the profound influence of parent-child relationships on the efficacy of these practices (Hu et al. 2015 ; Parke, and Buriel, 2006 ). Children, nurtured within warm and supportive relationships, are more likely to internalize cultural messages and values, fostering the development of a robust and positive ethnic identity (Hughes et al. 2006 ). This insight holds particular relevance for the Yi, where familial bonds and intergenerational relationships intricately intertwine with cultural traditions and practices. Consequently, examining the dynamics of parent-child interactions within Yi families becomes instrumental in comprehending ethnic socialization’s impact on the formation of ethnic identity among Yi youth.

The intricate interplay of parent-child relationships within Yi families finds its grounding in theories of parent-adolescent communication, relational trust, and intergenerational transmission of values. These frameworks provide invaluable perspectives for understanding how familial interactions, characterized by varying degrees of warmth, trust, and communication quality, shape the development of ethnic identity among Yi youth (King, 2015 ; McLoyd et al. 2000 ). In the context of the Yi community, where traditional values intersect with modern influences, created intricate and multilayered experiences, like other (multi)ethnic-racial families (Roy and Rollins, 2022 ). This study adopts a mixed-methods approach to comprehensively explore both the processes and outcomes of family ethnic socialization among the Yi. By combining qualitative and quantitative methods, the research endeavors to capture the multifaceted nature of parent-child dynamics and their profound influence on the development of ethnic identity among Yi youth.

This study used sequential mixed methods explanatory design consisting of a quantitative and a qualitative strand. Quantitative data ( n  = 631 adolescents, grades 7–9) were obtained in Oct 2018, followed by qualitative focus group interviews conducted in May 2021. The research was conducted with the support of local community organizations serving Yi students in Liangshan. Ethical approval was obtained at institutions involved in the project (Reference no: HASC/17-18/0540). Informed consent was obtained from Yi adolescents and their legal guardians prior to the research.

Quantitative Participants

After data cleaning, the quantitative analysis included data from 606 students from grades 7 through 9, from five rural boarding schools in Liangshan Yi Autonomous Prefecture and Sichuan Province. These five schools are affiliated with the partner organization, which has been serving Yi students in rural educational settings since 2006. Approximately 72% of participants were women, and 93% were Yi. The ages of participants ranged from 9 to 19. Details are found in Table 1 .

Qualitative Participants

For the qualitative study, one classroom of students from these five schools was selected to participate, yielding a pool of 15 classrooms. However, because one of the selected classrooms was not available during the time of the study, only 14 classrooms were recruited. Among these students, 92.5% were Yi, 7% were Han, and 0.5% were from other ethnic groups. For the purposes of the study, only Yi students were selected to participate in the qualitative interviews. All of the selected students agreed to join the focus group interviews. The focus group process ceased when the data were saturated. Students who were not selected were invited to participate in cultural activities led by our research team members. As a result, a total of 188 Yi youths (aged 12 to 18), with a mean age of 14.77 (SD = 1.35) participated in 30 focus group interviews, with each group consisting of five to seven participants. The majority of the participants were females (females = 73.4%; males = 26.6%).

Quantitative Measures

To achieve the research goals, four measures were included in quantitative analysis. Demographic information also included age, gender (0 = male; 1 = female), ethnicity (0 = Yi; 1 = Others), and caregiver (1 = parent as caregiver; 0 = family relatives as caregivers, such as grandparents, aunts, uncles, etc).

Caregiver-Adolescent Relationship (CAR)

In this study, the Emotional Quality Subscale of The Self-Reported Relatedness Questionnaire (Lynch and Cicchetti, 1997 ) had been adapted to evaluate the concept of Caregiver-Adolescent Relatedness (CAR) among Yi adolescents. This subscale measured the intensity of specific positive and negative emotions experienced in the presence of primary caregivers. Participants rated their feelings on a 4-point scale with items such as “When I’m with [primary caregiver], I feel happy” to capture positive emotions, and “When I’m with [primary caregiver], I feel ignored” for negative emotions. Cronbach’s alpha values for negative subscale and positive subscale were 0.72 and 0.74 in this study.

