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Extrajudicial Killings in the Philippines: Strategies to End the Violence

Testimony of G. Eugene Martin, U.S. Institute of Peace Executive Director of the Philippine Facilitation Project, before the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs

By: G. Eugene Martin

Publication Type: Congressional Testimony

Gene Martin testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs on "Extrajudicial Killings in the Philippines: Strategies to End the Violence."

I appreciate the opportunity to participate in this hearing on the tragic extrajudicial killings in the Philippines. Having lived in the Philippines for six years and now working to facilitate the peace process in Mindanao between the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), I am well aware of the many political, economic and social issues underlying these violent acts.

The Philippine Facilitation Project of the U.S. Institute of Peace is an excellent model for active U.S. engagement in conflict situations. At the request of the State Department, the Institute has been working for nearly four years to end conflict between the central government in Manila and the Islamic Moro people of Mindanao. The centuries long conflict has made the southern Philippines one of the most violent areas of the country. The Institute is actively exploring with negotiators from the Philippine government and the MILF alternatives for resolving the long conflict. As an independent, non-partisan federal institution, the Institute is able to promote U.S. interests unofficially. Our work gives us insights into the causes of violence in society, not only in Mindanao but nationwide. That said, my remarks represent my opinion based upon my experience and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace, which does not advocate specific policy positions.

Root Causes of Violence

I believe there are two underlying causes of the violence. First, weak political and social institutions, particularly a corrupt and ineffective justice system, prompt citizens to resolve conflicts on their own. When one cannot obtain justice through the police or courts, alternative means are found. This can be through direct personal action, drawing upon family or clan support, or arranging for criminal or revolutionary organizations to settle matters.

In Philippine society, family is primary. Nearly any action can be justified if it is to support the family. Kinship ties extend well beyond the nuclear family, into clans and tribal or community groups. Identities often are based on familial or, being an island nation, geographical relationships rather than broader nationalism. In Mindanao, much of the violence is caused by clan conflicts, known as “rido,” which can continue for generations. Absent access to, or confidence in, justice through legal mechanisms and institutions, the aggrieved party often takes direct action against the perceived offender to obtain satisfaction.

The fractious nature of society leads to weak political institutions. Elite families who hold political and economic power in much of the country often seek to maintain their power in any way possible. Elections tend to be corrupt, candidates running against incumbents are often the targets of harassment if not violence, and voters are threatened with retribution for opposition to power holders. Prime targets also for threats and violence, including killings, are media or civil society investigators into political and economic corruption.

The second underlying cause of violence is the legacy of the Marco dictatorship. Martial law politicized the institutions of government and violence against anyone perceived to be opposed to government policies was tolerated if not authorized. Soldiers, police, judges and prosecutors became perpetrators of violent actions against broad segments of the population. Extralegal arrest, detention, incarceration, disappearances and killings (known as salvaging) were condoned and used to advance the regime’s power and reduce political opposition.

Many of those who opposed the Marcos regime responded in similar fashion. Lacking legal of safe alternatives, many allied themselves with revolutionary organizations for protection and influence. These included the National Democratic Front (NDF) of the Communist Party of the Philippine (CPP) and, in Muslim areas, the Moro National Liberation Front and subsequently the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. While many if not most of those who affiliated with the NDF during martial law years were not communist, the NDF provided the only available support network against Marcos. Marcos’ militarized response to the historical struggle of the Moros against Manila’s colonial policies enhanced the appeal of those who advocated armed violence to counter military and militia pogroms against Muslim civilians. The violence of the Marcos regime abetted the communist insurgency and Moro decisions that safety was possible only through independence from the Philippines rather than by working within the political system.

Current Situation in the Philippines

I believe the present rash of violence and killings is the result of political instability and weakness. President Arroyo has expressed her determination to address and resolve the killings. She established the Independent Commission to Address Media and Activist Killings, headed by former Supreme Court Associate Justice Jose Melo. She also welcomed the investigation of Professor Philip Alston, the Special Rapporteur of the UN Human Rights Council. However, I question her capability to take the necessary steps to end the killings. She has been politically weak since her controversial election in 2004, depending upon support from military and provincial leaders to counter impeachment measures by her opponents in Congress. She has promoted military officers who support her and placed retired military and police officers in high-level civilian offices. Her challenge to the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) to eliminate the decades old communist New Peoples Army (NPA) insurgency within two years has given the AFP a green light to take any action it wishes against the NPA and their allies. Faced with a persistent low-level NPA insurgency, the military resorts to stretching counterinsurgency strategies to branding leftist organizations as enemies of the state that can be intimidated or eliminated by any means.

