research topic about filipino language

Effects of Using Filipino Language during English Classes on Performance of Grade 11 HUMSS Strand Students in Bestlink College of the Philippines

• Sandra Villanueva
• Janella Joaquin Bawing
• Ariella Garcia
• Roberto Paez
• Abegail Meyor
• Mirasol Midel

Although the Philippines uses the Filipino language, English is used as the primary medium of instruction, and its presence ensures sufficient exposure to provide proficiency. However, recent studies show that some factors in English classes, such as untranslatable complex words, would lead to the misinterpretation of the lessons, thereby resulting in the poor performance of students. Hence, Filipino words are suggested as a translation tool to provide words that would fit the meaning of the English word, but its use may affect the teachers and especially students, which can result in additional misunderstandings. The design of the study is descriptive research. The survey is used to gather data from the selected 80 Grade 11 Humanities and Social Sciences Strand students by using questionnaires, which collect data from respondents through a set of questions. The team used a random sampling technique where each individual is randomly chosen. To interpret the data gathered, the researchers use a 5-point Likert scale. The information gathered from the questionnaires will serve as the primary data that will be used to answer the statement of the problem. The interpretation of the gathered data shows the following results of using Filipino during English classes. With a total average weighted mean of 3.88, which is interpreted as agreed, students agree that it would affect their academic performance on these subjects. It has positive effects on major exams, which was interpreted as agreed with a total average weighted mean of 3.97. However, with a total average weighted mean of 3.23, which is interpreted as undecided, most of the students are undecided on its effect on their grades. The data gathered also show a total average weighted mean of 4.38, which is interpreted as agreed. The students believe that it has positive effect on them as students. As for the teachers, with a total average weighted mean of 3.66, students agree that it would have a positive effect on the teachers as well. The researchers conclude that utilizing the Filipino language in English classes would be beneficial to students and teachers. The use of the Filipino language creates a link between teachers and students in communicating ideas and thoughts. Good communication improves understanding between participants. As such, the researchers suggest that teachers should consider using Filipino in their teaching method to help students in their studies and improve their grades.

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Most read articles by the same author(s)

• Rhyoan Firmalino, Rona Flor, Shane Padiernos, Ronnie Rosales, Jaquelyn Sison, Mirasol Midel, Factors that Affect Student’s Decision in Choosing College Courses in Bestlink College of the Philippines , Ascendens Asia Singapore – Bestlink College of the Philippines Journal of Multidisciplinary Research: Vol. 2 No. 1 (2020): Ascendens Asia Singapore – Bestlink College of the Philippines Journal of Multidisciplinary Research Abstracts, Vol.2, No1, March 2020

Research Areas

The Department of Linguistics has identified five areas of focus in its research agenda, all of which reflect the Department’s institutional mandate, current research activities, and future disciplinal trajectories.

Philippine Structural and Historical Linguistics

This area deals with the collection of linguistic data from Philippine languages in an attempt to adequately describe their grammatical components such as sound, syllable, phrase, and sentence. The linguistic data gathered in the duration of the research under this domain may also be utilized to provide answers to the problems encountered by current approaches to linguistic inquiry. It also seeks to study how these languages developed over time and how they are related to each other, thus giving insights into the history not only of words (etymology), but of the speech communities as well.

Philippine Linguistic Geography

The area aims at describing patterns of linguistic variations over a geographic space in the Philippine setting. By undertaking research on dialectology, contact linguistics, and language vitality, this area takes into account the changes in the components of language that are subject to geographic and social variation. In particular, it seeks to determine the effects of language contact in a multilingual country like the Philippines, which is home to a dynamic and constantly migrating population.

Comparative Studies of Filipino and Other Asian Languages

The objective of this area is to solve linguistic issues and enhance pedagogy, translation, and interpretation in Filipino and other Asian languages by looking at the similarities and/or differences of their phonological, morphosyntactic, and semantic systems.

Entanglements of Philippine Linguistics with Other Disciplines

This area attempts to use multi-, inter-, and trans-disciplinary approaches to the study of Philippine languages by doing collaborative work with other disciplines. The research projects done under this area will generate more holistic and insightful ideas on the languages of the Philippines and the communities that speak them.

Asian Language Teaching Methods

The research projects undertaken within this area shall focus on describing linguistic structures of Asian languages and how to effectively utilize linguistic knowledge to improve the teaching of these languages. Various methods in the teaching of foreign languages shall be considered in order to identify successful techniques in teaching Asian languages within and outside the University.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Philippines Languages'

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Nical, Iluminado C. "Language usage and language attitudes among education consumers : the experience of Filipinos in Australia and in three linguistic communities in the Philippines." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2000. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phn582.pdf.

Aguas, y. Quijano Juan Vidal. "The Philippines in the Twentieth Century: Social Change in Recent Decades." W&M ScholarWorks, 1987. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625429.

