martin luther king i have a dream essay

"I Have a Dream"

August 28, 1963

Martin Luther King’s famous “I Have a Dream” speech, delivered at the 28 August 1963  March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom , synthesized portions of his previous sermons and speeches, with selected statements by other prominent public figures.

King had been drawing on material he used in the “I Have a Dream” speech in his other speeches and sermons for many years. The finale of King’s April 1957 address, “A Realistic Look at the Question of Progress in the Area of Race Relations,” envisioned a “new world,” quoted the song “My Country ’Tis of Thee,” and proclaimed that he had heard “a powerful orator say not so long ago, that … Freedom must ring from every mountain side…. Yes, let it ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado…. Let it ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let it ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let it ring from every mountain and hill of Alabama. From every mountain side, let freedom ring” ( Papers  4:178–179 ).

In King’s 1959 sermon “Unfulfilled Hopes,” he describes the life of the apostle Paul as one of “unfulfilled hopes and shattered dreams” ( Papers  6:360 ). He notes that suffering as intense as Paul’s “might make you stronger and bring you closer to the Almighty God,” alluding to a concept he later summarized in “I Have a Dream”: “unearned suffering is redemptive” ( Papers  6:366 ; King, “I Have a Dream,” 84).

In September 1960, King began giving speeches referring directly to the American Dream. In a speech given that month at a conference of the North Carolina branches of the  National Association for the Advancement of Colored People , King referred to the unexecuted clauses of the preamble to the U.S. Constitution and spoke of America as “a dream yet unfulfilled” ( Papers  5:508 ). He advised the crowd that “we must be sure that our struggle is conducted on the highest level of dignity and discipline” and reminded them not to “drink the poisonous wine of hate,” but to use the “way of nonviolence” when taking “direct action” against oppression ( Papers  5:510 ).

King continued to give versions of this speech throughout 1961 and 1962, then calling it “The American Dream.” Two months before the March on Washington, King stood before a throng of 150,000 people at Cobo Hall in Detroit to expound upon making “the American Dream a reality” (King, Address at Freedom Rally, 70). King repeatedly exclaimed, “I have a dream this afternoon” (King, Address at Freedom Rally, 71). He articulated the words of the prophets Amos and Isaiah, declaring that “justice will roll down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream,” for “every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low” (King, Address at Freedom Rally, 72). As he had done numerous times in the previous two years, King concluded his message imagining the day “when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing with the Negroes in the spiritual of old: Free at last! Free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!” (King,  Address at Freedom Rally , 73).

As King and his advisors prepared his speech for the conclusion of the 1963 march, he solicited suggestions for the text. Clarence  Jones   offered a metaphor for the unfulfilled promise of constitutional rights for African Americans, which King incorporated into the final text: “America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned” (King, “I Have a Dream,” 82). Several other drafts and suggestions were posed. References to Abraham Lincoln and the  Emancipation Proclamation  were sustained throughout the countless revisions. King recalled that he did not finish the complete text of the speech until 3:30 A.M. on the morning of 28 August.

Later that day, King stood at the podium overlooking the gathering. Although a typescript version of the speech was made available to the press on the morning of the march, King did not merely read his prepared remarks. He later recalled: “I started out reading the speech, and I read it down to a point … the audience response was wonderful that day…. And all of a sudden this thing came to me that … I’d used many times before.... ‘I have a dream.’ And I just felt that I wanted to use it here … I used it, and at that point I just turned aside from the manuscript altogether. I didn’t come back to it” (King, 29 November 1963).

The following day in the  New York Times,  James Reston wrote: “Dr. King touched all the themes of the day, only better than anybody else. He was full of the symbolism of Lincoln and Gandhi, and the cadences of the Bible. He was both militant and sad, and he sent the crowd away feeling that the long journey had been worthwhile” (Reston, “‘I Have a Dream …’”).

Carey to King, 7 June 1955, in  Papers  2:560–561.

Hansen,  The Dream,  2003.

King, Address at the Freedom Rally in Cobo Hall, in  A Call to Conscience , ed. Carson and Shepard, 2001.

King, “I Have a Dream,” Address Delivered at the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, in  A Call to Conscience , ed. Carson and Shepard, 2001.

King, Interview by Donald H. Smith, 29 November 1963,  DHSTR-WHi .