The communist insurgency is a serious threat to the Philippine government and democracy. The world’s last remaining Maoist insurgency, the NDF, uses violence and abuses democratic privileges to advance its power. As a legal political movement, NDF leaders are elected to Congress where they continue to oppose the administration and seek to block or destabilize government policies. During election campaigns, the NDF uses kidnappings, “revolutionary” taxes, threats and violence to support its candidates and harass opponents. The Party’s political goals are to weaken the government, gain power through coalitions and eventually replace the democratic system with an ideological communist dictatorship.

One of the legacies of the Marcos regime is the continued alienation of many civil society elements from the government and especially the military. NGOs, religious bodies, academics, small farmers, and indigenous peoples remain suspicious of government officials and military personnel because of the oppression and violence used against them during martial law. Many government officials, particularly in the armed forces and police, reciprocate the mistrust, seeing a communist hand behind civil society protests against administration policies and actions. Powerful elites influence local police or military commanders to use force against farmers’ complaints over land grabs or workers’ demonstrations over working conditions. Murders of activist farmers and labor leaders in rural provinces are covered up. Journalists investigating the crimes become targets. Similarly, prosecutors and judges are intimidated. Tragically, the result is further alienation from and resistance to the government.

The killings have become a major issue within the Philippines, yet there is little public outrage despite the release of the Melo Commission report and the initial criticisms of the Special Rapporteur of the UN Human Rights Council. Public perceptions are influenced by military and official attributions that most of the killings are internal CPP-NPA purges. Most civil society reaction has been from leftist oriented NGOs rather than mainstream organizations, further limiting public concern.

Short-Term Prospects in the Philippines

While we all hope the killings will stop immediately, I am not optimistic in the short run. I am confident, however, that through conscientious efforts by Philippine political and civil society leaders, as well as international partners such as the United States, this cycle of violence can be halted.

My pessimism over short-term remedial action by the government is based upon the following:

It is election time again. Campaigning for national elections on May 14 is well underway. Little if any serious effort will be exerted to investigate killings of political significance. In fact, as contesting parties struggle to win by any means, there will likely be an upsurge of campaign related violence.
Candidates from left-wing political parties will be particular targets. National Security Advisor Norberto Gonzales stated on March 8 that such candidates must not be allowed to win seats in the Congress. The Gonzales view that party-list candidates “are under the direct influence of the communist party” gives a potential hunting license to military and local officials who agree with him.
The new anti terrorism law, which President Arroyo signed on March 6, gives new “legal teeth” to the government’s war on terrorism. The Arroyo administration describes the law, titled the “Human Security Act of 2007,” as being “very concerned on human rights.” Many observers fear the law may increase unfettered military operations against opponents deemed to be terrorists. National Security Advisor Gonzales has already stated that the NPA will be labeled a terrorist organization when the new law is promulgated. Legal leftist organizations and elected individuals may be designated.
The new Defense Secretary, Hermogenes Ebdane, Jr., is a retired police officer. He succeeds a civilian. Senior Department of National Defense officials are now mostly former military officers rather than civilians. Secretary Ebdane likely will promote military perceptions of security threats. UN Rapporteur Alston stated “the AFP is in a state of almost total denial...of its need to respond effectively and authentically to the...killings...attributed to them.”

The killings and the state of democracy in the Philippines have implications for U.S. interests. Prolonged United States support for the Marcos regime in order to save our military bases alienated many in the Philippines. U.S. Ambassador Kenny has rightly expressed official U.S. concern over the extrajudicial killings. However, other U.S. interests—counter terrorism cooperation and training opportunities the AFP provide U.S. forces – may limit pressure on the Arroyo administration.

The U.S. Institute of Peace involvement in the Mindanao peace process provides insights into many of these issues. It is readily apparent that there are multiple, often uncoordinated, policymakers in the Arroyo administration with diverse agendas. The President has authorized her negotiators to propose a forward-looking self-determination package to the MILF. Yet, military officers in central Mindanao continue to support local political leaders who use their militia as private armies to contest MILF influence. The Arroyo administration avoids exercising national authority over local political and economic interests opposed to a peace agreement with the Moros so as to retain their support against administration opponents. It expends little effort to counter biased or incorrect media reports on Mindanao events.

Recommendations

The U.S. and other nations are not without influence to help end the violence of extrajudicial killings. The Philippines is sensitive to and dependent on the goodwill and support of its neighbors and international donors. Some useful tools include:

Donor nations and international financial institutions already have strong anti-corruption requirements for economic assistance. Linking assistance to forceful judicial reform and independent investigations of the killings would enhance the resolution of the cases.
Philippine desires to qualify for the Millennium Challenge Corporation assistance gives the U.S. influence to demand rigorous action against the killings.
The sizeable defense relationship the U.S. has with the Philippines provides a mechanism to encourage civilian control over the armed forces.
Forceful public U.S. official support for human rights reforms and protections would counter some Filipino perceptions that U.S. concern over the killings is tempered by our efforts to counter terrorism.