Osborne, Dana. "Negotiating the Hierarchy of Languages in Ilocandia: The Social and Cognitive Implications of Massive Multilingualism in the Philippines." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/556859.

Lesho, Marivic. "The sociophonetics and phonology of the Cavite Chabacano vowel system." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1388249508.

Soffronow, Maria. "Multilingual Classrooms : A study of four Filipino teachers' experiences." Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Högskolan i Jönköping, Övrig skolnära forskning, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-27319.

Stead, Matthew A. "Paul's use of "maturity" language in Philippians 3." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2001. http://www.tren.com.

Rifareal, Rebekah. "Paradox of Identity: The Role of National Language and Literature in the Philippines." VCU Scholars Compass, 2018. https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/5442.

Kimoto, Yukinori. "A Grammar of Arta: A Philippine Negrito Langage." Kyoto University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/226793.

Johnston, Patricia Gwen. "Maranao vocabulary of moral failure and rectification." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2003. http://www.tren.com.

Kitada, Yuko [Verfasser], Nikolaus [Gutachter] Himmelmann, and Alexander [Gutachter] Adelaar. "The prefix *si- in Western Indonesian, Sulawesi, and Philippine languages / Yuko Kitada ; Gutachter: Nikolaus Himmelmann, Alexander Adelaar." Köln : Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek Köln, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1239811578/34.

Vilches, María Luz C. "Process-oriented teacher training and the process trainer : a case study approach to the Philippines ELT (PELT) project." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.274245.

Tofighian, Nadi. "The role of Jose Nepomuceno in the Philippine society : What language did his silent films speak?" Thesis, Stockholm University, Department of Cinema Studies, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-899.

This paper examines the role of the pioneer Filipino filmmaker Jose Nepomuceno and his films in the Philippine quest for independence and in the process of nation-building. As all of Nepomuceno's films are lost, most of the information was gathered from old newspaper articles on microfilm in different archives in Manila. Many of these articles were hitherto undiscovered. Nepomuceno made silent films at a time when the influence of the new coloniser, United States, was growing, and the Spanish language was what unified the intellectual opposition. Previous research on Nepomuceno has focused on the Hispanic influences on his filmmaking, as well as his connections to the stage drama. This paper argues that Nepomuceno created a national consciousness by making films showing native lives and environments, adapting important Filipino novels and plays to the screen and covering important political topics and thereby creating public opinion. Many reviews in the newspapers connected his films to nation-building and independence, as the creation of a national consciousness is a cornerstone in the process of building a nation and defining "Filipino". Furthermore, the films of Nepomuceno helped spreading the Tagalog culture and language to other parts of the Philippines, hence making Tagalog the foundation of the national Filipino language.

Sedlacek, Jill Lynn. "Purpose driven infinitives can the accusative articular infinitives in Philippians 2:13 have the syntax of purpose? /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2008. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p001-1230.

Escondo, Kristina A. "Anti-Colonial Archipelagos: Expressions of Agency and Modernity in the Caribbean and the Philippines, 1880-1910." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1405510408.

Tomlin, Steve, and n/a. "A reformulation of ELT curricula through a critique of established theoretical models and a case study of the ELT curriculum at De La Salle University, Manila." University of Canberra. Education, 1990. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20061109.151258.

Absuelo, Ruby. "Employability of Philippine college and university graduates in the United States." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2014. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/868.

Facun-Granadozo, Ruth, Abidah Abutaeb, Bolatito Alaofin, and Lydia Kwaitoo. "Perspective- Taking: the Joys, Challenges, and Hopes of Early Childhood Education in Four Countries (Ghana, Nigeria, the Philippines, and Kingdom of Saudi Arabia)." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2018. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/4324.

Sibayan, Anna Marie. "Prompted and Unprompted Self-Repairs of Filipino Students of Spanish as a Foreign Language." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/454821.

Tagaro, Andersson Anna. "Jag uppfinner en plats i dikten där vi kan vara tillsammans : En litterär studie i förlusten av ett modersmål." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för kultur- och medievetenskaper, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-162383.

Ruffolo, Roberta. "Topics in the morpho-syntax of Ibaloy, Northern Philippines." Phd thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/12678.

Swete, Kelly Mary Clare. "Prehistoric social interaction and the evidence of pottery in the Northern Phillippines." Phd thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150432.

Nical, Iluminado C. "Language usage and language attitudes among education consumers : the experience of Filipinos in Australia and in three linguistic communities in the Philippines / by Iluminado C. Nical." Thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/19575.

Liao, Hsiu-chuan. "Transitivity and ergativity in Formosan and Philippine languages." Thesis, 2004. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=0&did=765924091&SrchMode=1&sid=1&Fmt=2&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1234396969&clientId=23440.

Tsai, Hui-Ming, and 蔡惠名. "A study of Philippine Hokkien language." Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/5y8un8.