King, “The Negro and the American Dream,” Excerpt from Address at the Annual Freedom Mass Meeting of the North Carolina State Conference of Branches of the NAACP, 25 September 1960, in  Papers  5:508–511.

King, “A Realistic Look at the Question of Progress in the Area of Race Relations,” Address Delivered at St. Louis Freedom Rally, 10 April 1957, in  Papers  4:167–179.

King, Unfulfilled Hopes, 5 April 1959, in  Papers  6:359–367.

James Reston, “‘I Have a Dream…’: Peroration by Dr. King Sums Up a Day the Capital Will Remember,”  New York Times , 29 August 1963.

I Have a Dream Speech

Martin luther king, jr., everything you need for every book you read..

HISTORIC ARTICLE

Aug 28, 1963 ce: martin luther king jr. gives "i have a dream" speech.

On August 28, 1963, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., gave his "I Have a Dream" speech at the March on Washington, a large gathering of civil rights protesters in Washington, D.C., United States.

Social Studies, Civics, U.S. History

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On August 28, 1963, Martin Luther King, Jr., took the podium at the March on Washington  and addressed the gathered crowd, which numbered 200,000 people or more. His speech became famous for its recurring phrase “I have a dream.” He imagined a future in which “the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners" could "sit down together at the table of brotherhood,” a future in which his four children are judged not "by the color of their skin but by the content of their character." King's moving speech became a central part of his legacy. King was born in Atlanta, Georgia, United States, in 1929. Like his father and grandfather, King studied theology and became a Baptist  pastor . In 1957, he was elected president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference ( SCLC ), which became a leading civil rights organization. Under King's leadership, the SCLC promoted nonviolent resistance to segregation, often in the form of marches and boycotts. In his campaign for racial equality, King gave hundreds of speeches, and was arrested more than 20 times. He won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1964 for his "nonviolent struggle for civil rights ." On April 4, 1968, King was shot and killed while standing on a balcony of his motel room in Memphis, Tennessee, U.S.

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Read Martin Luther King Jr.'s 'I Have a Dream' speech in its entirety

Civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr. addresses the crowd at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., where he gave his "I Have a Dream" speech on Aug. 28, 1963, as part of the March on Washington. AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr. addresses the crowd at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., where he gave his "I Have a Dream" speech on Aug. 28, 1963, as part of the March on Washington.

Monday marks Martin Luther King, Jr. Day. Below is a transcript of his celebrated "I Have a Dream" speech, delivered on Aug. 28, 1963, on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial. NPR's Talk of the Nation aired the speech in 2010 — listen to that broadcast at the audio link above.

Martin Luther King Jr. and other civil rights leaders gather before a rally at the Lincoln Memorial on Aug. 28, 1963, in Washington. National Archives/Hulton Archive via Getty Images hide caption

Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.: Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But 100 years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself in exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check.

Code Switch

The power of martin luther king jr.'s anger.

When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men — yes, Black men as well as white men — would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked insufficient funds.

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.

Martin Luther King is not your mascot

We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.

Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quick sands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

Civil rights protesters march from the Washington Monument to the Lincoln Memorial for the March on Washington on Aug. 28, 1963. Kurt Severin/Three Lions/Hulton Archive/Getty Images hide caption

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. 1963 is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.

There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.

Throughline

Bayard rustin: the man behind the march on washington (2021).

We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.

And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, when will you be satisfied? We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.

We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: for whites only.

We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.

No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.

How The Voting Rights Act Came To Be And How It's Changed

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our Northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

So even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.

People clap and sing along to a freedom song between speeches at the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom in 1963. Express Newspapers via Getty Images hide caption

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day down in Alabama with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right down in Alabama little Black boys and Black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

Nikole Hannah-Jones on the power of collective memory

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This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning: My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrims' pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that, let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, and when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, Black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: Free at last. Free at last. Thank God almighty, we are free at last.

Correction Jan. 15, 2024

A previous version of this transcript included the line, "We have also come to his hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now." The correct wording is "We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now."

Martin Luther King’s “I Have a Dream”

I have chosen the speech of Martin Luther King I Have a Dream for the analysis, as it is on the top of the ranking list. Martin Luther King is a widely known politician, who wanted to bring the equality to the American society and make the United States a pleasant place for all nations (Bruns 46).