Based on these responses, CAR was categorized into four distinct types using the medians of scores of positive emotions and negative emotions. Ambivalent CAR was identified by both high positive (positive emotions scores > 21) and high negative scores (negative emotions scores> 7), reflecting a complex, multifaceted relationship with caregivers. The amicable type was characterized by high positive (positive emotions scores > 21) and low negative scores (negative emotions scores ≤ 7), indicating predominantly positive relationships. The negative CAR type was defined by low positive (positive emotions scores ≤ 21) and high negative scores (negative emotions scores > 7), suggesting relationships dominated by negative feelings. Lastly, the neutral type, marked by low scores in both positive (positive emotions scores ≤ 21) and negative (negative emotions scores ≤ 7) dimensions, implied a relationship lacking strong emotional ties. This nuanced categorization provided a deeper understanding of the varied emotional dynamics in caregiver-adolescent relationships.

Ethnic Identity

Ethnic identity was measured with the revised 12-item Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure–Revised, consisting of two subscales: Exploration and Commitment (Lai et al. 2019 ). There were five items measuring exploration (e.g., “I participate in cultural practices of my own group”) and seven items measuring commitment (e.g., “I have a lot of pride in my ethnic group”). Cronbach’s alpha value was 0.8 in this study. Participants responded on a scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 4 (strongly agree), with higher scores indicating stronger EI.

Peer Support

Peer support was measured by a 4-item Chinese version of the Classmate Support Scale (Torsheim et al. 2016 ). A total score was generated by summarizing responses to four items. Participants responded on a scale of 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree) to items such as “My classmates accept me.” Higher scores indicated a higher level of peer support perceived by individuals. The Cronbach’s alpha for the current study was 0.71.

Data Collection

In the parent study, a multistage sampling approach, with a convenience sampling strategy in stage one and random sampling strategy in stage two, was used to collect the quantitative data. In stage one, we selected five out of the eight schools recommended by local community organizations within their school serving network. The local organization selected these schools as they have a relatively representable population of Yi students and also they have a deeper working relationships with the school management there. The team then contacted the schools via the partnering organization to invite them to join the study. All selected schools agreed to participate in the research.

In stage two, we randomly selected one class of students (grade 7 to 9) from each secondary level of each participating school. All students from the selected class were invited to complete a survey that included demographic information, parental relatedness, ethnic identity, peer support, trauma experience, and more. Prior to the administration of the survey, consent from the students’ guardian were also obtained. During survey administration, the team first explained the purposes of the research and the potential benefits and risks of filling out the survey to the teacher in charge and students in the classroom. All participation was voluntary and students were informed that they could withdraw from filling out the survey any time. All selected students accepted the invitation to fill out the survey. Informed consent was then obtained from all participants before the study. After the survey was administered, a small incentive was given to each student for their participation.

Focus groups were conducted to collect qualitative data. A non-random purposive sampling strategy was used to select the participants based on the students’ attachment to their Yi ethnic group membership. Students who scored in the top 25% (i.e., 1st Quartile) and bottom 20% (i.e., 4th Quartile) in their self-reported ethnic identity scores relative to their classmate in each classroom were selected to join the focus group interviews. This selection strategy allows the team to obtain richer information with a variety of participants based on their connection to their ethnic community. After the participants selection process, the research team then contact the school to invite the selected students to join the interview. Again, the students were reminded of their rights to decline participation or to withdraw anytime without any consequences. All invited students joined the study.

The participating schools assigned the research team to a private indoor or outdoor area, depending on space availability, in which to conduct the interviews. All focus groups were audiotaped after obtaining informed consent from the participants. Each focus group lasted approximately 45 to 60 min. All focus group interviews were conducted by at least two members of the research team, with one person moderating the interview while the other observed. Notes were taken during the interviews to facilitate subsequent analyses, and the interviewers’ observations were triangulated for cross-validation.

The guidelines for the focus group interviews included questions regarding family ethnic socialization (i.e., “What does your family think of being Yi?” and “What did your parents/family teach you about Yi?”), attitudes about Yi ethnicity (i.e., “What do you like/dislike about Yi ethnicity?” and “How do you feel about being Yi?”), and school ethnic socialization (i.e., “What do you think of the Han majority?” and “What is the difference between Yi and Han?”). To ensure that all students in the focus group interviews had a chance to express themselves, the moderator encouraged each participant to share his or her opinions throughout the data collection. If participants indicated that they had nothing to share, the moderator proposed topics from the interview guidelines.