Spitz, Walter Louis. "Lost causes: Morphological causative constructions in two Philippine languages." Thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/19215.

Kelly, Piers. "The word made flesh : an ethnographic history of Eskayan, a utopian language and script in the southern Philippines." Phd thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/156174.

Afable, Patricia O. "Language, culture, and society in a Kallahan community, Northern Luzon, Philippines." 1989. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/51308508.html.

"Language in Filipino America." Doctoral diss., 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.8958.

Wen, Kang-Ti, and 温康迪. "From Tagalog to Filipino: The shift of Language Ideology in Philippine Nationalism." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/8sd57t.

Woods, Damon Lawrence. "Tomás Pinpin and Librong pagaaralan nang manga Tagalog nang uicang Castila Tagalog literacy and survival in early Spanish Philippines /." 1995. http://books.google.com/books?id=lJVdAAAAMAAJ.

Yi-Hsuan, Huang, and 黃一軒. "Teaching Chinese as a Second Language under the Influence of the Ethnic Chinese Identity in Philippines." Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/73120409753932045304.

Gallego, Kristina. "The stratigraphy of a community: 150 years of language contact and change in Babuyan Claro, Philippines." Phd thesis, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/275585.

Zeng, Wei-Yang, and 曾煒揚. "A TEACHER’S PROFESSIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN TEACHING CHINESE AS A FOREIGN LANGUAGE IN A SECONDARY SCHOOL IN PHILIPPINES." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/89172843671682718374.

Gaerlan, Barbara. "The politics and pedagogy of language use at the University of the Philippines the history of English as the medium of instruction and the challenge mounted by Filipino /." 1998. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/41074016.html.

Pohl, Marilyn Ayuban. "An investigation of the implementation on Grade 4 English integrated curriculum in selected schools in South Africa and Philippines : comparative study." Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/1575.

Wang, Cong-An, and 王從安. "Action Research of Using Image Strategies on Teaching of Chinese Characters as a Second Language－a case study of Philippines children." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/6e5j27.

Umali, Mariane S. A. Medina. "The dialogical processes of vernacular mediation: new media and the Karay-a ethnic group of the Philippines." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/82145.

Paulson, Stone Rebecca J. "A Professional Development Program for the Mother Tongue-Based Teacher: Addressing Teacher Perceptions and Attitudes Towards MTBMLE." 2012. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations/592.

Martin, Aida Ramiscal. "Teaching writing as a tool for learning with adult ESL students : a case study." Thesis, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10125/9560.

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Diverse Cultures and Shared Experiences Shape Asian American Identities

About six-in-ten feel connected to other asians in the u.s., table of contents.

• The making of Asian American identity and knowledge of Asian history in the U.S.
• Immigrant ties shape Asian Americans' identities and their life in the U.S.
• Asians in the U.S. share similar views among themselves and with the U.S. public on what it means to be American
• How Asians in the U.S. describe their identity
• Asian adults and the general public agree: U.S. Asians have many different cultures
• Whom do U.S. Asians consider Asian?
• A majority of Asian adults say others would describe them as Asian when walking past them on the street
• For many Asian adults, where they were born shapes friendships formed in the U.S.
• Most Asian adults are comfortable with intermarriage
• Some Asians say they have hidden their heritage
• Connections with other Asian Americans, politics and political parties
• Need for a national leader advancing the concerns of Asian Americans
• Asian American registered voters and political party
• About one-quarter of Asian adults say they are informed about U.S. Asian history
• What being ‘truly American’ means to U.S. Asians
• Fewer than half of U.S. Asians consider themselves typical Americans
• What do Asian Americans view as important for the American dream?
• Most Asian adults say the American dream is within reach, but about a quarter say they will never achieve it
• Acknowledgments
• Sample design
• Data collection
• Weighting and variance estimation
• Largest origin groups
• Educational attainment
• Immigration status
• Length of time living in the U.S. among immigrants
• Citizenship status among immigrants

Pew Research Center conducted this analysis to understand the rich diversity of people of Asian origin or ancestry living in the United States and their views of identity. The study is part of the Center’s multiyear, comprehensive, in-depth quantitative and qualitative research effort focused on the nation’s Asian population. Its centerpiece is this nationally representative survey of 7,006 Asian adults exploring the experiences, attitudes and views of Asians living in the U.S. The survey sampled U.S. adults who self-identify as Asian, either alone or in combination with other races or Hispanic ethnicity. It was offered in six languages: Chinese (Simplified and Traditional), English, Hindi, Korean, Tagalog and Vietnamese. Responses were collected from July 5, 2022, to Jan. 27, 2023, by Westat on behalf of Pew Research Center.

