psychology in architecture research paper

• Review article
• Open access
• Published: 18 September 2020

Senses of place: architectural design for the multisensory mind

• Charles Spence   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-2111-072X 1  

Cognitive Research: Principles and Implications volume  5 , Article number:  46 ( 2020 ) Cite this article

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Traditionally, architectural practice has been dominated by the eye/sight. In recent decades, though, architects and designers have increasingly started to consider the other senses, namely sound, touch (including proprioception, kinesthesis, and the vestibular sense), smell, and on rare occasions, even taste in their work. As yet, there has been little recognition of the growing understanding of the multisensory nature of the human mind that has emerged from the field of cognitive neuroscience research. This review therefore provides a summary of the role of the human senses in architectural design practice, both when considered individually and, more importantly, when studied collectively. For it is only by recognizing the fundamentally multisensory nature of perception that one can really hope to explain a number of surprising crossmodal environmental or atmospheric interactions, such as between lighting colour and thermal comfort and between sound and the perceived safety of public space. At the same time, however, the contemporary focus on synaesthetic design needs to be reframed in terms of the crossmodal correspondences and multisensory integration, at least if the most is to be made of multisensory interactions and synergies that have been uncovered in recent years. Looking to the future, the hope is that architectural design practice will increasingly incorporate our growing understanding of the human senses, and how they influence one another. Such a multisensory approach will hopefully lead to the development of buildings and urban spaces that do a better job of promoting our social, cognitive, and emotional development, rather than hindering it, as has too often been the case previously.

Significance statement

Architecture exerts a profound influence over our well-being, given that the majority of the world’s population living in urban areas spend something like 95% of their time indoors. However, the majority of architecture is designed for the eye of the beholder, and tends to neglect the non-visual senses of hearing, smell, touch, and even taste. This neglect may be partially to blame for a number of problems faced by many in society today including everything from sick-building syndrome (SBS) to seasonal affective disorder (SAD), not to mention the growing problem of noise pollution. However, in order to design buildings and environments that promote our health and well-being, it is necessary not only to consider the impact of the various senses on a building’s inhabitants, but also to be aware of the way in which sensory atmospheric/environmental cues interact. Multisensory perception research provides relevant insights concerning the rules governing sensory integration in the perception of objects and events. This review extends that approach to the understanding of how multisensory environments and atmospheres affect us, in part depending on how we cognitively interpret, and/or attribute, their sources. It is argued that the confusing notion of synaesthetic design should be replaced by an approach to multisensory congruency that is based on the emerging literature on crossmodal correspondences instead. Ultimately, the hope is that such a multisensory approach, in transitioning from the laboratory to the real world application domain of architectural design practice, will lead on to the development of buildings and urban spaces that do a better job of promoting our social, cognitive, and emotional development, rather than hindering it, as has too often been the case previously.

Introduction

We are visually dominant creatures (Hutmacher, 2019 ; Levin, 1993 ; Posner, Nissen, & Klein, 1976 ). That is, we all mostly tend to think, reason, and imagine visually. As Finnish architect Pallasmaa ( 1996 ) noted almost a quarter of a century ago in his influential work The eyes of the skin: Architecture and the senses, architects have traditionally been no different in this regard, designing primarily for the eye of the beholder (Bille & Sørensen, 2018 ; Pallasmaa, 1996 , 2011 ; Rybczynski, 2001 ; Williams, 1980 ). Elsewhere, Pallasmaa ( 1994 , p. 29) writes that: “The architecture of our time is turning into the retinal art of the eye. Architecture at large has become an art of the printed image fixed by the hurried eye of the camera . ” The famous Swiss architect Le Corbusier ( 1991 , p. 83) went even further in terms of his unapologetically oculocentric outlook, writing that: “I exist in life only if I can see”, going on to state that: “I am and I remain an impenitent visual—everything is in the visual” and “one needs to see clearly in order to understand”. Commenting on the current situation, Canadian designer Bruce Mau put it thus: “We have allowed two of our sensory domains—sight and sound—to dominate our design imagination. In fact, when it comes to the culture of architecture and design, we create and produce almost exclusively for one sense—the visual.” (Mau, 2018 , p. 20; see also Blesser & Salter, 2007 ).

Such visual dominance makes sense or, at the very least, can be explained or accounted for neuroscientifically (Hutmacher, 2019 ; Meijer, Veselič, Calafiore, & Noppeney, 2019 ). After all, it turns out that far more of our brains are given over to the processing of what we see than to dealing with the information from any of our other senses (Gallace, Ngo, Sulaitis, & Spence, 2012 ). For instance, according to Felleman and Van Essen ( 1991 ), more than half of the cortex is engaged in the processing of visual information (see also Eberhard, 2007 , p. 49; Palmer, 1999 , p. 24; though note that others believe that the figure is closer to one third). This figure compares to something like just 12% of the cortex primarily dedicated to touch, around 3% to hearing, and less than 1% given over to the processing of the chemical senses of smell and taste. Footnote 1 Information theorists such as Zimmerman ( 1989 ) arrived at a similar hierarchy, albeit with a somewhat different weighting for each of the five main senses. In particular, Zimmermann estimated a channel capacity (in bits/s) of 10 7 for vision, 10 6 for touch, 10 5 for hearing and olfaction, and 10 3 for taste (gustation).

Figure  1 schematically illustrates the hierarchy of attentional capture by each of the senses as envisioned by Morton Heilig, the inventor of the Sensorama, the world’s first multisensory virtual reality apparatus (Heilig, 1962 ), when writing about the multisensory future of cinema in an article first published in 1955 (see Heilig, 1992 ). Nevertheless, while commentators from many different disciplines would seem to agree on vision’s current pre-eminence, one cannot help but wonder what has been lost as a result of the visual dominance that one sees wherever one looks in the world of architecture (“see” and “look” being especially apposite terms here).

Heilig ( 1992 ) ranked the order in which he believed our attention to be captured by the various senses. According to Heilig’s rankings: vision, 70%; audition, 20%; olfaction, 5%; touch, 4%; and taste, 1%. Does the same hierarchy (and weighting) apply to our appreciation of architecture, one might wonder? And is attentional capture the most relevant metric anyway?

While the hegemony of the visual (see Levin, 1993 ) is a phenomenon that appears across most aspects of our daily lives, the very ubiquity of this phenomenon certainly does not mean that the dominance of the visual should not be questioned (e.g., Dunn, 2017 ; Hutmacher, 2019 ). For, as Finnish architect and theoretician Pallasmaa ( 2011 , p. 595) notes: “Spaces, places, and buildings are undoubtedly encountered as multisensory lived experiences. Instead of registering architecture merely as visual images, we scan our settings by the ears, skin, nose, and tongue.” Elsewhere, he writes that: “Architecture is the art of reconciliation between ourselves and the world, and this mediation takes place through the senses” (Pallasmaa, 1996 , p. 50; see also Böhme, 2013 ). We will return later to question the visual dominance account, highlighting how our experience of space, as of anything else, is much more multisensory than most people realize.

Review outline

While architectural practice has traditionally been dominated by the eye/sight, a growing number of architects and designers have, in recent decades, started to consider the role played by the other senses, namely sound, touch (including proprioception, kinesthesis, and the vestibular sense), smell, and, on rare occasions, even taste. It is, then, clearly important that we move beyond the merely visual (not to mention modular) focus in architecture that has been identified in the writings of Juhani Pallasmaa and others, to consider the contribution that is made by each of the other senses (e.g., Eberhard, 2007 ; Malnar & Vodvarka, 2004 ). Reviewing this literature constitutes the subject matter of the next section. However, beyond that, it is also crucial to consider the ways in which the senses interact too. As will be stressed later, to date there has been relatively little recognition of the growing understanding of the multisensory nature of the human mind that has emerged from the field of cognitive neuroscience research in recent decades (e.g., Calvert, Spence, & Stein, 2004 ; Stein, 2012 ).

The principal aim of this review is therefore to provide a summary of the role of the human senses in architectural design practice, both when considered individually and, more importantly, when the senses are studied collectively. For it is only by recognizing the fundamentally multisensory nature of perception that one can really hope to explain a number of surprising crossmodal environmental or atmospheric interactions, such as between lighting colour and thermal comfort (Spence, 2020a ) or between sound and the perceived safety of public spaces (Sayin, Krishna, Ardelet, Decré, & Goudey, 2015 ), that have been reported in recent years.

At the same time, however, this review also highlights how the contemporary focus on synaesthetic design in architecture (see Pérez-Gómez, 2016 ) needs to be reframed in terms of the crossmodal correspondences (see Spence, 2011 , for a review), at least if the most is to be made of multisensory interactions and synergies that affect us all. Later, I want to highlight how accounts of multisensory interactions in architecture in terms of synaesthesia tend to confuse matters, rather than to clarify them. Accounting for our growing understanding of crossmodal interactions (specifically the emerging field of crossmodal correspondences research) and multisensory integration will help to explain how it is that our senses conjointly contribute to delivering our multisensory (and not just visual) experience of space. One other important issue that will be discussed later is the role played by our awareness of the multisensory atmosphere of the indoor environments in which we spend so much of our time.

Looking to the future, the hope is that architectural design practice will increasingly incorporate our growing understanding of the human senses, and how they influence one another. Such a multisensory approach will hopefully lead to the development of buildings and urban spaces that do a better job of promoting our social, cognitive, and emotional development, rather than hindering it, as has too often been the case previously. Before going any further, though, it is worth highlighting a number of the negative outcomes for our well-being that have been linked to the sensory aspects of the environments in which we spend so much of our time.

Negative health consequences of neglecting multisensory stimulation

It has been suggested that the rise in sick building syndrome (SBS) in recent decades (Love, 2018 ) can be put down to neglect of the olfactory aspect of the interior environments where city dwellers have been estimated to spend 95% of their lives (e.g., Ott & Roberts, 1998 ; Velux YouGov Report, 2018 ; Wargocki, 2001 ). Indeed, as of 2010, more people around the globe lived in cities than lived in rural areas (see UN-Habitat, 2010 and United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, 2018 ). One might also be tempted to ask what responsibility, if any, architects bear for the high incidence of seasonal affective disorder (SAD) that has been documented in northern latitudes (Cox, 2017 ; Heerwagen, 1990 ; Rosenthal, 2019 ; Rosenthal et al., 1984 ). To give a sense of the problem of “light hunger” (as Heerwagen, 1990 , refers to it), Terman ( 1989 ) claimed that as many as 2 million people in Manhattan alone experience seasonal affective and behavioural changes severe enough to require some form of additional light stimulation during the winter months.

According to Pallasmaa ( 1994 , p. 34), Luis Barragán, the self-taught Mexican architect famed for his geometric use of bright colour (Gregory, 2016 ) felt that most contemporary houses would be more pleasant with only half their window surface. However, while such a suggestion might well be appropriate in Mexico, where Barragán’s work is to be found, many of us (especially those living in northern latitudes in the dark winter months) need as much natural light as we can obtain to maintain our psychological well-being. That said, Barragán is not alone in his appreciation of darkness and shadow. Some years ago, Japanese writer Junichirō Tanizaki also praised the aesthetic appeal of shadow and darkness in the native architecture of his home country in his extended essay on aesthetics, In praise of shadows (Tanizaki, 2001 ).

One of the problems with the extensive use of windows in northern climates is related to poor heat retention, an issue that is becoming all the more prominent in the era of sustainable design and global warming. One solution to this particular problem that has been put forward by a number of technology-minded researchers is simply to replace windows by the use of large screens that relay a view of nature for those who, for whatever reason, have to work in windowless offices (Kahn Jr. et al., 2008 ). However, the limited research that has been conducted on this topic to date suggests that the beneficial effects of being seated near to the window in an office building cannot easily be captured by seating workers next to such video-screens instead.

Similarly, the failure to fully consider the auditory aspects of architectural design may help to explain some part of the global health crisis associated with noise pollution interfering with our sleep, health, and well-being (Owen, 2019 ). The neglect of architecture’s fundamental role in helping to maintain our well-being is a central theme in Pérez-Gómez’s ( 2016 ) influential book Attunement: Architectural meaning after the crisis of modern science. Pérez-Gómez is the director of the History and Theory of Architecture Program at McGill University in Canada. Along similar lines, geographer J. Douglas Porteous had already noted some years earlier that: “Notwithstanding the holistic nature of environmental experience, few researchers have attempted to interpret it in a very holistic [or multisensory] manner.” (Porteous, 1990 , p. 201). Finally, here, it is perhaps also worth noting that there are even some researchers who have wanted to make a connection between the global obesity crisis and the obesogenic environments that so many of us inhabit (Lieberman, 2006 ). The poor diet of multisensory stimulation that we experience living a primary indoor life has also been linked to the growing sleep crisis apparently facing so many people in society today (Walker, 2018 ).

Designing for the modular mind

Researchers working in the field of environmental psychology have long stressed the impact that the sensory features of the built environment have on us (e.g., Mehrabian & Russell, 1974 , for an influential early volume detailing this approach). Indeed, many years ago, the famous modernist Swiss architect Le Corbusier ( 1948 ) made the intriguing suggestion that architectural forms “work physiologically upon our senses.” Inspired by early work with the semantic differential technique, researchers would often attempt to assess the approach-avoidance, active-passive, and dominant-submissive qualities of a building or urban space. This approach was based on the pleasure, arousal, and dominance (PAD) model that has long been dominant in the field. However, it is important to stress that in much of their research, the environmental psychologists took a separate sense-by-sense approach (e.g., Zardini, 2005 ).

The majority of researchers have tended to focus their empirical investigations on studying the impact of changing the stimulation presented to just one sense at a time. More often than not, in fact, they would focus on a single sensory attribute, such as, for example, investigating the consequences of changing the colour (hue) of the lighting or walls (e.g., Bellizzi, et al., 1983 ; Bellizzi & Hite, 1992 ; Costa, Frumento, Nese, & Predieri, 2018 ; Crowley, 1993 ), or else just modulating the brightness of the ambient lighting (e.g., Gal, Wheeler, & Shiv, 2007 ; Xu & LaBroo, 2014 ). Such a unisensory (and, in some cases, unidimensional) approach undoubtedly makes sense inasmuch as it may help to simplify the problem of studying how design affects us (Malnar & Vodvarka, 2004 ). What is more, such an approach is also entirely in tune with the modular approach to mind that was so popular in the fields of psychology and cognitive neuroscience in the closing decades of the twentieth century (e.g., Barlow & Mollon, 1982 ; Fodor, 1983 ). At the same time, however, it can be argued that this sense-by-sense approach neglects the fundamentally multisensory nature of mind, and the many interactions that have been shown to take place between the senses.

The visually dominant approach to research in the field of environmental psychology also means that far less attention has been given over to studying the impact of the auditory (e.g., Blesser & Salter, 2007 ; Kang et al., 2016 ; Schafer, 1977 ; Southworth, 1969 ; Thompson, 1999 ), tactile, somatosensory or embodied (e.g., Heschong, 1979 ; Pallasmaa, 1996 ; Pérez-Gómez, 2016 ), or even the olfactory qualities of the built environment (e.g., Bucknell, 2018 ; Drobnick, 2002 , 2005 ; Henshaw, McLean, Medway, Perkins, & Warnaby, 2018 ) than on the impact of the visual. Furthermore, until very recently, little consideration has been given by the environmental psychologists to the question of how the senses interact, one with another, in terms of their influence on an individual. This neglect is particularly striking given that the natural environment, the built environment, and the atmosphere of a space are nothing if not multisensory (e.g., Bille & Sørensen, 2018 ). In fact, it is no exaggeration to say that our response to the environments, in which we find ourselves, be they built or natural, is always going to be the result of the combined influence of all the senses that are being stimulated, no matter whether we are aware of their influence or not (this is a point to which we will return later).

Given that those of us living in urban environments, which as we have seen is now the majority of us, spend more than 95% of our lives indoors (Ott & Roberts, 1998 ), architects would therefore seem to bear at least some responsibility for ensuring that the multisensory attributes of the built environment work together to deliver an experience that positively stimulates the senses, and, by so doing, facilitates our well-being, rather than hinders it (see also Pérez-Gómez, 2016 , on this theme). Crucially, however, a growing body of cognitive neuroscience research now demonstrates that while we are often unaware of, or at least pay little conscious attention to the subtle sensory cues that may be conveyed by a space (e.g., Forster & Spence, 2018 ), that certainly does not mean that they do not affect us. In fact, the sensory qualities or attributes of the environment have long been known to affect our health and well-being in environments as diverse as the hospital and the home, and from the office to the gym (e.g., Spence, 2002 , 2003 , 2021 ; Spence & Keller, 2019 ). What is more, according to the research that has been published to date, environmental multisensory stimulation can potentially affect us at the social, emotional, and cognitive levels.

