essay on legalization of prostitution

To Protect Women, Legalize Prostitution

by | Oct 1, 2019 | Amicus , Criminal Justice , Labor and Employment , Sex Equality |

Prostitution is a sensitive subject in the United States. Frequently, arguments against prostitution center around concern for the health and safety of women, and those concerns are not unfounded. Prostitution is an incredibly dangerous profession for the (mostly) women involved; sexual assault, forced drug addiction, physical abuse, and death are common in the industry. For the women who work in this field, it is often very difficult to get help or get out. Many sex workers were sold into sex trafficking at a very young age and have no resources with which to escape their forced prostitution, or started out as sex workers by choice only to fall victim to sex trafficking later on. Moreover, since prostitution is illegal in most places in the United States, there are few legal protections in place for prostitutes; many fear that seeking help will only lead to arrest, and many who do seek help are arrested and then have to battle the stigma of a criminal record while they try to reintegrate into society.

So why is the response to such a dangerous industry to drive it further underground, away from societal resources and legal protections?

When people argue prostitution should be illegal, in many cases their concern comes from a place of morality , presented as concern for the health and safety of women. People believe that legalizing prostitution will only lead to the abuse of more women, will make it harder for prostitutes to get out of the industry, or will teach young women that their bodies exist for the sole purpose of sexual exploitation by men.

However, legalizing prostitution has had positive benefits for sex workers across Europe . The most well-known country to have legalized prostitution is the Netherlands , where sex work has been legal for almost twenty years. Bringing the industry out of the black market and imposing strict regulations has improved the safety of sex workers. Brothels are required to obtain and renew safety and hygiene licenses in order to operate, and street prostitution is legal and heavily regulated in places like the Red Light District . Not only does sex work become safer when it is regulated, but legalization also works to weed out the black market that exists for prostitution, thereby making women safer overall. Also, sex workers are not branded as criminals, so they have better access to the legal system and are encouraged to report behaviors that are a danger to themselves and other women in the industry. Finally, legalizing sex work will provide many other positive externalities , including tax revenue, reduction in sexually transmitted diseases, and reallocation of law enforcement resources.

It’s true that current efforts by various European countries to legalize prostitution have been far from perfect. In the Netherlands, certain components of the legislation , such as requiring sex workers to register and setting the minimum age for prostitution at 21, could drive more sex workers to illegal markets. Not only that, but studies indicate that legalizing prostitution can increase human trafficking.  However, even those who are critical about legalizing prostitution can recognize the benefits that legislation can have on working conditions for sex workers. If countries with legislation in place spend more time listening to current sex workers, the results of decriminalizing prostitution include bringing safety, security, and respect to a demographic that has traditionally been denied such things.

The underlying reason that people are uncomfortable listening to sex workers about legalizing prostitution has nothing to do with concern for the health and safety of women. If that were the genuine concern, prostitution would be legal in the United States by now. The underlying reason people disagree with legalizing prostitution is that prostitution is viewed as amoral because it involves (mostly) women selling their bodies for financial gain. However, telling women what they can and cannot do with their bodies does not come from a place of morality: that comes from a place of control.

People, especially women, sell their bodies for financial gain in legalized fashions on a daily basis. Pornography is legal, and so is exotic dancing. It’s common for people to have sexual relationships with richer partners so as to benefit from their wealth, whether this is through seeking out wealthy life partners or through the less formal but increasingly prevalent phenomenon known as sugar-dating . It’s also common for people to remain in unhappy relationships because they do not want to lose financial stability or spend money on a divorce.

So, what’s the difference? Why are these examples socially acceptable, even encouraged, but prostitution is seen as so appalling?

The difference is that in all of these other situations, it is easy for people to pretend that the women involved are not actually selling their bodies directly. It’s easy to pretend that the pornography actors are just people having consensual sex that the viewing public just happens to be privy to observing . It’s easy to pretend that exotic dancers are not actually selling their bodies because they are not directly engaging in the act of sex. It’s easy to pretend that people who enter into or remain in sexual relationships with wealthy partners could be there for reasons other than financial gain or security.

Prostitution does not allow the general public to have the benefit of these pretenses. Rather, the industry is honest about how sex and money are directly related. And for many individuals, this is an uncomfortable notion. It is even more uncomfortable for some people to believe that women should be allowed to have the control over their bodies that would permit them to engage in prostitution voluntarily; they cannot allow themselves to believe that women would choose such a profession. Yet rather than recognize this reality, those who oppose the legalization of prostitution march forth with arguments about concern for the safety of women. They fail to realize that criminalizing prostitution does not help sex workers, and their arguments lead to legislation that harms women while operating under the morally-driven guise of wanting to protect them.

Instead of forcing sex workers to conduct their business in unregulated black markets where their lives are in danger, all for a mislabeled purpose of “saving” women, take actual action to save women. Legalize prostitution, impose strict regulations, and construct comprehensive support systems that allow sex workers to do their jobs safely.

The desire to protect women from sexual abuse will always be valid, and if anything is a desire that should be more widespread in the United States. What is disingenuous is opposing legalized sex work for reasons that purport to be women’s safety, but that are actually coming from a place of discomfort over women openly engaging in sexual interactions for financial gain. If you are uncomfortable with the idea of women having sex for money, then you should also have a problem with pornography, exotic dancing, and people dating for money. If you do not have a problem with all of these socially accepted practices but have a problem with prostitution because it is “morally questionable,” then you have lost your right to any forum where decisions about the safety and rights of women are being made.

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Should Sex Work Be Decriminalized? Some Activists Say It's Time

Jasmine Garsd

LGBTQ, immigrant rights and criminal justice reform groups, launched a coalition, Decrim NY, in February to decriminalize the sex trade in New York. Erik McGregor/Getty Images hide caption

LGBTQ, immigrant rights and criminal justice reform groups, launched a coalition, Decrim NY, in February to decriminalize the sex trade in New York.

Sex work is illegal in much of the United States, but the debate over whether it should be decriminalized is heating up.

Former California Attorney General and Democratic presidential candidate Kamala Harris recently came out in favor of decriminalizing it , as long as it's between two consenting adults.

The debate is hardly new — and it's fraught with emotions. Opponents of decriminalization say it's an exploitative industry that preys on the weak. But many activists and academics say decriminalization would help protect sex workers, and would even be a public health benefit.

The Two-Way

Queen honors activist who fought to decriminalize prostitution.

RJ Thompson wants to push back against the idea that sex work is inherently victimizing. He says for him it was liberating: Thompson had recently graduated from law school and started working at a nonprofit when the recession hit. In 2008, he got laid off with no warning and no severance, and he had massive student loan debt.

Thompson became an escort. "I made exponentially more money than I ever could have in my legal profession," he says.

He says the possibility of arrest was often on his mind. And he says for many sex workers, it's a constant fear. "Many street-based workers are migrants or transgender people who have limited options in the formal economies," he says. "And so they do sex work for survival. And it puts them in a very vulnerable position — the fact that it's criminalized."

Thompson is now a human rights lawyer and the managing director of the Sex Workers Project at the Urban Justice Center. It's among several organizations that are advocating bills to decriminalize sex work in New York City and New York state. They already have the support of various state lawmakers .

TED Radio Hour

Juno mac: how does stigma compromise the safety of sex workers.

Due to its clandestine nature in America, it's extremely hard to find reliable numbers about the sex trade. But one thing is for sure: It's a multi-billion-dollar industry. In 2007, a government-sponsored report looked at several major U.S. cities and found that sex work brings in around $290 million a year in Atlanta alone.

Economist Allison Schrager says the Internet has increased demand and supply. "Women who pre-Internet (or men) who wouldn't walk the streets or sign with a madam or an agency now can sell sex work, sometimes even on the side to supplement other sources of income," she says.

So what happens when you take this massive underground economy and decriminalize it? Nevada might offer a clue. Brothels are legal there, in certain counties.

In Shrager's book, An Economist Walks Into A Brothel , she investigated the financial workings of the Nevada brothel industry. She found that on average it's 300 percent more expensive to hire a sex worker in a Nevada brothel than in an illegal setting. Shrager thinks it's because workers and customers prefer to pay for the safety and health checks of a brothel.