In turn, Martin Luther King had a high understanding of the subjects due to his cultural and political backgrounds. The problem about the unity and the essentiality of freedom strongly refers to the American nation and speaker, as every individual wants his/her rights respected and his/her contribution appreciated.

According to the speech, the problem has a vehement impact on the living conditions on the different social classes of the United States of America for a long time, since Martin Luther King strongly often starts the sentences with the phrase “One hundred years later” (King par. 3).

It could be said that it was necessary to perform the speech during these years, as the rights of the different minorities were violated. Finally, Martin Luther King had a high referral to the topic of the speech due to his belonging to the cultural minority.

Martin Luther King proclaimed his speech during the March for jobs and freedom in Washington (Echols x). The occasion was the best time to deliver the speech with the similar content, as the event supported the origins of the respect of freedoms of the individuals. The audience were the regular working class, who belonged to different ethnicities (“Martin Luther King, Jr.”).

It remains evident that the audience is excited about the occasion, as they have a chance to protect their rights and improve their living conditions in the American society. As for me, I have chosen this speech, as it was able to change the attitudes towards different ethnicities in the United States of America. I was a fundamental aspect, which contributed to the cultivation of multiculturalism and equality in the American society.

It could be said that the purpose was to underline the unity of the nation and bring the equality to the American society. He wanted to cultivate the dynamics towards the multicultural and integrated nature of the American culture (Vail 51). Nonetheless, the core purpose lays in the necessity to bring the equality to the ethnic minorities, as King mentions “Negro” several times (King par. 3).

As for the supporting materials, he highly refers to the past by addressing that nothing has changed in the past one hundred years. It remains evident that Martin Luther King starts his speech with the introduction, as he thanks the audience and mentions “we” to underline his unity with the people (King, par. 1). It creates the friendly relationship with the audience quickly.

The next point is to present the primary goal of the speech by claiming that the discrimination still has a tendency to exist. The presentation of the fundamental aspect is rather long, and it could be noticed that a high number of repetitions is implied. Despite this negative aspect, Martin Luther King was still able to deliver the main point and colors and motivate the society.

Lastly, the speaker finishes his speech with the referral to God and the proposal for action by the phrase ““Free at last! Free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!” (King par. 30). These words add the final point to the discussion by the creation of the necessity to change the world.

As for the delivery of the speech, Martin Luther King mastered the language and the verbal delivery of the speech to the audience. In this instance, the speaker actively uses sequential transition “and so” to attract the attention of the audience to the conclusion (King par. 3).

Additionally, he often uses the word “but” to address the problem, for instance, in the phrase “But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt”, he emphasizes that the issue of the recognition of human rights has a tendency to exist (“Martin Luther King, Jr.”). Lastly, the speaker actively utilizes parallelism but repeating “one hundred years later” constantly (King par. 3).

All these transitions emphasize the significance of the subject, and he underlines these words with the intonation. As for the body language, he acts confident and emotional simultaneously and expresses his emotions on his face (“Martin Luther King, Jr.”). It could be said that Martin Luther King makes the audience believe in his words by using a combination of these speech delivery techniques.

The audience seems supportive at the end of the speech, as they scream in joy and happiness after the performance (“Martin Luther King, Jr.”). It remains evident that Martin Luther King was able to touch their feelings and woke up the nature of the fighter for freedom in every individual.

In conclusion, it could be said that the speech was effective, as Martin Luther King was able to implement a sufficient combination of speech delivery techniques, structure, and sentence parallelism to deliver the critical ideas to the public. Nonetheless, the primary aspect, which underlines a high efficiency of the achievement, is the ability to change the thinking of the American society by cultivating the essentiality of equality and respect to the minorities in future.

Works Cited

Bruns, Roger. Martin Luther King, Jr: A Biography , Westport: Greenwood Press, 2006. Print.

Echols, James. I Have a Dream: Martin Luther King Jr. and the Future of Multicultural America , Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2004. Print.

King, Martin 2015, I Have a Dream . 

“Martin Luther King, Jr. I Have a Dream Speech.” Youtube . Youtube, 2013. Web.

Vail, Mark. “The “Integrative” Rhetoric of Martin Luther King Jr.’S “I Have a Dream” Speech.” Rhetoric and Public Affairs 9.1 (2006): 51-78. Print.

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I Have a Dream” Rhetorical Mastery

Introduction.