It can be argued, therefore, that we all need to pay rather more attention to our senses and the way in which they are being stimulated than we do at present (see also Pérez-Gómez, 2016 , on this theme). You can call it a mindful approach to the senses (Kabat-Zinn, 2005 ), Footnote 2 though my preferred terminology, coined in an industry report published almost 20 years ago, is “sensism” (see Spence, 2002 ). Sensism provides a key to greater well-being by considering the senses holistically, as well as how they interact, and incorporating that understanding into our everyday lives. The approach also builds on the growing evidence of the nature effect (Williams, 2017 ) and the fact that we appear to benefit from, not to mention actually desire, the kinds of environments in which our species evolved. As support for the latter claim, consider only how it has recently emerged that most people set their central heating to a fairly uniform 17–23 °C, meaning that the average indoor temperature and humidity most closely matches the mild outdoor conditions of west central Kenya or the Ethiopian highlands (i.e., the place where human life is first thought to have evolved), better than anywhere else (Just, Nichols, & Dunn, 2019 ; Whipple, 2019 ).

Architectural design for each of the senses

It is certainly not the case that architects have uniformly ignored the non-visual senses (e.g., see Howes, 2005 , 2014 ; McLuhan, 1961 ; Pallasmaa, 1994 , 2011 ; Ragavendira, 2017 ). For instance, in their 2004 book on Sensory design , Malnar and Vodvarka talk about challenging visual dominance in architectural design practice by giving a more equal weighting to all of the senses (Malnar & Vodvarka, 2004 ; see also Mau, 2019 ). Meanwhile, Howes ( 2014 ) writes of the sensory monotony of the bungalow-filled suburbs and of the corporeal experience of skyscrapers as their presence looms up before those on the sidewalk below. At the same time, however, there is also a sense in which it is the gaze of the inhabitants of those tall buildings who are offered the view that is prioritized over the other senses.

However, very often the approach as, in fact, evidenced by Malnar and Vodvarka ( 2004 ) has been to work one sense at a time. Until recently, that is, one finds exactly the same kind of sense-by-sense (or unisensory) approach in the worlds of interior design (Bailly Dunne & Sears, 1998 ), advertising (Lucas & Britt, 1950 ), marketing (Hultén, Broweus, & Dijk, 2009 ; Krishna, 2013 ; Lindstrom, 2005 ), and atmospherics (see Bille & Sørensen, 2018 , on architectural atmospherics; and Kotler, 1974 , on the theme of store atmospherics). Recently, there has been a growing recognition of the importance of the non-visual senses to various fields of design (Haverkamp, 2014 ; Lupton & Lipps, 2018 ; Malnar & Vodvarka, 2004 ). As yet, however, there has not been sufficient recognition of the extent to which the senses interact. As Williams ( 1980 , p. 5) noted some 40 years ago: “Aside from meeting common standards of performance, architects do little creatively with acoustical, thermal, olfactory, and tactile sensory responses.” As we will see later, it is not clear that much has changed since.

The look of architecture

There are a number of ways in which visual perception science can be linked to architectural design practice. For instance, think only of the tricks played on the eyes by the trapezoidal balconies on the famous The Future apartment building in Manhattan (see Fig.  2 ). They appear to slant downward when viewed from one side while appearing to slope upward instead, if viewed from the other. The causes of such a visual illusion can, at the very least, be meaningfully explained in terms of visual perception research (Bruno & Pavani, 2018 ).

The Future apartment building at 200 East 32nd Street in Manhattan. Architectural design that appeals primarily to the eye? [Credit Jeffrey Zeldman, and reprinted under Creative Commons agreement]

Cognitive neuroscientists have recently demonstrated that we have an innate preference for visual curvature, be it in internal space (Vartanian et al., 2013 ), or for the furniture that is found within that space (Dazkir & Read, 2012 ; see also Lee, 2018 ; Thömmes & Hübner, 2018 ). We typically rate curvilinear forms as being more approachable than rectilinear ones (see Fig.  3 ). Angular forms, especially when pointing downward/toward us, may well be perceived as threatening, and hence are somewhat more likely to trigger an avoidance response (Salgado-Montejo, Salgado, Alvarado, & Spence, 2017 ). As Ingrid Lee, former design director at IDEO New York put it in her book, Joyful: The surprising power of ordinary things to create extraordinary happiness : “Angular objects, even if they’re not directly in your path as you move through your home, have an unconscious effect on your emotions. They may look chic and sophisticated, but they inhibit our playful impulses. Round shapes do just the opposite. A circular or elliptical coffee table changes a living room from a space for sedate, restrained interaction to a lively center for conversation and impromptu games” (Lee, 2018 , p. 142). One might consider here whether Lee’s comments can be scaled up to describe how we move through the city. Does the visually striking building shown in Fig.  4 , for instance, really promote joyfulness and a carefree travel through the urban environment. It seems doubtful, given the evidence suggesting that viewing angular shapes, even briefly, has been shown to trigger a fear response in the amygdala, the part of the brain that is involved in emotion (e.g., LeDoux, 2003 ). Meanwhile, Liu, Bogicevic, and Mattila ( 2018 ) have noted how the round versus angular nature of the servicescape also influences the consumer response in service encounters.

A selection of the interiors shown to participants in a neuroimaging study designed to assess viewers’ approach-avoidance motivation in response to curvilinear vs. rectilinear spaces. [High/Low roof; Open/Enclosed space.] [Figure reprinted with permission from Vartanian et al., 2013 ]

Montcalm Shoreditch Signature Tower Hotel, 151–157 City Road, London, completed 2015 by SMC Alsop Architects. What is lost when architectural design focuses on eye appeal? [Figure copyright Ian Ritchie, RA]

The height of the ceiling has also been shown to exert an influence over our approach-avoidance responses, and perhaps even our style of thinking (Baird, Cassidy, & Kurr, 1978 ; Meyers-Levy & Zhu, 2007 ; Vartanian et al., 2015 ). However, here it should also be born in mind that the visual perception of space is significantly influenced by colour and lighting (Lam, 1992 ; Manav, Kutlu, & Küçükdoğu, 2010 ; Oberfeld, Hecht, & Gamer, 2010 ; von Castell, Hecht, & Oberfeld, 2018 ). Given many such psychological observations, it should perhaps come as no surprise to find that links between cognitive neuroscience and architecture have grown rapidly in recent years (Choo, Nasar, Nikrahei, & Walther, 2017 ; Eberhard, 2007 ; Mallgrave, 2011 ; Robinson & Pallasmaa, 2015 ). At the same time, however, it is also worth remembering that it has primarily been people’s response to examples or styles of architecture that have been presented visually (via a monitor), with the participant lying horizontal, that have been studied to date, given the confines of the brain-scanning environment (though see also Papale, Chiesi, Rampinini, Pietrini, & Ricciardi, 2016 ). Footnote 3

At the same time, however, it is important to realize that it is not just our visual cortex that responds to architecture. For, as Frances Anderton writes in The Architectural Review : “We appreciate a place not just by its impact on our visual cortex but by the way in which it sounds, it feels and smells. Some of these sensual experiences elide, for instance our full understanding of wood is often achieved by a perception of its smell, its texture (which can be appreciated by both looking and feeling) and by the way in which it modulates the acoustics of the space.” (Anderton, 1991 , p. 27). The multisensory appreciation of quality here linking to a growing body of research on multisensory shitsukan perception - shitsukan , the Japanese word for “a sense of material quality” or “material perception” (see Fujisaki, 2020 ; Komatsu & Goda, 2018 ; Spence, 2020b ). The following sub-sections summarize some of the key findings on how the non-visual sensory attributes of the built and urban environment affect us, when considered individually.

The sound of space: are you listening?

What a space sounds like is undoubtedly important (Bavister, Lawrence, & Gage, 2018 ; McLuhan, 1961 ; Porteous & Mastin, 1985 ; Thompson, 1999 ). Sounds can, after all, provide subtle cues as to the identity or proportions of a space, even hinting at its function (Blesser & Salter, 2007 ; Eberhard, 2007 ; Robart & Rosenblum, 2005 ). As Pallasmaa ( 1994 , p. 31) notes: “Every building or space has its characteristic sound of intimacy or monumentality, rejection or invitation, hospitality or hostility.” However, more often than not, discussion around sound and architectural design tends to revolve around how best to avoid, or minimize, unwanted noise (see Owen, 2019 , on growing concerns regarding the latter). Indeed, as J. Douglas Porteous notes: “with the rapid urbanization of the world’s population, far more attention is being given to noise than to environmental sound … Research has concentrated almost entirely upon a single aspect of sound, the concept of noise or ‘unwanted sound.’” (Porteous, 1990 , p. 48). Some years earlier, Schafer ( 1977 , p. 222) had made much the same point when he wrote that: “The modern architect is designing for the deaf …. The study of sound enters modern architecture schools only as sound reduction, isolation and absorption.” The fact that year-on-year, noise continues to be one of the top complaints from restaurant patrons, perhaps tells us all we need to know about how successful designers have been in this regard (see Spence, 2014 , for a review; Wagner, 2018 ).

There is also an emerging story here regarding the deleterious effects of loud background noise, and the often-beneficial effects of music and soundscapes, on the recovery of patients in the hospital/healthcare setting (see Spence & Keller, 2019 , for a review). Meanwhile, one of the main complaints from those office workers forced to move into one of the open plan offices that have become so popular (amongst employers, if not employees) in recent years (see ‘Redesigning the corporate office’, 2019 ) is around noise distraction (Borzykowski, 2017 ; Burkus, 2016 ; Evans & Johnson, 2000 ). Footnote 4 Once again, one might want to ask what responsibility architects bear. Experimental evidence documenting the deleterious effect of open-plan working has been reported by a number of researchers (e.g., Bernstein & Turban, 2018 ; De Croon, Sluiter, Kuijer, & Frings-Dresen, 2005 ; Otterbring, Pareigis, Wästlund, Makrygiannis, & Lindström, 2018 ).

There is research ongoing in a number of countries to investigate the use of nature sounds, such as, for example, the sound of running water, to help mask other people’s distracting conversations (Hongisto, Varjo, Oliva, Haapakangas, & Benway, 2017 ). Intriguingly, however, it turns out that people’s beliefs about the source of masking sounds, especially in the case of ambiguous noise, can sometimes influence how much relief they provide (Haga, Halin, Holmgren, & Sörqvist, 2016 ). So, for instance, Haga and her colleagues played the same ambiguous pink noise with interspersed white noise to three groups of office-workers. To one control group, the experimenters said nothing, a second group of participants was told that they could hear industrial machinery noise, while a third group was told that they were listening to nature sounds, based on a waterfall, instead. Intriguingly, subjective restoration was significantly higher amongst those who thought that they were listening to the nature sounds than in those who thought that they were listening to industrial noise instead. As might have been expected, the results of the control group, fell somewhere in between.

Paley Park in New York has often been put forward as a particularly elegant solution to the problem of negating unwanted traffic noise in the context of urban design (e.g., Carroll, 1967 ; Prochnik, 2009 ). In 1967, the empty lot resulting from the demolition of the Stork Club on 53rd Street was transformed into a small public park (a so-called pocket park). The space was developed by Zion and Breen. In this case, the acoustic space, think only of the sounds, or better said noise, of the city, is effectively masked by the presence of a waterfall at the far end of the lot (see Fig.  5 ). What is more, the free-standing chairs allow the visitor to move closer to the waterfall should they feel the need to drown out a little more of the urban noise. The greenery growing thickly along the side walls also likely helps to absorb the noise of the city.

Paley Park, New York, by Zion and Breen in 1967. [Credit Jim Henderson, and reprinted under Creative Commons agreement]

Music plays an important role in our experience of the built environment - think here only of the Muzak of decades gone by (Lanza, 2004 ). This is as true of the guest’s hotel experience (e.g., when entering the lobby) as it is elsewhere (e.g., in a shopping centre or bar, say). Footnote 5 The sound that greets customers in the lobby is apparently very important to Ian Schrager, the Brooklyn-born entrepreneur who created fabled nightclub Studio 54 in New York. In recent years, he has been working with Marriott to launch The EDITION hotels in a number of major cities, including London and New York. Music plays a key role in the Schrager experience. As the entrepreneur puts it: “The sound of a hotel lobby is often dictated by monotonous, vapid lounge muzak – a zombie-like drone of new jazz and polite house, with the sole purpose of whiling away the waiting time between check-in and check-out.” As might have been expected, the music in the lobbies of The EDITION hotels is carefully curated (Eriksen, 2014 , p. 27). However, the thumping noise of the music from the nightclub/bar that is often also an integral part of the experience offered by these hip venues means that meticulous architectural design is also required in order to limit the spread of unwanted noise through the rest of the building (e.g., so as not to disturb the sleep of those who may be resting in the rooms upstairs). Note here that there are also some increasingly sophisticated solutions - including sound-absorbing panels, as well as active noise cancellation systems - to dampen unwanted sound in open spaces such as restaurants and offices (Clynes, 2012 ).

Designing for “the eyes of the skin”

The tactile element of architecture is often ignored. In fact, very often, the first point of physical contact with a building typically occurs when we enter or leave. Or, as Pallasmaa ( 1994 , p. 33) once evocatively put it: “The door handle is the handshake of the building”. However, once inside a building, it is worth remembering that we will also typically make contact with flooring (Tonetto, Klanovicz, & Spence, 2014 ), hand rails (Spence, 2020d ), elevator buttons, furniture, and the like (though this is, of course, likely to change somewhat in the era of pandemia). As Richard Sennett, author of Flesh and Stone, laments in his critical take on the sensory order of modernity: “sensory deprivation which seems to curse most modern buildings; the dullness, the monotony, and the tactile sterility which afflicts the urban environment” (Sennett, 1994 , p. 15). The absence of tactile interest is also something that Witold Rybczynski author of The Look of Architecture acknowledges when writing that: “Although architecture is often defined in terms of abstractions such as space, light and volume, buildings are above all physical artifacts. The experience of architecture is palpable: the grain of wood, the veined surface of marble, the cold precision of steel, the textured pattern of brick.” (Rybczynski, 2001 , p. 89). Notice here how Rybczynski mentions both texture and temperature, two of the key attributes of tactile sensation(see also Henderson, 1939 ). Temperature change, and change in the flooring material (tatami matting or cedarwood), is also something that the Tom museum for the blind in Tokyo also plays with deliberately (Classen, 1998 , p. 150; Vorreiter, 1989 ; Wagner, 1989 ). There is also a braille poen on the knob of the exit door too.

The careful use of material can evoke tactility as the viewer (or occupant) imagines or mentally simulates what it would feel like to reach out and touch or caress an intriguing surface (Sigsworth, 2019 ; see also Lupton, 2002 ). Juhani Pallasmaa, who has perhaps written more than anyone else on the theme of the tactile, or haptic in architecture, writes that “Natural materials - stone, brick and wood - allow the gaze to penetrate their surfaces and they enable us to become convinced of the veracity of matter … But the materials of today - sheets of glass, enamelled metal and synthetic materials - present their unyielding surfaces to the eye without conveying anything of their material essence or age.” (Pallasmaa, 1994 , p. 29).

Lisa Heschong, architect, and partner of architectural research firm Heschong Mahone Group, has written extensively on the theme of thermal (as opposed to textural) aspects of architectural design in her book Thermal Delight in Architecture (Heschong, 1979 ) . There, she points to examples such as the hearth, the sauna, and Roman and Japanese baths as archetypes of thermal delight about which rituals have developed, the shared experience reinforcing social bonds of affection and ceremony (see also Lupton, 2002 ; Papale et al., 2016 ). At this point, one might also want to mention the much-admired Therme Vals Spa by Peter Zumthor, in Switzerland with their use of different temperatures of both water and touchable surfaces (Ryan, 1997 , though see also Mairs, 2017 ). The tactile element is, in other words, fundamental to the total (multisensory) experience of architectural design. This is true no matter whether the materiality is touched directly or not (i.e., merely seen, inferred, or imagined). So, for example, here one might only think about how looking at a cheap fake marble or wood veneer can make one feel, to realize that touch in often not required to assess material quality, or the lack thereof (see also Karana, 2010 ).