The Center recruited a large sample to examine the diversity of the U.S. Asian population, with oversamples of the Chinese, Filipino, Indian, Korean and Vietnamese populations. These are the five largest origin groups among Asian Americans. The survey also includes a large enough sample of self-identified Japanese adults, making findings about them reportable. In this report, the six largest ethnic groups include those who identify with one Asian ethnicity only, either alone or in combination with a non-Asian race or ethnicity. Together, these six groups constitute 81% of all U.S. Asian adults, according to a Pew Research Center analysis of the Census Bureau’s 2021 American Community Survey (ACS), and are the six groups whose attitudes and opinions are highlighted throughout the report. Survey respondents were drawn from a national sample of residential mailing addresses, which included addresses from all 50 states and the District of Columbia. Specialized surnames list frames maintained by the Marketing Systems Group were used to supplement the sample. Those eligible to complete the survey were offered the opportunity to do so online or by mail with a paper questionnaire. For more details, see the Methodology . For questions used in this analysis, see the Topline Questionnaire .

The survey research plan and questionnaire were reviewed and approved by Westat’s institutional review board (IRB), which is an external and independent committee of experts specializing in protecting the rights of research participants.

Even though the U.S. Asian population was the fastest growing racial and ethnic group in the country from 2000 to 2019 , it is still a relatively small population. According to the 2021 American Community Survey, the country’s Asian population constitutes 7% of the U.S. population (of all ages) and 7% of adults (those ages 18 and older).

Pew Research Center designed this study with these details in mind to be as inclusive as possible of the diversity of Asian American experiences. Even so, survey research is limited when it comes to documenting the views and attitudes of the less populous Asian origin groups in the U.S. To address this, the survey was complemented by 66 pre-survey focus groups of Asian adults , conducted from Aug. 4 to Oct. 14, 2021, with 264 recruited participants from 18 Asian origin groups. Focus group discussions were conducted in 18 different languages and moderated by members of their origin groups.

Findings for less populous Asian origin groups in the U.S., those who are not among the six largest Asian origin groups, are grouped under the category “Other” in this report and are included in the overall Asian adult findings in the report. These ethnic origin groups each make up about 2% or less of the Asian population in the U.S., making it challenging to recruit nationally representative samples for each origin group. The group “Other” includes those who identify with one Asian ethnicity only, either alone or in combination with a non-Asian race or Hispanic ethnicity. Findings for those who identify with two or more Asian ethnicities are not presented by themselves in this report but are included in the overall Asian adult findings.

To learn more about how members of less populous Asian origin groups in the U.S. identify, see the quote sorter based on our focus group discussions. There, you can read how participants describe their identity in their own words.

For this analysis, an additional national survey of 5,132 U.S. adults was conducted from Dec. 5 to 11, 2022, using Pew Research Center’s American Trends Panel . The survey of U.S. adults was conducted in English and Spanish. Respondents are recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses.

Pew Research Center has conducted multiple studies that focus on Asian Americans. Previous demographic studies examined the diversity of origins , key facts , and rising income inequality among Asians living in the U.S. and key findings about U.S. immigrants. Qualitative studies have focused on what it means to be Asian in America as well as barriers to English language learning among Asian immigrants. Previous surveys have focused on concerns over discrimination and violence against Asian Americans, as well as studies about their religious beliefs . Find these publications and more on the Center’s Asian Americans topic page .

Pew Research Center is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts, its primary funder. The Center’s Asian American portfolio was funded by The Pew Charitable Trusts, with generous support from The Asian American Foundation; Chan Zuckerberg Initiative DAF, an advised fund of the Silicon Valley Community Foundation; the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation; the Henry Luce Foundation; the Doris Duke Foundation; The Wallace H. Coulter Foundation; The Dirk and Charlene Kabcenell Foundation; The Long Family Foundation; Lu-Hebert Fund; Gee Family Foundation; Joseph Cotchett; the Julian Abdey and Sabrina Moyle Charitable Fund; and Nanci Nishimura.

We would also like to thank the Leaders Forum for its thought leadership and valuable assistance in helping make this survey possible.

The strategic communications campaign used to promote the research was made possible with generous support from the Doris Duke Foundation.

The terms Asian, Asians living in the United States , U.S. Asian population and Asian Americans are used interchangeably throughout this report to refer to U.S. adults who self-identify as Asian, either alone or in combination with other races or Hispanic identity.

Ethnicity and ethnic origin labels, such as Chinese and Chinese origin, are used interchangeably in this report for findings for ethnic origin groups, such as Chinese, Filipino, Indian, Japanese, Korean or Vietnamese. For this report, ethnicity is not nationality. For example, Chinese in this report are those self-identifying as of Chinese ethnicity, rather than necessarily being a current or former citizen of the People’s Republic of China. Ethnic origin groups in this report include those who self-identify as one Asian ethnicity only, either alone or in combination with a non-Asian race or ethnicity.