Model for Success

The U.S. Institute of Peace has established a unique relationship with key players in the peace process in Mindanao. Working with minimal publicity, the Institute has made a significant contribution to the progress in the talks over the past four years. The Institute has worked closely with civil society to foster open debate to mitigate Filipino public prejudice and discrimination against the Moro minority. Engaging NGOs, church leaders, educators, and media representatives, the Institute seeks to change public perceptions of the conflict and the benefits a durable peace agreement would bring the nation. Similar programs focused on highlighting a need to end the extrajudicial killings and to bring perpetrators to justice could help strengthen judicial institutions and public demands for resolution of the killings.

The Institute’s peace efforts supplement Embassy, USAID and the Pacific Command’s counterterrorism and developmental programs and priorities. Working independently but cooperatively with these official U.S. agencies, the Institute addresses the political, religious, historical and social issues underlying the conflict. Parallel programs dealing with judicial reform, civilian control over security forces, and amelioration of the communist insurgency could begin to address the causes of the killings. Institute efforts to reduce intra-Moro clan and tribal conflict through support for dialogue and cooperation among the next generation of Moro leaders could be duplicated in other conflict situations, which now end in political killings.

Regrettably, the State Department’s support for the Institute’s facilitation project is ending just as the peace process is at a critical juncture. Once the negotiators reach agreement on outstanding issues, a politically contentious, long-term transition period to implement the agreement will require close monitoring and engagement. Granting the Moros self-determination will alter power relationships in Mindanao. The potential for extralegal violence is real. Continued Institute presence is critical to help both Muslim and Christian communities through this difficult period. Without renewed funding, however, the Institute’s unique investment of trust and credibility with key players will be lost prematurely.

The coordinated approach U.S. agencies, the Institute of Peace, neighboring countries and international donors have used to advance the Mindanao peace process can be replicated to resolve the extrajudicial killings. U.S. interests would be served and the Philippines would benefit.

Thank you Madam Chairman. I welcome your questions and those of your colleagues.

The views expressed in this testimony are those of the author, not the U.S. Institute of Peace, which does not take positions on policy issues.

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Stop the killings!

UN Human Rights Council, investigate the human rights situation in the Philippines! During the 44th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UN HRC) in June 2020, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet reported the widespread and systematic human rights violations in the Philippines. The High Commissioner found that domestic mechanisms have failed to ensure accountability, and that there is persistent impunity for human rights violations. She also cited that authorities’ harmful rhetoric inciting hatred and violence against women, human rights defenders, political opposition, civil society, indigenous peoples, drug users and peddlers, and relief workers, which continued during the COVID-19 period, could amount to a violation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Weeks after the release of Bachelet’s comprehensive report, the human rights situation in the Philippines took a turn for the worse. In the first week of July, the President signed the Anti-Terror Act that is seen as a measure that will aggravate the attacks and vilification of human rights defenders and civil society. The exercise of fundamental freedoms and rights has been compromised, with numerous challenges to press freedom and activists and protesters arrested and detained on flimsy charges. In August, only days apart, peasant leader Randall Echanis and health activist Zara Alvarez were summarily executed in separate incidents, following the killings of relief worker Jory Porquia, peasant leader Nora Apique and urban poor leader Carlito Badion during the COVID-19 lockdown. The lawyer and paralegal volunteer assisting the family of Echanis are now facing police complaints for allegedly obstructing its investigation. Threats of violence, including death threats, against activists and human rights defenders have continued unabated. We must put a stop to these unrelenting attacks now. And this worsening situation would not end as long as those who perpetrate them run free and unscathed. These perpetrators must be brought to justice before any court, tribunal or body that will act independently, with impartiality, and effectively, having allegiance to human rights and justice instead of powers that be. We need true accountability and genuine transparency in the inquiry into these human rights violations, removing the possibility that investigations would only shield and even absolve the persons liable for the crimes. We cannot rely on the promise of a government that has shown great disdain and disrespect of human rights to exact accountability and operate with transparency. This government has shown nothing but contempt for individuals and experts, including those in the UN and the International Criminal Court, who independently and impartially seek investigation into the relentless human rights violations in the Philippines. The Philippine Justice Secretary, during the 44th UNHRC Session, denied the existence of impunity in the Philippines, promising the creation of an inter-agency panel to review the 5,655 killings during the police’s anti-illegal drug operations. He denied allegations of widespread and systematic killings as well as other human rights violations. He stressed that the Government has respected human rights and other fundamental freedoms, reiterating the existence of accountability measures, such as an inter-agency committee on extralegal killings, enforced disappearances, torture, and other grave violations of the right to life, liberty and security of persons. We have witnessed a long history of domestic inter-agency task forces and fact-finding commissions promising to act without fear or favor. But we repeatedly have been frustrated and even enraged by the fruitlessness and ineffectiveness of these so-called domestic accountability measures. Rather than help, these government bodies have even contributed to the infrastructure of impunity and miscarriage of justice against the victims of human rights violations. With the 45th session of the Human Rights Council beginning today, we call on the UN Human Rights Council to exercise its mandate and urgently create an independent and impartial investigative mechanism on the rampant extrajudicial killings and human rights violations in the Philippines. The Human Rights Council’s action may contribute significantly to deter further human rights violations in the Philippines. Likewise, we also support other initiatives in urging States all over the world to send the message that such level of impunity in the Philippines is unacceptable. This must happen now before we lose another Zara Alvarez, another Randall Echanis, another Jory Porquia, another Kian delos Santos, and another Filipino to these cruel, widespread and systematic violations.