An architecture of the chemical senses

Talking of an architecture of scent, or of taste (these two of the so-called chemical senses), might seem like a step too far. That said, one does come across titles such as Eating Architecture (Horwitz & Singley, 2004 ) and An Architecture of Smell (McCarthy, 1996 ; see also Barbara & Perliss, 2006 ). Footnote 6 Unfortunately, however, all too often, consideration of the olfactory in architectural design practice has focused on the elimination of negative odours. When thinking about the mundane experience of odours in buildings, what immediately comes to mind includes the smell of wood (i.e., building materials), dust, mould, cleaning products, and flowers. As Eberhard ( 2007 , p. 47) puts it: “We all have our favorite smells in a building, as well as ones that are considered noxious. A cedar closet in the bedroom is an easy example of a good smell. The terrible smell of a house that was ravaged by fire or floods is seared in the memory of those who have endured one of these disasters.” This is perhaps no coincidence, given that it tends to be the bad odours, rather than the neutral or positive ones, that have generally proved most effective in immersing us in an experience (Baus & Bouchard, 2017 ; see also Aggleton & Waskett, 1999 ). Research by Schifferstein, Talke, and Oudshoorn ( 2011 ) investigated whether the nightlife experience could be enhanced by the use of pleasant fragrance to mask the stale odour after the indoor smoking ban was introduced a few years ago. Once again, notice how the focus here is on the elimination of the negative stale odours rather than necessarily the introduction of the positive (the latter merely being introduced in order to mask the former).

Jim Drohnik captures the idea of olfactory absence when talking about not just the “white cube” mentality but the “anosmic cube” (Drobnick, 2005 ). The former phrase was famously coined by O’Doherty ( 1999 , 2009 ) in order to describe the then-popular practice of displaying art in gallery spaces that were devoid of colour or any other form of visual distraction. Footnote 7 Some years later, Jim Drobnik introduced the latter phrase in order to highlight the fact that too many spaces are seemingly deliberately designed to have no smell, nor to leave any lasting olfactory trace, either. Footnote 8 And yet, at the same time, it is clear that odour of a space can be incredibly evocative too, as anecdotally noted by Pallasmaa ( 1994 , p. 32) in the following quote: “The strongest memory of a space is often its odor; I cannot remember the appearance of the door to my grandfather’s farm-house from my early childhood, but I do remember the resistance of its weight, the patina of its wood surface scarred by a half century of use, and I recall especially the scent of home that hit my face as an invisible wall behind the door.” And thinking back to my memories of visiting my own grandfather, long since deceased, on his fairground wagon in Bradford, it was undoubtedly the intense smell of “derv” (English slang for diesel-engine road vehicle), the liquid diesel oil that was used for trucks at the time, that I can still remember better than anything else. The residents of buildings tend to adapt to the positive and neutral smells in the buildings we inhabit. This is evidenced by the fact that we are typically only aware of the smell of our own home, what some call building odour, or BO for short, when we return after a long trip away (Dalton & Wysocki, 1996 ; McCooey, 2008 ).

Sick building syndrome and the problem of poor olfactory design

Improving indoor air quality might well also provide an effective means of helping to alleviate some of the symptoms of sick building syndrome (SBS) that were mentioned earlier (Guieysse et al., 2008 ). It is certainly striking how many large outbreaks of this still-mysterious condition reported in the 1980s were linked to the presence of an unfamiliar smell in closed office buildings with little natural ventilation (Wargocki, Wyon, Baik, Clausen, & Fanger, 1999 ; Wargocki, Wyon, Sundell, Clausen, & Fanger, 2000 ). For instance, in June 1986, more that 12% of the workforce of 2500 people working at the Harry S. Truman State Office Building in Missouri came down with the symptoms of SBS over a 3-day period (Donnell Jr. et al., 1989 ). The symptoms presented by some of the workers (including dizziness and difficulty in breathing) were so severe they had to be rushed to the local hospital for emergency treatment. And while a thorough examination of the building subsequently failed to reveal the presence of any particular toxic airborne pollutants that might have been responsible for the outbreak, in the majority of cases, it turned out that the symptoms of SBS were preceded by the perception of unusual odours and inadequate airflow in the building.

According to Donnell Jr. et al. ( 1989 ), these complaints of odours may well have heightened the perception of poor air quality by some employees in the building. This, in turn, may have led to an epidemic anxiety state resulting in the SBS outbreak (Faust & Brilliant, 1981 ). In fact, workers suffering from SBS were more than twice as likely to have noticed a particular odour in the work area before the onset of their symptoms than those who were working in the same building who were unaffected by the outbreak. Footnote 9 At the same time, however, it should also be borne in mind that our tendency to focus on what we see and hear means that we often exhibit olfactory anosmia to ambient scents (Forster & Spence, 2018 ).

To give a sense of the potential scale of the problem, Woods ( 1989 ) estimated that 30–70 million people in the USA alone are exposed to offices that manifest SBS. As such, anything (and everything) that can be done to reduce the symptoms associated with this reaction to the indoor environment (Finnegan, Pickering, & Burge, 1984 ) will likely have a beneficial effect on the health and well-being of many people. At the same time, however, it is perhaps also worth bearing in mind here that the incidence of SBS would seem to have declined in recent years (though see also Joshi, 2008 ; Magnavita, 2015 ; Redlich, Sparer, & Cullen, 1997 ), perhaps suggesting that building design/ventilation has improved as a result of the earlier outbreaks. Footnote 10 That said, it is perhaps also worth noting that there continues to be some uncertainty as to whether the very real symptoms of SBS should be attributed to airborne pollutants, or may instead be better understood as a psychosomatic response to a particular environmental atmosphere (see Fletcher, 2005 and Love, 2018 ). What is more, there has been a move by some researchers to talk in terms of the less pejorative-sounding building-related symptoms (BRS) instead (Niemelä, Seppänen, Korhonen, & Reijula, 2006 ). One more psychological factor that may be relevant here concerns the feeling of a lack of control over one’s multisensory environment that many of those working in ventilated buildings where the windows cannot be opened manually have may indeed play a role in the elicitation of SBS.

Scent and the city: designing fragrant spaces

There are, however, signs that the situation is slowly starting to change with regards to the emphasis placed on olfaction in both architectural and urban design practice. For instance, a number of commentators have noted, not to mention sometimes been puzzled by, the distinctive, yet unexplained, pleasant - and hence, one assumes, deliberately introduced - fragrances that some new constructions appear to have. Just take the case of the Barclays Center arena in Brooklyn, NY, home of the Brooklyn Nets, as a case in point. On its opening in 2013, various commentators in the press drew attention to the distinctive, if not immediately identifiable, scent that appeared to pervade the space, and which appeared to have been added deliberately - almost as if it were intended to be a signature scent for the space (e.g., Albrecht, 2013 ; Doll, 2013 ; Martinez, 2013 ). That said, the idea of fragrancing public spaces dates back at least as far as 1913. In that year, at the opening of the Marmorhaus cinema in Berlin, the fragrance of Marguerite Carré, a perfume by Bourjois, Paris, was deliberately (and innovatively, at least for the time) wafted through the auditorium (Berg-Ganschow & Jacobsen, 1987 ). Meanwhile, in what may well be a sign of things to come, synaesthetic perfumer Dawn Goldsworthy and her scent design company 12:29 recently made the press after apparently creating a bespoke scent for a new US$40 million apartment in Miami (Schroeder, 2018 ). What further opportunities might there be to design distinctive “signature” scents for spaces/buildings, one might ask (Henshaw et al., 2018 ; Jones, 2006 ; Trivedi, 2006 )?

Evidence that the olfactory element of design can be used to affect behaviour change positively includes, for example, the observation that people tend to engage in more cleaning behaviours when there is a hint of citrus in the air (De Lange, Debets, Ruitenburg, & Holland, 2012 ; Holland, Hendriks, & Aarts, 2005 ). In the future, it may not be too much of a stretch to imagine public spaces filled with aromatic flowers and blossoming trees, introduced with the aim of helping to discourage people from littering, and who knows, perhaps even reducing vandalism (see also Steinwald, Harding, & Piacentini, 2014 ). In terms of the cognitive mechanism underlying such crossmodal effects of scent on behaviour, the suggestion, at least in the citrus cleaning example just mentioned, is that smelling an ambient scent that we associate with clean and cleaning then activates, or primes, the associated concepts (Smeets & Dijksterhuis, 2014 ). Having been primed, the suggestion is thus that this makes it that bit more likely that we will engage in behaviours that are congruent or consistent with the primed concept (though see Doyen, Klein, Pichon, & Cleeremans, 2012 ).

Elsewhere, researchers have already demonstrated the beneficial effects that lavender, and other scents normally associated with aromatherapy, have on those who are exposed to them. So, for instance, the latter tend to show reduced stress, better sleep, and even enhanced recovery from illness (see Herz, 2009 ; Spence, 2003 , for reviews; though see also Haehner, Maass, Croy, & Hummel, 2017 ). According to one commentator writing in The New York Times: “While these findings have obvious implications for health care, the opportunities for architecture and urban planning are particularly intriguing. Designers are trained to focus mostly on the visual, but the science of design could significantly expand designers’ sensory palette. Call it medicinal urbanism.” (Hosey, 2013 ). Effects on people’s mood resulting from exposure to ambient scent have been reported in some by no means all studies (Glass & Heuberger, 2016 ; Glass, Lingg, & Heuberger, 2014 ; Haehner et al., 2017 ; Weber & Heuberger, 2008 ). It remains somewhat uncertain though whether the beneficial effects of aromatherapy scents can be explained by priming effects, based on associative learning, as in the case of the clean citrus scents mentioned above (see Herz, 2009 ), versus via a more direct (i.e., less cognitively mediated) physiological route (cf. Harada, Kashiwadani, Kanmura, & Kuwaki, 2018 ).

The olfactory scentscapes, and scent maps of cities, that have been discussed by various researchers (see Fig.  6 ) have also helped to draw people’s attention to the often rich olfactory landscapes offered by many urban spaces (e.g., https://sensorymaps.com/ ; Bucknell, 2018 ; Henshaw, 2014 ; Henshaw et al., 2018 ; Lipps, 2018 ; Lupton & Lipps, 2018 ; Margolies, 2006 ).

Scentscape of the city. Spring scents and smells of the city of Amsterdam by Kate McLean. [Credit “Spring Scents & Smells of the City of Amsterdam” © 2013-2014. Digital print. 2000 x 2000 mm. Courtesy of Kate McLean]

The notion of the healing garden has also seen something of a resurgence in recent years, and the benefits now, as historically, are likely to revolve, at least in part, around the healing, or restorative effect of the smell of flowers and plants (e.g., Pearson, 1991 ; see also Ottoson & Grahn, 2005 ). One building that is often mentioned in this regard, namely in terms of its olfactory design credentials, is the Silicon House by architects, SelgasCano, situated on the outskirts of Madrid ( https://www.architectmagazine.com/project-gallery/silicon-house-6143 ). This house is set in what has been described as “a garden of smells”, which emphasize the olfactory, while also stressing the tactile elements of the design. Hence, while the olfactory aspects of architectural design practice have long been ignored, there are at least signs of a revival of interest in stimulating this sense through both architectural and urban design practice.

Architectural taste

The British writer and artist Adrian Stokes once wrote of the “oral invitation of Veronese marble” (Stokes, 1978 , p. 316). And while I must admit that I have never felt the urge to lick a brick, Pallasmaa ( 1996 , p. 59) vividly recounts the urge that he once experienced to explore/connect with architecture using his tongue. He writes that: “Many years ago when visiting the DL James Residence in Carmel, California, designed by Charles and Henry Greene, I felt compelled to kneel and touch the delicately shining white marble threshold of the front door with my tongue. The sensuous materials and skilfully crafted details of Carlo Scarpa’s architecture as well as the sensuous colours of Luis Barragan’s houses frequently evoke oral experiences. Deliciously coloured surfaces of stucco lustro , a highly polished colour or wood surfaces also present themselves to the appreciation of the tongue.”

Perhaps aware of many readers’ presumed scepticism on the theme of the gustatory contribution to architecture, Footnote 11 Pallasmaa writes elsewhere that: “The suggestions that the sense of taste would have a role in the appreciation of architecture may sound preposterous. However, polished and coloured stone as well as colours in general, and finely crafted wood details, for instance, often evoke an awareness of mouth and taste. Carlo Scarpa’s architectural details frequently evoke sensation of taste.” (Pallasmaa, 2011 , p. 595). The suggestion here that “colours in general … often evoke … [a] taste” seemingly linking to the widespread literature on the crossmodal correspondences that have increasingly been documented between colour and basic tastes (see Spence et al., 2015 , for a review). However, rather than describing this in terms of architecture that one can taste, one might more fruitfully refer to the growing literature on crossmodal correspondences instead (see below for more on this theme).

When, in his book Architecture and the brain , Eberhard ( 2007 , p. 47) talks about what the sense of taste has to do with architecture, he suggests that: “You may not literally taste the materials in a building, but the design of a restaurant can have an impact on your ‘conditioned response’ to the taste of the food.” Environmental multisensory effects on tasting is undoubtedly an area that has grown markedly in interest in recent years (e.g., see Spence, 2020c , for a review). It is though worth noting that just as for the olfactory case, some atmospheric effects on tasting may be more cognitively-mediated (e.g., associated with the priming of notions of luxury/expense, or lack thereof) while others may be more direct, as when changing the colour (see Oberfeld, Hecht, Allendorf, & Wickelmaier, 2009 ; Spence, Velasco, & Knoeferle, 2014 ; Torrico et al., 2020 ) or brightness (Gal et al., 2007 ; Xu & LaBroo, 2014 ) of the ambient lighting changes taste/flavour perception.

“An architecture of the seven senses”?

So far in this section, we have briefly reviewed the unisensory contributions of architectural design organized around each of the five main senses (vision audition, touch, smell, and taste). However, seemingly not content with the traditional five, Pallasmaa ( 1994 ) goes further in the title of one of his early articles entitled “An architecture of the seven senses.” While the text itself is not altogether clear, or explicit, on this point, the skeleton and muscles would appear to be the extra senses that Pallasmaa has in mind here. Indeed, the embodied response of people to architecture is definitely something that has captured the imagination, not to mention intrigued, a number of architectural theorists in recent years (e.g., see Bloomer & Moore, 1977 ; Pallasmaa, 2011 ; Pérez-Gómez, 2016 ).

The vestibular sense is also worthy of mention here (see Gulden & Grüsser, 1998 ; Indovina et al., 2005 ). Anyone who has tried out one of the VR simulations of walking along the outside ledge of a tall building will have had the feeling of vertigo. Normally, architects presumably avoid designing structures that may give rise to such discombobulating feelings. That said, the recent increase in popularity of transparent viewing platforms, and bridges, shows that, on occasion, architects are not beyond emphasizing the important contribution made by this normally “silent” sense. For instance, The Grand Canyon Skywalk is a horseshoe-shaped cantilever bridge with a glass walkway at Eagle Point, Arizona that allows visitors to stand 500–800 ft. (150–240 m) above the canyon floor (Yost, 2007 ). Opened in 2007, by 2015, it had attracted more than a million visitors (see Fig.  7 ). While popular, it is perhaps worth noting that a number of such attractions have recently been closed down in parts of China due to safety fears (Ellis-Petersen, 2019 ). Walking on such structures likely also make people more aware of their own corporeality too, thus engaging the proprioceptive and kinaesthetic senses too. On a more mundane level, Heschong ( 1979 , p. 34) draws attention to the importance of bodily movement in the case of the porch swing whose self-propelled movement, prior to air-conditioning, would have been a thermal necessity in the summer months in the southern states of the USA.

Skywalk from outside ledge. [Attribution: Complexsimplellc at English Wikipedia reprinted under Creative Commons agreement]

Consideration of the putatively embodied response to architecture might lead one back to Hall’s ( 1966 ) seminal early notion of “proxemics”. Hall used the latter term to describe the differing response to stimuli as a function of their distance from the viewer’s body. It is certainly easy to imagine this linking to contemporary notions concerning the different regions of personal space that have been documented around an observer (e.g., Previc, 1998 ; Spence, Lee, & Stoep, 2017 ). However, while these terms might sound more or less synonymous to cognitive neuroscientists, Malnar and Vodvarka ( 2004 ), both licensed architects, choose to take a much more cautious stance concerning these terms, treating them as referencing distinct phenomena in their own book on sensory design.

Interim summary

While the impact of each of the senses, however many there might be, can undoubtedly be analysed in isolation, as has largely been attempted in the preceding sections, the fact of the matter is that they interact one with another in terms of determining our response to the environment, be it built or natural. So, having briefly addressed the contribution of each of the senses to architectural design practice, when studied individually, the next question to consider is how the senses interact in the perception of environment/atmosphere, as they do in many other aspects of our everyday perception. After all, as Malnar notes: “The point of immersing people within an environment is to activate the full range of the senses.” (Malnar, 2017 , p. 146). Pallasmaa ( 2000 , p. 78) makes a similar point writing that: “Every significant experience of architecture is multi-sensory; qualities of matter, space and scale are measured by the eye, ear, nose, skin, tongue, skeleton and muscle.” (cf. Rasmussen, 1993 ).

