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Freedom of information.

Laura L. Stein Laura L. Stein Moody College of Communication, University of Texas at Austin
and Lindita Camaj Lindita Camaj Jack J. Valenti School of Communication, University of Houston
https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228613.013.97
Published online: 26 February 2018

Freedom of information (FOI; also known as right to information and access to information) laws around the world establish rights and procedures around access to public information. Normative assumptions examine what’s behind FOI legislation, including rationales stemming from human and political rights frameworks, participatory democratic theory, and transparency and accountability initiatives. Although the freedom of information concept first arose as part of 18th-century enlightenment thinking, recent FOI law took shape in the mid-20th century, influenced by post–World War II human rights treaties, incentives provided by transnational organizations and funders, and individual country support for access to government information. Today, the majority of the world’s countries have FOI laws, most of which were adopted after 1990. FOI laws commonly address who can request information, who must provide information, what information is accessible, what information must be proactively disclosed, and what information is exempted from the law. FOI laws also establish procedural rules around information requests, including mandated response times for requests, appeals processes for denied requests, penalties for improperly withholding information, processes fees, and government reports on the law’s usage. Only a small percentage of people make FOI requests in most nations. Although it varies from country to country, requests from specific groups, including private individuals, commercial businesses, journalists, and nongovernmental organizations, often predominate. FOI requests may be political, professional, or personal in nature, although many FOI laws prohibit governments from asking about or evaluating the reasons for an information request. The ability of FOI laws to provide effective access to information depends on several factors. These include how the laws are written, public awareness of FOI, the cooperation and compliance of government agencies and institutions, and broader political and social conditions affecting FOI implementation and use. Scholars have measured the effects of FOI laws in both quantitative and qualitative terms. While quantitative data yield a picture of who uses FOI laws and how frequently, qualitative and anecdotal data provide ample evidence that such laws have had a positive impact on individuals’ abilities to obtain and use public information. Finally, FOI laws are necessary, but not sufficient, mechanisms for producing more accountable governments. They are unlikely to accomplish government reform on their own, but they can help expose and reform democratic deficits and push governments toward broader democratic reforms.

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Normative Assumptions Behind FOI Legislation

Multiple rationales surround freedom of information laws, which establish rights and procedures around what different countries have variously termed freedom of information (FOI), access to information (ATI), and right to information (RTI). FOI supporters commonly assert the law’s ability to serve as a tool for achieving desirable social and political outcomes, including government accountability, good governance, and economic development. These and other rationales for FOI in turn stem from different frames of reference that emphasize various, though often overlapping, purposes. These frames include broader discourses and philosophies pertaining to human rights, political rights, participatory democratic theory, and transparency and accountability initiatives.

Early conceptualizations of FOI in the 20th century were part of international declarations of universal legal principles that sought to find a firmer foundation for law and morality in the aftermath of Nazi atrocities in World War II. These laws sought to protect what were seen as fundamental civil, political, and economic rights grounded in the “inherent dignity” and “equal and inalienable rights” of all human beings (Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Preamble, 1948 ). Within this human rights framework, the freedom to “seek, receive and impart information” was intended to help redefine power relationships among the various groups in society that have a stake in public information (Snell & Sebina, 2007 ; Stiglitz, 2002 ). The FOI provisions included in early human rights treaties were designed to tackle the inherent information asymmetry between those that govern and the governed and mend potentially problematic relationships between citizens and their governments (Snell & Sebina, 2007 ). These treaties conceived of governments as the guardians of public information on behalf of citizens rather than that information’s owners. They also provided a legal mechanism through which citizens could access government information proactively instead of passively waiting for the government to release information at its discretion (Paterson, 2008 ). FOI principles sought to empower “the right-holder (the subject of the right) to demand information from the duty-bearer (in this case the state),” creating a mechanism whereby the state would be accountable to citizens to perform this duty (Calland & Bentley, 2013 , p. 71).

FOI has also been understood within a liberal political rights framework that views rights as tools both to restrict state power and to further collective public interests. The liberal democratic tradition holds that all citizens should participate in self-governance and that rights are a central means of protecting individual liberty. In this view, the ability of citizens to act as rational political beings, to self-govern, and to participate in civic life is central to representative democracy (Dahl, 1989 ; Habermas, 1991 ). In this approach, FOI is necessary to protect both the functioning of democracy as well as other political rights. Democratic functioning requires informed citizens to collectively determine the larger public good and to possess the information necessary to choose leaders who represent their views and interests. FOI laws serve as tools to address democratic deficits and even developmental failures (Gaventa & McGee, 2013 ). FOI also acts as a leverage right (Jagwanth, 2002 ) or a prerequisite for the exercise of other socio-democratic rights (Calland & Bentley, 2013 ; Gaventa & McGee, 2013 ). For example, information about the activities of politicians is necessary to effectively exercise voting rights, and knowledge of government policies and procedures may be necessary to obtain government services or benefits.

Ideas about FOI also stem from more participatory democratic traditions within liberal democratic theory. Participatory democratic theory places greater emphasis on citizen participation in democratic processes, seeks to extend democratic decision-making more broadly throughout political and social institutions, and asserts that citizens require adequate resources to enable participation (Held, 1987 , p. 262). Ideally, citizen participation should not be limited to voting for representatives but should include deliberative participation in policymaking and other realms. According to this school of thought, greater access to information allows citizens to be more knowledgeable, to meaningfully engage in decision-making, and to demand accountability (Snell & Sebina, 2007 ). FOI can also be looked at as integral to the exercise of free speech and other rights and to ensuring greater democratic participation. As Ackerman and Sandoval ( 2006 , p. 91) put it, “FOI laws are a further development in age-old struggles for freedom of opinion and of the press, as well as the right to participate in government decision making.”

As more countries, not all of which are mature democracies, engage in freedom of information initiatives, FOI has been associated with concepts of accountability and good governance (Calland & Bentley, 2013 ). FOI is often a central part of transparency and accountability initiatives (TAI) that address developmental problems (Gaventa & McGree, 2013 ). TAI typically combine FOI legislation with other mechanisms designed to bring government information into the public domain and hold governments accountable for their actions. These initiatives presume that increasing access to information leads to more transparency, while transparency leads to more accountable decision-making. In this approach, FOI is intended to deliver more participatory democratic forms of government, to improve government delivery of goods and services, to increase government accountability, and to reduce corruption (Ackerman & Sandoval, 2006 ; Darch & Underwoode, 2010 ; Mendel, 2008 ). TAI posit a direct relationship between access to information and socio-economic development. This school of thought often draws on market metaphors to understand the relationship between governments and their citizens, conceptualizing the state as an essential service provider and citizens as its customers (Gaventa & McGee, 2013 ; Kosack & Fung, 2014 ). Ultimately, TAI positions FOI as a mechanism to help achieve a more efficient economy, better standards for health and food security, and a better environment (Darch & Underwood, 2010 ).