One of the landmarks of the American Civil Rights Movement refers to the “I Have a Dream” speech by Martin Luther King Jr., which was delivered during the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom in 1963. Infused with an irresistible concoction of moral courage and rhetoric, this speech has outlived its timeframe, representing the unending crusade against injustice and discrimination.

In this iconic speech, King eloquently expresses his views on how America could be transformed into a color-blind nation while incorporating elements such as ethos, pathos, and so much more. The strength of his ethos comes from his position as an admired leader in the Civil Rights Movement and a symbol of goodness that permeates throughout the speech. At the same time, he applies pathos to touch the very essence of the listener’s feelings and ignites with the light of hope the flames of suffering caused by racism. Carefully woven in its fabric is the logical use of logos, which provides the structure of a sequence of ideas upon which he bases his plea for justice.

The thesis proposes that King achieves his goal with rhetorical devices such as allusion and strategic repetition of what is perhaps the most potent refrain in American history – “I have a dream.” This sets up an analysis of how through rhetorical de

Background and context

In particular, there was considerable race discrimination, racial segregation, and a total disregard for justice for black Americans in American history at that time. This was a period whose hallmark was the endless struggles of the activists and political leaders with their focus on bringing down the racial apartheid system. The objective of this venture was to enact civil rights legislation, stop separation, and eliminate socio-cultural inequality that maintained racism.

One of the most critical events in this troubled period was the march on August 28, 1963, known as the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. The march was organized to bring together around 250,000 persons from different groups represented in a coalition of civil rights organizations, labor unions, and religious groups. It was used as a platform for economic equality and the promotion of civil rights legislation to end race segregation. Through his speech “I have a dream,” which he gave at the backdrop of the Lincoln Memorial, Martin Luther King Jr. left a scar in the consciousness of the national population.

There is no denying that “I have a dream” cannot be undermined in the framework of the civil rights movement. Millions had hopes in King’s speech, which entailed that people should be judged on merits and not the color of their skin. Therefore, this speech became the battle cry that represented the desire for equality among the people who were involved with this struggle, and is currently the foundation on which their heritage is built upon.

Text Selection and Overview

The choice of Martin Luther King Jr.’s “I have a dream” speech, which has made an unforgettable mark in American history as well as has played an important role in the promotion of civil rights movement. The March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom speech of 1963 is one of the most notable moments of the fight to end discrimination based on race. This means that this speech makes a great subject for detailed study due to King’s eloquence, moral authority and manipulation of rhetoric.

While short, it has enough substance to guide us through all the rhetoric (Aranda et al., 2021). The text is based on reliable old-time sources as it can be traced back in an archival history. The King’s choice of words is quite conscious; pace, pitch, the speech’s power depends on it.

An analysis is most effective when applied to speech which falls in a moderate length. A brief text may be too shallow for exploring the full range of rhetorical devices, and a verbatim may exceed the limits of comprehension. Concision and significance, in “I Have a Dream”, enable us to examine closely King’s persuasive techniques (pathos, ethos, logos), rhetorical device, anaphora, and the issue addressed. The moderate length of this speech and its historical significance makes it a great candidate for a comprehensive rhetorical study

Initial Impressions and Author’s Tone

The initial time I listened to Martin Luther’s “I Have a Dream” speech, the responses had a crucial effect on me. Kings’ words were so direct that they instantly touched one’s heart. There was an inner feeling that this was the fight for justice (Decker, 2020). Emotional energy and high-minded vision ensured that one would remember the potency of eloquence.

As we analyze King’s tone, it shows a fine balance between urgency and hope. The tone is passionate and cautious, taking into account the seriousness of the matter but with unbowed faith in the future. In a very deep sense, King uses a tone, which both reflects upon the brutality that comes with racism and rouses the people to imagine a better society devoid of prejudices and inequalities. Carefully crafted and powerful tone creates an emotional bond that magnifies the impression of King’s appeal for equality and justice.

Ethos: King’s Credibility and Authority

Towards the cause of equality and justice, Martin Luther King Jr. was the most prominent leader, who fought in the historical backdrop of the Civil Rights movement. So, he was involved in important events of the movement and his position brought about great influence to the entire movement by way of being a nonviolent activist. Ethos can also be felt during King’s “I Have a Dream” speech when he utilizes his personal experiences with segregation. He achieves this by relating his aim to fundamental values underpinning the country’s existence since inception, such as the document of emancipation proclamations and the Declaration of Independence.