Malnar and Vodvarka ( 2004 , p. ix) set the scene for the discussion with the opening lines of the preface of their book on sensory design in architecture, where they write: “What if we designed for all our senses? Suppose, for a moment, that sound, touch, and odour were treated as the equals of sight, and that emotion was as important as cognition. What would our built environment be like is sensory response, sentiment, and memory were critical design factors, more vital even than structure and program?” Indeed, those who take up the challenge of designing for the multisensory mind might well take a tip from one commentator, writing in Advertising Age when talking about product innovation who suggested that: “… the most successful new products appeal on both rational and emotional levels to as many senses as possible.” (Neff, 2000 , p. 22). Architectural design practice, I suggest, would be well-advised to strive for much the same in order to optimally stimulate the multisensory mind.

Although not the primary interest of the present review, it is perhaps also worth noting in passing, how a very similar debate on the importance of designing for the non-visual senses has been playing out amongst those interested specifically in landscape design/architecture (Lynch & Hack, 1984 ; Mahvash, 2007 ; Treib, 1995 ). The garden is a multisensory space and as Mark Treib wrote once in an essay entitled “Must landscape mean?”: “Today might be a good time to once more examine the garden in relation to the senses.”

Designing for the multisensory mind: architectural design for all the senses

The architect must act as a composer that orchestrates space into a synchronization for function and beauty through the senses – and how the human body engages space is of prime importance. As the human body moves, sees, smells, touches, hears and even tastes within a space – the architecture comes to life.

The rhythm of an architecture can be felt by occupants as a result of the architect’s composition – or arrangement of all the sensorial qualities of space. By arranging spatial sensorial features, an architect can lead occupants through the functional and aesthetic rhythms of a created place. Architectural building for all the senses can serve to move occupants – elevating their experience. (quote from a blogpost by Lehman, 2009 ).

One of the most exciting developments in cognitive neuroscience in recent decades has been the growing realization that perception/experience is far more multisensory than anyone had realized (e.g., Bruno & Pavani, 2018 ; Calvert et al., 2004 ; Levent & Pascual-Leone, 2014 ; Stein, 2012 ). That is, what we hear and smell, and what we think about the experience, is often influenced by what we see, and vice versa (Calvert et al., 2004 ; Stein, 2012 ). The senses talk to, and hence influence, one another all the time, though we often remain unaware of these cross-sensory interactions and influences. In fact, wherever neuroscientists look in the human brain, activity appears to be modulated by what is going on in more than one sense, leading, increasingly, to talk of the multisensory mind (Ghazanfar & Schroeder, 2006 ; Talsma, 2015 ). The key question here must therefore be what implications this growing realization of the ubiquity of multisensory cross-talk has for the field of architectural design practice?

The problem is that, as yet, there has been relatively little research directed at the question of how atmospheric/environmental multisensory cues actually interact. Mattila and Wirtz ( 2001 , pp. 273–274) drew attention to this lacuna some years ago when writing that: “Past studies have examined the effects of individual pleasant stimuli such as music, color or scent on consumer behavior, but have failed to examine how these stimuli might interact.” At the outset, when starting to consider the multisensory perception of architecture, it is worth noting that it is rarely something that we attend to. Indeed, as Benjamin ( 1968 , p. 239) once noted: “Architecture has always represented the prototype of a work of art the reception of which is consummated in a state of distraction.” To the extent that such a view is correct, one can say that multisensory architecture is rarely foregrounded in our attention/experience. Juhani Pallasma, meanwhile, has suggested that: “An architectural experience silences all external noise; it focuses attention on one’s very existence.” (Pallasmaa, 1994 , p. 31). Once again, the suggestion here would appear to be that attention is directed away from the building and toward the individual and their place in the world. Given that, on an everyday basis, architecture is typically not foregrounded in our attention/experience, one might legitimately wonder as to whether the multisensory integration of atmospheric/environmental cues takes place, given that they are so often unattended.

According to the laboratory research that has been published on this question to date, the evidence would appear to suggest that while the multisensory integration of unattended cues relating to an object or event certainly can occur, it is by no means guaranteed to do so (see Spence & Frings, 2020 , for a review). Perhaps the more fundamental question here, though, is whether we need to attend to ambient/environmental sensory cues for them to influence us. However, the research that has been published to date would appear to suggest that very often environmental cues influence us even when we are not consciously aware of, or thinking about them.

One particularly striking example of this was reported by researchers who manipulated whether French or German music was played in a supermarket (North, et al., 1997 , 1999 ). The results showed that the majority of the wine purchased was French when French music was played, with this reversing to a majority of German wines being sold when German music was played. The even more striking aspect of these results was the fact that the majority of those interviewed after coming away from the tills denied that the background music had any influence over the choices they made. A number of studies have also shown that scents that we are unaware of, either because they are presented just below the perceptual threshold or because we have become functionally anosmic to their constant presence, can nevertheless still influence us (Li, Moallem, Paller, & Gottfried, 2007 ). Similarly, there is also a suggestion that inaudible infrasound waves (i.e., < 20 Hz) may also affect people without their necessarily being aware of their presence (Weichenberger et al., 2017 ). Meanwhile, in terms of visual annoyance, it has been reported that flickering LED lights that look no different to the naked eye can nevertheless trigger a significantly greater number of headaches that non-flickering lights (e.g., see Wilkins, 2017 ; Wilkins, Nimmo-Smith, Slater, & Bedocs, 1989 ). Once again, therefore, this suggests that ambient sensory phenomena do not necessarily need to be perceptible in order to affect us, adversely or otherwise.

On the benefits of multisensory design: bringing it all together

One demonstration of just how dramatic the benefits of designing for multiple senses can be was reported by Kroner, Stark-Martin, and Willemain ( 1992 ) in a technical report. These researchers examined the effects of an office make-over when a company moved to a new office building. The employees in the new office were given individual control of the temperature, lighting, air quality, and acoustic conditions where they were working. Productivity increased by approximately 15% in the new building. When the individual control of the ambient multisensory environment was disabled in the new building, performance fell by around 2% instead. Trying to balance the influence of each of the senses is one of the aims of Finnish architect Juhani Pallasmaa, whose name we have come across at several points already in this text. As Steven Holl notes in the preface to Pallasmaa’s The eyes of the skin : “I have experienced the architecture of Juhani Pallasmaa, … The way spaces feel, the sound and smell of these places, has equal weight to the way things look.” (Pallasmaa, 1996 , p. 7). One example of multisensory architectural design to which Juhani Pallasmaa draws attention in several of his writings is the Ira Keller Fountain, Portland Oregon (see Fig.  8 ).

The Ira Keller Fountain, Portland Oregon. According to Pallasmaa ( 2011 ), p. 596) this is “An architecture for all the senses including the kinaesthetic and olfactory senses.” Once again, the auditory element is provided by the sound of falling water

On the multisensory integration of atmospheric/environmental cues

To date, only a relatively small number of studies have directly studied the influence of combined ambient/atmospheric cues on people’s perception, feelings, and/or behaviour. Mattila and Wirtz ( 2001 ) conducted one of the first sensory marketing studies to be published in this area. These researchers manipulated the olfactory environment (no scent, a low-arousal scent (lavender), or a high-arousal scent (grapefruit)) while simultaneously manipulating the presence of music (no music, low-arousal music, or high-arousal music). When the scent and music were congruent in terms of their arousal potential, the customers rated the store environment more positively, exhibited higher levels of approach and impulse-buying behaviour, and expressed more satisfaction. There is, though, always a very real danger of sensory overload if the combined multisensory input becomes too stimulating (see Malhotra, 1984 ; Simmel, 1995 ).

Meanwhile, in another representative field study, Sayin et al. ( 2015 ) investigated the impact of presenting ambient soundscapes in an underground car park in Paris. In particular, they assessed the effects of introducing western European birdsong or classical instrumental music by Albinoni to the three normally silent stairwells used by members of the general public when exiting the car park. A total of 77 drivers were asked about their feelings on their way out. Birdsong was found to work best in terms of enhancing the perceived safety of the situation - in this case by around 6%. This despite the fact that all of those who were quizzed realized that the sounds that they had heard were coming from loudspeakers. Footnote 12 In an accompanying series of laboratory studies, Sayin et al.’s participants were shown a 60-s first-person perspective video that had been taken in the same Paris car park, or else a short video of someone walking through a metro station in Istanbul. Once again, participants were asked about how safe it felt, about perceived social presence, and about their willingness to purchase a monthly metro pass. Even under these somewhat contrived experimental conditions, the presence of an ambient soundscape once again increased perceived safety as well as the participants’ self-reported intention to purchase a season ticket. It was, though, the sound of people singing Alleluia that proved most effective in terms of enhancing perceived safety amongst those watching the videos. Footnote 13 It is, however, worth bearing in mind here that many of the key results reported in this study were only borderline significant. As such, adequately-powered replication would be a good idea before too much weight is given to these intriguing findings.

Recently, Ba and Kang ( 2019 ) documented crossmodal interactions between ambient sound and smell in a laboratory study that was designed to capture the sensory cues that might be encountered in a typical urban environment. These researchers decided to pair the sounds of birds, conversation, and traffic, with the smells of flowers (lilac, osmanthus), coffee, or bread, at one of three levels (low, medium, or high) in each modality. A complex array of interactions was observed, with increasing stimulus intensity sometimes enhancing the participants’ comfort ratings, while sometimes leading to a negative response instead. While Ba and Kang’s results defy any simple synopsis, given the complex pattern of results reported, their findings nevertheless clearly suggest that sound and scent interact in terms of influencing people’s evaluation of urban design.

The colour of the ambient lighting in an indoor environment has also been shown to influence the perceived ambient temperature and thermal comfort of an environment (e.g., Candas & Dufour, 2005 ; Tsushima, et al., 2020 ; Winzen, Albers, & Marggraf-Micheel, 2014 ). For instance, in one representative study, Winzen and colleagues reported that illuminating a simulated aircraft cabin in warm yellow vs. cool blue-coloured lighting exerted a significant influence over people’s self-reported thermal comfort. The participants rated the environment as feeling significantly warmer under the warm (as compared to the cool) lighting colour. One can only really make sense of such findings from a multisensory perspective (see Spence, 2020a , for a review).

Taken together, then, the results of the representative selection of studies reported in this section demonstrate that our perception of, and/or response to, multisensory environments are undoubtedly influenced by the combined influence of environmental/atmospheric cues in different sensory modalities. So, in contrast to the quote from Mattila and Wirtz ( 2001 ) that we came across a few pages ago, there is now a growing body of empirical research out there demonstrating that atmospheric cues presented in different sensory modalities, such as music, scents, and visual stimuli combine to influence how alerting, or pleasant, a particular environment, or stimulus (such as, for example, a work of art), is rated as being (e.g., Banks, Ng, & Jones-Gotman, 2012 ; Battacharya & Lindsen, 2016 ).

Sensory congruency

In their book, Spaces speak, are you listening ?, Blesser and Salter draw the reader’s attention to the importance of audiovisual congruency in architectural design. They write that: “Aural architecture, with its own beauty, aesthetics, and symbolism, parallels visual architecture. Visual and aural meanings often align and reinforce each other. For example, the visual vastness of a cathedral communicates through the eyes, while its enveloping reverberation communicates through the ears.” (Blesser & Salter, 2007 , p. 3). However, they also draw attention to the incongruency that one experiences sometimes: “Although we expect the visual and aural experience of a space to be mutually supportive, this is not always the case. Consider dining at an expensive restaurant whose decorations evoke a sense of relaxed and pampered elegance, but whose reverberating clatter produces stress, anxiety, isolation, and psychological tension, undermining the possibility of easy social exchange. The visual and aural attributes produce a conflicting response.” (Blesser & Salter, 2007 , p. 3).

Regardless of whether atmospheric/environmental sensory cues are integrated or not, one general principle underpinning our response to multisensory combinations of environmental cues is that those combinations of stimuli that are “congruent” (whatever that term means in this context) will tend to be processed more fluently, and hence be liked more, than those combinations that are deemed incongruent, and hence will often prove more difficult, and effortful, to process (Reber, 2012 ; Reber, Schwarz, & Winkielman, 2004 ; Reber, Winkielman, & Schwartz, 1998 ; Winkielman, Schwarz, Fazendeiro, & Reber, 2003 ; Winkielman, Ziembowicz, & Nowak, 2015 ). Footnote 14 Indeed, it was the putative sensory incongruency between a relaxing slow-tempo music and arousing citrus scent that was put forward as a possible explanation for why Morrin and Chebat ( 2005 ) found that adding scent and sound in the setting of the shopping mall reduced unplanned purchases as compared to either of the unisensory interventions amongst almost 800 shoppers in one North American Mall (see Fig.  9 ).

Morrin and Chebat ( 2005 ). Sales figures (unplanned purchases) in mall as a function of music, scent, or the combination of the two. In this case, multisensory stimulation led to a significant reduction in sales, perhaps because low-tempo music was combined with a likely-alerting citrus scent

Congruency can, of course, be defined at multiple levels. For instance, as we have seen already in this section, sensory cues may be more or less congruent in terms of their arousal/relaxation potential (e.g., Homburg, Imschloss, & Kühnl, 2012 ; Mattila & Wirtz, 2001 ). Mahvash ( 2007 , pp. 56–57) talks about the use of congruent cues to convey the notion of coolness: “… the Persian garden with its patterns of light and shadow, reflecting pools, gurgling fountains, scents of flowers and fruits, and gentle cool breezes 'offers an amazing richness of variety of sensory experiences which all serve to reinforce the pervasive sense of coolness'.” However, different sensory inputs may also be deemed congruent or not in terms of their artistic style (see Hasenfus, Martindale, & Birnbaum, 1983 ; Muecke & Zach, 2007 ; cf. Hersey, 2000 , pp. 37–41). It was stylistic congruency that was manipulated in a couple of experiments, conducted both online and in the laboratory by Siefkes and Arielli ( 2015 ). These researchers had their participants explicitly concentrate on and evaluate the style of the buildings shown in one of two architectural styles (baroque or modern - a short video showing five baroque buildings; there were also a short video, focusing on five modern buildings instead). Their results revealed that the buildings were rated as looking more balanced, more coherent, and to a certain degree, more complete, Footnote 15 when viewed while listening to music that was congruent (e.g., baroque architecture with baroque music - specifically Georg Philipp Telemann’s, Concerto Grosso in D major, TWV 54:D3 (1716)) rather than incongruent (e.g., baroque architecture with Philip Glass track from the soundtrack to the movie Koyaanisqatsi).

Before moving on, though, it is worth noting that in this study, as in many of the other studies reported in this section, there is a possibility that the design of the experiments themselves may have resulted in the participants concerned paying rather more attention to the atmospheric/environmental cues (and possibly also their congruency) than is normally likely to be the case when, as was mentioned earlier, the architecture itself fades into the background. Ecological validity may, in other words, have been compromised to a certain degree.

One of the other examples of incongruency that one often comes across is linked to the growing interest in biophilic design. As Pallasmaa ( 1996 , p. 41) notes: “A walk through a forest is invigorating and healing due to the constant interaction of all sense modalities; Bachelard speaks of ‘the polyphony of the senses’. The eye collaborates with the body and the other senses. One’s sense of reality is strengthened and articulated by this constant interaction. Architecture is essentially an extension of nature into the man-made realm …” Footnote 16 No wonder, then, that many designers have been exploring the benefits of bringing elements of nature into interior spaces in order to boost the occupants’ mood and aid relaxation (Spence, 2021 ). However, one has to ask whether the benefits of adding the sounds of a tropical rainforest to a space such as the shopping area of Glasgow airport, say (Treasure, 2007 ), really outweigh the cognitive dissonance likely elicited by hearing such sounds in such an incongruous setting? Similarly, a jungle soundscape was incorporated into the children’s section of Harrods London Department store a few years ago (Harrods’ Toy Kingdom - The Sound Agency | Sound Branding” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EVUUG6VvFKQ ). Nature soundscapes have also been introduced into Audi car salesrooms, not to mention BP petrol station toilet facilities (Bashford, 2010 ; Treasure, 2007 ). It is worth noting here that given the important role that congruency has been shown to play at the level of multisensory object/event perception, there is currently a stark paucity of research that has systematically investigated the relevance/importance of congruency at the level of multisensory ambient, or environmental, cues. As the quotes earlier in this section make clear, it is something to which some architects are undoubtedly sensitive, and on which they already have an opinion. Yet the relevant underpinning research still needs to be conducted.

Ultimately, therefore, while the congruency of atmospheric/environmental cues can be defined in various ways, and while incongruency is normally negatively valenced (because it is hard to process), Footnote 17 issues of (in)congruency may often simply not be an issue for the occupants of specific environments. This may either be because the latter simply do not pay attention to the atmospheric/environmental cues (and hence do not register their incongruency) and/or because they have no reason to believe that the stimuli should be combined in the first place.