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Take action: 10 ways you can help end violence against women

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Hero 10 ways you can help end violence against women

During the annual 16 Days of Activism against Gender-based Violence , UN Women stands united with survivors, activists, decision-makers, global citizens, and the UN system. Together, we are spotlighting the urgent need for robust funding, essential services, and financing of prevention initiatives and data collection that shape better-informed responses to gender-based violence.

Ending violence against women is everyone’s business. Here are ten ways you can make a difference, safely and impactfully.

1. Listen to and believe survivors

When a woman shares her story of violence, she takes the first step to breaking the cycle of abuse.

It is on all of us to give her the safe space she needs to speak up and be heard.

It is important to remember that when discussing cases of sexual violence, a victim’s sobriety, clothes, and sexuality are irrelevant.

The perpetrator is the sole reason for assault and must bear the responsibility alone. Call out victim-blaming and counter the idea that it is on women to avoid situations that might be seen as “dangerous” by traditional standards.

Survivors of violence are speaking out more than ever before, and everyone has a role to play to ensure they can have justice.

Do not say, “Why didn’t she leave?”

Do say: “We hear you. We believe you. We stand with you.”

2. Teach the next generation and learn from them

The examples we set for the younger generation shape the way they think about gender, respect, and human rights. Start conversations about gender roles early on, and challenge the traditional features and characteristics assigned to men and women. Point out the stereotypes that children constantly encounter, whether in the media, on the street, or at school, and let them know that it is OK to be different. Encourage a culture of acceptance.

Talk about consent, bodily autonomy, and accountability in an age-appropriate way to boys and girls. For example, discuss the importance of a clear “yes” from all involved, the fact your body is yours and you make choices over what happens to it, and of how we must always take responsibility for our actions. It is important to also listen to what children have to say about their experience of the world. By empowering young advocates with information and educating them about women’s rights, we can build a better future for all.

3. Call for responses and services fit for purpose

Services for survivors are essential services.

This means that shelters, helplines, counseling, and all support for survivors of gender-based violence need to be available for those in need.

Every year, the 16 Days of Activism campaign calls for united, global action to end all forms of violence against women and girls.

This year the United Nations, together with our partners, are demanding increased investments to end violence against women and girls.

Join us in calling on governments to bridge funding gaps to address violence against women and girls , invest in prevention initiatives, ensure essential services for survivors of violence are maintained, implement prevention measures, and invest in collecting the data necessary to adapt and improve life-saving services for women and girls.

4. Understand consent

Freely given clear consent is mandatory, every time.

Rather than listening for a “no”, make sure there is a clear “yes”, from all involved. Adopt clear consent in your life and talk about it.

Phrases like “she was asking for it” or “boys will be boys” attempt to blur the lines around sexual consent, placing blame on victims, and excusing perpetrators from the crimes they have committed.

While those that use these lines may have fuzzy understandings of consent, the definition is crystal clear. When it comes to consent, there are no blurred lines.

Learn more about consent .

5. Learn the signs of abuse and how you can help

There are many forms of abuse and all of them can have serious physical and emotional effects. If you’re concerned about a friend who may be experiencing violence or feels unsafe around someone, review these signs and learn about the ways to help them find safety and support.

If you think someone is abusing you, help is available . You are not alone. If you’d like to talk with a trained advocate at a helpline, we compiled this list of resources around the world .

6. Start a conversation

Violence against women and girls is a human rights violation that’s been perpetuated for decades.

It is pervasive, but it is not inevitable, unless we stay silent.

Show your solidarity with survivors and where you stand in the fight for women’s rights by oranging your social media profile for the 16 Days of Activism – you can download banners for Facebook and Twitter here .

On Instagram, you can use UN Women’s face filter to spread the word and encourage your community to do the same.

Use #orangetheworld, #16Days, and #GenerationEquality to start your own conversation about gender-based violence, or share some of the content from our social media package .