Drawing on these theoretical frameworks, several authors have formulated lists of concrete FOI objectives and potential outcomes (Article 19, 2004 ; Banisar, 2006 ; Darch & Underwood, 2010 ; James, 2006 ; Mendel, 2008 ). Mendel ( 2008 , p. 141) identified the common principles and objectives found across FOI legislation around the world as (1) transparency, (2) accountability, (3) public participation, and (4) informing citizens. Banisar ( 2006 ) named (1) democratic participation and understanding, (2) the protection of other rights, (3) making government bodies work better, and (4) the redress of the past harm as common objectives. James ( 2006 ) noted among the benefits emphasized during the United Kingdom’s debates over FOI’s adoption (1) encouraging greater transparency, (2) enhancing public participation in government, (3) enhancing the quality of decision-making, (4) allowing citizens and organizations to assert their rights, (5) raising public confidence in the process of government, (6) increasing the effectiveness of administration, (7) increasing the accountability of the government, (8) safeguarding probity, (9) increasing the effectiveness of the media, and (10) altering the culture of public service. Taking a global perspective, the international nongovernmental organization Article 19 ( 2004 ) provided a more specific list of benefits that included (1) a less corrupt society, (2) a society that is healthier and hunger-free, (3) a society that respects the environment, fundamental human rights, and privacy, (4) more security and democracy, (5) a more efficient government and better decision-making, (6) a more efficient economy, and (7) better treatment of individuals by institutions (p. 9, as cited in Darch & Underwood, 2010 ). Hazell, Worthy, and Glover ( 2010 ) synthesize the above lists of objectives into six categories: (1) increasing governmental transparency, (2) increasing accountability, (3) improving the quality of decision-making, (4) improving public understanding of government, (5) increasing public trust, and (6) increasing participation.

Scholars further suggest that FOI laws improve democratic practice and economic development by facilitating social and institutional level changes (Calland & Bentley, 2013 ). While social changes include the development of a more knowledgeable, trusting, and participatory citizenry, institutional change references increased governmental transparency and accountability, improved decision-making, and good governance.

The Evolution of FOI Laws and Rights

FOI evolved over the last two centuries as both a principle and a set of legal practices. Its origins are in the age of Enlightenment in the 18th century . Enlightenment ideas about governance by rule of law (rather than the discretion of autocratic rulers or professional statesmen), the ability of scientific methods to make the world knowable and thus controllable, and the need to publicize the activities of government arose during this period (Hood, 2006 ). Sweden established the first FOI legislation in 1766 . In response to King Adolf Frederick’s censorship of the press and secrecy surrounding government information, the Swedish parliament passed an ordinance abolishing press censorship and giving citizens a right of access to government documents. The Declarations of the Rights of Man in France 1789 and in the Netherlands in 1795 both included the right of the public to review government accounts and budgets (Banisar, 2006 , p. 18). Political philosopher Jeremy Bentham advocated for freedom of information principles in the early 1800s. In his essay “On Publicity,” Bentham ( 1836 ) argued that legislatures should permit themselves and others to publish accounts of their activities, proposals, speeches, discussions, votes, and decisions. The benefits of publicity included encouraging legislatures to perform their duties, securing public confidence in and assent for legislation, allowing the public to form enlightened opinions and vote knowledgeably, and enabling legislators to look to informed members of the public for innovative solutions to political problems. Despite its Enlightenment era origins, the idea of FOI remained largely dormant until the 20th century . Few countries endorsed FOI principles or adopted them into law until after World War II.

Increased attention to human rights in the wake of World War II reinvigorated interest in FOI internationally. The principle of FOI was articulated in seminal human rights documents produced by the United Nations. Both the Universal Declaration of Human Rights ( 1948 ) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights ( 1966 ) contained articles declaring that freedom of information was integral to free speech rights. The latter agreement states: “Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression: this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information.” Subsequently, the principle of FOI has been reiterated in numerous international treaties and agreements and has often provided external impetus for many countries to recognize the principle and to develop their own FOI regimes. As Banisar ( 2006 ) shows, the FOI clauses found in international agreements have become an important mechanism for furthering human rights, anti-corruption, and environmental protection. 1 In line with earlier rights agreements, the American Convention on Human Rights ( 1969 ) and the Arab Charter on Human Rights ( 1994 ) have also recognized the “freedom to seek, receive and impart information.” The United Nations Convention Against Corruption ( 2005 ) and the African Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption ( 2003 ) have encouraged countries to adopt measures increasing access to information in order to combat government corruption. These measures include requiring governments to provide information on their organization, functioning, and decision-making. The Rio Declaration on Environment and Development ( 1992 ) and the Aarhus Convention on Access to Information, Public Participation and Decision-Making and Access to Justice in Environmental Matters ( 1998 ) have required governments to adopt laws giving a right of access to government information and documents that are vital to environmental concerns. The Aarhus Convention affirmed the importance of access to information affecting the state of the environment, public health and safety, and other factors and conditions that have a bearing on human life and the environment.

Other external international or transnational influences have also been instrumental in catalyzing the adoption of FOI regimes. The Council of Europe has recommended that its member countries adopt freedom of information laws since the 1970s. The European Union gives citizens of the EU and residents of its member states the right to access information from EU bodies, making these subject to their own FOI regimes (Consolidated Version of the Treaty Establishing the European Community, art. 255, 2002 ). However, the EU has not always behaved transparently or honored legitimate requests for information (Bunyan, 2002 ). International organizations have also become alternative sources of information for citizens in some countries, providing another avenue to obtain information that might expose government scandals and corruption. International lending organizations, most notably the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, have promoted countries’ adoption of FOI as a condition for their financial assistance. The George Soros Open Society Foundations also incentivized countries to develop FOI regimes with grant programs focusing on freedom of information, access to knowledge, and government transparency. In sum, an array of international influences have spurred many countries to adopt their own FOI regimes, although in some cases the commitment to FOI has been superficial, with countries failing to design strong laws or to implement them.