Less populous Asian origin groups in this report are those who self-identify with ethnic origin groups that are not among the six largest Asian origin groups. The term includes those who identify with only one Asian ethnicity. These ethnic origin groups each represent about 2% or less of the overall Asian population in the U.S. For example, those who identify as Burmese, Hmong or Pakistani are included in this category. These groups are unreportable on their own due to small sample sizes, but collectively they are reportable under this category.

The terms Asian origins and Asian origin groups are used interchangeably throughout this report to describe ethnic origin groups.

Immigrants in this report are people who were not U.S. citizens at birth – in other words, those born outside the U.S., Puerto Rico or other U.S. territories to parents who are not U.S. citizens. I mmigrant , first generation and foreign born are used interchangeably to refer to this group.  

Naturalized citizens are immigrants who are lawful permanent residents who have fulfilled the length of stay and other requirements to become U.S. citizens and who have taken the oath of citizenship.

U.S. born refers to people born in the 50 U.S. states or the District of Columbia, Puerto Rico or other U.S. territories.

Second generation refers to people born in the 50 states or the District of Columbia, Puerto Rico or other U.S. territories with at least one first-generation (immigrant) parent.

Third or higher generation refers to people born in the 50 states or the District of Columbia, Puerto Rico or other U.S. territories with both parents born in the 50 states, D.C., Puerto Rico or other U.S. territories.

The nation’s Asian population is fast growing and diverse. Numbering more than 23 million, the population has ancestral roots across the vast, ethnically and culturally rich Asian continent. For Asians living in the United States, this diversity is reflected in how they describe their own identity. According to a new, nationwide, comprehensive survey of Asian adults living in the U.S., 52% say they most often use ethnic labels that reflect their heritage and family roots, either alone or together with “American,” to describe themselves. Chinese or Chinese American, Filipino or Filipino American, and Indian or Indian American are examples of these variations.

There are other ways in which Asians living in the U.S. describe their identity. About half (51%) of Asian adults say they use American on its own (10%), together with their ethnicity (25%) or together with “Asian” as Asian American (16%) when describing their identity, highlighting their links to the U.S.

And while pan-ethnic labels such as Asian and Asian American are commonly used to describe this diverse population broadly, the new survey shows that when describing themselves, just 28% use the label Asian (12%) on its own or the label Asian American (16%).

The survey also finds that other labels are used by Asian Americans. Some 6% say they most often prefer regional terms such as South Asian and Southeast Asian when describing themselves.

Asian adults see more cultural differences than commonalities across their group as well. When asked to choose between two statements – that Asians in the U.S. share a common culture, or that Asians in the U.S. have many different cultures – nearly all (90%) say U.S. Asians have many different cultures. Just 9% say Asians living in the U.S. share a common culture. This view is widely held across many demographic groups among Asian Americans, according to the survey.

The view that Asian Americans have many different cultures is also one held by the general public, according to another Pew Research Center survey of U.S. adults, conducted in December 2022. Among all U.S. adults, 80% say Asians in the U.S. have many different cultures, while 18% say they share a common culture. 1

Though Asian Americans’ identities reflect their diverse cultures and origins, Asian adults also report certain shared experiences. A majority (60%) say most people would describe them as “Asian” while walking past them on the street, indicating most Asian adults feel they are seen by others as a single group, despite the population’s diversity. One-in-five say they have hidden a part of their heritage (their ethnic food, cultural practices, ethnic clothing or religious practices) from others who are not Asian, in some cases out of fear of embarrassment or discrimination. Notably, Asian adults ages 18 to 29 are more likely to say they have done this than Asians 65 and older (39% vs. 5%).

Asian adults in the U.S. also feel connected with other Asian Americans. About six-in-ten (59%) say that what happens to Asians in the U.S. affects their own lives, at least to some extent. 2 And about two-thirds (68%) of Asian Americans say it is extremely or very important to have a national leader advocating for the concerns and needs of the Asian population in the U.S.

The new survey also shows that large majorities of Asian adults share similar views on what it takes to be considered truly American. And they consider many of the same factors to be important in their views of the American dream.

These are among the key findings from Pew Research Center’s new survey of Asian American adults, conducted by mail and online from July 5, 2022, to Jan. 27, 2023. This is the largest nationally representative survey of its kind to date that focused on Asian Americans. The survey was conducted in English and five Asian languages, among a representative sample of 7,006 Asian adults living in the United States. 

Asian Americans are 7% of the U.S. population, according to a Pew Research Center analysis of the 2021 American Community Survey. Their population is diverse, with roots in more than 20 countries in East Asia, Southeast Asia and the Indian subcontinent. About 54% of the national Asian population are immigrants. The six largest origin groups (Chinese, Filipino, Indian, Japanese, Korean and Vietnamese), a focus of this survey and report, together account for 79% of all Asian Americans.

Overall, about 34% of Asian Americans are the U.S.-born children of immigrant parents, and another 14% are of third or higher generation (meaning their parents were born in the U.S. as well), according to a Pew Research Center analysis of the 2022 Current Population Survey, March Annual Social and Economic Supplement.