Sensory dominance

One common feature of configurations of multisensory stimuli that are in some sense incongruent is sensory dominance. And very often, under laboratory conditions, this tends to be vision that dominates (e.g., Hutmacher, 2019 ; Meijer et al., 2019 ; Posner et al., 1976 ). Under conditions of multisensory conflict, the normally more reliable sense sometimes completely dominates the experience of the other senses, as when wine experts can be tricked into thinking that they are drinking red or rosé wine simply by adding some red food dye to white wine (Wang & Spence, 2019 ). Similarly, people’s assessment of building materials has also been shown to be dominated by the visual rather than by the feel (Wastiels, Schifferstein, Wouters, & Heylighen, 2013 ; see also Karana, 2010 ).

At the same time, however, while we are largely visually dominant, the other senses can also sometimes drive our behaviour. For instance, according to an article that appeared in the Wall Street Journal , many people will apparently refuse to check in to a hotel if there is funny smell in the lobby (Pacelle, 1992 ). Such admittedly anecdotal observations, were they to be backed up by robust empirical data, would then support the notion that olfactory atmospheric cues can, at least under certain conditions, also dominate in terms of determining our approach-avoidance behaviour. Meanwhile, a growing number of diners have also reported how they will sometimes leave a restaurant if the noise is too loud (see Spence, 2014 , for a review; Wagner, 2018 ), resonating with the quote from Blesser and Salter ( 2007 ) that we came across a little earlier.

One other potentially important issue to bear in mind here concerns the “assumption of unity”, or coupling/binding priors that constitute an important factor modulating the extent of crossmodal binding in the case of multisensory object/event perception, according to the literature on the currently popular Bayesian causal inference (see Chen & Spence, 2017 ; Rohe, Ehlis, & Noppeney, 2019 , for reviews). Coupling priors can be thought of as the internalized long-term statistics of the environment (e.g., Girshick, Landy, & Simoncelli, 2011 ). Does it, I wonder, make sense to suggest that we have such priors concerning the unification of environmental/atmospheric cues? Or might it be, perhaps, that in a context in which we are regularly exposed to incongruent environmental/atmospheric multisensory cues - just think of how music is played from loudspeakers without any associated visual referent - that out priors concerning whether to integrate what we see, hear, smell, and feel will necessarily be related, in any meaningful sense, may well be reduced substantially. See Badde, Navarro, and Landy ( 2020 ) and Gau and Noppeney ( 2016 ) on the role of context in the strength of the common-source priors multisensory binding.

Hence, no matter whether one wants to create a tranquil space (Pheasant, Horoshenkov, Watts, & Barret, 2008 ) or one that arouses (Mattila & Wirtz, 2001 ), the senses interact as they do in various other configurations and situations (e.g., Jahncke, Eriksson, & Naula, 2015 ; Jiang, Masullo, & Maffei, 2016 ). There are, in fact, numerous examples where the senses have been shown to interact in the experience and rating of urban environments (e.g., Ba & Kang, 2019 ; Van Renterghem & Botteldooren, 2016 ).

Crossmodal correspondences in architectural design practice

The field of synaesthetic design has grown rapidly in recent years (e.g., Haverkamp, 2014 ; Merter, 2017 ; Spence, 2012b ). According to architectural historian, Alberto Pérez-Gómez, mentioned earlier, the Philips Pavilion designed by Le Corbusier for the 1958 Brussels world’s fair (Fig.  10 ) attempted to deliver a multisensory experience, or atmosphere by means of “forced” synaesthesia (Pérez-Gómez, 2016 , p. 19). Footnote 18 The interior audiovisual environment was mostly designed by Le Corbusier and Iannis Xenakis (see Sterken, 2007 ). From those descriptions that have survived there were many coloured lights and projections and a looping soundscape that was responsive to people’s movement through the space (Lootsma, 1998 ; Muecke & Zach, 2007 ).

Philips pavilion was a World’s Fair pavilion designed for Expo 1958 in Brussels by the office of Le Corbusier. The building, which was commissioned by the electronics manufacturer Philips, was designed to house a multimedia spectacle of sound, light and projections celebrating post-war technological progress. Iannis Xenakis was responsible for much of the project management. [Figure copyright Wikimedia Commons: Wouter Hagens]

True to his oculocentric approach, mentioned at the start of this piece, Le Corbusier apparently concentrated on the visual aspects of the “Poème Electronique”, the multimedia show that was projected inside the pavilion. Meanwhile, his site manager, Iannis Xenakis created “Concret PH” - the soundscape, broadcast over 300 loudspeakers, that accompanied it. It is, though, unclear how much connection there actually was between the auditory and visual components of this multimedia presentation. The notion of parallel, but unconnected, stimulation to eye and ear comes through in Xenakis’ quote that: “we are capable of speaking two languages at the same time. One is addressed to the eyes, the other to the ears.” (Varga, 1996 , p. 114). Moreover, in his later work (e.g., Polytopes), Xenakis pursued the idea of creating a total dissociation between visual and aural perception in large abstract sound and light installations (Sterken, 2007 , p. 33).

At several points throughout his book Pérez-Gómez ( 2016 ), stresses the importance of “synaesthesia” to architecture, without, unfortunately, ever really quite defining what he means by the term. All one finds are quotes such as the following: “primordial synesthetic perception ” , p. 11; “perception is primordially synesthetic”, p. 20; “synaesthesia as the primary modality of human perception”, p. 71. Pérez-Gómez ( 2016 , p. 149) draws heavily on Merleau-Ponty’s ( 1962 , p. 235) Phenomenology of Perception , quoting lines such as: “The senses translate each other without any need of an interpreter, they are mutually comprehensible without the intervention of any idea.” A few pages later he cites Heidegger “truths as correspondence” (Pérez-Gómez, 2016 , p. 162). This does, though, sound more like a description of the ubiquitous crossmodal correspondences (Marks, 1978 ; Spence, 2011 ) than necessarily fitting with contemporary definitions of synaesthesia, though the distinction between the two phenomena admittedly remains fiercely contested (e.g., Deroy & Spence, 2013 ; Sathian & Ramachandran, 2020 ). Abath ( 2017 ) has done a great job of highlighting the confusion linked to Merleau-Ponty’s incoherent use of the term synaesthesia, that has, in turn, gone on to “infect” the writings of other architectural theorists, such as Pérez-Gómez ( 2016 ).

Talking of synaesthetic design may then be something of a misnomer (Spence, 2015 ), the fundamental idea here is to base one’s design decisions on the sometimes surprising connections between the senses that we all share, such as, for example, between high-pitched sounds and small, light, fast-moving objects (e.g., Spence, 2011 , 2012a ). It is important to highlight the fact that while these crossmodal correspondences are often confused with synaesthesia, they actually constitute a superficially similar, but fundamentally quite different empirical phenomenon (see Deroy & Spence, 2013 ).

We have already come across a number of examples of crossmodal correspondences being incorporated, knowingly or otherwise, in design decisions. Just think about the use of temperature-hue correspondences (Tsushima et al., 2020 ; see Spence, 2020a , for a review). The lightness-elevation mapping (crossmodal correspondence) might also prove useful from a design perspective (Sunaga, Park, & Spence, 2016 ). And colour-taste and sound-taste correspondences have already been incorporated into the design of multisensory experiential spaces (e.g., Spence et al., 2014 ; see also Adams & Doucé, 2017 ; Adams & Vanrie, 2018 ). Once one accepts the importance of crossmodal correspondences to environmental design, then this represents an additional level at which sensory atmospheric cues may be judged as congruent (e.g., see Spence et al., 2014 ). One of the important questions that remains for future research, though, is to determine whether there may be a priority of one kind of crossmodal congruency over others when they are manipulated simultaneously.

Conclusions

While it would seem unrealistic that the dominance, or hegemony (Levin, 1993 ), of the visual will be overturned any time soon, that does not mean that we should not do our best to challenge it. As critic David Michael Levin puts it: “I think it is appropriate to challenge the hegemony of vision – the ocular-centrism of our culture. And I think we need to examine very critically the character of vision that predominates today in our world. We urgently need a diagnosis of the psychosocial pathology of everyday seeing – and a critical understanding of ourselves as visionary beings.” (Levin, 1993 , p. 205). While not specifically talking about architecture, what we can all do is to adopt a more multisensory perspective and be more sensitive to the way in which the senses interact, be it in architecture or in any other aspect of our everyday experiences.

By designing experiences that congruently engage more of the senses we may be better able to enhance the quality of life while at the same time also creating more immersive, engaging, and memorable multisensory experiences (Bloomer & Moore, 1977 ; Gallace & Spence, 2014 ; Garg, 2019 ; Spence, 2021 ; Ward, 2014 ). Stein and Meredith ( 1993 , p. xi), two of the foremost multisensory neuroscientists of the last quarter century, summarized this idea when they suggesting in the preface to their influential volume The merging of the senses that: “The integration of inputs from different sensory modalities not only transforms some of their individual characteristics, but does so in ways that can enhance the quality of life. Integrated sensory inputs produce far richer experiences than would be predicted from their simple coexistence or the linear sum of their individual products.”

There is growing interest across many fields of endeavour in design that moves beyond this one dominant, or perhaps even overpowering, sense (Lupton & Lipps, 2018 ). The aim is increasingly to design for experience rather than merely for appearance. At the same time, however, it is also important to note that progress has been slow in translating the insights from the academic field of multisensory research to the world of architectural design practice, as noted by licensed architect Joy Monice Malnar when writing about her disappointment with the entries at the 2015 Chicago Architecture Biennial. There, she writes: “So, where are we? What is the current state of the art? Sadly, the current research on multisensory environments appearing in journals such as The Senses & Society does not appear to be impacting artists and architects participating in the Chicago Biennial. Nor are the discoveries in neuroscience offering new information about how the brain relates to the physical environment.” (Malnar, 2017 , p. 153). Footnote 19 At the same time, however, the adverts for at least one new residential development in Barcelona promising residents the benefits of “Sensory living” ( The New York Times International Edition in 2019, August 31–September 1, p. 13), suggests that at least some architects/designers are starting to realize the benefits of engaging their clients’/customers’ senses. The advert promised that the newly purchased apartment would “provoke their senses”.

Ultimately, it is to be hoped that as the growing awareness of the multisensory nature of human perception continues to spread beyond the academic community, those working in the field of architectural design practice will increasingly start to incorporate the multisensory perspective into their work; and, by so doing, promote the development of buildings and urban spaces that do a better job of promoting our social, cognitive, and emotional well-being.

Availability of data and materials

Not applicable.

It is, though, worth highlighting the fact that the denigration of the sense of smell in humans, something that is, for example, also found in older volumes on advertising (Lucas & Britt, 1950 ), turns out to be based on somewhat questionable foundations. For, as noted by McGann ( 2017 ) in the pages of Science , the downplaying of olfaction can actually be traced back to early French neuroanatomist Paul Broca wanting to make more space in the frontal parts of the brain (i.e., the frontal lobes) for free will in the 1880s. In order to do so, he apparently needed to reduce the size of the olfactory cortex accordingly.

Or, as Tuan ( 1977 , p. 18) once put it: “an object or place achieves concrete reality when our experience of it is total, that is, through all the senses as well as with the active and reflective mind”

Relevant here, Mitchell ( 2005 ) has suggested that there are, in fact, no uniquely visual media.

This an issue close to my own heart currently, as the Department where I work was closed due to the discovery of large amounts of asbestos (see BBC News, 2017 ). The university and the latest firm of architects involved in the project are currently battling it out to determine how much of the new building will be given over to individual offices versus shared open-plan offices and hot-desking. The omens, I have to say (at least pre-pandemic), from what is happening elsewhere in the education sector, do not look good (Kinman & Garfield, 2015 ).

Here, one might also consider the Abercrombie & Fitch clothing brand. For a number of years, the chain also managed to craft a distinctive dance sound to match the dark nightclub-like appearance of their interiors.

Writer Tanizaki ( 2001 ), in his essay on aesthetics In Praise of Shadows , also draws attention to the close interplay that exists, or better said, once existed, between architectural design and food/plateware design in traditional Japanese culture.

Intriguingly, Kirshenblatt-Gimblett ( 1991 , p. 416) describes the white cube as an apparatus for “single-sense epiphanies”.

This despite Baudelaire’s line that the smell of a room is “the soul of the apartment” (quoted in Corbin, 1986 , p. 169).

It is also worth noting how suggestible people can be concerning the presence of an odour, as first demonstrated by Slosson’s ( 1899 ) classic classroom demonstration of students in the lecture theatre detecting a fictitious odour in the air.

It has also been suggested that the energy crisis in the 1970s may also have been partly to blame, as that tended to result in lower ventilation standards.

Indeed, one might wonder whether the latter quote refers more to oral stereoagnosis (Jacobs, Serhal, & van Steenberghe, 1998 ), than specifically to gustation (see also Waterman Jr., 1917 , for the suggestion that the tongue can be more revealing than the hand).

This response is very different from the aesthetic disappointment, or even disgust, felt by the man once hypothetically described by the philosopher Immanuel Kant who was very much enjoying listening to a nightingale’s song until realizing that he was listening to a mechanical imitation instead (Kant, 2000 ).

The owner of the car park did not like the sound of this particular sonic intervention, meaning that the researchers were unable to try it out in the field.

At the same time, however, one might consider how marble, one of the most highly prized building materials is in some sense incongruent, given the rich textured patterning of the veined appearance of the surface is typically perfectly smooth to the touch.

These were the anchors on three of the bipolar semantic differential scales used in this study.

The value of connecting with nature in architectural design practice was stressed by an advertorial for an arctic hideaway that suggests that: “True luxury today is connecting with nature and feeling that your senses work again” as appeared in an article in Blue Wings magazine (December 2019, p. 38).

It should, though, be remembered, that sometimes incongruency may be precisely what is wanted. Just take the following quote regarding the crossmodal contrast of thermal heat combined with visual coolness from Japan as but one example: “In the summer the householder likes to hang a picture of a waterfall, a mountain stream, or similar view in the Tokonama and enjoy in its contemplation a feeling of coolness.” (Tetsuro, 1955 , p. 16).

Though Pérez-Gómez ( 2016 , p. 65) seems to be using a rather unconventional definition of synaesthesia, as a little later in his otherwise excellent work, he defines perceptual synaesthesia as “the integrated sensory modalities”, Pérez-Gómez ( 2016 , p. 65). The majority of cognitive neuroscientists would, I presume, take this as a definition of multisensory perception, rather than synaesthesia. Synaesthesia, note, is typically defined as the automatic elicitation of an idiosyncratic concurrent, not normally experienced, in response to the presence of an inducing stimulus (Grossenbacher & Lovelace, 2001 ).

Eberhard ( 2007 , p. xv) sounds a similarly pessimistic note writing that: “I doubt very much that neuroscientific findings will ever usurp intuition and inspiration as a guiding principle within architecture”.

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Spence, C. Senses of place: architectural design for the multisensory mind. Cogn. Research 5 , 46 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1186/s41235-020-00243-4

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The cognitive-emotional design and study of architectural space: a scoping review of neuroarchitecture and its precursor approaches.

1. Introduction

2. materials and methods, 3.1. classification of references and their descriptive analysis, 3.2. holistic framework of the issue, 3.2.1. the impact of architecture on human beings and directly associated research, 3.2.2. base approaches to the cognitive-emotional dimension of architecture, geometric approach, the phenomenology of space and geographical experience approach, the philosophy, environmental psychology, and evidence-based design approach, 3.2.3. new tools in architectural research and practice, neuroscience, virtual reality, combined neuroscientific and virtual reality technologies, 3.2.4. the cognitive-emotional dimension of architecture measured through neuro-aesthetics, 3.2.5. neuroscience in architecture, 4. discussion, 4.1. limitations of the approaches to the study of cognitive-emotional dimension of architecture, 4.2. problems in addressing the cognitive-emotional dimension of architecture, 4.3. beyond the current state: the challenges facing neuroarchitecture and its constituent disciplines, 4.4. limitations of the work, 5. conclusions, author contributions, institutional review board statement, informed consent statement, data availability statement, conflicts of interest.

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Higuera-Trujillo, J.L.; Llinares, C.; Macagno, E. The Cognitive-Emotional Design and Study of Architectural Space: A Scoping Review of Neuroarchitecture and Its Precursor Approaches. Sensors 2021 , 21 , 2193. https://doi.org/10.3390/s21062193

Higuera-Trujillo JL, Llinares C, Macagno E. The Cognitive-Emotional Design and Study of Architectural Space: A Scoping Review of Neuroarchitecture and Its Precursor Approaches. Sensors . 2021; 21(6):2193. https://doi.org/10.3390/s21062193

Higuera-Trujillo, Juan Luis, Carmen Llinares, and Eduardo Macagno. 2021. "The Cognitive-Emotional Design and Study of Architectural Space: A Scoping Review of Neuroarchitecture and Its Precursor Approaches" Sensors 21, no. 6: 2193. https://doi.org/10.3390/s21062193

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The Living Space: Psychological Well-Being and Mental Health in Response to Interiors Presented in Virtual Reality

1 Lise Meitner Group for Environmental Neuroscience, Max Planck Institute for Human Development, 14195 Berlin, Germany; ed.gpm.nilreb-bipm@akutzs (I.M.S.); ed.gpm.nilreb-bipm@camidus (S.S.)