Data Analysis

Quantitative analysis adopted linear regressions to investigate the relationships between CAR and ethnic identity. In comparison to negative CAR, ambivalent CAR(H1), positive CAR(H2), and neutral(H3). CAR were positively associated with ethnic identity. Age, gender, ethnicity, caregiver (caregiver as parents or as relatives) and peer support were controlled as covariates. All qualitative data were analysed by the first and second authors independently. After data collection, two researchers first read the transcripts multiple times to become familiar with the data, then coded the transcripts independently and generated meaning initial codes line by line. Then, we highlighted codes and quotes that were relevant to our research questions, thereby generating an initial list of codes that were illustrated with specific segments of texts. Those codes were used to develop a preliminary analytic framework upon which subsequent transcriptions were then coded. With the text segments, we created data matrices in an Excel spreadsheet (Ose, 2016 ). Next, we categorized the codes into emergent themes. In the final stage, we refined, named, and analysed the themes. When discrepancies were found, we revisited the themes and deliberated with the research team until we reached a consensus.

Quantitative analysis investigated the associations between perceived caregiver relatedness and ethnic identity. Moreover, qualitative analysis further elaborated on the family process of ethnic socialization among young Yi.

Quantitative Analysis: The Impacts of CAR on EI

We used regression analysis to examine the relations between caregiver-adolescent relationship (CAR) and the outcome variables of (i) ethnic exploration (EE) (ii) ethnic commitment (EC) and (iii) ethnic identity (EI), controlling for age, ethnicity, having parent as caregiver, and level of peer support. With EE as outcome variable, we found that ambivalent, positive, and neutral CAR are significant positive contributors, F (1, 606) = 8.79, p  < 0.01, ∆R2 = 0.105. Approximately 10% of the variance of EE was accounted for by ambivalent, positive, and neutral CAR while controlling covariates. Compared to negative CAR, students with the other three CAR were more likely to achieve ethnic identity. Second, with EC as outcome variable, ambivalent, positive, and neutral CAR were significantly and positive associated with ethnic commitment, F (1, 606) = 15.53, p  < 0.01, ∆R2 = 0.17. Third, a significant relation between ambivalent, positive, and neutral CAR and the outcome variable of EI was found, with negative CAR as a reference, F (1, 606) = 15.56, p  < 0.01, ∆R2 = 0.17. Peer support tended to have significant and positive correlations with EE, EC, and total EI. However, the interaction between peer support and CAR was insignificant (Table 2 ).

Qualitative Analysis: Family Process of Ethnic Socialization

Based on qualitative data analysis, two themes emerged, namely “acculturating love through traditional cultural expectations and socialization” and “ethnic identity achievement through self-differentiation”. Exemplar quotations were provided for each theme. Each quotation was identified with the participant ID.

Acculturating Love Through Traditional Cultural Expectations and Socialization

During the ethnic socialization process, family tended to socialize the youth with their ethnic values, beliefs, norms, and behaviors through their daily child-rearing practices, rather than through conscious teachings. However, parental or familial affection and love was conveyed through expecting the best for the adolescents’ future. Viewing education as a life-changing path, parents or caregivers were always aware of their roles in urging their children to take initiatives in study, which might have benefitted their adjustment into civilized social lives outside of their hometown. The tension between unaware family process of practicing Yi and reinforcement the importance of education shaped a complex and even conflicting family ethnic socialization, out of which a youth’s ambivalence towards parents or family might grow.

Unaware Family Process of Practising Yi

Based on data analysis, interviewees enacted a sense of ethnicity through unconscious normative family practices, such as celebrations of Yi festivals, caregivers’ accounts of Yi cultural stories, and daily behaviors. Family practices of transmitting Yi values and behaviors included exposing children to culturally relevant folktales, teaching music and dance, celebrating traditions and holidays, eating ethnic foods, wearing Yi accessories and clothes, and communicating with the family’s native language.

I learned rituals of Torch festivals Footnote 1 from my grandparents. We walked around our house, holding a torch and murmuring prayer words in Yi language, which is supposed to chase the ghosts away and keep us safe. (FS17)

My parents told me the history of Yi, as well as the ghost stories. (FS113)

Moreover, family ethnic socialization practices were embedded in the localized community, where the situational context of Yi might vary slightly.