At a country level, FOI regimes can take many forms. Many countries adopt freedom of information clauses in their constitutions. FOI clauses are more prevalent in relatively newly written constitutions, such as those of Central European, Eastern European, and Latin American countries. However, constitutional statements of principle may not flesh out access to information regimes as effectively as national FOI laws (Michenor, 2011 , p. 148). Countries often adopt FOI laws in order to specify the scope of and procedures for access to government information. In countries where constitutional rights of access also exist, FOI laws can give definition to the contours of this right without necessarily limiting it. In other words, countries that view FOI as a fundamental human or political right may extend protection beyond what is written in particular legislation. In other countries, FOI legislation creates a right of access to government information, which would not otherwise garner constitutional protection. Such is the case in the United States, where FOIA legislation effectively constitutes the shape and limits of this right. Although beyond the scope of this article, principles of information access may also be found across a variety of regulatory fields, whether financial, economic, environmental, cultural, social, or political. Information policy, namely the laws, rules, structures, and practices that regulate information creation, processing, flows, and use (Braman, 2006 ), is not confined to FOI legislation.

The shape of any one country’s FOI law is historically contingent. How the law is written depends on the forces and factors motivating the law, as well as the vision and interests of different actors advocating on its behalf. While some countries have adopted FOI in response to external pressures or incentives, others have been motivated by the desire to minimize government secrecy and opportunities for corruption, to increase knowledge of and participation in democratic processes and decision-making, to encourage good governance, and to reorder the relationship of citizens to their governments (away from ruler–subject relations and towards elected representative–citizen relations). Advocacy efforts among interested constituencies, including government actors, the news media, social movement groups, and civil and human rights activists, have also been critical to the passage and form of different countries’ FOI laws.

The story of FOIA in the United States, which passed its first Freedom of Information Act in 1966 , illustrates some of the variable influences and contingencies that can shape the law. Reacting against increased government secrecy during the U.S.-Soviet Cold War, a tenacious member of Congress, John Moss, and the American news media engaged in a 10-year campaign to institute the first U.S. FOI Act (FOIA). The resultant Act proclaimed the “right of the public to information,” and directed government agencies to publish information about their rules, procedures, and functions; to make their opinions, orders, rules, and records of proceedings available for public inspection; and to release other agency records upon request (Freedom of Information Act, 1966 ). The law’s procedural details, however, were weak or absent. For example, the 1966 Act lacked provisions for appeals, sanctions, or enforcement. Following the Watergate scandal and growing public distrust with the secretive and corrupt Nixon administration, the press and Congress sought to improve the Act (Schudson, 2014 , p. 14). An amendment adopted in 1974 gave more teeth to the Act, strengthening FOIA’s procedures and administration. It required government agencies to publish indexes of government-held information and regulated the fees government agencies could charge for document search and duplication. It created an appeals process for denied requests. It permitted courts to impose response deadlines as well as disciplinary action and penalties against government employees who deliberately and improperly withheld records. It instructed agencies to sever and release portions of records that were not subject to specified exemptions. It enabled courts to privately review and determine the legitimacy of requests denied for national security reasons, and it mandated agencies report each year on their FOI activities. However, the U.S. law has not been as user-friendly as that of other countries that have followed, and civil society constituencies had no input into the law, a factor Michenor ( 2011 ) argues can contribute to a FOI law’s accessibility.

FOI legislation began to gain traction in the latter half of the 20th century . The U.S. law became a model for many countries that followed, as did the laws of Sweden, Canada, and Australia within their own regions and legal traditions (Banisar, 2006 ). Western European and English-speaking countries were among the earliest adopters of the law. Finland passed a FOI law in 1951 . Norway, France, and the Netherlands passed their laws in the 1970s, and Columbia, Denmark, Greece, Austria, Australia, New Zealand, and Canada followed suit in the 1980s. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1980s, freedom of information and government transparency were seen as important economic and political principles among countries transitioning from communist to democratic governance systems. Dozens of formerly communist countries, particularly those in Central and Eastern Europe, moved forward with laws designed to ensure access to government information (Birchall, 2011 ; Blanton, 2002 ). FOI laws allowed Central and Eastern European countries to obtain information about prior governments, to seek reprisal for what were seen as past injustices, and to join international organizations, such as the EU or NATO (Blanton, 2002 ; Byrne, 2003 ; Grigorescu, 2003 ). Worldwide adoption proceeded slowly, however. By 1990 , only 14 countries had FOI laws.

Currently, more than half of the world’s countries had adopted FOI laws. FOI laws exist in nearly all European countries. In Latin America, despite a few early adopters (Colombia in 1985 and Belize in 1994 ), most countries enacted FOI laws after the year 2000 . These include Mexico, Panama, Peru, Argentina, Ecuador, Honduras, Guatemala, Nicaragua, Chile, Uruguay, Brazil, El Salvador, and, most recently, Paraguay. Among Asian countries, Japan, South Korea, Thailand, and even some cities within China adopted FOI laws in the 1990s, while India, Bangladesh, Indonesia, the Maldives, Mongolia, Nepal, and Taiwan instituted theirs after 2000 . In the Middle East, only Israel, Jordan, and Yemen have FOI laws. In Africa, Angola, Ethiopia, Guinea, Liberia, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Tunisia, Uganda, and Zimbabwe have FOI laws on the books, most of them passed in the 2000s or 2010s. 2 However, many of these laws exist more on the books than in practice, including South Africa’s law, which is one of the most progressively written FOI laws in the world (Banisar, 2006 ).

Countries with more recent FOI laws have benefited from knowledge of the past experiences and best practices of others, enabling them to construct stronger FOI regimes. New laws may extend and harmonize FOI coverage across federal and local institutions, have broader definitions of what counts as information, or cover all bodies (public or private) that are government subsidized or perform government functions. They may specify public interest tests that require governments to balance their asserted interest in withholding information against the public’s interest in that information’s disclosure. They may also mandate the proactive publication of vital or frequently requested information. Many newer laws, like those in Mexico, India, the United Kingdom, and Germany, establish independent information commissions to handle appeals, enforce decisions, provide general oversight, and publicize the law. Information commissions can provide effective independent oversight and alleviate the need for those whose requests are denied to resort to lengthy and often prohibitively expensive court proceedings. Finally, a growing number of countries are adopting laws to protect government whistleblowers who call attention to people or organizations engaged in improper or illegal activity. Some of these laws, at least as written, are stronger and more modern than those currently governing the United States and Canada, two of the earliest countries to pass FOI laws (Banisar, 2006 ).