Izabela Maria Sztuka

Kira pohlmann.

2 Clinic and Policlinic for Psychiatry and Psychotherapy, University Medical Center Hamburg-Eppendorf, 20246 Hamburg, Germany; [email protected]

Sonja Sudimac

Simone kühn, associated data.

Data is available from the corresponding authors upon request.

There has been a recent interest in how architecture affects mental health and psychological well-being, motivated by the fact that we spend the majority of our waking time inside and interacting with built environments. Some studies have investigated the psychological responses to indoor design parameters; for instance, contours, and proposed that curved interiors, when compared to angular ones, were aesthetically preferred and induced higher positive emotions. The present study aimed to systematically examine this hypothesis and further explore the impact of contrasting contours on affect, behavior, and cognition. We exposed 42 participants to four well-matched indoor living rooms under a free-exploration photorealistic virtual reality paradigm. We included style as an explorative second-level variable. Out of the 33 outcome variables measured, and after correcting for false discoveries, only two eventually confirmed differences in the contours analysis, in favor of angular rooms. Analysis of style primarily validated the contrast of our stimulus set, and showed significance in one other dependent variable. Results of additional analysis using the Bayesian framework were in line with those of the frequentist approach. The present results provide evidence against the hypothesis that curvature is preferred, suggesting that the psychological response to contours in a close-to-reality architectural setting could be more complex. This study, therefore, helps to communicate a more complete scientific view on the experience of interior spaces and proposes directions for necessary future research.

1. Introduction

Built (man-made) environments have become fundamental components of human existence. For the majority of our waking time, we navigate and interact with architectural environments while we live, connect, learn, work, and recreate. The spaces encountered in daily life vary in their physical and aesthetic properties, and may have an influence on affect, behavior, and cognition, and eventually impact mental health and psychological well-being [ 1 , 2 ]. These effects are likely the outcome of an interaction between the physical properties of the perceived space on the one hand, and the perceiver’s characteristics and the meaning they create on the other [ 3 , 4 , 5 ].

When accounting for the considerable time spent inside buildings, two-thirds of which is in dwellings [ 6 ], the glaring gap in linking variations in physical features of architecture to psychological states is surprising [ 7 , 8 ]. It has been previously suggested that this can be attributed to methodological and disciplinary incongruences between architecture and psychology [ 7 , 8 , 9 ]. Architectural research connecting the human response to design relies on philosophical constructs, whereas traditional psychological research investigating the human–environment relationship relies on observation and subjective measures [ 9 , 10 ]. A better understanding of the human–environment interaction could contribute to informing design strategies in ways to optimize psychological well-being and mental health [ 11 ]. Although the discussion has been initiated, a commonly accepted methodology across disciplines is still lacking [ 12 ].

A domain in which first successful attempts have been made to link architectural features to psychological responses in human beings concerns contours. We refer to contours here to describe the “edge or line that defines or bounds a shape or an object” [ 13 ]. The interest in the response to contours derived from empirical studies in various disciplines such as arts, aesthetics, visual cognition, and (social) psychology among others, which have reported differences in perception. Early studies from the first quarter of the 20th century have found that straight lines were associated with unpleasant “feeling tones” that denote strong motor expression (e.g., agitating, hard, furious, and serious), whereas curved ones were associated with adjectives indicating relatively more pleasantness and less movement (e.g., gentle, quiet, and lazy) [ 14 , 15 ]. Subsequent studies have investigated the hypothesis that curved/rounded/curvilinear conditions are more appealing to humans than angular/edgy/rectilinear ones. This hypothesis has been shown to be correct using different types of visual stimuli including lines [ 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 ], font types [ 19 , 20 ], geometric shapes and simple forms [ 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 ], irregular shapes and meaningless patterns [ 3 , 4 , 16 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29 , 30 ], images of familiar objects [ 3 , 26 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 35 , 36 ], sketches of familiar objects [ 33 , 37 ], in addition to sketches and images of designed products [ 38 , 39 ]. Different studies have found the effect to be present across species humans and apes [ 35 ], cultures—Western vs. non-Western [ 14 , 16 , 19 , 24 , 29 , 35 , 38 , 39 , 40 ], and ages—toddlers [ 27 ] and infants [ 18 , 23 ]. However, the source of this preference is still under debate. Some researchers proposed that angularity conveys threat, suggesting that the preference reflects adaptive behavior [ 31 , 32 ]. Other research has attributed the observed effect to higher cognitive processes and susceptibility to the influence of semantic meaning and perceptual qualities that are not strictly limited to contour [ 35 ]. Conversely, additional studies proposed a “curvature effect” that was not linked to a negative response to angularity for what it affords but rather caused by intrinsic characteristics of the curved stimuli [ 29 ], with preference modulated by positive valence [ 34 ]. Moreover, other studies have investigated additional variables beyond simple curves and angles. Those included both properties of the stimuli—e.g., complexity [ 22 , 24 , 28 , 29 , 30 , 38 ], symmetry [ 24 , 36 ], balance [ 22 , 24 ], novelty/innovativeness [ 38 ], meaningfulness [ 26 , 29 ], typicality [ 38 , 39 ], familiarity [ 4 , 33 ], as well as individual differences of the perceivers—e.g., sex [ 3 , 27 , 30 ], expertise in art/design [ 3 , 4 , 24 , 33 , 38 ], academic degree [ 33 ], personality traits [ 3 , 22 , 33 ], cognitive styles [ 26 ], and neurological disorders such as autism [ 4 , 21 , 30 ], in an attempt to understand whether they affect or modulate contour perception. Different outcome measures have been used in previous studies, including forced-choice response [ 29 , 31 , 32 ], rating/visual analogue scales [ 4 , 16 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 24 , 29 , 30 , 33 , 37 , 39 ], and selection procedures [ 26 ], in addition to more implicit measures, such as association [ 14 , 17 , 20 , 25 , 28 ] and approach-avoidance tasks [ 3 , 16 , 28 , 36 ], reaction and/or viewing time [ 18 , 22 , 26 , 27 ], and observed postural behavior [ 21 ]. With regard to contours in the indoor environment, similar effects were proposed by the scarce set of studies available until now. Spaces with curvilinear/curved features, in comparison with those with angular/rectilinear ones, were preferred among different ages [ 41 ], and induced higher positive emotions such as pleasure [ 42 , 43 , 44 , 45 ], relaxation, safety, privacy [ 46 ], and a desire to approach [ 44 ]. The majority of these studies relied largely on subjective semantic scales, where stimuli were rated according to a limited list of paired opposite adjectives to depict emotional responses (i.e., valence, arousal, approach-avoidance, and some spatial properties). It is worth noting that the stimuli used, for the most part, did not reflect realistic environments. More recent research used different approaches and new experimental tools to investigate the architectural experience. The effect of contour on aesthetic judgment and approach-avoidance decisions was examined in one of the very first functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) studies to examine architectural perception [ 8 ]. Images of existing real-life indoor environments were presented for three seconds in the scanner, and participants rated each image and used a joystick to indicate whether they would like to enter or exit the environment. Results showed that curvilinear interiors were more likely judged as beautiful, compared to rectilinear ones. Moreover, they were found to activate the medial orbitofrontal cortex—titled as anterior cingulate cortex (ACC) in the publication exclusively, which has previously been related to positive valence and pleasantness [ 47 ]. In contrast with previous fMRI evidence from studies investigating familiar objects [ 31 ], no amygdala activation for rectilinear spaces was found. Consequently, given the amygdala’s role in processing information related to fear and arousal [ 48 ], the results did not confirm the hypothesis of the threat effect evoked by angularity. Additionally, unlike what was hypothesized, contour did not affect approach-avoidance decisions. The stimulus set was partially tested in more recent studies that examined individual differences. Eight images were presented to experts and laypersons [ 49 ], and 80 to quasi-experts, individuals with autism spectrum condition (ASC), and a matched neurotypical group [ 4 ]. Results were not consistent across the different studies, with the latest one finding a preference for rectilinear spaces within all three groups. Two major setbacks may have caused the inconsistencies between the reported results. The first concerns the use of 2D images (static stimuli) to represent realistic environments and investigate a real-life experience [ 50 ], and the second relates to the fact that the stimuli were not well-matched. Creating controlled testing environments in which separate architectural design features can be altered and tested each at a time represents, in fact, one of the main challenges in quantifying the impact of design on human experience [ 7 ]. With the recent technological advancements in virtual reality (VR) and computer-aided design (CAD) software, it is now possible to develop experimental settings that can replicate the experience of a real environment under controlled conditions [ 51 , 52 ], while evoking similar user responses [ 53 , 54 ]. Combining human monitoring techniques with advanced VR environments can enable the acquisition of objective evidence for evaluating the human response to indoor design [ 9 , 52 , 55 ]. For example, one study investigated different interior form features using VR combined with electroencephalogram (EEG), during active exploration of empty white-colored virtual environments [ 10 ]. Results showed higher pleasure and arousal ratings and increased theta activity in the ACC when exploring curved geometries, as opposed to more linear ones. However, source localization of the EEG signal in the brain is a complex task with forward and inverse problems, calling the exact location of the source ACC into question. Another example study examined neurophysiological and behavioral responses during the appreciation of virtual environments, using EEG and explicit ratings of novelty, familiarity, comfort, pleasantness, and arousal [ 56 , 57 ]. Despite the fact that the two virtual rooms used in the studies represented contrasting contours (i.e., the “modern design” room had angular furniture, and the “cutting edge design” room displayed furniture with rounded edges), the researchers rather focused on style in their categorization of the stimuli. Whereas the interest of the study was not in finding a preferred environment, but rather to explore the relationship among each of the perceptual dimensions and correlate them with brain activity, modern and cutting edge environments were perceived, respectively, as more familiar and more novel, but no differences in ratings of pleasantness, arousal and comfort were reported. Taken as a whole, the evidence for curvature preference, although seemingly robust with abstract shapes and lines, is yet far from being confirmed in the context of indoor architecture, and requires further thorough investigations.

Another line of research exploring the response to built environments has investigated the restorative properties of indoor spaces. The attention restoration theory (ART) proposes that natural environments, filled with “soft fascinations”, could restore cognitive capacity, reduce mental fatigue, and increase focus and attention [ 58 ]. Being in restorative environments could, therefore, change negative states to positive ones. Building on the biophilia hypothesis, which suggests that humans have an innate connection with nature [ 59 ], a framework for biophilic design has emerged [ 60 ]. By bringing elements of nature into living spaces (directly or indirectly), positive effects might be initiated. Studies investigating biophilic interventions in virtual indoor environments have found a stress reduction and restorative effect [ 61 , 62 ].

Within the scope of the present study, we aimed to systematically examine the influence of contours (angular versus curved) in virtual indoor architectural settings on affect, behavior, and cognition. Given the significant time urban dwellers spend in the home environment, which has considerably increased since the COVID-19 outbreak in March 2020, we selected the residential space as the context of our present investigation. Interiors are considered a major part of architecture, more than ever in the revolutionary works of modernist architects who regarded interior spaces as the essence (e.g., Bruno Zevi, Hans Scharoun), highlighted the importance of furniture, and influenced modern furniture design (e.g., Alvar Aalto, Marcel Breuer). Furthermore, we wanted to account for the evidence that architectural style and layout influence the response to form [ 44 ], and to architecture per se, knowing that results of studies on the perception and evaluation of style are inconsistent [ 63 , 64 ]. Hence, we included style as an explorative second-level variable. Previous studies investigating aesthetic styles have used classifications such as modern/contemporary vs. classical [ 65 , 66 , 67 ] vs. traditional [ 68 ], among others. We opted for “modern vs. classic” for the interdisciplinary potential of the dichotomy. We refer to “classic” to denote the variant styles of the traditional abacus of architecture, up to the beginning of the 20th century [ 69 ]. “Modern”, on the other hand, refers to the architecture of both 20th and 21st centuries, starting from modernism and the stream of styles it inspired by completely breaking with the past [ 70 ].

As we aimed to delve deeper beyond the mere investigation of pleasantness, beauty, and arousal, our behavioral measures covered a larger set of affective and psychological dimensions, for a better overview of spatial perception. To inspect the impact of contour on cognition and restorativeness, we included a measure of perceived restored attention, building on the attention restoration theory (ART) [ 58 ], and a mental arithmetic task from the Trier social stress test [ 71 ], previously used in environmental VR studies [ 72 ]. We present here a new paradigm that allows the collection of both explicit and implicit measures of the human response to indoor environments while allowing for a close-to-reality experience. To the best of our knowledge, none of the previous studies have explored high-quality photorealistic, yet well-matched virtual stimuli representing contour contrasting conditions within a free-exploration setting, while controlling for style. Extending on the findings of the scarce studies inspecting contours in the architectural context [ 8 , 10 , 44 , 46 , 49 , 73 ] and the seemingly robust scientific and empirical evidence supporting curvature preference in other domains (references above), we expected curved conditions to positively impact the self-reported emotional and spatial experience, and to improve cognitive performance as well as the self-reported feeling of restorativeness.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. participants.

A sample size estimation using G*Power—version 3.1.9.7 (Dusseldorf University, Dusseldorf, Germany), resulted in the need for 36 participants to enable medium effect size. Due to the high potentiality of technical errors, and the increasing rate of cancelled sessions as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic, the recruitment process was kept open until reaching N = 36 individuals who provided usable complete sets of behavioral VR data. Eventually, 48 healthy adults were enrolled, aged between 18 and 40 years, with no severe visual impairments. Further inclusion criteria included fluency in German language and absence of diagnosed mental or neurodegenerative disorder or cognitive impairment. Subjects were recruited through the Castellum Database of the Max Planck Institute for Human Development in Berlin (MPIB) and an online platform ( https://www.ebay-kleinanzeigen.de/ ) and were compensated with 10 euros/h. All participants signed the consent form before the experiment.

2.2. Stimulus

Two pairs of living rooms were created for the purpose of the study ( Figure 1 ). Rooms of each pair were identical in their design, except that one had angular window openings, furniture, fixtures, accessories, patterns, and other specific details, while the other had curved counterparts. The main contrast between the pairs was style (classified under: modern vs. classic), with some differences in layout, furniture components, and materials, which were seen necessary to reflect the style. “Classic rooms” included features from the neo-classicism period (e.g., “ornamental” furniture of Louis XV and VI style; wallcovering; detailed door and windows; more objects in the room), while “modern rooms” followed the “less is more” principle (e.g., Ludwig Mies van der Rohe) in a minimal style (e.g., less detailed furniture, door and windows; less objects in the room). Moreover, the classic pair included elements of biophilic design (e.g., wood furniture, plants, images of plants, more surfaces with green color). The main challenge was to design objects/elements that reflect well-proportioned, yet matching counterparts in both contour versions, without causing a change to style or familiarity. Hence, furniture design was inspired from common pieces that exist in both contour versions, although changing contours or proportions of famous designer pieces was completely avoided. In order to control for additional confounding factors, rooms’ boundaries, ceiling, floor, door and windows locations, main seating positions, main light, and primary color (green) were kept identical between the pairs, in addition to the outdoor window view portraying a natural environment.

Virtual 3D environments, created for the study. Upper images display the modern style, and the bottom ones the classic style. Top left: angular modern (AM). Top right: curved modern (CM). Bottom left: angular classic (CA). Bottom right: curved classic (CC). Images were taken from the Unity project with a perspective that does not represent a human eye view, to show maximum coverage of the room.

The size of the virtual room was similar to the MPIB VR lab space dimensions and fixed accordingly to (L × W × H = 4.9 × 3.9 × 3 m) so that free movement was possible during participants’ exploration. Three-dimensional models of all the objects and details of the rooms were created using 3Ds Max—version Theseus, 2020 (Autodesk Inc., Mill Valley, CA, USA), and the paradigm with all the tasks was implemented using the gaming software Unity—version 2019.2.1f1, 64-bit (Unity Technologies, San Francisco, CA, USA). The rooms were rendered in real-time during the experiment, using Unity High Definition Render Pipeline (HDRP, version 6.9.1) and were displayed with Steam VR (Valve Corporation, Bellevue, WA, USA)—multiple updates during experiment, no standing version to report, through an HTC Vive Pro headset (HTC corporation, New Taipei, Taiwan), connected to a wireless adapter to allow for unobstructed movement. In order to increase immersion, a real physical large couch was included in the set-up, positioned at the same location as in the virtual rooms. Participants could use it within their exploration time, and were asked to sit on it to perform the cognitive tasks ( Figure 2 ).