This survey and report focus on Asian adults in the U.S. The six largest origin groups together account for 81% of Asian adults. And 68% of Asian American adults are immigrants, according to Center analysis of the 2021 American Community Survey. Additionally, 25% are the U.S.-born children of immigrant parents and 10% are of third or higher generation, according to Center analysis of government data.

The pan-ethnic term “Asian American” emerged in Berkeley, California, in the 1960s as part of a political movement to organize the diverse U.S. Asian population. The creation of an Asian American identity was in reaction to a long history of exclusion of Asians in the country, including the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act and a pair of Supreme Court cases in the 1920s clarifying that Asians, including South Asians, are not “free White persons” and therefore were excluded from becoming naturalized U.S. citizens. 3 Subsequently, the term was adopted by the federal government and today is the principal identity label used by media, academics, researchers and others to describe today’s diverse Asian American population.

In most cases today, someone is considered Asian or Asian American if they self-identify as such. But Asian Americans do not necessarily agree on which regional or ethnic groups from the Asian continent they consider to be Asian, according to the new survey. The vast majority of Asian adults say they consider those from East Asia, such as Chinese or Koreans (89%); Southeast Asia, such as Vietnamese or Filipinos (88%); and to a lesser extent South Asia such as Indians or Pakistanis (67%) to be Asian.

But Asian adults are split on whether they consider Central Asians such as Afghans or Kazakhs to be Asian (43% of Asian adults say they are). While about half of Indian adults (56%) say they would include Central Asians in the category Asian, fewer than half of Filipino (40%), Chinese (39%), Japanese (34%), Korean (32%) and Vietnamese (30%) adults consider them Asian.

Few Asians say they are knowledgeable about U.S. Asian history

Asian Americans have a long history in the United States. From Chinese laborers who helped build the first transcontinental railroad, to Japanese immigrants who arrived as plantation workers in what is now the state of Hawaii, to the incarceration of Japanese Americans during World War II, to Filipinos being treated as U.S. nationals while the Philippines was a U.S. territory, the Asian American experience has been a part of U.S. history.

With the passage of the landmark Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, a new wave of immigrants from Asia began arriving in the United States, creating a new, contemporary U.S. Asian history. The Vietnam War and other conflicts in Southeast Asia brought Vietnamese and other Southeast Asian refugees to the U.S. , first with the passage of the 1975 Indochina Migration and Refugee Assistance Act and then with the Refugee Act of 1980. The 1990 Immigration Act raised immigration ceilings and set in place processes that allowed the flows of Asian immigrants, particularly of high-skilled immigrants, to continue and expand. The U.S. technology boom of the 1990s and 2000s attracted many high-skilled immigrants, particularly from India and China, to tech centers around the country.

This rich history, however, is little-known to Asian adults, according to the new survey. One-in-four (24%) say they are very or extremely informed about history of Asians in the United States, while an equal share (24%) say they are little or not at all informed.

The majority of those very or extremely informed about the history of Asians in the U.S. say they learned about this history through informal channels: internet (82%), media (76%) and family and friends (70%). In contrast, 49% learned about it from college or university courses and 39% from elementary through high school.

Immigrant ties shape Asian Americans’ identities and their life in the U.S.

Immigration experiences, connections with home countries, and how long someone has lived in the U.S. shape many Asian Americans’ identities. Among Asian adults in the U.S., immigrants are more likely than those who are U.S. born to describe their identity most often with their ethnic labels, either alone or together with the label American (56% vs. 41%).

Meanwhile, Asian immigrants are less likely than U.S.-born Asians (46% vs. 65%) to say they most often describe themselves as American in some way – whether by their ethnic label combined with American, as Asian American, or simply as American. Still, nearly half of Asian immigrants describe themselves in one of these three ways.

When it comes to identifying with the label Asian – either alone or as Asian American – immigrant and U.S.-born Asians are about equally likely to say they do so (28% and 29% respectively). Immigrant Asians are less likely than U.S.-born Asians to identify most often as Asian American (14% vs. 21%).

On the question of seeing themselves more as a “typical American” or “very different from a typical American,” Asian immigrant adults are far less likely than those born in the U.S. to think of themselves as a typical American (37% vs. 69%).

Nativity is also tied to how Asians in the U.S. develop their friendships. Those who immigrated to the U.S. are more likely to have friends who are Asian or of the same ethnicity as them than are U.S.-born Asians (56% vs. 38%).

Asian immigrants (15%) are also less likely than U.S.-born Asians (32%) to have ever hidden a part of their heritage from people who are not Asian. When asked in an open-ended question to explain why they hide aspects of their culture, some U.S.-born respondents mentioned phrases such as “fear of discrimination,” “being teased” and “embarrassing.”