Countries have also taken advantage of the digital processing and networking capabilities of computers to innovate and strengthen FOI regimes. The ability to collect, process, store, and disseminate information digitally, the rise of the Internet as a public communication medium, and the recognition that governments produce information with public funds and under the auspices of the public interest have precipitated efforts to utilize networked technologies to facilitate information access. Newer FOI laws may require governments to proactively release important or commonly requested agency information online, as is the case in Poland and Estonia. Mexico’s FOIA, one of the more recent and more innovative, utilizes a web-based information portal that allows users to submit, track, and appeal information requests online, and to examine all submitted requests along with any public responses. In Turkey, people can also submit and track information requests online. Countries with older laws have amended them to enhance public access through new technologies. In the United States, the Electronic Freedom of Information Act (E-FOIA, 1996 ) extended open records laws to digital information held by federal agencies and encouraged agencies to make information available through new technology. The purpose of the e-FOIA was to “foster democracy,” “improve public access,” ensure timely response times, and “maximize the usefulness” of information and records collected and maintained by the federal government (5 USCS §552 (2)). Under e-FOIA, agencies must index records in their information systems, make records available electronically within a year of their production, and release frequently requested records online (5 USCS §552 (2)(e)).

Common Components of FOI Laws

FOI laws around the world mandate that governments provide access to information about their activities, functioning, and decision-making, as well as other information they collect, such as information on the status of people, land, and resources within their borders. Nations may differ, however, on how to realize access to information in practice. Despite these differences, the FOI laws of different nations address many common components, including:

Who can request information

Who must provide information

What information is accessible

Proactive disclosure of information

What information is exempted

Mandated response times for requests

Appeals procedures for denied requests

Penalties for improperly withholding information

Fees for processing information requests

Annual government reports on the law’s usage

Although a comprehensive examination of how different countries treat each of these components is beyond the scope of this article, we will illustrate how countries may differ on these counts by comparing FOI laws in the United States and India. While the U.S. law is one of the earliest, the Indian law is one of the most recent and progressively formulated right to information laws among democratic countries (Centre for Law and Democracy, 2013 ; Michener, 2011 ).

In the United States, FOI is not a constitutional right. Nor do constitutionally protected free speech rights confer a right to access information. U.S. Freedom of Information law (as elaborated in the 1966 Freedom of Information Act, FOI Act amendments, and executive orders) allows any person, regardless of citizenship, to request records held by the federal government. To prevent government discrimination in information provision, people do not have to justify or explain why they want certain records. People can request information for any purpose, public or private. The law mandates that some federal agencies provide information when requested. These agencies include executive and military departments, government corporations, government-controlled corporations, executive branch offices (including the president’s executive office), and independent regulatory agencies, (5 USC §552(F), 2015 ). The law does not apply to the president, his advisers, the Congress, the federal courts, or to private bodies. Nor does it apply to state or local government agencies, which have their own distinct laws on open records and meetings. The law provides access to public information and records, including those related to policy and administration. Records subject to FOIA must be processed, maintained, and controlled by a government agency. The law does not apply to records produced for the government by private consultants. However, the law presumes that when the government contracts with private firms to maintain its records, these records are open (Middleton & Less, 2012 , p. 584). The term records covers documents in a variety of reproducible formats, including print, audio, visual, and electronic, but not physical materials or objects.

The U.S. FOIA instructs federal agencies to disclose information that might be in the public interest whenever possible and to make new or frequently requested records available online when they have the capability. Agencies must also publish descriptions of their organizations, functions, procedures, and decision-making processes as well as their FOIA procedures in the Federal Register . Agencies must disclose documents in response to FOIA requests, unless these documents fall into one of nine exempt categories, intended to balance public’s interest in information access against the government’s interest in the confidentiality of some information. Exempt categories include information about national security, internal personnel and management rules and practices, business and commerce, internal memoranda circulated during policymaking and decision-making processes, personal privacy, certain law enforcement purposes, banking reports, and the location of wells. The law also allows for statutory exemptions, such as those excluding from the law’s coverage most information about the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), student educational records, critical infrastructure information, and driver’s records. 3 If a document contains exempt information, agencies should redact or delete this information and release portions of the document that are not exempt.

FOIA gives federal agencies 20 working days to respond to a request. Agency officials must inform people of their decision, including their reasons for denying a request. When a request is denied, information seekers can appeal this decision to the agency’s head, who then has 20 days to respond. Although the Office of Government Information Services was created to promote alternative dispute resolution between FOI applicants and agencies, requesters must resort to the federal district courts for a second level of appeal. Only courts may order the disclosure of documents or undertake sanctions or disciplinary actions against agencies that have improperly, arbitrarily, or capriciously withheld records. There is no fee to file a request. However, agencies charge different fees to fulfill the requests of different categories of FOI applicants. Commercial applicants must pay the full costs of searching for and copying information. Most other applicants receive two hours of free search time and the first 100 copies for free. Noncommercial applicants (including educators and the media) who seek and disseminate information that serves a broader public interest can have their fees waived or reduced. Finally, the law mandates that the attorney general submit an annual report to Congress about FOI usage, based on reports garnered from individual agencies. Data compiled for these reports includes the number and nature of denied FOI requests; the number, nature, and results of any appeals and court cases; the number of requests received, processed, and pending; the average and median response times for requests and appeals; the number of fee waiver requests granted and denied; and agency staff and funds devoted to processing FOI requests.

India’s law contrasts with that of the United States on many particulars, including the assertion of FOI as a right. In India, the supreme court has asserted that the right to information is an essential aspect of the constitutionally protected right to free speech (Banisar, 2006 ; People’s Union for Civil Liberties & Another v. Union of India , 2004 ; State of Uttar Pradesh v. Raj Narain , 1975 ; Union of India v. Association for Democratic Reforms , 2002 ). In 2005 , India also passed a national Right to Information Act (RTIA), creating statutory provisions and protections for information rights. The RTIA sees access to information as a means to promote transparency and accountability in governance, the functioning of democracy, and the prevention of corruption. The law also takes into account the competing interests of government efficiency, limited fiscal resources, and the need to protect sensitive information. In comparison to the U.S. FOIA, who can request information is more narrowly defined, even while who must provide information and what information must be provided are more broadly and consistently applied across the states and central government. The RTIA gives all Indian citizens the right to access information controlled by public authorities. Public authorities are defined as any government body that is established, owned, or controlled by government. However, unlike the United States, this definition also includes nongovernmental bodies that are owned, controlled, or substantially financed (directly or indirectly) by the government. In addition, the law covers government authorities, including the legislature and the judiciary, operating at every level of governance, from the local to the national. The Act covers any information held or controlled by public authorities in any form. In additions to documents and records, applicants can ask to inspect materials, such as food subsidy or building materials samples. Government authorities must make available to citizens any information that the Indian parliament or state legislatures can obtain.