"Sex work is risky for everyone," she says. "You take on a lot of risk as a customer too. And when you're working in a brothel you are assured complete anonymity. They've been fully screened for diseases."

Goats and Soda

Legalizing prostitution would protect sex workers from hiv.

But many activists and academics say decriminalization would help protect sex workers and could also have public health benefits.

Take the case of Rhode Island . A loophole made sex work, practiced behind closed doors, legal there between 2003 and 2009.

Baylor University economist Scott Cunningham and his colleagues found that during those years the sex trade grew. But Cunningham points to some other important findings : During that time period the number of rapes reported to police in the state declined by over a third. And gonorrhea among all women declined by 39 percent. Of course, changes in prostitution laws might not be the only cause, but Cunningham says, "the trade-off is if you make it safer to some degree, you grow the industry."

Rhode Island made sex work illegal again in 2009, in part under pressure from some anti-trafficking advocates. That's the thing: The debate about sex work always gets linked to trafficking — people who get forced into it against their will.

Economist Axel Dreher from the University of Heidelberg in Germany teamed up with the London School of Economics to analyze the link between trafficking and prostitution laws in 150 countries. "If prostitution is legal, there is more human trafficking simply because the market is larger," he says.

It's a controversial study: Even Dreher admits that reliable data on sex trafficking is really hard to find.

Human rights organizations including Amnesty International support decriminalization. Victims of trafficking might be able to ask for help more easily if they aren't afraid of having committed a crime, the groups say.

Cecilia Gentili is the director of policy at GMHC, an HIV/AIDS prevention, care and advocacy nonprofit in New York. Erik McGregor/Getty Images hide caption

Cecilia Gentili is the director of policy at GMHC, an HIV/AIDS prevention, care and advocacy nonprofit in New York.

Former sex worker Cecilia Gentili says she might have been able to break free much sooner had it not been for fear of legal consequences. She left her native Argentina because she was being brutally harassed by police in her small town. She thought she'd be better off when she moved to New York, but as a transgender, undocumented immigrant, she says she had few options.

"Let's be realistic," Gentili says, "for people like me, sex work is not 'one' job option. It's the only option."

Gentili says that when police busted the drug house in Brooklyn where she was being held, she debated whether to ask for help. She figured she was in a very vulnerable position, as a trans, undocumented person. She stayed quiet.

These days Gentili is the director of policy at GMHC , an HIV/AIDS prevention, care and advocacy nonprofit in New York. She's advocating for New York City and state to decriminalize sex work.

Rachel Lloyd is the founder of Girls Educational and Mentoring Services, a nonprofit for sexually exploited women in New York. Jasmine Garsd/NPR hide caption

Rachel Lloyd is the founder of Girls Educational and Mentoring Services, a nonprofit for sexually exploited women in New York.

But many believe the sex industry is just fundamentally vicious and decriminalizing it will make it worse. Rachel Lloyd is the founder of Girls Educational and Mentoring Services , a nonprofit for sexually exploited women in New York. She says there's nothing that will equalize the power unbalances in the sex industry.

"The commercial sex industry is inherently [exploitative]," she says. "The folks who end up in the commercial sex industry are the folks who are the most vulnerable and the most desperate."

When she was a teenager, Lloyd sold sex in Germany, where it's legal. But she says that didn't make it any less brutal for her.

The Surprising Wishes Of India's Sex Workers

"Those power dynamics of exploitation were still there," she says. "When ... legal johns came in, they were the ones with the money."

Lloyd says she doesn't want sex workers to be persecuted or punished. But she doesn't think men should be allowed to buy sex legally. She says that would be condoning the same industry that brutalized her and the women she works with today.

But decriminalization activists say that sex work has and always will exist. And they say bringing it out of the shadows can only help.

Read more stories from NPR Business.

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“The Prostitution Problem”: Claims, Evidence, and Policy Outcomes

• Target Article
• Published: 29 November 2018
• Volume 48 , pages 1905–1923, ( 2019 )

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• Cecilia Benoit 1 ,
• Michaela Smith 1 ,
• Mikael Jansson 1 ,
• Priscilla Healey 2 &
• Doug Magnuson 2  

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A Commentary to this article was published on 26 March 2019

A Commentary to this article was published on 05 February 2019

A Commentary to this article was published on 22 January 2019

A Commentary to this article was published on 07 January 2019

A Commentary to this article was published on 17 December 2018

A Commentary to this article was published on 14 December 2018

A Commentary to this article was published on 11 December 2018

Prostitution, payment for the exchange of sexual services, is deemed a major social problem in most countries around the world today, with little to no consensus on how to address it. In this Target Article, we unpack what we discern as the two primary positions that undergird academic thinking about the relationship between inequality and prostitution: (1) prostitution is principally an institution of hierarchal gender relations that legitimizes the sexual exploitation of women by men, and (2) prostitution is a form of exploited labor where multiple forms of social inequality (including class, gender, and race) intersect in neoliberal capitalist societies. Our main aims are to: (a) examine the key claims and empirical evidence available to support or refute each perspective; (b) outline the policy responses associated with each perspective; and (c) evaluate which responses have been the most effective in reducing social exclusion of sex workers in societal institutions and everyday practices. While the overall trend globally has been to accept the first perspective on the “prostitution problem” and enact repressive policies that aim to protect prostituted women, punish male buyers, and marginalize the sex sector, we argue that the strongest empirical evidence is for adoption of the second perspective that aims to develop integrative policies that reduce the intersecting social inequalities sex workers face in their struggle to make a living and be included as equals. We conclude with a call for more robust empirical studies that use strategic comparisons of the sex sector within and across regions and between sex work and other precarious occupations.

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Benoit, C., Smith, M., Jansson, M. et al. “The Prostitution Problem”: Claims, Evidence, and Policy Outcomes. Arch Sex Behav 48 , 1905–1923 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-018-1276-6

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Legitimization of Prostitution

Prostitution is the exchange of sexual acts for payment. There are many reasons why people enter prostitution and some of them are age, early home leaving, childhood sexual abuse, drug abuse and poverty (Sullivan, 2001). Prostitution is accompanied by many problems chief among them being physical and sexual abuse, drug addiction, low self-esteem and increased vulnerability to sexual diseases (Sullivan, 2001).

Should prostitution be legal? This question has been argued for many years. Some people believe there are potential benefits of legalizing prostitution such as increased human rights protection and health precautions (Greenberg et al, 2006). They argue that prostitution always has been and always will be.

Legalization would support safe sex practices and lead to reduction of HIV and AIDS and other STIs. Moreover, it is argued that prostitutes have a right to choose they way they earn their income. Opponents to legalization of prostitution argue that most prostitutes are forced into sexual slavery and that legalization would give rise to a black market that would be frightening and abusive (Greenberg et al, 2006).

For some other opponents to legalization, prostitution is an immoral activity that would be made moral by legalization.

In recent times, legalization of prostitution is perceived as the best option to limit the spread of AIDS. Legalization is when the State regulates the industry permitting some forms of prostitution, while others, such as street prostitution, remain criminalized.

Legalization of prostitution involves regulation of some kind: licensing or registration, zoning of street prostitution, legal brothels, mandatory medical exams and special business taxes.

Thesis: Legalizing of prostitution by allowing prostitution to be practiced in a safe and controlled environment ensuring freedom of choice for the prostitutes is the best option under the light of the fact that it has always existed since ancient times and is likely to exist in the future.

Prostitution is viewed by some feminists as a right to freedom of choice and that women have a right to do whatever they want with their bodies. But the problems associated with prostitution affect not only the prostitute, but also the community in which he or she works and the family members of the people using his or her services.

The community is affected by the wider prevalence of sexual diseases, traffic congestion and noise in the area and harassment of the residents. Families of those who indulge in going to prostitutes suffer financial losses, distrust, emotional suffering and breakups. Thus it is evident that something needs to be done about prostitution. There are three possible legal options: criminalization, decriminalization and legalization.

Criminalization causes a deep stigma to the offenders whereas decriminalization gives it an official status as work and promotes the growth of prostitution.