Views of identity among Asian American immigrants are often tied to time spent in the U.S.

How long Asian immigrants have lived in the U.S. also shapes their identity and experiences. Those who arrived in the U.S. in the past 10 years are more likely than those who arrived more than 20 years ago to say they most often use their ethnicity, such as Filipino or Vietnamese, to describe themselves. And about two-thirds (65%) of those who arrived in the U.S. in the past decade describe their identity most often with their ethnicity’s name, either alone or combined with American, compared with 54% among those who have been in the country for more than two decades.

Roughly half (54%) of those who have arrived in the past 10 years say they most often use only their ethnicity to describe themselves, compared with just 21% of those who arrived more than two decades ago who say the same.

On the other hand, just 17% of Asian immigrants who arrived in the country in the past 10 years describe themselves most often as American, by their ethnic label combined with American, or as Asian American, while 59% of those who arrived more than 20 years ago do so.

When it comes to their circle of friends, 60% of Asian immigrants who arrived in the past 10 years say most or all of their friends are also Asian Americans, while 50% of those who arrived more than 20 years ago say the same.

And when asked if they think of themselves as typical Americans or not, Asian immigrants who arrived in the U.S. in the past decade are substantially less likely than those who arrived more than two decades ago to say they are typical Americans (20% vs. 48%).

The new survey also explored the views Asian Americans have about traits that make one “truly American.” Overall, Asian Americans and the general U.S. population share similar views of what it means to be American. Nearly all Asian adults and U.S. adults say that accepting people of diverse racial and religious backgrounds (94% and 91%), believing in individual freedoms (92% and 94%) and respecting U.S. political institutions and laws (89% and 87%) are important for being truly American.

Similarly, Asian Americans and the U.S. general population share in their views about the American dream. They say having freedom of choice in how to live one’s life (96% and 97% respectively), having a good family life (96% and 94%), retiring comfortably (96% and 94%) and owning a home (both 86%) are important to their view of the American dream. Smaller shares of Asian and U.S. adults (30% and 27%) say owning a business is important to their view of the American dream.

Here are other survey findings highlighting the diverse views and attitudes of Asian adults living in the U.S.:

• Indian adults are the most likely of the six largest Asian origin groups to say they most often use their ethnicity, without the addition of “American,” to describe themselves. About four-in-ten Indian adults (41%) say they do this. By comparison, smaller shares of Korean (30%), Filipino (29%), Chinese (26%) and Vietnamese (23%) adults do the same. Japanese adults (14%) are the least likely among the largest groups to use their ethnic identity term alone.
• Japanese adults are the least likely among the largest Asian origin groups to say they have friendships with other Asians. About one-in-three Japanese adults (34%) say most or all their friends share their own ethnicity or are otherwise Asian. By contrast, about half of all Indian (55%), Vietnamese (55%), Chinese (51%), Korean (50%) and Filipino (48%) respondents say the same.
• One-in-four Korean adults (25%) say they have hidden part of their heritage from people who are not Asian. Some 20% of Indian, 19% of Chinese, 18% of Vietnamese, 16% of Filipino and 14% of Japanese adults say they have done the same.
• Across the largest ethnic groups, about half or more say that what happens to Asians in the U.S. affects what happens in their own lives. About two-thirds of Korean (67%) and Chinese (65%) adults say this. By comparison, 61% of Japanese, 54% of Filipino, 55% of Indian and 52% of Vietnamese adults say they are impacted by what happens to Asians nationally.
• Most Asian adults among the largest ethnic origin groups say a national leader advancing the U.S. Asian community’s concerns is important. Roughly three-in-four Filipino (74%) and Chinese (73%) adults say it is very or extremely important to for the U.S. Asian community to have a national leader advancing its concerns. A majority of Vietnamese (69%), Korean (66%), Japanese (63%) and Indian adults (62%) says the same.  
• About half of Vietnamese registered voters (51%) identify with or lean to the Republican Party. In contrast, about two-thirds of Indian (68%), Filipino (68%) and Korean (67%) registered voters identify with or lean toward the Democratic Party. And 56% of Chinese registered voters also associate with the Democratic Party. 
• This finding is from a nationally representative survey of 5,132 U.S. adults conducted by Pew Research Center from Dec. 5 to 11, 2022, using the Center’s American Trends Panel . ↩
• In recent years, a major source of concern and fear among many Asian adults in the U.S. has been the rise in reported violence against Asian Americans . ↩
• For more on the history of the creation of an Asian American identity, see Lee, Jennifer and Karthick Ramakrishnan. 2019. “ Who counts as Asian .” Ethnic and Racial Studies. ↩

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Cross-language validation of the scale of economic self-efficacy for spanish-speaking survivors of intimate partner violence.

This article presents a study that tested the psychometric properties of the  Scale of Economic Self-Efficacy across Spanish- and English-speaking intimate partner violence survivors; it discusses the research methodology, findings, and implications for policymakers and future research. 