In order to facilitate access, public authorities are required to catalog and index their records, to place public records on computer networks within a reasonable time when possible, and to proactively publish information about important policy decisions. Public authorities must also publish details about their organization, function, and duties; the power and duties of their personnel; their decision-making procedures; their rules, regulations, instructions, and manuals; the categories of documents they hold; notice of whether their meetings are public; a directory of their personnel; their budgets and expenditures; how citizens can request information from them; and other information related to their operations and functions (Right to Information Act [RTIA], 2005 ). The law further instructs them “to provide as much information suo moto to the public at regular intervals through various means of communications, including Internet,” so that the public is less dependent on the Act to obtain information (RTIA, 2005 ). Indian law lists a number of exemptions, including information pertaining to national security or the strategic interests of the state; specific legal prohibitions; breaches of privilege accorded to the parliament or state legislature; commercial confidences, trade secrets, and intellectual property; fiduciary relationships; foreign government confidences; the physical safety of government informants on law and security matters; impediments to the investigation, apprehension or the prosecution of criminal offenders; cabinet papers, such as records of deliberation of the Council of Ministers and others; and personal information constituting an invasion of privacy (Naib, 2012 ). Some of these exemptions can be overridden, however, if a competent authority deems it in the larger public interest. The Act also exempts information maintained by 18 intelligence and security bodies, unless that information is relevant to allegations of corruption or human rights violations. Similar to the U.S. FOIA, the RTIA mandates that authorities sever exempt information from documents that may otherwise be provided.

Citizens may submit requests, orally or in writing, to an authority’s public information officer (PIO). They do not have to give reasons for wanting particular information. PIOs have 30 days to provide the information or reject the request. If the information sought resides with another public authority, PIOs must transfer the application and immediately notify the applicant. The appeals process for rejected or unanswered requests starts with the senior officer of the public authority, who has 30 days to respond to the appeal. Applicants seeking information from state authorities can undertake a second appeals process through a state information commission, while applicants petitioning central authorities can make their second appeal to the central information commission. Information commissions are autonomous bodies, authorized to make binding decisions. As a final resort, applicants can take their cases to either a state high court or the Indian supreme court. Officials who improperly withhold information can face fines and disciplinary proceedings, including additional penalties levied for every day that information is withheld. By law, applicants pay 10 rupees to submit an application and 2 rupees per page copied. Lastly, the state and central information commissions must submit annual reports to their respective legislatures, detailing information about the number of requests made to each public authority; the number of and reasons for rejected applications; the number, nature, and outcomes of any appeals; any disciplinary actions taken against officers administering the Act; the amount of RTI fees collected by public authorities; other efforts made to carry out the Act; and recommendations for the reform of RTIA procedures among particular public authorities.

This brief overview of FOI law in India and the United States illustrates the many substantive components along which countries may differ. While the U.S. FOIA is more narrowly conceived in terms of whom and what it covers and institutes a relatively burdensome appeals process, the Indian RTIA is significantly stronger with respect to the scope of coverage, grounds for exemptions and refusals, and associated appeals processes. In the United States, the courts handle appeals. Although the courts prioritize the hearing of FOI appeals and can grant attorney fees and other costs to plaintiffs, judicial recourse is an option most individuals cannot afford to exercise. This comparison is consistent with the findings of a 2014 global survey of the legal frameworks of FOI laws that rated countries according to the rights of access specified, the scope of coverage, procedures for making requests, exceptions and refusals, appeals processes, sanctions and protections, and promotional measures (Access Info Europe & the Centre for Law and Democracy, n.d. ). According to the survey, India was rated the 5th strongest country with respect to the formulation of their RTI laws, while the United States was rated 45th (see http://www.rti-rating.org/country-data/ ). Usage and implementation, however, are another matter.

FOI Users and Usage

FOI laws generally presume the existence of an active public that will put forward information requests. Yet understanding who uses FOI around the world and how it is used can be difficult. Many countries do not collect quantitative data about FOI users and usage. Some countries, citing individual privacy concerns, prevent the collection of this data. Others, particularly developing countries, may lack the will or capacity to collect systematic and reliable data. Moreover, quantitative data may be of limited use in measuring FOI’s significance or effects. Qualitative evidence and anecdotes from many countries suggest that even when usage is weak or minimal in terms of overall numbers, information obtained through FOI requests may nonetheless have significant societal effects. FOI requests have been used to effectively address both individual and public grievances. Thus, quantity of use may not be the only or best measure of FOI’s effects. From the perspective of democratic theory, what matters is that FOI laws are there when they are needed.

Studies of FOI usage suggest that while a small number of people submit FOI requests worldwide, this number is growing. In Britain, 0.2% of the population makes FOI requests to the government each year (Hazell & Worthy, 2010 ). Similarly, in Ireland, Canada, and Australia, only one or two per thousand of the population make a FOI request yearly (Hazell, 1989 ). In some countries, a pent-up demand for information has led to massive numbers of requests in the years immediately following the passage of FOI laws. In India, which has one of the most progressive and active FOI regimes, citizens submitted an impressive 2 million requests in the law’s first two years (Roberts, 2010 ). Three years after Thailand’s Official Information Act took effect, nearly half a million ordinary citizens had requested government-held information, with requests from citizens outnumbering those from nongovernmental organizations, journalists, and oppositional parties (Chua, 2002 ). Empirical evidence suggests that FOI requests have slowly grown in South America, Asia, and Russia (Darch & Underwood, 2010 ), where they are used to address citizens’ rights in multiple domains (Calland & Bentley, 2013 ; Jenkins, 2007 ; Roberts, 2010 ). However, the number of requests varies considerably from one country to another in a given year, and the evolution of usage across countries can differ greatly (Holsen & Pasquier, 2012 ). For example, Canada, the United Kingdom, Mexico, and Ireland have a relatively heavy and growing number of FOI users compared to Germany and Switzerland, who have a considerably smaller and relatively stagnant number of users.

Regardless of the percentage of the population that uses FOI, abundant anecdotal evidence suggests that FOI law has positive effects. In India, civil society actors have actively pursued and made use of FOI rights to address an array of community issues. Particularly impressive is the work of the Rajasthan-based group Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (Association for the Empowerment of Workers and Farmers), which has used FOI legislation to fight against corruption and to advance the socio-economic interests of the poor (Calland & Bentley, 2013 ). Indian citizens and civil society groups have relied on FOI legislation to monitor the government’s delivery of food subsidies to the poor, payment of public wages and pensions, provision of scholarships and school uniforms, completion of infrastructure and building projects, accounting on bank statements, provision of electricity, and provision of teachers in public schools (Roberts, 2010 , p. 927). FOI has enabled Indian citizens to gain newfound access to information pertaining to development projects, agriculture, the environment, and elections (Jenkins, 2007 ; Singh, 2007 ). Examining FOI law’s effects in developing countries, the INGO Article 19 ( 2007 ) found that the law has helped citizens and civil society groups access information on the rights to education (Thailand, Uganda, Argentina), to a safe environment (Chile, Ecuador, Nigeria, Uganda, Malaysia), to medicine and healthcare (South Africa, Nigeria), and to food (India, Argentina). In the United States, FOI has enabled environmental groups to collect data on the release of toxic chemicals by manufacturers and consequently to make industry more accountable to citizens (Van den Burg, 2004 ).