Pathos: Emotional Appeals in the Speech

The speech involves a lot of emotional moments, and King effectively evokes different emotions through this. The moving narration about “the shameful state” under which racial inequality existed, and the hope that one day no child will “be judged only based on skin color but by their content”. The emotional appeals work deeply into the hearts of the audience, making them have a similar feeling, like in pain and hope. Therefore, if King connects emotionally with his hearers, he will bring about an inner-resolve to fight for what is fair and justness which will in due time unite them and give them a motive that they are working on something collectively.

Logos: Logical Structure of King’s Arguments

The structured organization ensures that the logical flow in the piece is very clear. To start with, he reviews the context of history and creates well-grounded arguments on civil rights and why they are much needed here (Suddaby et al., 2022). He achieves this through parallelism as well as repetition, which makes his points clearer and memorable. The logos makes this speech strong in that it presents a reasonable pattern for King’s thought process. Logical continuation of this argument emphasizes the necessity of these changes and makes it easy for them to assimilate this information into their social and political outlooks. Logos is used strategically to enhance the forcefulness of the appeal.

Anaphora: Skillful Deployment for Rhythmic Emphasis

Indeed, one powerful aspect of Martin Luther King Jr.’s “I Have a Dream” speech is the effective use of anaphora. In addition, King deliberately uses the word “I have a dream” in the speech, which acts as a binding fiber with periodic pulsations and strong vibration. In doing so, this deliberate recurrence creates an impression of continuance and immerses the audience in the vision that King expresses. The term anaphora comes from the Greek language and refers to repeated words or phrases at the beginning of consecutive clauses. It serves as a strong style in rhetoric, conferring emphasis, memory, and emotional effect. An example for anaphora is the reoccurring sentence: ‘I have a dream’ found in King’s speech. This repeated phrase stresses some points and desires towards one ideal goal – peaceful world devoid of the racial conflicts. Anaphora contributes a lot to the rhythm and emotive power in a speech. Through a repetitive structure, which creates a rhythm, attention is captured, emphasizing the importance of King’s appeal. These ideals are equally as important as other aspects because they involve intentional repetition and, thus, etch themselves into the listeners’ memories. Anaphora makes King’s monologue more than just a declaration of abstract ideas; it gives it the pulse which turns it into a rhythmical plea for social change.

Thesis Statement Reiteration

The analysis underscores the validity of the thesis statement: Using rhetoric, King was able to employ ethos, pathos, and logos to advocate for his point that “his dream was inseparable from America’s dream”. While “I Have a Dream” is not just an ordinary speech, the thesis still sustains its validity.

A close analysis of MLK’s “I Have a dream” reveals how these are the pillars of its persuasiveness – ethos, pathos, logos and anaphora. The ethos of the speech lies in King’s credibility as a civil rights leader based on his commitment to justice and freedom. Throughout its arguments, there is a strong element of pathos that contributes to this power. It invites people to see the “shameful state” of racism as being an insult to their very character. Moreover, the logos is supported by the logical structure, evident in the speech’s ordered presentation of the history followed by the vision toward racial equity. Rhythmic anaphora, shown in “I have a dream” refrain, turns the speech into a strong appealing call for social change. Even though King’s speech had been spoken in a particular time, it has turned out to be an eternal symbol for new generations which encourage them to strive for harmony and justice.

Aranda, A. M., Sele, K., Etchanchu, H., Guyt, J. Y., & Vaara, E. (2021). From Big Data to Rich Theory: Integrating Critical Discourse Analysis with Structural Topic Modeling.  European Management Review . https://doi.org/10.1111/emre.12452

Chabouni, B., Benbousaad, G., & AbdelhakMokhtari. (2023). Unveiling the U S Linguistics Landscape of Racism and Resistance in the 1960’s, A Descriptive and Critical Discourse Analysis of African American Society through the Lens of Martin Luther King and Malcom X.  Dspace.univ-Medea.dz . http://dspace.univ-medea.dz/handle/123456789/9837

Decker, M. (2020, May 20).  Civil society and civil discourse: Eloquence and hope in the communications of presidents Abraham Lincoln, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Barack Obama . Twu-Ir.tdl.org. https://twu-ir.tdl.org/handle/11274/12442