The story of our ancestor was a story of a boy moving from place to place. Some versions of the story indicate that the boy was born out of a peach. Other versions tell that a couple had two peaches. The wife grew a peach into a boy, while the husband ate half of another peach, and the second half turned into a girl, eventually. We (family members) talk about ancestor stories whenever we have time. (GMAG)

Family ethnic socialization practices were also reflected in the rules and rituals of daily activities taught by parents and senior family members. They taught the young Yi to respect the elderly, internalize a sense of family obligations, supervise younger siblings, provide help when demanded by others, and handle illness through Yi rituals. These rules and rituals were intimately attached to the spirit of Yi, particularly highlighting the cohesive integration of self, Yi ethnicity, nature, and existential humanity.

If someone gets sick, we (family) practice bimbo to pray for his recovery. Otherwise, we (family) do it annually. (FS190)

Yi people are somewhat refined in our rough ways. We are taught to respect the elderly and care for children. We are not allowed to bully the weak. (EI7)

Family Values on Individual Modernity

Families of interviewees, like many of the Yi ethnic minority, might have feelings of inferiority and being un-modernized compared to the Han majority (Postiglione, 2017 ). Therefore, families were expected to have a modern and even “civilized” lifestyle for the future of their children who do not need to repeat their lifestyles of labor-intensive, low-income jobs and less education. Although these caregivers are traditionally and authentically committed to Yi, they still expected that their children might move away from their ethnic communities and adjusting to modern lives in developed areas of China, which is reflected their unconditional love and affection for their children. Furthermore, even when young Yi finally return, family members assume that the interviewees will be able to find stable and well-paid occupations (i.e., civil servants or teachers) in local communities after years of educational experiences in developed cities.

Many young Yi mentioned that they grew up as part of a family where academic achievement and educational productivity were highly valued and that parents often emphasized the importance of higher education and decent jobs. If financially possible, Yi families were likely to list their children’s academic achievements as a priority and hoped for a better life for their children through education. For the young Yi, parents and families served as a continuous and stable resource for their autonomous motivation in education.

My grandma is my favorite. She told me to study hard. When she was a child, her family could not afford education. Although my mom and aunt were excellent in terms of academic performance, they had to work early for a living. Now, I have the chance for education, and my grandmother constantly to encourages me to seize the opportunity to change my life. (FS165)

Education can change my life. Though it is not the only pathway, I was told by my parents that it was the best pathway. (CC16)

Both intrinsic and extrinsic motivations were found among the young Yi in the focus group. Many students mentioned their improved self-satisfaction and self-efficacy through academic growth, while others indicated extrinsic motivations derived from parental appraisals, teachers’ encouragements, and peer support. In particular, the young Yi repeatedly mentioned that their families value education as a life-changing opportunity for their and their family’s social economic status.

Ethnic Identity Achievement through Self-differentiation

As mentioned before, the young Yi’s perceptions, interpretations, and practices of being Yi was mainly influenced by their parents and families, while their self-differentiation included their cognitive efforts in clarifying, bargaining, and recognizing that inherited information about being Yi. During this process, the young Yi actively achieve a reflexive awareness of Yi ethnicity, enrich their understandings of being Yi through peer interactions, and internalize a notion of self-actualization for Yi development.

Reflexive Awareness of Yi Ethnicity

In the current study, reflexivity refers to an action that comes after an individual has become aware of and reflected on their own ethnicity (Chatterton and McKay, 2015 ). Years of family ethnic socialization helped to enact a cultural system within young Yi, manifesting a collection of patterns of meaning through time. With this intrapersonal cultural system, interviewees were more capable of absorbing cultural norms and behaviors that they approbated, simultaneously abandoning those they disconfirmed.

As Yi, we are proud of our Torch festivals, Yi New Year, and our own faith. However, I am also frustrated by some traditions, such as Wawa Qin (child betrothals). (EI33)

Since I am Yi, I love Yi ethnicity 100%. However, I know we have shortcomings, such as low quality of our people. They are less educated and not receptive to new knowledge and science. In poor families with many children, parents might discourage us from going to school if they cannot afford fees for all kids. We (children) have to insist on receiving education as one in multi-child families; otherwise, you might drop out if siblings went to school. Putting myself into parents’ shoes, I could do nothing but wanted to change their thoughts. All I can do is be excellent in every aspect and help my family. (EI1)