A 2004 report by the Swedish Ministry of Justice and the police found that criminalization of prostitution caused prices for sexual services to drop, decreased the number of clients who became increasingly violent, more wanted to pay for sex and not use a condom – and sex workers had less time to assess the mental state of their clients because of the fear of getting caught (Hanger and Maloney, 2006).

Hence the most suitable option is legalization of prostitution which is an intermediate path between criminalization and decriminalization.

Opponents of legalization argue that legalization may lead to the institutionalization of prostitution and arguably make it more difficult for workers to leave the business. Secondly they argue that legalization of prostitution might indirectly support the growth of prostitution.

Though the numbers of prostitutes are traditionally affected by demand, it is possible that greater supply under conditions of legality might increase demand. Third, it is argued that every form of legalization would be opposed by some group of prostitutes as an infringement on personal freedom (Weitzer, 2000).

Considering the issue that legalization of prostitution will make it difficult for prostitutes to leave the profession, that would depend on whether the workers are officially labeled as prostitutes via registration, licensing, special commercial taxes or a registry for mandatory health checks, or whether they identities would remain unknown to the authorities as might be the case if legalization took the form of zoning (Weitzer, 2000).

Secondly, regarding the argument that it would increase the number of prostitutes, if legalization of prostitution is limited to one or a few cities, it would undoubtedly invite an influx of prostitutes into that locale but if such legal locations were widespread, each local would hold less attraction to outside workers.

Resistance of prostitutes to legalization happens because they see no benefits in abiding by the new restrictions or they see it as an infringement on their freedom. These must be cleared by providing them with information regarding the benefits of legalization and take care that they are allowed freedom within their locale (Weitzer, 2000)..

Gerald Arenberg, executive director of the National Association of the Chiefs of Police, has come out in favor of legalizing prostitution (Bovard, 1998). In her book “Brothel”, Alexa Albert, a Harvard trained physician who interviewed young women working at a legal brothel, found that the women remains HIV free and felt safe working in a secure environment than alone on city streets. despite long hours and rules that gave too much profit to the owners, the women took pride in their work and they also earned between 300 and 1500 dollars per day (Siegel, 2005).

It has been found that laws against prostitution often seem to corrupt the law enforcement agencies and is unable to check the spread of this social evil. As prostitution is an evil in which two individuals engage in a mutually consenting manner, there is no registered complaint from either party.

Hence, law enforcers are forced to spy on probable places of prostitution or indulge in sting operations. Sometimes, policewomen masquerade as prostitutes until some guy speaks business with them, when police rush out from hiding and confiscate the person’s car under local asset-forfeiture laws.

This is what is happening in places such as Detroit; Portland, Oregon; Washington, D.C.; and New York City (Bovard, 1998). Thus making prostitution illegal only serves to bring out the worst in the law enforcers. Moreover by putting prostitutes and their customers into prison, can lead to prison overcrowding.

Dennis Martin, president of the same association, declared that prostitution-law enforcement is “much too time-consuming, and police forces are short-staffed” (Bovard, 1998). All of these facts imply that legislation of prostitution is the best way to ensure a safe environment for the prostitutes, the customers of the prostitutes and the community at large.

Prostitution is a social act that has always been considered immoral (Weitzer, 2000). Recent studies show that prostitution facilitates the spread of sexually transmitted diseases, particularly AIDS. Apart from that prostitution is dangerous as it exposes the prostitute to various forms of sexual abuses.

Due to its harmful effects on society at large, prostitution has been considered illegal. But illegality of prostitution has made it difficult for prostitutes to leave the trade and places on them a social stigma. Hence legalization of prostitution the best option for regulating the trade making the environment safe for all concerned without stigmatizing the sex workers.

Bibliography

Weitzer, John Ronald (2000). Sex for Sale: Prostitution, Pornography, and the Sex Industry. Routledge Publishers. 2000

Siegel, J. Larry (2005). Criminology. Thomson Wadsworth Publishers. 2005.

Greenberg, S. Jerrold; Bruess, E. Clint; Conklin, C. Sarah and Chisolm, M. Stephanie (2006). Exploring the Dimensions of Human Sexuality. Jones and Bartlett Publishers. 2006.

Sullivan, Mary (2001). What happens when prostitution becomes work?

Hanger, Art and Maloney, John (2006). Report of the Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights. 2006.

Bovard, James (1998). The Legalization of Prostitution. September 1998.

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Home — Essay Samples — Law, Crime & Punishment — Prostitution — My Arguments For The Legalization Of Prostitution

My Arguments for The Legalization of Prostitution

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Published: Sep 1, 2020

Words: 1038 | Pages: 2 | 6 min read

Works Cited

• Dalla, R. L. (2006). Legalizing prostitution: From illicit vice to lawful business. New York University Press.
• Farley, M., & Barkan, H. (Eds.). (2013). Prostitution, Trafficking, and Traumatic Stress. Routledge.
• Jeffreys, S. (2009). The industrial vagina: The political economy of the global sex trade. Routledge.
• Klinger, A., & Brunovskis, A. (Eds.). (2015). Human trafficking and exploitation: Lessons from history. Springer.
• Levine, P., & Walcott, S. (2011). Prostitution, harm, and gender inequality : Theory, research and policy. Routledge.
• Maher, L., & Daly, G. (Eds.). (2011). Trafficking and prostitution reconsidered: New perspectives on migration, sex work, and human rights. Paradigm Publishers.
• O'Connell Davidson, J. (Ed.). (2008). Sex, tourism and the postcolonial encounter: Landscapes of longing in Egypt. Berghahn Books.
• Outshoorn, J. (2012). The politics of prostitution: Women's movements, democratic states, and the globalisation of sex commerce. Cambridge University Press.
• Sanders, T. (2016). Paying for pleasure: Men who buy sex. Routledge.
• Weitzer, R. (2009). Sociology of sex work. Annual Review of Sociology, 35, 213-234.

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Sexual Liberation or Violence against Women? The debate on the Legalization of Prostitution and the Relationship to Human Trafficking

Jessica Swanson is a doctoral candidate in the Department of Criminal Justice at Indiana University–Bloomington. Her research interests include human trafficking and global female exploitation.

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Jessica Swanson; Sexual Liberation or Violence against Women? The debate on the Legalization of Prostitution and the Relationship to Human Trafficking. New Criminal Law Review 1 November 2016; 19 (4): 592–639. doi: https://doi.org/10.1525/nclr.2016.19.4.592

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This article explores arguments about the legalization of prostitution and how they impact human trafficking. One argument holds that prostitution is a form of sexual liberation, expression, and women’s agency. The counterargument views prostitution as a form of violence against women and maintains that, where prostitution is legal, human trafficking will increase to meet the open demand for sex. These arguments, however, do not account for variations in cultural beliefs and traditions, gender inequality, or the impact of the formation of a global society. The complementary theoretical frames of gender inequality and the formation of a global society are viewed through a global criminal justice lens. Through this framework, this article discusses the prostitution and human trafficking laws of the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, and the United States, which have varying stances on the legalization of prostitution, and how their laws create challenges for law enforcement. Without consideration for complementary theoretical frames, differing laws among jurisdictions, and challenges for law enforcement, problems such as overgeneralization, faulty assumptions, and passing ineffective or shortsighted laws will fuel the debate on the legalization of prostitution and, in turn, inhibit progress in efforts to combat human trafficking.

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Prostitution Within Nevada’s Cultural Landscape

This essay about the social and cultural perspectives on prostitution in Nevada, particularly in relation to brothels, explores the complex attitudes and debates surrounding the legalization and regulation of sex work. It discusses how Nevada’s unique legal stance on brothels offers insights into broader discussions about labor rights, safety, and the ethical considerations of commodifying the body. The essay examines the varied public opinions, from viewing regulated brothels as protective measures for sex workers to moral and ethical concerns about the impact on society and the potential for exploitation. Additionally, it touches on the portrayal of prostitution in popular culture and media, and its implications for public perception and legislation. The text also considers how Las Vegas’ tourism industry intersects with these issues, illustrating the ongoing challenge of balancing legality, morality, and cultural representation in the state’s approach to sex work.