Few studies examine the identity, strategies, and motivations of FOI requesters. However, those that do suggest that, within particular countries, some categories of actors constitute more frequent FOIA users. Frequent information requesters include nongovernmental organizations, journalists, activists, and engaged members of the public (Dunion, 2011 ). Businesses are another frequent user category. In Great Britain, Worthy ( 2010 ) found that private individuals (40%), academics or students (10%), campaign workers (10%), journalists (10%), and commercial business (7%) requested information most often. During 2000–2001 , 40% of requests in Canada came from business and only 30% from the public (AIRTF, 2002 , cited in Hazell & Worthy, 2010 ). Similarly, commercial entities in the United States are responsible for the most FOI requests (Piotrowski & Ryzin, 2007 ). In Ireland between 1998 and 2007 , the public (which included nongovernmental organizations) made up around 50% of requesters, while the media accounted for 15% and business around 7%. The RTI Assessment and Analysis Group and National Campaign for People’s Right to Information ( 2009 , p. 8) found that users of India’s RTI Act were overwhelmingly male (more than 90%) and that few requests came from the very poor or from marginalized groups. In Southeastern Europe, Camaj ( 2015 ) found that the most frequent users of FOI laws in Montenegro and Albania are civil society and advocacy groups, while in Kosovo journalists comprised 61% of requesters.

Motivations for FOI requests may be political, professional, or personal. Michener and Worthy ( 2015 ) propose an information-gathering matrix that categorizes FOI requests according to four main purposes: (1) keeping government accountable (public requesters with political goals), (2) ensuring fairness (private requesters with political goals), (3) informing to empower (public requesters with nonpolitical goals), and (4) securing benefits (private requesters with nonpolitical goals). The majority of FOI requests submitted by individual citizens fall into the fourth category. Citizens’ FOI requests most commonly ask for access to personal data related to access to services, pensions, employment, immigration, criminal records, veteran’s affairs, Social Security, taxation, property records, etc. (Hazell, 1989 ). For example, a systematic survey of FOI users in Great Britain found that about 80% of FOI requests said their requests pertained to personal information (such as academia or hobbies), while 22% said their requests were related to political activity (Worthy, 2010 ). Yet, this distinction between the political and the personal may be spurious. As Hazell ( 1989 , p. 199) notes, individuals make requests not out of “idle curiosity” but in order to redress grievances related to government decision-making. Moreover, a personal request to see how a college entrance exam was graded or why a job application was denied may have political implications and ramifications in countries where government decision making is arbitrary, corrupt, or otherwise flawed. Personal requests aside, many scholars argue that organized and strategic information requests mounted by civil society groups are often the most successful at bringing about social change (Camaj, 2015 ; Darch & Underwood, 2010 ; Neuman & Calland, 2007 ). Frequently among the most visible FOI users, civil society groups can use FOI to strategically uncover public information and to advocate for systemic changes in government behavior and decision-making (Worthy, 2010 ).

Barriers and Challenges to Accessing Information Through FOI Laws

The performance of FOI laws varies greatly from country to country, with significant differences found not only between developed and emerging democracies but also among more mature democracies. For example, Hazell and Worthy ( 2010 ) found that, among the Western Commonwealth countries, the New Zealand FOI regime performed the best, given its progressive openness and strong support for transparency. The United Kingdom was ranked second, with its relatively high rates of disclosure, a strong information commissioner, and relative political support. Despite relatively high levels of use and disclosure, Ireland and Australia’s FOI regimes experienced a high number of appeals, lack of political support, and restrictive reform. Canada was ranked last as “it has continually suffered from a combination of low use, low political support and a weak Information Commissioner since its inception” (Hazell & Worthy, 2010 , p. 358).

Scholars have attributed differences in FOI implementation and use around the world to several barriers and challenges. These include (1) how FOI legislation is written, (2) awareness levels about access to information rights, (3) the structures of government agencies and institutions, and (4) broader political and social conditions. We have already addressed differences in how FOI laws are written, including treatment of the law’s component parts. In many countries, FOI laws are weak in terms of coverage, sanctions, implementation mechanisms, publicity mandates, and other components that can contribute to the law’s successful use. In the remainder of this section, we review the other factors and conditions affecting the law.

Public awareness of FOI laws is essential to their use, since information disclosure generally relies on the public submitting information requests. As Roberts claims, “One of the most substantial [barriers to access] is a simple lack of awareness about rights granted by [FOI], particularly among marginalized groups” ( 2010 , p. 8). For instance, he found that in India only 4 to 15% of the public was aware of FOI laws, with higher levels of awareness among the urban middle class and men. Similarly, Holsen and Pasquier ( 2012 ) found that a major reason for low levels of FOI requests in Switzerland and Germany was a lack of public awareness, abetted by the failure of key groups—government, the media, or civil society actors—to promote the law. Neither country’s FOI laws mandated that the government publicize the law. In Switzerland, neither civil society groups nor the media sought to raise awareness of the law, while in Germany, civil society groups’ efforts to promote the law failed to gain media attention. Lack of knowledge about how to file a FOI request was an additional barrier to use (Roberts, 2010 ).