Economic empowerment interventions contribute to increased financial security and independence among intimate partner violence (IPV) survivors. Improving economic self-efficacy is influential in improving financial behaviors. However, reliable and valid measures are necessary to conduct rigorous evaluations of these interventions. Specifically, a tool to properly evaluate the economic self-efficacy needs of Spanish-speaking IPV survivors is crucial but not yet available. This study tested the psychometric properties of the Scale of Economic Self-Efficacy (ESE) across Spanish and English-speaking IPV survivors, guided by these research questions: (a) Does the proposed one-factor model for the Scale of ESE fit both Spanish and English-speaking analytic samples well? (b) What are the psychometric properties of the Scale of ESE for both the Spanish and English-speaking samples? and (c) Can the Scale of ESE be used to measure ESE among both Spanish and English-speaking samples without bias? A single-group confirmatory factor analysis (CFA), followed by a series of nested multi-group CFAs were conducted using data from 415 Spanish- and English- speaking IPV survivors living in the US and Puerto Rico. Findings demonstrate that the one-factor Scale of ESE is a valid and reliable scale for assessing economic self-efficacy within and across Spanish and English-speaking IPV survivors. Results provide researchers with evidence to use the Scale of ESE to conduct rigorous evaluations of economic empowerment interventions for Spanish-speaking IPV survivors. The Scale of ESE also has the potential to aid in policymaking as policymakers and funders seek evidence for financial empowerment program decisions. (Published Abstract Provided)

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New methodology to measure microplastics in EU’s drinking water

A JRC-developed methodology will support the Drinking Water Directive in the important domain of monitoring microplastics in tap water across the EU.

Every day, our body needs about one and a half litres of water to function properly.

But what if the water we drink contains very small particles of plastics, so-called ‘microplastics’?

While it is now generally accepted that microplastics may be present in our drinking water, links to human health effects remain uncertain – due in large part to the poor understanding we have of their presence and distribution in our water supplies. Fortunately, in cases such as these, European drinking water legislation provides us with legal tools to introduce Union wide measuring and monitoring of new, emerging pollutants.

Monitoring microplastics’ presence in our drinking water are crucial steps forward for protecting human health and our environment.

However, measuring microplastics remains challenging because they vary vastly in size, shape, composition and chemical identity, complicating efforts to assess their presence accurately.

Harmonised approach to measuring microplastics 

To better harmonise the measurement process, the JRC has designed a methodology which represents a uniform approach to sampling, analysis and data reporting.

This will contribute to the generation of more consistent and inter-comparable data, which is a first and important step towards the eventual establishment of exposure levels in European drinking water.

To define the methodology, JRC scientists first reviewed the scientific knowledge base on the nature, distribution and quantities of microplastics. The findings are published in the report ’Analytical methods to measure microplastics in drinking water ’.

It showed that the levels of microplastics reported in drinking water are generally lower than a few tens of particles per litre, with more recent studies undertaken in Europe showing lower, or much lower levels (0.0000-0.6 particles per litre).

Microplastics in drinking water in Europe and beyond

Such information proved to be a key indicator for the analytical methods to be used and the need to sample large water volumes (>50 litres).

The most frequently found polymers in drinking water appeared to be polyethylene, polyethylene terephthalate, polyester other than PET, and polypropylene. 

The “how to” in the JRC methodology

The JRC methodology initially defines which materials have to be addressed, the relevant size ranges, shapes and the unit of measurement.

For the sampling, at least 1000 litres are required to quantify microplastics.

Samples are collected using filters of different micron sizes (100 and 20 micron filters), to collect the solids in two size ranges.

These samples are then analysed via one of two possible methods – either by Infrared microscopy or Raman microscopy. These techniques allow the identification of the polymer type, its size and whether it is a particle or a fibre – all this information may in the future be relevant to understanding the nature and extent of our exposure to microplastics.

Essential data from the analysis are recorded for comprehensive reporting.

Policy context

The European Commission is driving the development of legislation needed to tackle the potential threat of microplastics to people’s health and the environment.

Among the initiatives, the recast Drinking Water Directive , the EU’s main law on drinking water, covers both the access to and the quality of water intended for human consumption to protect human health.

Under the recast Drinking Water Directive, the Commission is empowered to establish a methodology to measure microplastics in drinking water. The methodology developed by the JRC is embedded in the Commission Delegated Decision adopted on 11 March 2024.      

The Commission has established a first watch list addressing substances and compounds of concern for water intended for human consumption. The watch list indicates a guidance value for each substance and compound and where necessary a possible method of analysis.

The Commission has established the methodology with a view to include microplastics on this watch list. Member States will then have to put in place monitoring requirements, using the JRC methodology set out in the Commission Delegated Decision.

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Report: Analytical methods to measure microplastics in drinking water

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