Rose, J. (2019). The Drum Major Instinct: Martin Luther King Jr.’s Theory of Political Service. In  Google Books . University of Georgia Press. https://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=YZKODwAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PP1&dq=In+the+historical+backdrop+of+the+Civil+Rights+Movement

Suddaby, R., Israelsen, T., Bastien, F., Saylors, R., & Coraiola, D. (2022). Rhetorical History as Institutional Work.  Journal of Management Studies . https://doi.org/10.1111/joms.12860

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“I Have a Dream” by Martin Luther King: What Has Changed Essay

Introduction.

The present day America is definitely not the America which Dr. King had dreamt about with no divide between the blacks and whites or the poor and the rich. The class divide still continues to exist in America even today and “some people in America were to have privileges and rights which were not accorded to others” (Sullivan, 2005; pg. 390). There has never been a “level” playing field for the blacks and reality in America differs from the lofty ideals and speeches held by the top policymakers of the nation.

To begin with, the Sullivan (2005) asserts that “America was not established as a democracy” (pg. 390). The constitution was drafted by the framers in such a manner that only White men who owned acres of land and property would be given the right to voice their opinion and decide the functioning of the government “including the right to vote” (pg. 390), while the working classes, the poor, the blacks were not allowed to take part in these all important decision making processes of the country.

The author makes a crucial point here that if the “dream” to provide all Americans the same legal rights, irrespective of their race, color, or financial status, why would the makers of the constitution with great ‘dreams” have begun in the most divisive manner? If the dreams were true then why were equal rights not granted to the people in the original draft of the constitution? Sullivan points that even today the class divide continues to exist in America by the many laws which are framed to benefit only the whites.

The author mentions one of the many such laws like the bankruptcy law for private citizens, which makes it difficult for them to declare bankruptcy. While on the other hand, it is no big deal for “corporations to declare bankruptcy, wipe clean the financial slate and get a fresh start” (pg. 390). Sullivan also reflects concern and anger over the fact that due to the rising inflation, American wages “have been on a serious decline” so that workers who are entirely responsible for the production continue to earn less whereas “corporate profits and CEO salaries continue to soar” (pg. 390).

Additionally, the facts revealed by Sullivan (2005) affirm that companies like Wal-Mart pay extremely low salaries to their workers, “around seven dollars per hour” and do not provide them any additional benefits. Workers have no rights and are “brutally overworked and underpaid” and have the constant fear of being “terminated any time for any reason” looming over their heads (pg. 390).

All these facts anger me and I certainly think that this is obviously not the America which people would want to live in and would want their children to grow up in.

Voicing similar concerns Meyers states that politics actually refers to the instant “when people get together to influence government, change their own lives, and change society” (Moyers, 2007; pg. 411). Moyers points to the growing divide in the American society between the rich and the poor and how this divide is widening day by day. Citing examples from real life Moyers talks about the two families, one black and the other white, and relates their sorry tale which turned their “personal tragedy into a political travesty” because they had lost their belief in the political system and felt that “they no longer matter to the people who run the country” (Moyers, 2007; pg. 413).

Moyers (2007) states that the notion of “any American child” reaching the top is changing with the increasing economic divide between the rich and the poor. This divide due to inequality of income between the American is so severe that Moyers fears that “the united states risks calcifying into a European-style class-based society.” The stratification of the education system in accordance with the social class is resulting in lesser resources at schools for poor children as compared to the schools to which the richer children go. Moyers state that the situation has been deeply aggravated by “America’s great companies” in which it is extremely difficult for people to rise up the hierarchal ladder from the bottom to the top, on the basis of their hard work and determination.

Thus, there is enough evidence which proves that the dreams of Dr. King are clearly far away from accomplishment. It angers me that the political system of America is more in favor of the rich than the poor. It also saddens me that my children do not have the facility of going to a good school with better resources simply because as parents we cannot afford such schools. I feel deeply hurt that basic amenities like school and education are divided on the basis of income and if this is how our children begin their education, I wonder how they will grow up to realize that as Americans, we are all equals!

Moyers Bill (2005). A Time for Anger, A Call to Action.

Sullivan Charles, (2005). Rich vs. Poor. Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company.