How it works

The discourse surrounding brothels, especially in the context of Las Vegas and Nevada, presents a intricate mosaic of social and cultural viewpoints. Nevada stands apart in the United States due to its legal framework governing prostitution, which is confined strictly to licensed brothels in specific counties, excluding Clark County, where Las Vegas resides. This distinction provides an intriguing arena for exploring diverse attitudes towards sex work, the ramifications of its legalization and regulation, and its portrayal across cultural mediums.

Social and cultural perspectives on brothels in Nevada vary widely.

On one side, the legalization and regulation of brothels in certain parts of Nevada are viewed as progressive steps that offer safety, health, and legal protections for individuals working in the sex industry. Advocates argue that such measures mitigate the risks associated with street-level prostitution, such as violence and exploitation by pimps, and ensure regular health screenings to prevent the transmission of sexually transmitted infections. This viewpoint often contextualizes sex work within the broader framework of labor rights, emphasizing the autonomy of sex workers and their right to choose their profession.

Conversely, there are significant moral and ethical qualms regarding the existence and operation of brothels. Critics from various ideological backgrounds contend that the legalization of prostitution implicitly sanctions the commodification of human bodies and may not effectively combat the exploitation and trafficking of vulnerable individuals. This perspective underscores the moral quandaries inherent in sex work, prompting inquiries into societal values and the repercussions of such industries on communities.

The discourse extends to the portrayal of brothels and sex work in popular culture and media. Films, television series, and literature have depicted Nevada’s brothels in a variety of ways, ranging from glamorized and sensationalized depictions to bleak, exploitative portrayals of the seedy underbelly of society. These representations influence public perception and contribute to the ongoing dialogue, shaping the understanding and legislation of sex work against the backdrop of cultural norms and values.

Moreover, the discussion about brothels in Nevada is intricately linked to the state’s tourism industry, with Las Vegas serving as a global center for entertainment and gambling. The city’s reputation for indulgence and excess blurs the lines between legal entertainment and the illicit sex trade, complicating efforts to regulate and control the latter. The juxtaposition of legal and illegal aspects of the sex industry within the same geographical area highlights the challenges faced by legislators, law enforcement agencies, and advocacy groups in navigating these complexities.

In conclusion, the social and cultural viewpoints on brothels in Las Vegas and Nevada embody a diverse array of perspectives shaped by ethical, moral, and pragmatic considerations. The distinctive legal status of prostitution in the state serves as a microcosm for broader debates surrounding sex work, rights, and regulation. As societal values evolve, so too will the discourse surrounding brothels, necessitating ongoing dialogue and introspection to navigate the intricate interplay of legality, morality, and cultural representation. The future of brothels and sex work in Nevada will likely depend on finding a equilibrium that respects the rights and safety of sex workers while addressing the ethical concerns and cultural ramifications of prostitution in contemporary society.

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• Social Issues

Prostitution

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Essay about Legalization of Prostitution

There is an ongoing, highly controversial debate about the sex industry, which is considered one of the oldest professions. The debate revolves around whether prostitution should be criminalized, legalized, abolished, or decriminalized. Despite differing opinions from liberals and conservatives, it is important to address this issue without letting societal ethics hinder progress. This reform should not only happen in the United States but also on a global level. It is crucial to acknowledge that prostitutes are not inherently involved in harmful activities.

Although prostitution has negative consequences and can contribute to the spread of disease, criminalizing it actually exacerbates these issues instead of resolving them (Colb). To ensure equal rights for sex workers as professionals, the discourse should shift from a moral standpoint to one that emphasizes labor rights. It is crucial to recognize sex work as a legitimate form of employment and not attribute industry challenges solely to its nature. The fundamental problem lies in the vulnerability experienced by sex workers rather than the nature of their profession. Therefore, they should be entitled to equivalent labor rights and equal human rights (Lopes).

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Discrimination against women in the sex industry by the justice system is a common occurrence. In 1997, an incident took place where a man sexually assaulted a dancer at a club and continued to attack her outside. In response, she defended herself by kicking him in the head. Despite the judge recognizing her actions as self-defense, she received a two-year prison sentence and was also required to pay the assailant’s $73,000 medical bill (Graves). Extensive field research conducted across nine countries revealed alarming statistics: 60-75 percent of women engaged in prostitution experienced rape, while physical assault affected 70-95 percent of them. Furthermore, 68 percent displayed symptoms similar to post-traumatic stress disorder often observed among combat veterans and victims of state-organized torture (Global Affairs). The legalization of prostitution would not only grant sex workers their rightful rights but also promote safety for both prostitutes and society as a whole. Considering that consent exists between consenting adults involved in prostitution, it can be argued that this practice qualifies as a victimless crime.

Voluntary participation and non-intrusion on individuals’ person or property characterize these activities. Strict regulation is essential to combat the negative implications associated with this industry and eliminate much of the exploitation found in the underground economy. The combination of licensed prostitutes and governmental oversight on health inspections and registration would enable sex workers to undergo testing without facing criminalization.

The implementation of legal measures would greatly decrease the number of prostitutes afflicted with sexually transmitted diseases and HIV/AIDS. A study conducted in Australia in 1998 compared the prevalence of these infections between illegal street prostitutes and their legal brothel counterparts. The results indicated that the rate was 80 times higher among the illegal street prostitutes (Loff). Additionally, it has been observed that certain systems of legalization offer a relatively secure working environment. Although no system completely eliminates risks, women employed in legal brothels and window units in the Netherlands encounter minimal violence.

Weitzer states that workers and managers have implemented specific procedures to efficiently handle violent customers. In Nevada, legal brothels also experience a low risk of violence. This strong evidence shows that legalized brothels and workspaces can reduce the occurrence of disease, which is a significant concern. Additionally, legal brothel systems not only offer a safer work environment but also empower sex workers by granting them greater control over their working conditions and client interactions.

Moreover, the effectiveness of these initiatives in improving the safety of sex work is limited due to its illegal nature. Additionally, drug-using prostitutes can receive assistance through these programs. Furthermore, individuals engaged in prostitution often adjust their practices to avoid detection by law enforcement, even participating in riskier activities for higher pay and reduced time on the streets.

Prostituted women, regardless of whether they are involved in street, escort, or strip club prostitution, have a higher probability of acquiring STDs like HIV because they are hesitant to use condoms. Additionally, these individuals frequently encounter mental health problems. Dissociation is a coping strategy often observed among individuals who have undergone substantial trauma, such as prisoners of war, sexually abused children, and women coerced into prostitution (Farley). Consequently, it is common for prostituted women in such situations to experience dissociation, depression, and various mood disorders.

The transformation of the context of sex work is essential for reducing vulnerability among individuals involved in this profession. This involves abolishing criminal laws, facilitating visas and work permits, ensuring freedom of movement and association, and implementing regulations for occupational safety and health.

By legalizing prostitution, sex workers would receive greater protection against violence and heinous sexual crimes committed by serial killers who take advantage of their reluctance to seek help from law enforcement authorities. Without legalization, these women will continue to live in a perpetual state of fear caused by predators.

Legalizing prostitution in the United States has the potential to significantly reduce the rate of rape, with an estimated decrease of around 25,000 cases per year (Cundiff). Studies indicate that certain legalization models, such as those implemented in the Netherlands and Nevada, provide a safer working environment for prostitutes by minimizing violence (Weitzer; Klinger). Regulated brothels effectively address safety concerns and actively work towards reducing incidents of violence. In Nevada, for example, workers are protected through organized transactions, advanced technology usage, increased visibility for customers, collaborations with bureaucracy, and cooperation with law enforcement due to their legal status (Brents). Conversely, criminalizing the sex industry creates conditions that enable exploitation and mistreatment of sex workers.

Making prostitution illegal is a costly and often ineffective approach. As estimated by Bovard, each arrest for prostitution carries an average cost of $2,000. The United States faces financial burdens due to the allocation of law enforcement resources, increased spread of sexually transmitted diseases, and loss of tax revenue resulting from the prohibition of prostitution. One example is San Francisco, which annually spends millions in combating victimless crimes like gambling, drug use, and prostitution. This includes the arrest of sex workers, their subsequent processing through the Sheriff’s Office, and an average daily expense of $94 per person in jail.