7. Stand against rape culture

Rape culture is the social environment that allows sexual violence to be normalized and justified, fueled by the persistent gender inequalities and attitudes about gender and sexuality. Naming it is the first step to dismantling rape culture.

Every day we have the opportunity to examine our behaviours and beliefs for biases that permit rape culture to continue. Think about how you define masculinity and femininity, and how your own biases and stereotypes influence you.

From the attitudes we have about gender identities to the policies we support in our communities, we can all take action to stand against rape culture.

Learn more ways to stand against rape culture .

8. Fund women’s organizations

Donate to local organizations that empower women, amplify their voices, support survivors, and promote acceptance of all gender identities and sexualities.

UN Women works with women’s organizations everywhere to end violence against women, assist survivors, and secure equal rights for women and girls everywhere. Donate now .

Find out more about how women ’ s organizations prevent violence against women and girls.

9. Hold each other accountable

Violence can take many forms, including sexual harassment in the workplace and in public spaces.

Take a stand by calling it out when you see it: catcalling, inappropriate sexual comments, and sexist jokes are never okay.

Create a safer environment for everyone by challenging your peers to reflect on their own behaviour and speaking up when someone crosses the line, or by enlisting the help of others if you don’t feel safe.

As always, listen to survivors and make sure they have the support they need.

10. Know the data and demand more of it

To effectively combat gender-based violence, we need to understand the issue.

Relevant data collection is key to implementing successful prevention measures and providing survivors with the right support.

Gaps in gender sensitive data collection have become more glaring than ever. Call on your government to invest in the collection of data on gender-based violence.

Find out at how UN Women works to bring about a radical shift in how gender statistics are used, created and promoted .

Originally published on Medium.com/@UN_Women .

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In the Democratic Republic of Congo, a woman walks through Rusayo camp for internally displaced people in August 2023. Located outside of Goma, the camp emerged as a shelter for people taking refuge from violence and, according to the World Food Programme, has grown from housing 45,000 people in January 2023 to 95,000 people by February 2024. Photo: UN Women/Ryan Brown.

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[From The World Is Yours to Change by Daisaku Ikeda, Asahi Press, Tokyo, 2002]

She still looked at him as if she did not understand. The sergeant repeated-- "What party do you belong to?" "I don't know." "Are you Blues? Are you Whites? Who are you with?" "I am with my children." --From Victor Hugo's Ninety-Three

It was quiet inside. The air was taut with tension as people packed the cathedral, anxious to hear Archbishop Oscar Romero's sermon.

There had already been far too many deaths in El Salvador. The horror of violence blanketed this small Central American country. People fearfully wondered, "Will I be next?"

The tiny minority of the rich lived in fear of the guerrilla insurgents, afraid of being kidnapped or killed. The great majority of ordinary citizens feared the ruthless oppression of government forces. Often, the army would appear suddenly and begin rounding people up, including innocent men and women who had nothing to do with the guerrillas. The soldiers were free to kill people on the spot, to arrest and torture them, or simply to "disappear" them.

In 1975, soldiers had gunned down 20 students in broad daylight on a busy street of the capital, San Salvador. The priests who stood up against these acts of official terror were killed off as well. In 1977, an entire village was massacred as a warning to anyone who dared oppose the government.

And it did not end there. In 1979, several hundred citizens had gathered before the Metropolitan Cathedral to call for the release of the "disappeared." When the police and National Guard came and opened fire on the protesters, the steps went red with a river of blood.

Since the start of 1980, killings had averaged ten per day. Rows of bodies, mutilated beyond recognition, would be discovered. Voices of outrage and grief swept across the land: "Give us back our fathers, our sons, our daughters, our mothers!"

The sermon was delivered on March 23, a Sunday in 1980. Archbishop Romero lifted his voice. "At a [village], I was told a terrible account: On March 7, near midnight, a truck filled with soldiers . . . broke into a house and threw the entire family out. They raped four young girls, savagely beat their parents and warned that if they said anything, they would pay the consequences."

The archbishop went on sharing the "events of the week" that had not been reported by the newspapers or television. His sermon was heard by the entire nation, carried on a radio program broadcast by the Church. People living in neighboring countries also gathered before their radio sets to listen.

Archbishop Romero had made clear his support for the national strike that took place six days earlier. The goal of the strike, he said, was "to denounce something that cannot be tolerated."

Not only was the country gripped by the fear of violence, 70 percent of children under the age of five were suffering from malnutrition. Forty-five percent of the population did not have access to safe drinking water. The vast majority of peasants did not own their own land and were barely able to eke out a living. Half could not attend school; they would never be able to read nor escape from a life of poverty. They had neither electricity nor running water.

In contrast, just two percent of El Salvadorans belonged to the privileged class, but they controlled some 60 percent of the land. They lived a life of luxury in expensive homes built in exclusive communities.