Virtual reality (VR) laboratory set up. Left side: VR setup in pilot session, participant about to start responding to rating scales. The physical couch is shown on the right side of the participant. Middle: general layout showing the virtual space in relation to the actual laboratory conditions, experimenter position, physical couch position, starting point of each exploration task, and virtual screens that appear successively during the paradigm. Top right: teleportation room, presented at the start of the VR session, and in between each of the rooms. Bottom right: training room, simulating the laboratory appearance.

Additionally, a virtual training room was created, simulating the lab appearance ( Figure 2 ) including the physical couch, with one version having angular edges (for the couch, lighting fixture, and door accessories), while the other had curved counterparts.

As the study comprised a within-subject design, all participants were tested under all conditions in randomized order, always starting with the training room. Participants with odd ID numbers were first exposed to the training room with curved features, while those with even IDs were assigned to the one with angular ones. Using counterbalancing through a Latin square design, and after eliminating sequences where rooms of the same pair would have been shown successively, four groups were identified, to which participants were randomly assigned: Group A (AM, AC, CM, CC); Group B (AC, CM, CC, AM); Group C (CM, CC, AM, AC); and Group D (CC, AM, AC, CM), where AM is “angular modern”, CM is “curved modern”, AC is “angular classic”, and CC is “curved classic”.

2.3. Measures

The main part of the experimental paradigm consisted of the VR session. In each room, participants started exploring the virtual space for 3 min, followed by a 2-min cognitive task in a sitting position, and responded to a set of questions. Multiple questionnaires were administered before and after the VR session (we mention below only those included within the present analyses).

2.3.1. Questionnaires

The in-VR questionnaires included two sections assessing respectively the affective and spatial experience (ASE), and momentary affective state (MAS). ASE consisted of 20 items related to the subjective perception of emotional and spatial dimensions. Participants provided self-reports on 20 bipolar (−5 = “describes strongly”, 0 = “neutral”, 5 = “describes strongly”) dimensions using 11-point numeric scales, tagged by two opposite descriptive adjectives on each of the sides. Dimensions encompassed valence, arousal, and dominance, but also covered other spatial aspects (e.g., organization, spatiality, naturalness), and were retrieved from previous studies [ 7 , 8 , 56 , 74 ], with some additions that were found to be relevant to the study ( Table S1 ). All anchor adjectives were translated to German, for the purpose of this experiment. MAS was assessed using 11-point intensity rating scales for 11 dimensions (original German version used in previous studies [ 75 ]). The dimensions assess different domains: emotional feelings, bodily sensation, valence and arousal, and cognitive and motivational states ( Table S2 ). The first 6 scales were unipolar (0 = “little”, 5 = “neutral”, 10 = “very”), followed by 5 bipolar scales tagged by one to four descriptive adjectives as anchors (−5 = “describes strongly”, 0 = ”neutral”, 5 = “describes strongly”). A pre-measure was also collected before the VR session to control for the baseline affective state. In sum, participants responded to 31 dimensions, in-VR, after exposure to each of the rooms, with a total of 155 questions (including the training room).

As part of the post-VR PC-based questionnaire, subjects reported on more aspects of the virtual, spatial, and cognitive experience. Perceived restorativeness (PR) was measured using an adapted 12-item German version of the Perceived Restorativeness Scale (PRS) [ 76 ], under four categories: fascination, being away, coherence, and scope ( Table S3 ). Each item was rated on a five-point Likert scale from 0 (not at all) to 4 (completely).

2.3.2. Cognitive Task (CT)

Cognitive performance was evaluated using the results of an in-VR two-minute skip counting task [ 72 ]. After exploring each of the simulated conditions, participants were asked to keep subtracting 13 from a starting 4-digit number that was shown on a virtual screen and to pronounce the intermediate results out loud. When participants made mistakes they were prompted to start anew from the same starting number. The sequence of numbers was the same for all participants, and answers were collected manually by experimenters. Individual scores were calculated by dividing the total number of correct answers (in all attempts) by the number of attempts.

2.3.3. Additional Measures

To evaluate the overall VR experience, and control for specific undesired effects, cyber-sickness was measured using an adapted German version of the Simulation Sickness Questionnaire (SSQ) [ 77 ], administered both pre and post-VR sessions. SSQ consists of 16 items based on a four-point Likert scale ranging from 0 (symptom not existent) to 3 (very severe symptom), which can be computed into three representative subscores: Nausea-related (N), Oculomotor-related (O), Disorientation-related (D), in addition to a Total Score (TS) representing the overall severity of cybersickness experienced by participants. Moreover, presence was assessed using the iGroup Presence Questionnaire (IPQ) [ 78 ]—adapted from the German version available online ( www.igroup.org , Accessed on 15 September 2020) administered post-VR. IPQ contains 14 items rated on a five-point Likert scale (1–5) tagged with different anchors, according to the four sub-scales that measure different components of presence: General Presence (GP), Spatial Presence (SP), Involvement (INV), and Experienced Realism (REAL). Both SSQ and IPQ were administered right after the VR session, as part of the post-VR questionnaire. Additionally, we collected information related to demographics and other individual differences that are beyond the scope of the present analyses.

2.4. Procedure

All experimental sessions were conducted in the VR lab at the MPIB (November to December 2020), in compliance with the institute’s COVID-19 regulations for lab hygiene. The experiment was composed of three parts: (1) pre-VR questionnaires and preparation; (2) immersive session; and, (3) post-VR questionnaires and tasks. Participants received the consent form via email before the day of the experiment. They were encouraged to read and sign the form, and to fill in the pre-VR questionnaire before coming to the lab, otherwise, those were completed on the day of the experiment. Upon arrival, participants were presented with an introduction to the study, filled a PC-based questionnaire to collect baseline measures for the affective state and simulation sickness symptoms, and performed a short training session on the cognitive task. Next, they were prepared for the VR session. Details were described thoroughly, the head-mounted display (HMD) was put on with the help of the research assistance staff, and subjects were guided to stand in the teleportation areas next to the room door. The VR session started with an empty teleportation room showing instructions for 20 s, followed by the training room, for familiarization with all in-VR tasks. Each room was simulated for 3 min of free exploration, and participants were encouraged to explore as they needed to, until they felt they could later recognize the room from a photo. At the end of the exploration time, a message was shown at eye level with a message to sit on the couch. Instructions for the cognitive task were displayed on a screen at the wall facing the couch, and when participants confirmed readiness, the starting number was shown. Answers were manually written down by the experimenter, who prompted the participant to “restart” after a wrong number was named, until a “stop” sign was shown at the end of the 2 min. Later, a screen appeared in the middle of the room with instructions on how to answer the questionnaire using the controller. Once all questions were answered, participants were asked to leave the controller on the couch and go to the teleportation spot at the door. The sequence of events and tasks is displayed in Figure 3 (upper side). The process was repeated for all rooms, with the teleportation instruction room presented for 20 s in between. At the end of the immersive session, a sign was shown at eye level indicating “the end”, HMD was dismantled, and participants took a break. The third part of the experiment included the PC-based questionnaire in addition to further tasks that were not used for the present data analysis. Details of the experimental paradigm are displayed in Figure 3 .

Details of the experimental paradigm. Bottom: The bar shows all phases of the experiment (pre-VR, immersive, and post-VR sessions) along with the respective approximate duration. The mentioned durations are based on the average of the time spent by different participants. Up: The upper layouts display the sequence of events denoting tasks and instructions in each of the virtual environments. Room AM (angular modern) is displayed in a top view layout as an example. The average duration in each virtual room was 12 min (with an approximate total of 60 min). Some events were fixed and had a predefined time (e.g., teleportation room, exploration tasks, cognitive task), while others depended on the participant’s speed (e.g., reading cognitive task instructions and readiness to start, rating tasks, moving back to teleportation spot). Q1 and tasks in the last section mentioned as “other tasks” are excluded from the present analyses. Note: SSQ = simulation sickness questionnaire, IPQ = IGroup presence questionnaire and PRS = perceived restorativeness scale.

2.5. Data Analysis

We preregistered our research plan, which can be retrieved from ( https://aspredicted.org/vp93z.pdf , Accessed on 23 February 2021). During data preprocessing, sessions with technical software/hardware errors, and those where participants requested breaks or showed severe symptoms of simulation sickness were excluded. Out of the 48 participants enrolled, a range of 36–40 (85.36% born in Germany; ASE and MAS: F = 25, M = 16; CT: F = 27, M = 15; PRS: F = 23, M= 13) were included in the analyses ( Table S4 ).

Self-reports assessed with questionnaires (MAS, ASE, PRS) in addition to the cognitive task scores were analyzed using paired samples two-tailed t -tests to examine differences in contour (angular vs. curved) and style (modern vs. classic). When the normality assumption was not met, instead of paired sample t -tests, the Wilcoxon signed-rank test was used. Statistical tests were performed separately for each of the dimensions of the ASE and MAS. For ease of reference, we will be referring to rooms according to their condition in the following parts of the paper (e.g., angular rooms, classic rooms, etc.).

Considering that we collected 33 separate outcome variables, and conducted two different tests with each (angular vs. curved, modern vs. classic), eventually we had to conduct 66 frequentist statistical tests. When performing multiple statistical tests, one should take into account that setting the alpha value to 0.05 will result in 5/100 significant results purely by chance, in our case 3.3 significant tests. According to the Bonferroni correction method, which strongly controls for family-wise error rate, the critical value for each comparison is the type I error rate divided by the number of comparisons: α/k = 0.05/66 = 0.00076. However, we also checked for the false discovery rate (FDR) correction, as the Bonferroni correction has been considered overly conservative [ 79 ]. FDR correction controls for the proportion of “discoveries” (significant results) that are false positives.

To examine if the observed non-significant results in the frequentist approach represent an absence of the predicted relation between room contour and dependent variables measuring mood and cognition, we examined the amount of evidence in favor of the null hypothesis using the Bayesian framework [ 80 ]. The BF 01 in the Bayesian framework indicates how much more likely it is that the data occur given the null hypothesis.

The analyses within the frequentist approach were conducted using R Studio—v1.4 Tiger Daylily (RStudio, Boston, MA, USA), and Bayesian analyses using JASP—version 0.14.1.0 (University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam, The Netherlands).

3.1. Behavioral Measures

3.1.1. affective and spatial experience (ase).

The paired-samples t -test revealed that participants rated angular rooms higher compared to curved rooms on dimensions novelty ( t (40) = 3.95, p < 0.001), order ( t (40) = 6.20, p < 0.001) and symmetry ( t (40) = 2.13, p = 0.039), whereas curved rooms were rated as more exciting ( Z = 2.01, p = 0.044) and harmonious than angular rooms ( t (40) = −2.39, p = 0.022).

Regarding the room style, modern rooms were perceived as more novel ( Z = 5.31, p < 0.001), more simple ( t (40) = 6.26, p < 0.001), more ordered ( t (40) = 2.78, p = 0.008) and more spacious ( Z = 2.49, p = 0.013) compared to classic rooms, while the latter were rated as warmer ( t (40) = −3.23, p = 0.002) and more enclosed ( Z = −1.45, p = 0.014) than modern rooms.

We found no statistically significant difference in any of the dimensions: pleasantness, beauty, lightness, calmness, brightness, comfort, cheerfulness, liveliness, familiarity, experience, and naturalness neither for contour nor style comparisons. Participants’ responses on the affective and spatial dimensions are illustrated in Figure 4 .

Display of participants’ responses to the bipolar dimensions of the affective and spatial experience questionnaire. The scales were converted from (−5, 0, 5) to (1–11) for analysis and display purposes. Individual scores were calculated based on averaging responses to every two rooms presenting the same condition, and the charts’ scores represent means on each of the dimensions. Plot ( a ) displays results for contour conditions (angular vs. curved), and plot ( b ) shows results of style conditions (modern vs. curved). Significant dimensions are marked with asterisks (*** for p < 0.001, ** for p < 0.01, and * for p < 0.05) and are written in black color for ease of reference. These graphics were created in R Studio, using package fmsb (Minato Nakazawa, 2021, Available on https://cran.r-project.org/web/packages/fmsb/index.html ).

3.1.2. Momentary Affective State (MAS)

Contrary to our hypothesis, we did not find any effects of contour on momentary affective states. Moreover, Bayesian factors show that the evidence for no effect ranges from anecdotal evidence for a null result for contour effect on the self-report of being active (BF 01 = 1.16), to moderate evidence for a null result in the case of self-reported fear (BF 01 = 8.41). Similarly, there was no effect of style on momentary affective state, and Bayes factors span from anecdotal evidence for the absence of the style effect—on the heartbeat (BF 01 = 2.00) up to moderate evidence—in the case of alertness (BF 01 = 5.37). Participants’ responses are shown in Figure 5 .

Display of participants’ responses to the momentary affect questionnaire. Emotional feelings and bodily sensation were rated on unipolar scales (0–10), while arousal and valence (tension, activity, positivity) and cognitive (alertness) and motivational (interest) states ratings were presented on bipolar scales (−5, 0, 5). Both scales were converted to (1–11) for analysis and display purposes. Individual scores were calculated based on averaging responses to every two rooms presenting the same condition, and the charts’ scores represent means on each of the dimensions. Plot ( a ) displays results for contour conditions (angular vs. curved), and plot ( b ) shows results of style conditions (modern vs. classic). These graphics were created in R Studio, using package fmsb (Minato Nakazawa, 2021, Available on: https://cran.r-project.org/web/packages/fmsb/index.html ).

3.1.3. Perceived Restorativeness (PR)

There was no difference in self-reported restored attention after having been immersed in angular compared to curved rooms— t (35) = −0.79, p = 0.436, nor in modern compared to classic rooms— t (35) = −0.94, p = 0.352. Bayesian factor indicates that there was anecdotal evidence in favor of an absence of effect of contour (BF 01 = 2.7) and moderate evidence of absence of style effect on perceived restorativeness (BF 01 = 3.7).

3.2. Cognitive Task (CT)

In line with the behavioral data, we found no effect of contour ( Z = −0.43, p = 0.667) or room style ( Z = 0.59, p = 0.552) on cognitive performance. The evidence in favour of null results is moderate for both contour (BF 01 = 5.12) and style (BF 01 = 4.79) effects on cognitive performance.

3.3. Virtual Reality (VR) Experience

A paired sample Wilcoxon signed-rank test indicated a significant increase of the overall cybersickness symptoms experienced by participants ( Z = 4.5423, p < 0.001) from pre- ( Mdn = 7.48, IQR = 22.44) to post- measurements ( Mdn = 26.18, IQR = 29.92) ( Table S5 ). This suggests that the total stay in VR increased the simulation sickness symptoms. We calculated a (post-pre) total score and performed additional analyses to control for the effect of simulation sickness on participants’ responses. However, no main effects were found.

IPQ scores were computed for each of the subscales. On a 1–5 scale, mean scores were respectively GP ( M = 3.93, SD = 0.91), SP ( M = 3.44, SD = 0.63), INV ( M = 3.27, SD = 0.98), and REAL ( M = 2.68, SD = 0.47), indicating above medium values for all the subscales, and an acceptable feeling of presence.

3.4. Additional Analyses

Out of the 66 frequentist tests we conducted, we expected 3.3 to be significant by pure chance. However, five returned significance in contour comparison, and six in style (marked with asterisks in Table 1 and Table 2 ). When applying the Bonferroni method, with the corrected threshold of p < 0.00076, four tests survived the correction: novelty and order in contour comparison in favor of angular rooms, in addition to novelty and simplicity in favor of modern rooms when comparing style. However, when applying a less stringent correction method, the FDR correction, warmth remains significant in style comparison with classic rooms perceived as warmer than modern ones.

Results of the statistical analyses performed on contour conditions using a classical frequentist approach and a Bayesian approach, in addition to the central tendency. Where data is normally distributed, means with standard deviation, and Student t -test results are reported. In the case of unmet normality assumption, we report median and IQR, and Wilcoxon signed-rank test results. Effect sizes and alternative hypotheses are also shown for each of the outcome measures.

1 Rows in bold indicate statistically significant outcome measures (bolded for ease of reference). Significance is also marked with asterisks next to p -values.

Results of the statistical analyses performed on style conditions using a classical frequentist approach and a Bayesian approach, in addition to the central tendency. Where data are normally distributed, means with standard deviation, and Student t -test results are reported. In the case of unmet normality assumption, we report median and IQR, and Wilcoxon signed-rank test results. Effect sizes and alternative hypotheses are also shown for each of the outcome measures.