The District Attorney’s Office expends resources on prosecuting cases, while the Public Defender’s Office is obligated to defend those who cannot afford private lawyers. Law enforcement has been ineffective in curbing the sex work industry in the city and is unlikely to ever succeed. However, if prostitution were decriminalized and subjected to thorough regulation, a significant reduction in exploitation within the underground economy would be achievable according to the San Francisco Bay Guardian. The aim of keeping prostitution illegal is to stigmatize sexual work as morally wrong.

According to Chittom, instead of outright banning the purchase of sex among consenting adults, the government should regulate and monitor it for societal improvement. It is important to acknowledge the existence of prostitution and ensure legal and social rights for sex workers as a way to address issues like trafficking, coercion, and exploitation. Statistics show that out of the estimated 600,000 to 800,000 people trafficked across international borders annually, 80% are women and up to 50% are underage.

Global Affairs states that hundreds of thousands of women and children are annually exploited in prostitution. According to Boucher’s report in 1997, individuals from Asia who were illegally immigrating were coerced into prostitution as a means of repaying a $40,000 transportation fee. This exploitation extended to minors as well, and similar cases are frequently documented. USA-facts suggests that implementing new laws could assist law enforcement agencies in apprehending pimps involved in sex trafficking, solicitation, and abuse. Upon arriving in North America, numerous impoverished Chinese families resorted to selling their women as slaves for sexual purposes in order to cover the expenses of their journey from China.

This contract outlines the employment terms for a woman who arrived in San Francisco, California in 1883. It includes provisions for rest during times of “menstruation disorder” and imposes penalties for sickness and pregnancy. The practice of indentured servitude was predominantly maintained by Chinese immigrants living in segregated “Chinatowns,” shielding it from the view of other societal groups (American History Online). The demand for child prostitution is increasing, as men believe it offers greater protection against disease. Many prostitutes have dropped out of high school, come from impoverished and abusive households, frequently relocate, and struggle with alcoholism and/or drug addiction (Boyer).

Establishing rehabilitation centers and anonymous organizations like Alcoholics Anonymous can address the health and social challenges confronted by prostitutes. These establishments would address their unique requirements, extending aid to those in dire circumstances while fostering a caring community that provides solace and support. Moreover, they would aid individuals seeking to exit the industry or who have already done so. Given the widespread occurrence of online victimization, especially among minors, it is vital to have easily accessible services for reporting such incidents and rendering assistance.

The National Center for Missing and Exploited Children (NCMEC), a non-governmental organization, established a cyber tip-line to combat the victimization of children. This feature enables individuals to report any suspicious or unlawful internet activities, such as the dissemination of child pornography or instances where children are solicited online for sexual exploitation (NCMEC). According to data from USA-facts, NCMEC forwarded more than 2,300 leads related to child sexual exploitation via the internet to law enforcement agencies between March and September 1998. These leads encompassed 1,653 cases involving child pornography.

The United States Violent Crime Control Act of 1994 implemented a statute that renders it unlawful to travel with the intention of participating in sexual activities with a minor. Nonetheless, opponents have highlighted a significant loophole in this legislation – it focuses on the planning and traveling for the crime rather than the actual victimization. Consequently, prosecutors must demonstrate that the offense was planned within U.S. borders, which places an overwhelming burden on them. As a result, this law inadvertently shields individuals attracted to children and highlights the necessity for reform to tackle this problem.

Due to the illegality of prostitution in numerous American states, individuals employed by third-party prostitution establishments lack legal employment status. Consequently, these workers are unlikely to have taxes subtracted from their earnings or enjoy benefits such as health insurance, disability coverage, and worker’s compensation. COYOTE is an organization that strives to enhance labor regulations regarding working conditions and advocates for more severe penalties against acts of violence targeting individuals involved in prostitution (COYOTE).

COYOTE advocates for the provision of condoms, spermicides, and other preventive supplies to all employees involved in sexual work, as well as offering training on sexually transmitted disease prevention. However, COYOTE holds differing views on medical examinations, screenings, and licenses. While they emphasize the importance of mandatory health check-ups at all brothels, they strongly oppose these examinations. Additionally, COYOTE believes that licenses are unnecessary and should not be granted.

It is crucial to include comprehensive sex education in mandatory health classes for young females who engage in prostitution during high school. This education should cover topics like birth control, sexually transmitted diseases, sexual violence, and where to seek help if victimized. Legalizing the prostitution industry would have various societal benefits such as healthcare improvement, prevention of violence, and social stability. However, by considering women’s involvement in prostitution as a legitimate practice, it reduces the government’s motivation to create job opportunities and educational programs that enhance women’s skills.

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The History Behind Arizona’s 160-Year-Old Abortion Ban

The state’s Supreme Court ruled that the 1864 law is enforceable today. Here is what led to its enactment.

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By Pam Belluck

Pam Belluck has covered reproductive health for more than a decade.

The 160-year-old Arizona abortion ban that was upheld on Tuesday by the state’s highest court was among a wave of anti-abortion laws propelled by some historical twists and turns that might seem surprising.

For decades after the United States became a nation, abortion was legal until fetal movement could be felt, usually well into the second trimester. Movement, known as quickening, was the threshold because, in a time before pregnancy tests or ultrasounds, it was the clearest sign that a woman was pregnant.

Before that point, “women could try to obtain an abortion without having to fear that it was illegal,” said Johanna Schoen, a professor of history at Rutgers University. After quickening, abortion providers could be charged with a misdemeanor.

“I don’t think it was particularly stigmatized,” Dr. Schoen said. “I think what was stigmatized was maybe this idea that you were having sex outside of marriage, but of course, married women also ended their pregnancies.”

Women would terminate pregnancies in several different ways, such as ingesting herbs or medicinal potions that were thought to induce a miscarriage, Dr. Schoen said. The herbs commonly used included pennyroyal and tansy. Another method involved inserting an object in the cervix to try to interrupt a pregnancy or terminate it by causing an infection, Dr. Schoen said.

Since tools to determine early pregnancy did not yet exist, many women could honestly say that they were not sure if they were pregnant and were simply taking herbs to restore their menstrual period.

Abortion providers described their services in discreet but widely understood terms.

“It was open, but sort of in code words,” said Mary Fissell, a professor of the history of medicine at Johns Hopkins University. Abortion medications or herbs were called “female lunar pills” or “French renovating pills,” she said.

Newspaper advertisements made clear these abortion services were available.

“Abortion is commercializing in the mid-19th century, up to the Civil War,” Dr. Fissell said. “You couldn’t pretend that abortion wasn’t happening.”

In the 1820s, some states began to pass laws restricting abortion and establishing some penalties for providers, according to historians.

By the 1840s, there were some high-profile trials in cases where women who had or sought abortions became very ill or died. Some cases involved a British-born midwife, Ann Trow Summers Lohman, known as Madame Restell, who provided herbal pills and other abortion services in New York , which passed a law under which providers could be charged with manslaughter for abortions after quickening and providers and patients could be charged with misdemeanors for abortions before quickening.

But strikingly, a major catalyst of abortion bans being enacted across the country was the emergence of organized and professionalized medicine, historians say.

After the American Medical Association, which would eventually become the largest doctors’ organization in the country, formed in 1847, its members — all male and white at that time — sought to curtail medical activities by midwives and other nondoctors, most of whom were women. Pregnancy termination methods were often provided by people in those vocations, and historians say that was one reason for the association’s desire to ban abortion.

A campaign that became known as the Physicians’ Crusade Against Abortion began in 1857 to urge states to pass anti-abortion laws. Its leader, Dr. Horatio Robinson Storer , wrote a paper against abortion that was officially adopted by the A.M.A. and later published as a book titled “ On Criminal Abortion in America. ”

Later, the association published “ Why Not? A Book for Every Woman ,” also written by Dr. Storer, which said that abortion was immoral and criminal and argued that married women had a moral and societal obligation to have children.

Dr. Storer promoted an argument that life began at conception.