It had not been Archbishop Romero's intention originally to speak on political matters in church. Yet the situation in his country was so desperate that he felt he could no longer remain silent.

Should religion be content only addressing matters of the afterlife? No. Absolutely not. As another priest had said: "How can we tell a parent to be grateful that his child has starved to death because that child can now go to heaven?"

The archbishop ended his sermon with a plea to every soldier and police officer in El Salvador, some of whom sat before him in the audience. "Brothers, each one of you is one of us. We are the same people. The campesinos you kill are your own brothers and sisters."

People began to clap. The archbishop was right!

"When you hear the words of a man telling you to kill, remember instead the words of God, 'Thou shalt not kill.' God's law must prevail. No soldier is obliged to obey an order contrary to the law of God."

The cathedral now shook with applause. The archbishop speaks the truth, a murmur swept through the parish. Yes. The utter truth!

"In the name of . . . our tormented people who have suffered so much . . . , I beseech you, I beg you, I order you," his voice raised to a final, thunderous crescendo, "in the name of God, stop the repression! "

The next day, Archbishop Romero was assassinated. He was murdered in the middle of Mass, the bullets piercing his chest and face.

The people were stunned: How could they kill this great man of peace!

Sparked by this act of terror, full-scale civil war erupted in El Salvador. This was exactly what the archbishop had risked everything to avoid.

"Keep People Ignorant"

"The underlying cause of the El Salvadoran civil war was, to put it simply, because the path to democracy had been closed." So explained Rector Rosendo Mauricio Sermeño of the Latin American University of Technology when I met him in April 2000.

The fighting had shut down the national university, and young people no longer had the opportunity to pursue their education. Rector Sermeño, a courageous and spirited educator, could not bear watching this tragedy unfold, so he and those who shared his vision together established the Latin American University of Technology.

El Salvador is a country slightly larger than Japan's Shikoku Island. Since the days of Spanish colonial rule, an elite minority had dominated the politics and economy of the country. Anyone who tried to change this corrupt and irrational system was labeled a communist and ruthlessly suppressed.

As many as 30,000 people were killed when the government put down an uprising in 1932--a figure equal to two percent of the population at the time. The same percentage of Japan's present population would amount to 2.4 million deaths. And for the next half century, military governments remained in power.

Under martial law, the police could arrest citizens without a warrant. People were killed simply for looking suspicious. Elections were farces; public rallies were banned and newspapers censored, although few citizens were able to read them in the first place.

"The literacy rate in our country is low," Rector Sermeño explained. "The powerful elite believed that an uneducated public was easier to control. The authorities sought to suppress the people's capacity for critical thought."

Keep the masses ignorant and deny them access to the truth, demanded those in power. They only need to heed our commands! Beyond that, there's nothing they need to know!

Oppression led to despair, which in turn intensified the attacks of the insurgents. "They have closed every avenue for us to express our concerns," they declared. "We have no choice but to fight."

The guerrillas bought weapons with ransom money gained by abducting the rich and powerful. They destroyed telegraph and telephone lines, and crippled the transportation network. Buses were bombed as a way to punish their owners, but it was a dangerous tactic that put people who rode the vehicles at risk. Even if warnings were issued in advance and passengers given a chance to flee, this might minimize but not eliminate casualties.

Eventually, even those who sympathized with the rebels began to speak out against this strategy. There was no need, they said, to add to the suffering of the poor. The collecting of a war tax from people, known as a "revolution tax," was unpopular as well.

Addressing the Root Cause

Archbishop Romero detested violence. To him, violence, for whatever reason, was wrong, a sin. He saw a difference between officially sanctioned murder at the hands of the military and police and the acts of those fighting against that brutality, in the same way that the invading Nazis could not be equated with the Resistance fighters who opposed them. Nevertheless, violence could not be condoned. Killing is wrong and life irreplaceable. Where, then, was a solution to be found?

The one thing clear to all was that, if the goal was to subdue the rebels, violent repression was the worst possible way to achieve it.

So long as the root causes--the immense gulf between rich and poor and a political system that denied citizens their human rights--remained unchanged, it did not matter how many guerrillas were killed. New recruits would rise up, one after another, from the ranks of peasants and the streets of slum districts.

In one incident, El Salvadoran soldiers on a "guerrilla hunt" wiped out an entire village because the villagers were suspected of harboring rebels--a crime the army asserted was just as grave as active insurgency.

The blood of any boy would boil with hatred toward the soldiers he saw burn down his home, kill his father or rape his mother. Another guerrilla fighter would be born.

How could a mother whose daughter had been burned to death ever be expected to understand that this and other barbarous acts were necessary to protect El Salvador from communist guerrillas, to preserve freedom and order?