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Home — Essay Samples — Social Issues — I Have a Dream — “I Have a Dream” Rhetorical Analysis Essa

"I Have a Dream" Rhetorical Analysis

• Categories: I Have a Dream Martin Luther King Rhetorical Question

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Published: Sep 14, 2018

Words: 617 | Page: 1 | 4 min read

In his iconic speech delivered on August 28, 1963, on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C., Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. passionately addressed the pressing issues of segregation, racism, and civil rights in the United States. Known as the "I Have a Dream" speech, this historic oration aimed to inspire change and justice, making it one of the most renowned speeches in history. Themes of freedom, unity, justice, and injustice permeated Dr. King's speech, emphasizing the core values that underpinned the civil rights movement. His use of emotional appeal, or pathos, stirred compassion and determination within his audience, making them feel a shared sense of purpose.

By skillfully weaving together rhetorical devices, pathos, ethos, and logos, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. effectively delivered a message that resonated deeply with his audience. The "I Have a Dream" speech was not just a pivotal moment in American history but also a call to action, inspiring countless individuals to work towards equality and justice for all.

Hook Examples for Martin Luther King Essay

• An Icon’s Words: In the turbulent 1960s, Martin Luther King Jr.’s words echoed through the American conscience, igniting change and inspiring hope. In this essay, we’ll delve into the power of his speeches and the lasting impact of his message.
• Walking the Path of Justice: Martin Luther King Jr.’s journey for civil rights wasn’t just a historical moment—it was a lifelong commitment. Join us in this essay as we trace the steps of a leader who fearlessly walked the path of justice.
• From Montgomery to Memphis: The Civil Rights Movement was a defining chapter in American history, and Martin Luther King Jr. was at its forefront. Explore the pivotal moments and sacrifices in the life of a man who became an icon of change.
• The Dream Lives On: More than five decades after his death, the dream of Martin Luther King Jr. continues to resonate. In this essay, we’ll examine how his legacy shapes the ongoing struggle for equality and justice.
• A Man of Peace: In a world marked by turmoil, Martin Luther King Jr. stood as a beacon of nonviolent resistance. Join us as we explore the principles of peace and equality that defined the life of this remarkable leader.

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The Morning

What groups need affirmative action.

The demise of the old version of affirmative action is likely to affect some of its previous beneficiaries much more than others.

By David Leonhardt

Two economists — Ran Abramitzky of Stanford and Leah Boustan of Princeton — embarked on an ambitious project more than a decade ago. They wanted to know how the trajectory of immigrants to the United States had changed since the 1800s. To do so, Abramitzky and Boustan collected millions of tax filings, census records and other data and analyzed upward mobility over time.

Their findings, published in a 2022 book titled “Streets of Gold,” received widespread attention. The data showed that recent immigrant families had climbed the country’s ladder at a strikingly similar pace to immigrant families from long ago, even as the profile of those immigrants has changed. “The American dream is just as real for immigrants from Asia and Latin America now as it was for immigrants from Italy and Russia 100 years ago,” Abramitzky and Boustan wrote.

As in the past, immigrants themselves tend to remain poor if they arrive poor, as many do. But as in the past, their children usually make up ground rapidly, regardless of where they come from. Within a generation or two, immigrant families resemble native families in economic terms. ( See graphics that explain the research .)

The findings were surprising partly because the American economy has been so disappointing over the past few decades. Overall upward mobility has declined sharply . Immigrants and their descendants, however, have been a glorious exception. For a mix of reasons — including their willingness to move to U.S. regions with strong economies — immigrant families have kept climbing society’s ladder.

This encouraging pattern obviously challenges the dark view of recent immigrants that conservatives sometimes offer. Yet it also challenges one part of the liberal consensus — about affirmative action.

Until the Supreme Court banned race-based affirmative action last year, many beneficiaries were descendants of recent immigrants, from Latin America, Africa and elsewhere. But if immigrant families are making progress more than the average American family, did they need affirmative action? And now that the old policy is gone, which groups of Americans are truly vulnerable?

Fairness vs. diversity

I thought about these questions while reading a new Times Magazine essay on affirmative action by my colleague Nikole Hannah-Jones. She tells the story of the policy’s beginnings in the 1960s and makes a point that is sometimes forgotten. When John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson created affirmative action, they did not do so in the name of diversity. Only later did diversity become the policy’s main rationale, largely because of a 1978 Supreme Court decision.