“He creates a kind of moral high ground bandwagon, and he does that for a bunch of reasons that make it appealing,” Dr. Fissell said. In one sense, the argument coincided with the emerging medical understanding of embryology that characterized pregnancy as a continuum of development and did not consider quickening to be its defining stage.

There were also social and cultural forces and prejudices at play. Women were beginning to press for more independence, and the male-dominated medical establishment believed “women need to be home having babies,” Dr. Fissell said.

Racism and anti-immigrant attitudes in the second half of the 19th century began fueling support of eugenics. Several historians have said that these undercurrents were partially behind the anti-abortion campaign that Dr. Storer led.

“People like Storer were very worried that the wrong Americans were reproducing, and that the nice white Anglo-Saxon ones were having abortions and not having enough children,” Dr. Fissell said.

A moralistic streak was also gaining prominence, including with the passage of the Comstock Act in 1873, which outlawed the mailing of pornographic materials and anything related to contraception or abortion.

By 1880, about 40 states had banned abortion. Arizona enacted its ban in 1864 as part of a legal code it adopted soon after it became a territory.

The law, ARS 13-3603, states: “A person who provides, supplies or administers to a pregnant woman, or procures such woman to take any medicine, drugs or substance, or uses or employs any instrument or other means whatever, with intent thereby to procure the miscarriage of such woman, unless it is necessary to save her life, shall be punished by imprisonment in the state prison for not less than two years nor more than five years.”

“It was an early one,” Dr. Schoen said, “but it is part of that whole wave of legislation that gets passed between the 1860s and the 1880s.”

Pam Belluck is a health and science reporter, covering a range of subjects, including reproductive health, long Covid, brain science, neurological disorders, mental health and genetics. More about Pam Belluck

Wynonna Judd's Daughter Grace Kelley Charged With Soliciting Prostitution After Allegedly Exposing Herself

The singer's 27-year-old daughter was taken into custody in Alabama on April 5.

Wynonna Judd 's daughter, Grace Kelley, is facing a new charge following her arrest in Alabama.

According to booking records, Kelley has now been charged with soliciting prostitution following her April 5 arrest for allegedly exposing herself on a highway in Millbrook, Alabama. Police records obtained by ET show Kelley, 27, was booked at the Elmore County Jail on April 5 at 5:05 p.m.

She was initially booked on two charges, indecent exposure and obstructing governmental operations. Both charges are misdemeanors, but now she faces the third charge of soliciting prostitution.

Kelley allegedly "exposed her breasts and lower body" at the intersection of Interstate 65 and Highway 14, in Millbrook, Alabama, according to charging documents obtained by AL.com.  According to her booking info, Millbrook is Kelley's current city of residence.

The outlet reports that police claim Kelley sat on the roadside, refused to show police identification and refused to cooperate with police when detained. Her first court date has reportedly been set for April 11.

Kelley has had several legal problems in the past. In 2016, she was arrested for possession of meth, per The Sun . She was ordered to serve 30 days in jail and then attend a court-mandated drug recovery program. However, she left the program before completion and was subsequently sentenced to serve eight years at the West Tennessee State Penitentiary.

She was granted parole and released in November 2019, but was arrested again in August 2021 for a probation violation, according to  The Sun . She was released in December 2022, then arrested again in May 2023 for violating an order of protection and her parole. Kelley was released from prison in October 2023.

In March 2022, Kelley gave birth to her daughter, Kaliyah Chanel, while on a leave of absence from jail, and Wynonna, 59, has subsequently been taking care of her granddaughter.

In October 2022,  Wynonna appeared for an interview and performance on  Today , and revealed that her infant granddaughter had been helping her cope with the loss and loneliness she felt after the tragic death of her mother,  Naomi Judd .

"She looks right through me," Wynonna said of Kaliyah. "She gives me hope."

She added: "They give you something to think about other than yourself." 

The singer also joked that "it's nice to be with her because she doesn't care what I look like."

As ET previously reported, Naomi  died from a self-inflicted gunshot wound  in April 2022 at age 76. She and Wynonna were inducted into the Country Music Hall of Fame just one day after her death. 

Wynonna has not publicly commented on her daughter's latest legal entanglement.

Updates on Celebrity News, TV, Fashion and More!

RELATED CONTENT: 

Wynonna Judd Responds After Fans Express Concern Over CMA Performance

Why Wynonna Judd Broke Down During a Recent Concert (Exclusive)

Wynonna Judd Joins Jelly Roll For Surprise CMA Awards Performance

Wynonna Judd's 22-Year-Old Daughter Sentenced to 8 Years In Prison For Violating Probation

• Wynonna Judd

Legalization of Prostitution and Impact on Sex Slavery Essay

Introduction, works cited.

There are a variety of perspectives on the issue of legalizing prostitution. Legalization supporters know this kind of divisiveness will continue despite all sorts of prohibitions. The existence of shadow business will always be present in any country, despite a number of adopted laws. Therefore, supporters of legalization propose to establish legal protection for people working in prostitution officially. This approach can significantly reduce the number of sexually transmitted diseases. Moreover, with the establishment of taxation, as a result, workers in the field of prostitution will receive social guarantees. Furthermore, recognizing prostitution as a commercial form of life adjusts state intervention. In other words, control over the sale of sexual slavery can improve. Thus, legalizing prostitution is a good option to improve people’s livelihood and prevent human trafficking and sexual slavery. The plan for developing this concept includes legalizing prostitution and prohibiting sexual slavery or incitement.

One of the main advantages of legalizing prostitution is the possibility of an official medical examination of workers. Medical control of such enterprises at the official level makes it possible to establish a higher standard of living for workers. This is due to the taxation that arises from the legalization of prostitution (Geo, 2019). Medical insurance and other social guarantees appear. In other words, the possibility of promoting sexual slavery is greatly reduced. This is due to medical and state control over the activities and sales of organizations providing sex services.

Another reason why the legalization of prostitution becomes the optimal solution is the decriminalization of business. In countries that ban prostitution entirely, buying and selling sex services occurs at the underworld level. Researchers believe that bringing this business out of the shadows excludes the participation of criminal groups from it (Joulaei et al., 2021). Accordingly, such changes reduce the number of opportunities for people to be sold into sex slavery.

The third reason why the legalization of prostitution is practical is the increase in the social status of people. According to recent studies, people’s experience in sexual slavery shows that money prevented them from leaving the sphere (Joulaei et al., 2021). Good pay and being in shadow conditions made it possible to exist in society without exposing the proper type of activity. People were afraid of social condemnation and problems with the law. Such people are often shoved into a corner and do not see other alternatives. Therefore, the recognition of prostitution as a profession by the state can change the social perception of prostitutes by society. This can help many people who are in sex slavery to seek help from the state or people around them. The barrier of social humiliation will be minimized.

One of the main arguments against legalizing prostitution is a significant increase in workers. As the Netherlands’ experience in the legalization issue shows, the number of sex workers has increased significantly with the adoption of laws (Janssen, 2021). However, this problem did not affect the government of the Netherlands at all. In fact, by legalizing prostitution, the state recognizes the importance and contribution of sex workers. As a result, the overall growth of representatives of this profession should not be in doubt. In the Netherlands, on the contrary, they are trying to support sex workers and get rid of their stigmatization (Janssen, 2021). Thus, this argument is not relevant to preventing the legalization of prostitution.

Another counterargument is the position that the legalization of prostitution will contribute to the growth of sex slavery. The legalization of prostitution automatically increases the demand for such services (Ham, 2018). Those people who were afraid to break the law cease to be afraid of legal prosecution. Traffickers in prostitutes can more easily lure people under the pretext of official work and the provision of social guarantees. There may attract people from poorer countries (Ham, 2018). Undoubtedly, this topic is a severe consequence of legalizing prostitution. However, it is worth noting that such effects can be minimized by closer state control. With a complete ban on prostitution, the problem does not change at all. The attraction of people from poorer countries will be present regardless of the adoption of the law on legalization (Ham, 2018). In this situation, the state should address the decriminalization of criminal associations. As mentioned above, as part of the legalization of prostitution, a decrease in the level of influence of criminal groups can be achieved. Thus, sexual slavery will exist regardless of the legalization of prostitution. Therefore, the counterargument is also not relevant.