The more repressive the authorities became, the more evident it became that they had no intention of changing their ways. Confronted with such arrogance, even the politically moderate members of society who had previously despised the rebels began to change their minds.

The civil war swept through the land, and the fighting became part of daily life. The sound of gunfire was constant. After dark, bombs would explode in scattered parts of the city. No one dared to be out on the streets at night.

While the rich could afford to take refuge in Miami, the poor could not. The number of refugee camps grew as more people fled the fighting. These camps gave shelter to children who had lost arms and legs, their sight or hearing. Amid the most miserable conditions, the children died, the youngest first.

Adults in the camps were likely to have found someone to blame, someone to curse, as death overtook them. Children, on the other hand, trusted adults to the very end, thanking their mothers as they died without complaint.

I am not being sentimental or melodramatic. There is nothing melodramatic about demanding that the world save mothers and children. Nor is this simplistic idealism, based on ignorance of the realities of international politics. Indeed, I believe that nothing is more tangible or more real than such suffering. I hold that the true purpose of politics is to exhaust every conceivable avenue in the effort to transform this stark reality of human suffering.

I look to Josei Toda, the second president of the Soka Gakkai, as my mentor in life. When he assumed the presidency of the lay Buddhist organization in 1951, the Korean War was raging. "I do not at this time intend to discuss the outcome of the Korean War, nor the policies or ideologies involved," Mr. Toda stated at a special general meeting held prior to his inauguration:

"I am here to deplore what the war has wrought--the untold number of people who have lost their husbands, whose wives were killed, who search for missing children and parents . . . "

No doubt there are people who have lost everything they owned, dying on the streets in grief and pain. Or youths who have died filled with outrage, angrily demanding to know why they had to give up their lives. Or elderly women killed even as they cried out that they had done nothing wrong. And no doubt there are bands of children who can only wonder why others have parents and siblings while they do not.

Most of these people probably had little idea of what communist ideology is, or why the United Nations forces have come to their land. If they were asked, "Whose side are you on?" I can imagine their surprised faces and then their unhesitating reply, "I am on the side of food, I am for shelter."

Mr. Toda's sympathies always lay with the weak and poor. He knew that any way of thinking that does not issue from a concern for the plight of such people is without roots in reality, that it is nothing but empty theory.

He saw through such theories. He knew that any system of thought that is blind to the welfare of ordinary people can cause terrible suffering, cutting through people's lives with the sharp blade of cold abstraction.

No Sacrifice Is Inevitable

Every leader claims to be working for the sake of the people.

Every war is fought in the name of peace.

No war, however, is without its victims.

"That's war, after all. Some sacrifice is inevitable!" We must be fully vigilant against such views, not letting them take root within us even for a moment. For they express a nauseating disregard for life. They embody the delusions that lock humankind into endless cycles of war. They bear the seeds of global conflict.

Whether a person is killed by rebels or by soldiers, the tragedy is in no way lessened. That is why ordinary citizens cry out: "There's been too much slaughter! Stop the killing!"

Violence is never the answer to violence. To kill under the pretext of protecting life only perpetuates the cycle of slaughter. If we desire the fruits of peace, we must sow the seeds of peace.

The life of a single individual is more precious than all the treasures of the universe. Do not report blandly, "Two civilians were found dead." Rather, weep with us over "the death of José," "the killing of Maria"!

It is not enough to write, "Family of five dead." No. Tell us the names of the mother, father and children and the story of their lives. Tell us of their struggle with hunger, the meager meals they shared, the modest hopes they nursed. Tell us of the days when they huddled together with no words to express what they felt, or of the occasional mornings when they drew water from the well with smiles on their faces.

Let the world know the details of their lives, and of the utter cruelty with which those lives were destroyed.

No Peace by Force of Arms

I asked Rector Sermeño what had been the key to finally ending the civil war in 1992, after 12 long years of conflict.

His answer was to the point. "The basic cause was that both parties realized that, no matter how hard they tried, they could never defeat the other side."

What had become clear was that no amount of armed struggle could bring peace.

The fighting had become pointless. It knew no end. The army was being equipped with a limitless supply of weapons from their allies abroad. What the guerrillas lacked in sophisticated weaponry, they made up in morale.

But people, everyone, had grown disgusted with the war. Some 75,000 people had been killed, and another 8,000 had been "disappeared." To what end were citizens killing their fellows? People had seen far too many dead bodies. They began demanding that both sides in the conflict stop. The fighting had resolved nothing. It was time to talk, time to think of the children's future. All over the country, there were children who had never known life without war.

Other countries had repeatedly tried to get the warring parties to the negotiating table, but every attempt had ended in failure.

"Negotiate with them!? Give us a break! They aren't the kind of people you can talk to!" With both sides convinced that the other side was evil incarnate, peace negotiations seemed a distant dream.