Many interviewees experienced distress due to negative comments or social stigma assigned to Yi people, such as being unhygienic, lazy, and crude. However, a resilient aspect of reflexive awareness was triggered by the youth’s forgiveness of being judged or discriminated against from external environments. In discussions of social stigma about Yi ethnicity, interviewees reflected a sense of ethnic confidence and psychological resilience:

As Yi, we should have confidence in own ethnicity; of course, we need to change some negative habits too. (EBAF6113)

We, Yi people, might have had less education, but we kept our integrity as human beings, which matters most. Thus, I love my Yi identity. (EI9)

Enriching Yi through Peer Interactions

Prior to attending their current school, most of the interviewees had completed their early education in local villages, immersed in environments predominantly inhabited by their family members and a specific subset of the Yi people. Upon transitioning to their current school, which hosts a mix of Yi and Han students, these interviewees found themselves in a linguistically and culturally varied setting, shaping their ethnic identity in new ways. The ethnic identity perceptions of Yi youth often showed a marked difference from the views held by their families. Yet, these individual perspectives were deeply intertwined with their personal aspirations, mirroring their unique sense of self amidst a complex web of relationships, encompassing both their ethnic community and broader societal interactions. Consequently, the construction of their ethnic identity emerged as a dynamic process, influenced by a confluence of personal factors, contextual surroundings, language use, and interactions, particularly with peers.

I had no idea of black or white Yi Footnote 2 before coming to this school. I’ve made friends arriving here, later finding out that my new friend is black Yi. I went to my mom and asked her about it, and she explained the differences to me then. (FS44)

They speak a Yi dialect that different from my Yi dialect. I cannot understand what they say. (EMAB 3125)

For young Yi, equality was a concept applied to both in-group and out-group interactions, rather than limited to the relationships between Yi and Han. Social interactions among same-ethnicity peers were conducive to increasing ethnic identity because such interactions offered opportunities to experience and express their ethnicity. For interviewees, even among Yi students, differences in Yi language proficiency, mastery of different Yi dialects, family cultural orientations, and exposure to cultural knowledge could affect what ethnicity meant to them and, ultimately, their self-identity formation.

We should treat people as the same. I felt that it was wrong to treat white and black Yi differently; after all, we are both Yi. (EI10)

Sometimes, the Yi ethnicity is given negative labels. Maybe there are some Yi people who behave badly, but it could not be applied to the whole Yi ethnicity. Han people just applied it to all Yi. (EI35)

Connecting Self-actualization to Yi Prosperity

It was important to understand the meanings assigned by the youth to the connection between self-actualization and Yi prosperity. For interviewees, belonging to a native place is essential to their ethnic and personal identity, creating a sense of native-place identity, such as bendiren , butuo -ness, and laojia Footnote 3 . This native-place belonging, through interacting with ethnic identity and witnessing the under-developmental native places, nurtured a seed of social changes at the bottom of youths’ hearts.

Knowledge was helpful in changing the conservative thought of older generations. I am going to be a teacher in our village and convey knowledge to the next generation in case they remained conservative, like our grandparents.

I would like to be a doctor; because Yi people are quite feudal, most of them are superstitious. When they get sick, they do not go to see a doctor. As a result, treatment time is delayed, and many might lose their lives. When I got sick, my educated father would take me to the hospital… but mother and my grandfather stopped him on the road and insisted on superstitious things. I was not fully conscious at that time and do not remember how my father convinced them. In our village, there are a lot of sick young. children or middle-aged people who get superstitious therapies and die in the end. (GHAH)

In fact, the living conditions of the Yi people have gradually improved since China initiated its nationwide poverty eradication policy in 2012. However, many interviewees’ ideal occupations were teacher and doctor, as they believed that education and medical care need to be further enhanced. They believed that their individualistic self-actualization, becoming educators and medical professionals, could not only address practical demands, but also contribute to the prosperity of the Yi community through changing indigenous stereotypes of illness and education.