Affirmative action was created in the name of fairness — to address the oppression of Black Americans. That oppression has spanned not only centuries of slavery, but also policies that continued into the 20th century, such as segregation of jobs, schools and neighborhoods and whites-only mortgage subsidies. The white-Black wealth gap remains so large today partly as a result.

As Johnson said in 1965 , “You do not take a person who, for years, has been hobbled by chains, liberate him, bring him to the starting line of a race, saying, ‘You are free to compete with all the others.’” Or as Martin Luther King Jr. said, “A society that has done something special against the Negro for hundreds of years must now do something special for him.”

At the time, the U.S. was about 95 percent white or Black and only about 5 percent Asian or Latino. In 1965, though, a new immigration law passed, leading to a surge in immigrants. Soon, affirmative action grew to include many of them and their descendants.

It became a program of “diversity and inclusiveness and not racial justice,” Nikole writes. Progressive groups, she notes, began to use the term “people of color.”

There are certainly arguments for this approach. Many immigrants did, and do, experience discrimination. Of course, the same was once true of Irish, Italian and Jewish immigrants, and their families nonetheless climbed society’s ladder. The research by Abramitzky and Boustan shows Asian and Hispanic immigrants are following a similar path. (Affirmative action itself has been too narrow a policy to be a major reason, and some versions of it already excluded Asian Americans before the Supreme Court decision.)

The continued existence of anti-Asian or anti-Hispanic hate — or antisemitism, which is on the rise, as Franklin Foer documents in The Atlantic — is outrageous. But it does not necessarily justify affirmative action for these groups. All of them fare markedly better on many metrics than Black Americans, or Native Americans , who have also endured centuries of oppression. Consider life expectancy:

Life expectancy in the U.S.

U.S. average

Affirmative action is a thorny issue, and reasonable people will have different views. Whatever your view, Nikole’s essay highlights a point worth mulling: The demise of the old version of affirmative action is likely to affect some of its previous beneficiaries much more than others. Given this country’s treatment of Black and Native Americans, they are at particular risk.

For more: I recommend you make time for the essay this weekend. In it, Nikole suggests a version of affirmative action specifically for the descendants of enslaved people.

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Cracking up: These are 22 of the funniest books since “Catch-22,” as chosen by three Times book critics. Why “Catch-22”? The 1961 novel “gave writers permission to be irreverent about the most serious stuff — the stuff of life and death,” the critics write, setting off a new era of humor in literature. Their list includes:

“Tales of the City,” by Armistead Maupin (1978)

“Heartburn,” by Nora Ephron (1983)

“Lightning Rods,” by Helen DeWitt (2011)

See the full list .

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THE MORNING RECOMMENDS …

Serve dinner in 30 minutes with this lemony shrimp and bean stew .

Make the most of your walks .

Show someone that they’re loved with a care package .

Buy a hot tub . (Why not?)

Take our news quiz .

Here is today’s Spelling Bee . Yesterday’s pangrams were bathing and inhabiting .

And here are today’s Mini Crossword , Wordle , Sudoku and Connections .

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P.S. Today marks Wordle’s 1,000th puzzle. To celebrate, the Empire State Building lit up in Wordle’s signature colors.

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David Leonhardt runs The Morning , The Times’s flagship daily newsletter. Since joining The Times in 1999, he has been an economics columnist, opinion columnist, head of the Washington bureau and founding editor of the Upshot section, among other roles. More about David Leonhardt

I Have a Dream

By martin luther king, jr..

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

In a sense we’ve come to our nation’s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked insufficient funds.

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so we’ve come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God’s children. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro’s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. 1963 is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: in the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. (My Lord) Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny, and they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro’s basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating for whites only. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.

I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice (Yeah), sweltering with the heat of oppression (Mhm), will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification”, one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

This will be the day, this will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with new meaning: “My country, ‘tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim’s pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring!”

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that: Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. And when this happens (Let it ring, Let it ring), and when we allow freedom ring (Let it ring), when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men, and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: “Free at last! Free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"

King recites the first verse of America - My Country 'Tis of Thee , towards the end of his speech. Visit American History and the African American Library for other important historical documents and figures which helped shape America.

Return to the Martin Luther King, Jr. library , or . . . Read the next essay; We Shall Overcome