And yet the war finally did end. Peace came through the efforts of then President Oscar Arias Sánchez of Costa Rica and the leaders of other neighboring countries as well as through the good offices of then United Nations Secretary-General Javier Péres de Cuéllar. The dramatic changes in the international climate resulting from the end of the Cold War were also a major impetus.

True courage is not found in settling differences with military force. Rather, we must find the courage to engage in dialogue! That is when humanity truly triumphs.

As Armand Calderón Sol, who became president of postwar El Salvador, observed: "What we seek from the bottom of our hearts is a culture of peace. It is a philosophy that treasures tolerance, human rights and cultural values. The challenge for humankind today is to advance our human revolution and construct a peaceful society."

His words make it clear that the only path to peace is for human beings to change our culture, our way of thinking, ourselves. This is an appeal that issues from the depths of suffering endured by a country shattered by war. As such, it carries an incalculable weight.

Against this backdrop, the moral leadership of Rector Sermeño, who kept lit the beacon of education through the long night of terror, shines all the more brightly. The rector literally risked his life in order to teach, leaving his home even when gun battles had erupted and curfews were imposed.

"All I could think of was my students," he recalled. "I could not bear to think of young people being deprived of the opportunity to learn."

How does this educator, with his great love for humanity, define education? "It is a process," he says, "that teaches people to cherish and respect all living things."

I must agree. Education should not be based on or limited by a nationalist agenda. Education must cultivate the wisdom to reject and resist violence in all its forms. It must foster people who intuitively understand and know--in their minds, in their hearts, with their entire being--the irreplaceable value of human beings and the natural world.

I believe such education embodies the timeless struggle of human civilization to create an unerring path to peace.

Addicted to Money

Rector Sermeño is also a leading figure in the movement to protect El Salvador's natural environment. In his view, the world today is spinning out of kilter, hobbled by a fearfully large "glitch."

As he explains it: "Latin America is a land blessed with resources. Yet people are forced to lead a life of abject poverty. And in many cases, the industrialized nations are not accurately informed of the predicament the Third World faces . . . I believe modern man has become the victim of the most dangerous of all drugs--money. Starting with the corporation, every system in society today lacks morality and spirituality at its base and is controlled solely by the laws of the market. In this system, everything is sacrificed as the pursuit of profit is given the highest priority. Workers are categorized in either one of two ways--they are overworked as mere cogs in the machine, or they are cast aside as unproductive.

"Under this system, we are forced to shut our eyes and close our hearts to the destruction of nature or the suffering of other people. As a greater number of forests are cut down and erosion sets in, our precious water resources and fertile soil are lost. These same regions are also vulnerable to torrential rains, and millions of people may fall victim to flooding. While the poor stand helplessly by and watch, the rich industrialists in their lavish offices, as if gloating over a job well done, congratulate one another on increased profits. As long as this system remains intact, genuine peace will never come."

The gap between rich and poor is blatantly unjust. The apathy of the "haves" toward the "have-nots" is openly inhumane. Each day in our world, 30,000 children under the age of five die of easily preventable diseases and malnutrition. Some 20,000 of these children never see their first birthday. And yet nations continue to buy the latest high-tech missiles at the cost of some US$1 million each.

What would intelligent beings from another planet think if they saw Earth today? Would they think that they had discovered a civilized society on this planet?

The lessons imparted by the civil war in El Salvador are profound. Every war, when viewed from the undistorted perspective of life's sanctity, is a "civil war" waged by humanity against itself.

When brothers and sisters of the human family kill one another, there are no victors.

Works Consulted

Armstrong, Robert and Janet Shenk. El Salvador: The Face of Revolution . Boston: South End Press, 1982.

Chunanbei Seiji Mondai Kenkyukai (Research Group for Latin American Politics). "El Salvador Peace Negotiation." Informacion Latin-Americana , Vol. 35 (1992; No. 11, No. 12), Vol. 36 (1993; No. 1, No. 2). Tokyo: Latin American Society.

Didion, Joan. Salvador . New York: Wallace & Sheil Agency, 1983.

Hugo, Victor. Ninety-Three . Trans. by Frank Lee Benedict. New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers, 1988.

Metzi, Francisco. Por los caminos de Chalatenango--La Salud en la mochila . San Salvador: UCA Editores, 1988.

Nagakura, Hiromi. Naisen--El Salvador no minshu (The Civil War--The People of El Salvador). Tokyo: Bansei-sha, 1983.

Tanaka, Takashi. "El Salvador: A Case Study of Conflict Resolution Through National Reconciliation." Central America in the Post-Cold War Era: From Conflict to Peace . Ed. by Akira Ishii. Tokyo: Institution of Developing Economies, 1996.

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