One day, when I am capable, I will go outside to learn to bring the new knowledge and experiences back to the Yi community. I will come back to develop our Yi ethnicity. (EBAF)

When I grow up, my dream and goal is to develop our Yi ethnicity through educating children and enhancing their virtues and thoughts. As individuals, motivated children will complete education; as a group, they may contribute to the development of Yi ethnicity. (EMAA)

The triangulation of quantitative and qualitative data in the current study provided several conclusions regarding family ethnic socialization. The study findings indicated that young Yi who had ambivalent relationships with caregivers reported higher levels of ethnic exploration in comparison to counterparts with negative or neutral child-caregiver relationships. With parents or caregivers as significant figures who symbolically represented or practically conveyed Yi culture, these adolescents might have struggled with the tensions between socialization by caregivers and agency in defining Yi ethnic identity, leading to ambivalence. Such mixed emotions were widely found among offspring who had to accept parental expectations on their own attainments of social roles, such as being married, employed, or dependent (Beaton et al. 2003 ; Birditt et al. 2010 ; Bucx et al. 2010 ). Some qualitative excerpts further confirmed that reflexive self-differentiation was meaningful in navigating the process of ethnic exploration and resolution, especially with the presence of intergenerational ambivalence. Self-differentiation appeared to be a bargaining between autonomy and relatedness, though autonomy has often been viewed as conflicting with relatedness (Chung and Gale, 2006 ). With reflexive self-differentiation, the construction of ethnic identity was then associated with an integrated sense of self and might have even served as a strong predictor of mental health among young Yi.

Intergenerational ambivalence might essentially reflect the crux of family ethnic socialization as a dynamic context for the ethnic identity formation of young Yi. Born and raised in Liangshan, parents and grandparents practiced their ethnic identity through ethnic rituals, such as the Torch Festival and Yi New Year, and daily routines and norms. With fewer opportunities to step out of the local community, they might be authentically committed to Yi cultural beliefs and norms that they inherited from their original families and unable to reflect on what Yi stood for by comparing it with other ethnic groups. Without an active ethnic exploration process, their ethnic commitment might not contribute to resolution in self-identity. In recent decades, China’s government implemented a series of poverty elimination and national revival movements. Especially in Southwest provinces where Liangshan is located, efforts had been made to ensure the provision of high-quality education for Yi children and adolescents. With increasing knowledge and experiences in schooling, young Yi are more likely to gain a comprehensive and critical understanding about Yi and their ethnic identities through constantly comparing Yi with other ethnicities (Sladek et al. 2021 ). Thus, their reflective awareness of ethnicity itself might differ from or contradict what the previous generation practiced, resulting in an adjustment in identification.

Although a cultural system was mentally established through family ethnic socialization, the majority of interviewees in focus groups showed high self-differentiation from family interpretations about practicing Yi. Familism, a significant feature of Chinese culture, tended to influence the concept of self for interviewed Yi students. Empirical evidence showed that youth played an active role in their own ethnic identity formation, rather than being a container for family ethnic socialization (Umana-Taylor et al. 2013 ). Self-differentiation, mainly referring to the level of differentiating the self from their family-of-origin, was associated with their psychological and social development. For interviewees, their self-differentiation from family ethnic socialization was achieved by their reflexivity of accepting, interpreting, and contributing to Yi ethnicity, which eventually brought a cohesive sense of self. As young Yi, ethnic identity appeared to be a reflexive self-relation as a unity of self, necessarily connected to a negotiation between native culture and mainstream culture. A mature ethnic identity was an important developmental competence contributing to sense of self, academic adjustment, and psychosocial wellbeing (Lai et al. 2019 ; Lai et al. 2017 ).

Together with family, exposure to school and community might collectively contribute to the youths’ construction of ethnic identity (Eng and Tram, 2021 ). Although family are the primary transmitters of ethnic-racial socialization, transmitters within the school context are also important in the development of youth from ethnic minorities (Saleem and Byrd, 2021 ). Furthermore, family ethnic socialization served as a developmental asset for school-based ethnic-racial identity programs aiming at nurturing a mature ethnic-racial identity (Sladek et al. 2021 ). In this way, family and schools should be cooperative in building a healthy climate for youth from ethnic minorities to explore their ethnicity. A recent meta-analysis indicated that social dominance orientation, intergroup anxiety, identification with the national ingroup, and parental prejudice contributed to increasing later levels of adolescents’ prejudice; however, intergroup friendship contributed to lessening it (Crocetti et al. 2021 ). Yi ethnic minority have often expressed feeling inferior and un-modernized compared to the Han majority (Harrell, 2012 ). However, ingroup and outgroup interactions in school might provide the youth with chances to examine their perceptions regarding their own and other ethnicities then come to forgive the prejudices and stigma assigned to Yi (Degener et al. 2021 ). Given that Yi is often downwardly compared, it makes sense that they may be academically motivated to devote themselves to the economic and social development of the local community and Yi ethnicity.