In conclusion, it is worth noting that the issue of legalizing prostitution is complex and requires the collaborative work of the state in various fields. The problem of sex slavery will not be solved only by adopting a law legalizing prostitution. Efforts are also needed toward the decriminalization of criminal organizations. However, the decision to recognize prostitution indirectly reduces the risks of sex abuse through medical, governmental, and social factors. Protection and support for sex workers should be provided by the state, which results in a higher standard of living. Because of this, people with more excellent stability will be more likely to avoid falling into sex slavery.

Freeman, Joelle. “Legalization of Sex Work in the United States: An HIV Reduction Strategy.” Legal Ethics, vol. 32, 2019, pp. 597–613.

Ham, Juile. “Using difference in intersectional research with im/migrant and racialized sex workers.” Theoretical Criminology, vol. 24, no. 4, 2018.

Janssen, Marie-Lousie. “Sex work activism and intersectionality.” Reconfiguring Stigma in Studies of Sex for Sale , edited by Jeanett Bjonness, Lorraine Nencel, & May-Len Skilbrei, Routledge, 2021, pp. 81–99.

Joulaei, Hassan, Keshavarzian, Amir, Khorsandian, Mohammadali, and Zarei, Nooshin. “Legalization, decriminalization or criminalization; could we introduce a global prescription for prostitution?” International Journal High Risk Behaviors & Addiction, vol. 10, no. 3, 2021, pp. 2–8.

• Chicago (A-D)
• Chicago (N-B)

IvyPanda. (2024, March 1). Legalization of Prostitution and Impact on Sex Slavery. https://ivypanda.com/essays/legalization-of-prostitution-and-impact-on-sex-slavery/

"Legalization of Prostitution and Impact on Sex Slavery." IvyPanda , 1 Mar. 2024, ivypanda.com/essays/legalization-of-prostitution-and-impact-on-sex-slavery/.

IvyPanda . (2024) 'Legalization of Prostitution and Impact on Sex Slavery'. 1 March.

IvyPanda . 2024. "Legalization of Prostitution and Impact on Sex Slavery." March 1, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/legalization-of-prostitution-and-impact-on-sex-slavery/.

1. IvyPanda . "Legalization of Prostitution and Impact on Sex Slavery." March 1, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/legalization-of-prostitution-and-impact-on-sex-slavery/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Legalization of Prostitution and Impact on Sex Slavery." March 1, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/legalization-of-prostitution-and-impact-on-sex-slavery/.

• The Decriminalization of Sex Work
• Decriminalization of Marijuana
• Declaiming Drugs Decriminalization
• The Decriminalization of Marijuana
• Anti-Prostitution Issue: Arguments Against Legalizing and Decriminalizing Prostitution
• Decriminalization of Drugs: Affirmative Side
• Legalization of Prostitution in America
• The Benefits of Legalizing Prostitution
• The Arguments For and Against Marijuana Decriminalization
• Sex Work: Decriminalizing or Legalizing?
• Enslaved Women in the United States
• The Juneteenth for African Americans
• The Slavery Experience: Erra Adams
• The Impact of the Slaves' Journey to the United States
• Reflection on Human Trafficking Studies

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Bts on hiatus but still packs a punch as ‘suga’ concert film pushes $1m weekend – specialty box office, breaking news.

CinemaCon: MPA Chief Blasts Piracy By “Real-Life Mobsters” Who “Engage In Child Pornography, Prostitution, Drug Trafficking” The Solution? “Site-Blocking”

By Anthony D'Alessandro

Anthony D'Alessandro

Editorial Director/Box Office Editor

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Motion Picture Assocation Chairman and CEO Charles Rivkin continued to not hold back at CinemaCon , delivering another Eliot Ness-fueled, colorful crusade speech against piracy.

“Remember – these aren’t teenagers playing an elaborate prank!” exclaimed Rivkin in a drum that’s been beaten by the MPA since the days of the org’s forefather Jack Valenti.

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'Mufasa: The Lion King' Trailer Shows Origin Tale Of Big Cat "Born Without A Drop Of Nobility In His Blood" - CinemaCon

Make no mistake here at CinemaCon where the crusade against anti-piracy is very serious. Divorce papers might have the power to slip through to movie stars on stage during studio presentations at the exhib-studio confab, but take out your phone and the security guards will jump on you — even if you’re not pointing it at the screen. Last night, CinemaCon security was especially aggressive toward attendees who casually had their phones out on armrests during the Fall Guy screening at Caesars Colosseum, even before the projector light hit the screen, barking attendees to put their phones away — and this was during the introduction when NATO exec Mitch Neuhauser and an NYC exhibitor were onstage speaking. Nothing to pirate there! On the plus side, at least CinemaCon doesn’t zip up attendees’ phones ala a Disney premiere.

Still, Rivkin seriously emphasized that piracy “steals hundreds of thousands of jobs from workers and tens of billions of dollars from our economy, including more than one billion in theatrical ticket sales.”

“Let me repeat that last point: in an average year, online piracy costs your theaters more than one billion dollars at the box office,” he emphasized.

Part of the problem with piracy in the current theatrical vs. streaming era is that clean copies of movies on short windows find their way online faster and quicker in what is even more of a game of whack-a-mole for the MPA and those crusading against piracy.

He continued, “For anybody unfamiliar with the term, site-blocking is a targeted, legal tactic to disrupt the connection between digital pirates and their intended audience.”

“It allows all types of creative industries – film and television, music and book publishers, sports leagues and broadcasters – to request, in court, that internet service providers block access to websites dedicated to sharing illegal, stolen content.”

Rivkin said that site-blocking in a common tool in 60 countries and “does not impact legitimate businesses or ordinary internet users. To the contrary: it protects them, too.” He championed that site-blocking reduces traffic on piracy sites.

“Simply put, this is a powerful tool to defend what our filmmakers create and what reaches your theaters.”

Rivkin gave an example of how site blocking works as it stifled FMovies, a piracy site that clocks over 160 million visits per month. Other nations passed site-blocking legislation, slowing traffic to FMovies, but “a third of that traffic still comes from the United States.”

“Imagine if those viewers couldn’t find pirated versions of films through a basic internet search. Imagine if they could only watch the latest great movies when they’re released in their intended destinations: your theaters,” he added.

“If we had site-blocking in place, we wouldn’t have to imagine it. We’d have another tool to make that real.”

Rivkin poured water on any notion that site-blocking gets in the way of free speech.

“Examples of free speech violations are practically non-existent,” he said, “Safeguards exist to ensure the protection of everyone’s legal rights.”

“And even if Members of Congress can’t seem to agree on much these days, surely they can find common ground on action to protect American businesses, defend American workers, and strengthen our public safety.”

Rivkin summed up, “The MPA is leading this charge in Washington. And we need the voices of theater owners – your voices – right by our side. Because this action will be good for all of us: Content creators. Theaters. Our workforce. Our country.” 

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Panama Papers: trial begins of 27 Mossack Fonseca employees

Law firm’s founders among those to face money laundering charges after leak of 11.5m files in 2016

A criminal trial of 27 employees working for the law firm at the heart of the Panama Papers on money laundering charges has commenced in a Panamanian court.

Eight years ago, leaked financial records from the law firm Mossack Fonseca sparked international outrage at the use of offshore companies by wealthy individuals to commit tax fraud and hide assets.

In 2016, files from Mossack Fonseca were leaked to reporters at the German newspaper Süddeutsche Zeitung and shared with the US-based International Consortium of Investigative Journalists. Reporters from more than 100 media organisations, including the Guardian, collaborated to investigate the 11.5m files.

The firm’s founders, Jürgen Mossack and Ramón Fonseca Mora, are among those facing charges. They have previously denied any allegations against them, arguing that they had no control over the offshore companies that the firm set up for its clients. If convicted, they reportedly face up to 12 years in prison.

According to the Associated Press , Mossack attended the hearing to declare his innocence, telling reporters outside the courtroom that he was “very optimistic”. A representative for Fonseca told the court that his client was in hospital.