In addition, the governments of different countries, and even individual agencies within countries, may fail to comply with their own FOI laws in varying degrees (Darch & Underwood, 2010 ; Lidberg, 2009 ; Open Society Justice Institute, 2006 ). Reputable organizations have reported low rates of compliance with FOI requests among different countries. For example, in 2011 Associated Press journalists submitted FOI requests for information about individual arrests and convictions to 105 countries but received complete information from only 14 within their FOI-specified time limits (Mendoza, 2011 ). In another example, only 12 of 80 FOI requests submitted as part of a campaign to understand progress toward the UN Millennium Development Goals yielded the information sought (Access Info Europe, 2011 ). Research has shown that disparities exist in the implementation of FOI laws between more affluent and established democracies and poorer and younger democracies (Mason, 2010 ; Open Society Justice initiative, 2006 ). However, some exceptions exist, such as India, where FOI law has received immense public support and attention. Interestingly, the Associated Press ( 2011 ) study found that some newer democracies, including India, were more responsive to journalists’ FOI requests than the United States. Nevertheless, citizens in African, Latin American, Southeast Asian, and Eastern European countries have struggled to use even well-written FOI laws. A group monitoring implementation in Ghana, Liberia, Nigeria, and Sierra Leone received no response for about 50% of the 393 FOI requests they submitted; only 13% of their requests ultimately yielded information (Media Rights Agenda, 2010 ). Even though Mexico has one of the best designed and most emulated FOI laws among developing countries, implementation has been difficult. Mexico’s challenges to implementation include weak adherence to the formal rule of law, an organizational culture of closure, and fear of informal sanctions for releasing information (Gill & Hughes, 2005 ). Despite being in effect for more than a decade, Peru’s FOI law has not prevented many governmental agencies from operating under a veil of secrecy and withholding official information (Burt & Cagley, 2013 ). The drive toward open access in Eastern European is still tarnished by “deep-rooted social and political traditions of blocking information but also by the traditional style of government,” characterized by administrative secrecy and inadequate recordkeeping (Szekely, 2007 , p. 130). However, some countries in Southeastern Europe have experienced better compliance trends as the public demand for access grows and as government agencies become more efficient (Camaj, 2015 ).

Barriers to implementation and use may stem from deficiencies of government capacity and will. Governmental capacity refers to the material, economic, and knowledge resources necessary to respond to FOI requests. FOI law requires both financial and human resources to process requests. Many developing or newly democratic countries lack the resources to support administrative activities and organized record-keeping (Roberts, 2006 ) and operate in economic and political environments that make capacity building difficult. For example, in Southeastern Europe, Camaj ( 2015 ) found that noncompliance with FOI law stems from the limited administrative capacity held in place by past communist legacies, struggling economies, and political instability. Many government bodies in this region lack the record-keeping infrastructure and budgetary support necessary to implement FOI mechanisms. In addition, frequent political turnover and the politicization of government bureaucrats have made the training and knowledge development needed to build administrative capacity around FOI more difficult. Even in a developed and wealthy democracy like the United States, many agencies lack the capacity to respond to FOI requests in a timely manner, creating long delays and backlogs around information disclosure (Middleton & Less, 2012 , p. 587). Failure to implement the law can also reflect a lack of political will related either to the internal political cultures of governmental and bureaucratic administrations or to the external political culture created by interactions between the state and civil society (including citizens, national advocacy groups, and international organizations) (Holsen & Pasquier, 2012 ; Neuman & Calland, 2007 ; Roberts, 1998 ; Snell, 2002 ). Different political cultures, along with the degree to which democracy has taken hold, in different countries can help explain some disparities in FOI implementation. Officials may subvert FOI requests through overly broad interpretations of FOI exemptions and the adoption of technocratic and instrumentalist approaches to the law that thwart its use and undermine its purpose (Camaj, 2015 ; Sharma, 2013 ).

Finally, FOI usage may be stymied by socio-economic disparities, low literacy rates, and poverty (Darch & Underwood, 2005 ; Roberts, 2010 ). Webb ( 2012 ) points out that social, cultural, economic, gender, and literacy factors can prohibit the poor and marginalized within Indian society from engaging with the Indian bureaucracy and therefore exercising their right to information. Although Indian FOI law was designed with poor and disenfranchised users in mind, these users may not possess the bureaucratic literacy necessary to overcome India’s overly technocratic and largely opaque bureaucracy, at least not without the help of civil society organizations that often act as mediators in this process (Sharma, 2013 ). Researchers have argued that in Africa postcolonial legacies, socio-economic disparities, civil conflicts, poor infrastructures, and the politics of patronage further hamper the usage of FOI laws (Darch & Underwood, 2010 , p. 206). For Darch and Underwood ( 2005 , p. 83) the experience of South Africa “exemplifies the proposition that the less homogenous a society and the lower the general level of education, the harder it is to develop sustainable and useful FOI practice.

Today, the majority of governments around the world have embraced the principle of freedom of information. Moreover, there is a growing global consensus in favor of open government and freedom of information, and governments around the world must justify the need for secrecy.

Evaluations of the impact of FOI laws have focused on quantitative measures of FOI usage and qualitative accounts of its effects. Empirical evidence suggests that FOI laws have contributed to government transparency. Along with the gradual adoption of FOI laws, countries are gradually improving access to government information and engaging in proactive information disclosure. Huge disparities are evident in the freedom of information regimes of countries with and without FOI laws (Open Society Justice Institute, 2006 ), and countries with a longer history of FOI laws (such as New Zealand, Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom) also tend to have more open and transparent governments (Hazell & Worthy, 2010 ; Hazell et al., 2010 ; Owen, Cooke, & Matthews, 2013 ). Several studies of the effects of FOI law on Great Britain have concluded that it increased government transparency (Chapman & Hunt, 2006 ; Hazell et al., 2010 ; Owen, Cooke, & Matthews, 2013 ). Another study found that FOI laws led to more open government personnel management practices in Australia, New Zealand, and Canada (Hazell, 1989 ). In India, civil society activists view FOI as a vital and decentralized tool for transforming an opaque and largely corrupt political culture into one that is more open and democratic.

However, even though FOI laws are no longer a “luxury” enjoyed by only a few older democracies (Hazell & Worthy, 2010 ), some scholars point out that these laws are not always available in practice due to low usage and noncompliance on the part of the government (see Mendoza, 2011 ; Darch & Underwood, 2010 ; Mason, 2010 ; Media Rights Agenda, 2010 ; Open Society Justice Institute, 2006 , for a comparative examination). Quantitative data confirm low levels of citizen awareness and relatively small numbers of FOI users in many countries (Hazell & Worthy, 2010 ; Roberts, 1998 ; Worthy, 2012 ). In many countries, journalists’ use of FOI is limited (Lidberg, 2003 , 2009 ; Ricketson & Snell, 2002 ; Snell, 2002 ), and political legislators have also been slow to use FOI (Hazell, 1989 ; Worthy, 2012 ). However, some scholars caution against quantitative usage data as the only measure of FOI success. Particular instances of FOI usage can have enormous relevance and effect. “If half a dozen access requests are all that is needed to bring down a corrupt administration, then the social and political impact of freedom of information is assured,” claim Darch and Underwood ( 2010 , p. 112). FOI can be a useful accountability tool for the right user in the right time and place, says Worthy ( 2012 , p. 16). It can have significant consequences in instances where government actors make decisions that are opaque, arbitrary, or corrupt (Darch & Underwood, 2010 ) and can be used by citizens to redress grievances when the government fails to deliver services, benefits, or public works (Roberts, 2010 , p. 927). A plethora of anecdotal evidence suggests that these laws can help marginalized actors fight for their rights and improve democratic governance. Nevertheless, the challenges to information access are many, including weaknesses in the law’s design, low citizen awareness, inadequate institutional procedures, and broader political and social conditions.