This study carries some limitations. Firstly, we focus on a single case of ethnicity in China, thus, findings in current study should be carefully used for generalizability. Future research should consider diverse samples from various regions and ethnic groups both within and outside China to enhance representativeness. Additionally, our study acknowledges the limitation of lacking detailed familial data, which restricts our capacity to deeply analyze how aspects like parental education, occupation, and socioeconomic status affect the aspirations of Yi youths and their connection with different CAR types. Future study should design to provide a clearer understanding of the interplay between familial backgrounds and the development of ethnic identity and aspirations among minority youth.

Practical Implications

Firstly, the findings indicate the crucial role of reflexive self-differentiation in ethnic identity achievement. As a facet of self-identity, the construction of Yi youths’ ethnic identity may be shaped by exposure to mainstream culture; thus, ethnic minority young people have to navigate and handle the duality of native and mainstream cultures (Umana-Taylor et al. 2014 ). Social works should be equipped with cultural sensitivity and competence in order to provide high-quality services when ethnic minority young people are struggling with ambivalent feelings towards family ethnic socialization. Particularly, future social work interventions should endeavor to mobilize the unique family resources of youth from ethnic minorities in China to build their ethnic identity, despite ambivalence.

Secondly, dissimilarity in values and beliefs in parent-child relationships could result in estrangement between children and parents, ultimately affecting the mental health of both generations (Coleman et al. 2006 ). Although youths’ differing perceptions of ethnicity as compared to the previous generation might create opportunities for their own ethnic identity exploration and resolution, it could also cause intergenerational tensions for the family and psychosocial maladjustment for the youth. Family social workers might facilitate ethnic minority families to clarify the fact that ethnic identity as Yi is not only collective, but also personal. Acceptance and an embrace of incongruence in terms of ethnic identity might lead to ethnic resolution for both generations.

Lastly, the mixed results highlight dynamics between family and systems beyond family (i.e., school) during the process of ethnic socialization, emphasizing the importance of school, community, and family collaboration on the positive development of ethnic minority young people (Eng and Tram, 2021 ; Torres et al. 2019 ). Psychosocial interventions should be collectively designed and implemented by an alliance of multiple stake takers (i.e., parents and caregivers, peers, teachers, social workers, and policy makers) to enhance the reflexive self-differentiation of youth from ethnic minorities and more effectively prepare them to navigate multi-ethnic social contexts (Laird, 2011 ).

Findings suggested that family ethnic socialization, as a primary context, interplayed with interactions in schools and communities, ultimately contributing to ethnic identity formation among Yi adolescents. Moreover, reflexive self-differentiation was crucial in achieving ethnic identity resolution, providing motivations for youth from ethnic minorities in academic and life goals.

The Yi Torch Festival, or “Dutzie,” celebrated in China’s Liangshan Yi Autonomous Prefecture, is a vibrant cultural event rooted in ancient Yi fire worship traditions. Held over three days in the sixth lunar month, it features bullfighting, horse racing, traditional dances, and rituals. Attracting millions, the festival, recognized as a national intangible cultural heritage, showcases Yi culture and is a significant tourist draw. More information about Torch Festival could be found at Tao et al. ( 2020 ).

“Black Yi” and “White Yi” are terms that refer to specific social strata within the old Yi society. These terms are not literal descriptions of race or skin color but rather indicate social status and roles within the Yi community. The “Black Yi” (nuoho) and “White Yi” (qunuo) represent different levels of social hierarchy, with each group having its distinct roles and societal functions. The differentiation of these groups is deeply rooted in the historical and cultural context of the Yi society. More information could be found at Erzi ( 2003 )

Bendiren refers to being a native person, emphasizing a strong, inherent connection to one’s place of origin. Butuo-ness signifies a unique identity associated with Butuo, indicating a unique sense of belonging or characteristics associated with this area. Laojia , meaning “old home” or “hometown,” denotes a profound connection to one’s roots.

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Yao, H., Hou, Y., Hausmann-Stabile, C. et al. Intergenerational Ambivalence, Self-differentiation and Ethnic Identity: A Mixed-methods Study on Family Ethnic Socialization. J Child Fam Stud (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10826-024-02819-w

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