Battered by international criticism, Panama adopted new legislation modernising the country’s legal definition of money laundering in 2019. Aspects of the charges against the Mossack Fonseca employees concern activities predating the change in the law, which could complicate prosecutors’ attempts to convict them, according to the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists .

Panama’s supreme court previously ruled that creating shell companies used for tax fraud could not be considered a crime if the companies in question were created prior to 2019.

Mossack and Fonseca were both acquitted of separate charges two years ago after a judge directed that the firm did not handle or attempt to hide money stolen from Brazil as part of a major corruption scandal involving the state oil company codenamed Lava Jato or the Car Wash.

Offshore companies linked more than 100 politicians from around the world, including 12 national leaders, were discovered by journalists analysing the Panama Papers. They included $2bn in an offshore company belonging to the Russian cellist Sergei Roldugin, the friend of the President Vladimir Putin.

Nawaz Sharif , then prime minister of Pakistan, and Sigmundur Davíð Gunnlaugsson , prime minister of Iceland, were both forced from office amid public fury at hidden offshore wealth connected to their families.

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Sharif was disqualified from office and sentenced to 10 years’ imprisonment by the Pakistani supreme court after reporters discovered undeclared real estate secretly owned by his family through offshore companies. Gunnlaugsson was forced to resign after it was revealed that he had never declared his family’s ownership of an offshore company with a $1m claim against one of Iceland’s failed banks.

After publication of the Panama Papers investigation, countries around the world initiated proceedings to recover unpaid taxes that had been hidden using offshore companies. By 2021 more than $1.36bn in fines and penalties for unpaid taxes were said to have been recovered by exchequers around the world, including $253m recovered by HMRC in the UK.

• Panama Papers

More on this story

Panama Papers whistleblower speaks out: ‘Politicians must act – now’

We were leaked the Panama Papers. Here’s how to bring down Putin’s cronies

EU states 'dragging their feet' over financial transparency, report finds

Panama Papers law firm Mossack Fonseca sues Netflix over The Laundromat

Meryl Streep on the Panama Papers: ‘People died to get the word out’

Fears UK law change could prevent scrutiny of money launderers

Deutsche Bank offices raided in connection with Panama Papers

Nevis: how the world’s most secretive offshore haven refuses to clean up

Money-laundering crackdown on public schools and law firms

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Ramones relatives’ legal feud threatens to derail pete davidson-led netflix movie.

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Relatives of punk legends the Ramones are dueling in lawsuits – in a long-simmering feud that threatens to torpedo a planned Netflix movie starring Pete Davidson as the band’s iconic singer.

Guitarist Johnny Ramone’s widow, Linda Cummings-Ramone, sparked the latest round of the bitter brawl in January when she sued singer Joey Ramone’s brother Mitchel Hyman and his manager David Frey for allegedly trying to cut her out of the film and the band’s merchandising deals.

But Hyman — who countersued last month — told The Post the movie isn’t a band biopic.

“It’s not a book about the Ramones,” Hyman told The Post of his 2009 memoir “I Slept with Joey Ramone,” which the movie is set to be based on.

“It’s not a Ramones story,” he said of the book, which outlines growing up with the singer who battled debilatating OCD before his 2000 death. “It’s a story about growing up with a guy … who defeated the odds and became an inspiration to millions. That’s what it’s about.”

Hyman and Cummings-Ramone have been locked in legal combat off and on for years over the Ramones and their legacy, which began in Forest Hills, Queens, back in 1974.

That’s when singer Joey (real name: Jeffrey Hyman) and Johnny (real name: John Cummings) launched the band with bassist Dee Dee (Douglas Colvin) and drummer Tommy (Thomas Erdelyi).

The band became one of the most influential groups in rock history, but only Joey and Johnny remained through various lineup changes until the band’s ultimate retirmenent in 1996. All four founders have died.

Despite their huge following and near-mythical status, the Ramones were never a commercial success.

It took 38 years for the band’s April 1976 debut to sell 500,000 copies and go gold  — and in October 2022, Joey Ramone’s estate sold a stake of his music publishing rights for $10 million.

Right now, Hyman and Cummings-Ramone have split control of Ramones Production, Inc., the company that’s in charge of the band’s work.

Hyman inherited 50% from his mom when she died in 2007, and Cummings-Ramone inherited her half when Johnny died in 2004.

In a Sunday phone interview, Cummings-Ramone told The Post that she was simply trying to protect the band’s legacy.

“This is a very unfortunate situation for Ramones fans, and widows in rock-and-roll — this is very sad, what happens to widows, when someone wants what you have,” she said.

“That’s what I’m trying to do: Protect the Ramones legacy,” she continued. “That’s all. And that was left to me by Johnny Ramone, on his deathbed. Because legacy was the most important thing to him, and the most important thing to me.”

But in their retaliatory lawsuit, Hyman — a musician himself who goes by his stage name Mickey Leigh — and Frey claimed Cummings-Ramone was trying to take over RPI and “install herself as the Queen of the Ramones.”

“Indeed, Ms. Cummings-Ramone’s main purpose is to embarrass, harass, and destroy the integrity of Mr. Hyman, create an utterly false narrative about him, rewrite her role in the history of the Ramones, and win a popularity contest in which, in her mind, she takes over RPI and the legacy of a band of which she never was a member and had nothing to do with creatively,” the scathing suit said.

“She is driven by an alternate agenda, including her own fame and vanity, as well as a self-serving desire to obstruct projects and control RPI for reasons which conflict with her fiduciary duties and cause her to avoid any modicum of cooperation with Mr. Hyman,” it continued.

And the Netflix movie — announced in April 2021 — seems to be getting caught in the crossfire.

In her January lawsuit, Cummings-Ramone claimed Hyman and Frey “repeatedly failed to disclose or seek approval from fellow RPI shareholder and Director Ms. Ramone … for the lucrative movie deal Defendants entered into unilaterally, instead seizing that substantial corporate opportunity for their own exclusive benefit.

“To permit defendants alone to tell the authoritative story of the Ramones would be an injustice to the band and its legacy,” Cummings-Ramone said in the papers, adding that it would “damage RPI and Ms. Ramone substantially and irreparably.”

She also claimed Hyman had threatened to leak “compromising private footage” that his brother had of her. Joey Ramone had allegedly dated Cummings-Ramone before she married Johnny Ramone, which created tension within the group in their final years.

Hyman and Frey both denied each allegation.

“There was never a threat with any of that, ever,” Frey told The Post. “That’s a bald-faced lie. And compromising footage? That’s a matter of opinion.”

Meanwhile, Hyman took offense to the idea that they were making a movie behind Cummings-Ramone’s back.

“What is she basing that statement on?” he asked. “What gives her the authority or the inclination to even say that? I couldn’t tell you, because I have no idea.”

Frey echoed this, saying the book and planned movie are family memoirs, not band tell-alls.

“It’s never, ever been presented as a Ramones biopic to anybody,” Frey said — but added that either way, Cummings-Ramone granted the film rights years ago.

“It’s something she signed off on in 2006,” Frey said. “Whether she remembers signing that or not, or what the circumstances were around her signing it — she did sign it. Therefore, she did grant all these rights.”

There is some question about whether the legal dogfight will shock Netflix into running away. But Hyman said he hasn’t heard anything definitive.

“It’s concerning — I guess that’s a safe word for me to use,” he told The Post. “I can’t speak for Netflix. I have a feeling they’re not happy about it. But they haven’t called and said, ‘We don’t like this, we’re done.’”

A Netflix spokesperson declined to comment Sunday.

Representatives for Pete Davidson — who is also listed as a writer and executive producer on the project — did not respond to requests for comment.

The Post has also reached out to Cummings-Ramone’s attorney.

Despite the years of infighting, Hyman said he doesn’t think it will put a dent in The Ramones leather-clad legacy.

“The Beatles aren’t any less popular with all the things we’ve heard about them,” Hyman said. “People are still gonna love the songs. I don’t see the legacy being damaged from all these things.

“But you know, it depends on the person,” he continued.

“Some people don’t read this stuff or don’t care. And some people are gossip-mongers who thrive on this s–t.”

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