In line with the frequentist approach findings and the FDR correction, the harmonic mean of the Bayesian factors BF 01 only indicated strong evidence for the alternative hypothesis (<0.1) in the case of the five aforementioned dimensions in the respective comparisons. All statistical tests and Bayes factors are reported in Table 1 and Table 2 .

4. Discussion

Within the scope of the present study, we primarily examined the potential psychological response to indoor virtual living rooms with contrasting contour conditions (angular and curved) on affect, behavior, and cognition. Such findings would contribute to understanding the relationship between humans and the built environments they occupy, and would inform the design of therapeutic settings in ways to optimize cognitive functioning, physical and mental health, and well-being. The very few studies that have investigated these conditions in indoor architectural settings have used for that purpose either photos of existing spaces [ 4 , 8 , 49 ], computer-generated three-dimensional images in color [ 45 ] and greyscale [ 44 ], sketches and line drawings [ 46 ], or schematic virtual environments where the overall form of the room was manipulated [ 10 , 73 ]. Most of these studies reported a preference for, and higher positive emotion in curved/curvilinear conditions as opposed to angular/rectilinear/linear ones (references above), with more recent studies reporting an opposite effect [ 4 ]. This may be the result of problems that are prominent to this new field of study [ 12 ], among which is a lack of systematic development of a coherent theoretical and experimental framework [ 57 ]. We took several measures in an attempt to address some of the methodological shortcomings of previous studies. The first one concerns the nature of the stimuli. For that, we ensured that the virtual environments presented are fully matched in terms of contour contrast, and avoided the possible effects of other confounding variables (e.g., lighting conditions, outside view, room size, floor finish, ceiling height and finish, door location and size, and so on). All these variables were kept identical in all four simulated rooms. Moreover, we included a second level-variable, architectural style, so that we presented to participants a variety that could cover different aesthetic preferences, noting that findings of previous studies were inconsistent with regard to preference. The second shortcoming is related to the lack of real-life architectural experience in previous studies and the predominant use of static stimuli. Therefore, we opted for a VR set-up that stimulates 3D rather than 2D perception, with a free-exploration paradigm and no restrictions on the path; subjects were able to explore the space from different viewing angles, whether standing, sitting, or crouching to see a specific detail. Moreover, we presented high-quality and detailed immersive environments, which were created via high-definition photorealistic instant renderings and post-processing methods (videos of the room can be found on https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/1rIPx0GBHubAsQaWxBWnkY7odOPXn_yiL , Accessed on 19 September 2021). However, we respected the recommended guidelines to reduce VR-induced symptoms and effects by providing high-quality graphics and ensuring that the immersive session did not exceed the recommended maximum duration [ 81 ]. Moreover, we familiarized all our participants with the VR system by means of a training session. Third, with regard to outcome measures, we aimed to extend beyond the limited conventional ratings of valence and arousal, criticized by some as not representative of the spatial aesthetic experience [ 53 ]. Hence, we included a relatively large set of affective, behavioral, and cognitive measures. Extending from previous evidence on the curvature preference and positive affective effects in both non-architectural and architectural settings, we expected the curved conditions to positively influence momentary affect, emotional and spatial experience, cognitive performance, and perceived restorativeness.

To our surprise, we did not find relevant positive effects of contour in most of the outcome measures, although the study had a comparably large sample size (e.g., N = 18 [ 8 ], 17 [ 10 ], 71 × two groups [ 49 ]). In fact, the only differences observed between the two contrasting conditions, after correcting for false discoveries, favored angular versions on “novelty” and “order” ratings. This finding stands in contrast to some experimental studies where ratings of pleasantness, attractiveness/beauty, and arousal indicated more positive responses to curved rather angular conditions (e.g., [ 8 , 44 , 46 , 49 ]). In particular, we were surprised that in our analysis, differences in self-reports on both “pleasantness” and “beauty” were statistically insignificant. While results indicated a non-significant trend in the predicted direction indicating higher pleasantness ratings for rooms with curvature, the Bayes factor indicated no evidence in this direction. As for beauty, ratings’ means were very similar in both conditions. This is in line with a previous study, where contour had no effect on beauty judgments in laypeople [ 49 ]. We also did not find any differences in ratings of arousal dimensions neither in ASE nor in MAS (e.g., excitement, liveliness, calmness, interest, tension, heartbeat, alertness, activity). In terms of momentary affect in general, our results mainly indicated no evidence for the threat hypothesis, as ratings on “fear” were at the lower extreme in both conditions. As a matter of fact, all scores on negative affect were considerably low (e.g., shame, anger, sadness), while all items related to positive dimensions in both MAS and ASE were above average (considering 6 is the midpoint of the 1–11 scale) for both conditions. This effect is consistent with a previous study [ 56 , 57 ], where no differences were reported on valence (pleasantness, comfort) and arousal dimensions between simulated furnished rooms (cutting edge with rounded furniture and modern with angular edges), albeit those were highly rated when compared to an empty room. One could think that participants reported a pleasant experience in all of the furnished rooms because they were impressed by the degree of realism in those, or by the virtual experience per se. But then the effect would drop after “affective habituation” [ 82 ]. As response bias was proposed as a function of presentation order in lengthy sequential preference judgments [ 83 ], we controlled for the stimulus presentation sequence and found no main effects. We also did not find any differences in perceived restorativeness, nor in cognitive performance, while Bayes’ factors showed poor evidence of the alternative hypothesis.

In our exploratory analyses of style, results primarily validated our stimuli’s second-level contrast with modern rooms being rated significantly higher than classic ones on the “traditional/novel” scale. This effect was reconfirmed within the Bayesian analysis which indicated strong evidence for the alternative hypothesis. No main difference in the general assessment of style on positive or negative affect or aesthetic value measures was observed, consistent with some previous studies [ 63 , 65 , 66 , 67 ], except for complexity and warmth, in favor of classic rooms. While the results of complexity ratings confirmed some previous findings [ 67 ], and could be argued as a natural result of the classical style being inclusive of more details (e.g., ornaments) in its principles, the slight difference in the color palette between the two styles could be a confounding factor in the case of warmth. On the other hand, the inclusion of more “green” or “biophilic” features did not impact ratings on naturalness or perceived restorativeness. We also find this surprising as these elements are considered within the biophilic design framework. No other effect of style was found in any of the other outcome variables. Future studies primarily investigating architectural style should aim at maximizing the control for confounding variables by providing well-matched high and low-level properties.

Comparing our almost null results in terms of contour comparison to previous findings of studies that investigated indoor environments and familiar objects, it could be explained by several points. The first concerns the relatively extended viewing time in our study (3 min of exploration time), when compared with previous ones, which mostly relied on gut reactions, by either presenting the stimuli very shortly (84 to 3000 ms) (e.g., [ 8 , 31 ]), or by instructing participants to immediately respond without thinking (e.g., [ 44 ]). Previous investigations have found that preference for curved stimuli, which was pronounced under limited times (84 to 150 ms), faded when the stimulus was displayed until response. This finding was replicated with images of real objects [ 26 , 35 ] and abstract shapes [ 29 ]. An influence of meaning and semantic content on preference was suggested. In fact, when presenting the same images of indoor environments until response, effects were not consistent with previous studies [ 4 , 10 , 46 ], and a preference for rectilinear interiors was actually found across the three groups of participants in the most recent study: individuals with autism spectrum condition, neurotypical adults, and design and art students. Another point to consider concerns the use of forced-choice dichotomous scales in some of the previous studies reporting the preference of curved conditions (e.g., beautiful/not beautiful, or like/dislike). The lack of a response options in the middle might have boosted the preference response, as proposed by some researchers, when interpreting the different effects found in their study investigating abstract shapes [ 29 ]. We opted for a psychometric 11-point scale to allow for undecided responses. The third point relates to the fact that most of the previous research investigating contour, in general, has targeted similar populations, particularly female participants and psychology students [ 30 ], causing limitations in terms of generalizing results. However, we included a rather heterogeneous sample, recruited via more diversified databases. Last but not least, additional potential reasons concern the cultural and individual differences between the populations of the different studies. Culture was proposed to effect aesthetic preference and sensitivity, with the latter suggested change over time, exposure, and perspective [ 3 ]. From an architecture point of view, interiors, with the potential affordances (see James Gibson) they create, host the complex interaction between specific atmospheres shaped by different spatial compositions, the perceiver’s characteristics, and their interpretation [ 5 ]. A probabilistic model of aesthetic response was proposed to explain the ongoing interaction between humans and their physical environments [ 50 ], and identified, in addition to design attributes, a series of factors including biology, personality, social and cultural experience, goals, expectations, associations, and internal constructs. These factors are suggested to contribute to the aesthetic response, impacting affect, physiological response, and behavior. The model acknowledged the complexity of the architectural experience, and further highlighted the major limitation caused by the neglect of the human movement’s influence on the spatial experience in studies that use static stimuli. More than two decades after its publication, most of the known effects still relate to static stimuli rather than real-life experiences.

Even though recent research is targeting inter-individual differences in shape preferences in spaces and objects’ contexts, the role of individual measures on preference is as yet uncertain, requiring further investigations [ 33 , 84 ]. However, when looking closely at previous studies, an interesting sex effect appears. While a curvature preference was observed when the sample predominantly consisted of female psychology, art, and design students [ 44 , 49 ], environments with rectilinear properties were preferred when the sample had a prevalence of male (design students, neurotypical or autistic participants) [ 49 ]. The same set of images showed a preference for curved interiors when the sample size consisted of more females than males [ 8 , 49 ]. The authors interpreted the preference for rectilinear spaces in their study as the result of familiarity, which was previously found to be relevant for preference formation [ 34 , 38 ], although other studies investigating drawings of familiar objects have found it to modulate preference for curvature [ 33 ]. The sex effect was also found when presenting sketches of familiar objects, where females judged curvilinear objects as more peaceful than males [ 37 ]. Additionally, another recent study presenting abstract shapes as stimuli has found that curvature preference was stronger for female students in psychology [ 30 ]. This effect was potentially attributed to gender rather than biological determinants. In this present study, post hoc analyses showed a sex effect, however, beyond the preference of one of the conditions over the other (Post-hoc)). Namely, when looking solely at angular rooms, males performed better than females in the cognitive task. Additionally, they rated those rooms higher than females on six out of the 20 affective and spatial dimensions, and reported higher scores on positive affect after exploring them. Although such results could possibly hint at a higher appreciation of angularity in males, this finding is to be interpreted cautiously for many reasons. First, our sample was not balanced in terms of sex and consisted of females more than males. Second, higher scores related to angular conditions do not necessarily indicate the preference of a shape over the other. This suggests that future works could benefit from including equally sized sex groups.

However, there are some limitations to the present study. Although the stimuli were still presented during rating tasks, the evaluation time was relatively long (3 min of exploration vs. an average of 9 min for CT and self-reports). Participants had to provide ratings in each room for 31 questions. This might have caused an effect known as the “museum-fatigue effect” [ 85 ], which has been found in many experimental observations and laboratory experiments. Causes were originally attributed to fatigue, but later to other cognitive factors such as satisfaction, information overload, and limitations in attentional capacity [ 83 ]. In terms of momentary affect, we had selected a scale that includes a broad range of negative emotions, to evaluate the threat hypothesis previously proposed [ 31 ]. However, participants scored very low on negative emotions and used more of the given scale for questions that offered both positive and negative anchors. In future studies, more focus should be directed to positive emotions. Concerning cognitive performance, the selected task was stress-inducing, which is why it is part of the Trier stress test. Although it had proven efficacy in previous studies investigating physical environments [ 72 ], it could be that the stress induced by the task might have overlapped the possible effects of contours.

Future studies may want to focus more strongly on implicit measures of emotions, less stress-inducing cognitive tasks, a lower number of outcome variables, and a more positive set of emotions. Sex could be further explored through the selection of a well-balanced sample. One route is to examine inter-individual differences, which include personality traits and expertise in arts and design. However, more differences should be taken into account, such as cultural background, previous experience with VR, information on familiar and lived architectural environments, among others.

5. Conclusions

In summary, while the evidence for curved contour preference in the context of abstract shapes and lines seems robust, it does not appear to be as strong in architectural settings, as multiple studies fail to demonstrate or replicate findings. The present study addressed previous limitations and found that exposure to contrasting contours in virtual interiors within a heterogeneous sample did not elicit significant differences in response to a broad set of psychological dimensions, with tasks and questionnaires administered directly after free exploration, yet within the virtual space, to record an immediate response. The fact that we assessed multiple domains during a close-to-reality architectural experience of fully controlled stimuli, not finding major effects in any of them, makes the study the most comprehensive in the field until now. This suggests that the psychological response to indoor design is much more complex and cannot be reduced into a generalized effect of contour or style, and could involve further multifaceted layers that affect the judgment of spaces on a more individual and contextual level. These results will help to convey a more real-life perspective of the response to the architectural experience in experimental settings and highlight the necessity of further investigations by providing directions for future research.

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to thank Rami Saad Architects (Beirut, Lebanon) for offering the 3D modeling of objects and furniture.

Supplementary Materials

The following are available online at https://www.mdpi.com/article/10.3390/ijerph182312510/s1 , Table S1: Affective and spatial experience (ASE) dimensions with their respective domains, along with the tagged descriptive adjectives and numeric scales, Table S2: Momentary affective state (MAS) dimensions with their respective domains, along with the tagged descriptive adjectives and numeric scales, Table S3: Perceived Restorativeness Scale (PRS) items, along with the respective original subscales they represent, Table S4: Included/excluded participants for each set of measures, along with reasons for exclusion, Table S5: Scores on the SSQ, including the three subscales (Nausea, Oculomotor disturbance, and Disorientation), in addition to the total score, Post-hoc: Exploratory analysis of sex, Videos: Short videos inside the rooms

Author Contributions

Conceptualization, S.K., N.T. and I.M.S.; methodology, S.K. and N.T.; software, K.P.; formal analysis, S.S. and N.T.; investigation, N.T. and I.M.S.; writing—original draft preparation, N.T.; writing—review and editing, S.K.; visualization, N.T.; supervision, S.K.; project administration, N.T., stimulus design, N.T. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

This research received no external funding.

Institutional Review Board Statement

The study was conducted according to the guidelines of the Declaration of Helsinki, and approved by the Local Psychological Ethics Committee of the psychosocial center at Medical Center Hamburg-Eppendorf protocol code LPEK-0215 20 October 2020.

Informed Consent Statement

Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study.

Data Availability Statement

Conflicts of interest.

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

Publisher’s Note: MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

Methods of Architectural Psychology Research

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• Antje Flade 2  

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A short outline of the research methods of architectural psychology is presented. Empirical studies must describe the participants, the research design, the measures, the procedure and the data analysis. Data are obtained through interviews, observations and in experiments. This is illustrated with examples.

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Antje Flade

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Flade, A. (2021). Methods of Architectural Psychology Research. In: Compendium of Architectural Psychology. essentials(). Springer, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-34917-2_4

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The Present of Architectural Psychology Researches in China- Based on the Bibliometric Analysis and Knowledge Mapping

LeiYe Zhu 1 , Qi Wang 2 , JunHua Xu 1 , Qing Wu 2 , MeiDong Jin 1 , RongJun Liao 3 and HaiBin Wang 4

Published under licence by IOP Publishing Ltd IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science , Volume 128 , 3rd International Conference on Energy Equipment Science and Engineering (ICEESE 2017) 28–31 December 2017, Beijing, China Citation LeiYe Zhu et al 2018 IOP Conf. Ser.: Earth Environ. Sci. 128 012043 DOI 10.1088/1755-1315/128/1/012043

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1 School of Educational Science, Huangshan University, Huangshan, 245041, China

2 Student Office, Huangshan University, Huangshan, 245041, China

3 Headmaster's offices, Huangshan University, Huangshan, 245041, China

4 School of Business Administration, Zhejiang Gongshang University, Hangzhou 310018, China

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Architectural Psychology is an interdisciplinary subject of psychology and architecture that focuses on architectural design by using Gestalt psychology, cognitive psychology and other related psychology principles. Researchers from China have achieved fruitful achievements in the field of architectural psychology during past thirty-three years. To reveal the current situation of the field in China, 129 related papers from the China National Knowledge Infrastructure (CNKI) were analyzed by CiteSpace II software. The results show that: (1) the studies of the field in China have been started since 1984 and the annual number of the papers increased dramatically from 2008 and reached a historical peak in 2016. Shanxi Architecture tops the list of contributing publishing journals; Wuhan University, Southwest Jiaotong University and Chongqing University are the best performer among the contributing organizations. (2) "Environmental Psychology", "Architectural Design" and "Architectural Psychology" are the most frequency keywords. The frontiers of the field in China are "architectural creation" and "environmental psychology" while the popular research topics were"residential environment", "spatial environment", "environmental psychology", "architectural theory" and "architectural psychology".

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