While FOI is a mechanism for transparency and accountability, it is also a necessary element of human rights, political rights, and participatory democratic theory. As a mechanism for transparency and accountability, FOI can contribute to better and more democratic governance, but it cannot achieve those goals on its own. Indeed, the evidence suggests that “FOI may be an integral part of an evolving democratic system, but it cannot bring about change by itself” (Stubs, 2008 , p. 681). Nor can it “tackle the complex, deep-rooted issues that prevent increased participation” alone (Worthy, 2010 , p. 578). Such changes require a deepening of democracy that includes a strengthening of accountability processes within institutions and greater opportunities and resources for participation in governance. Administrative reforms, including FOI laws, do not operate in a vacuum but rather within a “political context that may weaken or bolster” their practical outcomes (Julnes & Holzer, 2001 , p. 696). Obstacles to accountability in emerging democracies include a weak civil society and weak adherence to the rule of law. Although FOI laws cannot transform governments or guarantee accountability on their own, they remain a necessary precondition for good governance and for democratic participation. FOI is a necessary, but not sufficient, condition for more accountable government.

The chances that FOI will contribute to greater transparency increase with greater and more effective use by civil society members, including activists, the media, and political opposition parties. These groups can use FOI to ask and answer significant questions about the workings, practices, processes, and decisions of government and its subsidiary actors. Information obtained through FOI can contribute to public understandings of government activities, societal problems, and social injustices. Efforts are needed to increase public awareness of information rights, to simplify and strengthen FOI procedures, and to address its barriers and challenges. Moreover, the ability of FOI law to facilitate more transparent governance depends on administrative capacity and will, efficient supervisory mechanisms, and strong adherence to the rule of law. While these factors can contribute to stronger FOI regimes within countries, it is also true that FOI laws can help expose and reform democratic deficits and push governments toward broader democratic reforms.

Historiography

The major body of research pertaining to freedom of information has focused on legal analysis, scrutinizing the interpretation and functionality of FOI laws (Snell, 2004 ). The work of Mark Bovens ( 2002 ) and Alasdair Roberts ( 2001 ) argues for the necessity and functionality of information rights along with social, civil, and political rights. David Banisar ( 2006 ) and Toby Mendel ( 2003 , 2008 ) offer two important surveys of FOI legislation around the globe. Both these works provide a thorough description of established international standards in FOI. In her edited book Transparency and Secrecy: A Reader Linking Literature and Contemporary Debate , Suzanne J. Piotrowski ( 2010 ) brings together a collection of materials from renowned authors that discuss the underlying principles of FOI and present country-based case studies of the tensions between transparency and other laws, from the municipal to the multi-national level of practice. Taking a historical perspective, Michael Schudson ( 2015 ) explains what freedom of information means, how it works, and why it has become globally significant. The latest edition of Birkinshaw’s Freedom of Information: The Law, the Practice and the Ideal ( 2010 ) updates the law governing freedom of information in Great Britain, examining the relationship between law, political culture, and information control. It draws on examples and developments from around the world and examines the interrelationship between domestic, European, and global provisions governing access to information.

With the recent passage of freedom of information laws in many countries, research has begun to focus on the measurement of the practical outcomes of these laws. Traditionally, evaluation research measures the impact of a policy against its stated goals. Evaluations may be “formative” or “summative,” focusing on the early stages of policy implementation or its subsequent impact on the problems it seeks to address (Hazell et al., 2010 ). FOI research has mainly examined what is often considered a first-order goal of this legislation, namely the degree to which FOI laws aid in government transparency. The Open Society Justice Initiative ( 2006 ) offers a comparative perspective on the implementation of FOI laws in 14 countries. Hazell and Worthy ( 2010 ), Hazell ( 1989 ), and Roberts ( 2006 ) provide a comparative examination of Western countries that have a longer experience with FOI. Other case studies provide insights into the implementation of FOI laws in developing countries (Darch & Underwood, 2010 ), including India (Roberts, 2010 ), China (Piotrowski, Zhang, Lin, & Yu, 2009 ), Mexico (Gill & Hughes, 2005 ), Peru (Burt & Cagley, 2013 ), Southeastern Europe (Camaj, 2015 ), and South Africa (Darch & Underwood, 2005 ).

Research that explores the impact of FOI legislation on second-order goals, including socio-economic factors such as accountability, corruption, media freedom, and citizens engagement, often provides anecdotal evidence from individual countries. Nonprofit organizations and advocacy groups focused on government transparency and accountability often provide such information (see Article 19, 2007 ; Banisar, 2006 ). Few academic studies investigate the broader impact of FOI on social change or the socio-economic factors influencing the implementation, uses, or effects of FOI. One notable exception is Hazell et al.’s ( 2010 ) work in Great Britain. Based on interviews and surveys with FOI requesters, their book offers a unique insight into how the Freedom of Information Act 2000 works, exploring its impact not only on government transparency and accountability but also on citizens’ understanding of decision-making, political trust, and participation in the political process. They argue that FOI has had little effect on people’s knowledge and understanding about how government works and the processes behind decision-making. Contrary evidence is provided by case studies from India where, with the intervention of civil society groups, citizens have been able to gain knowledge and address a range of socio-economic problems (Calland & Bentley, 2013 ; Jenkins, 2007 ; Roberts, 2010 ; Singh, 2007 ). Other scholars have examined the relationship between FOI laws and media freedom (Lamble, 2004 ; Lidberg, 2009 ; Nam, 2012 ; Relly, 2012 ), corruption (Nam, 2012 ; Tavares, 2007 ), and quality of governance (Islam, 2006 ; Kaufmann & Bellver, 2005 ). Overall, this research also provides conflicting results, which beg for future systematic exploration.

Empirical research should move beyond silver bullet assumptions of a direct relationship between FOI and various desired outcomes. Instead, it should be sensitive to factors that moderate and intervene in this relationship. At a micro level, we need a clearer picture of (1) what motivates citizens to engage in FOI demand and government agents to comply with FOI requests, (2) what citizens do with the information they obtain via FOI mechanisms, and (3) how FOI alters citizen self-efficacy and participation. At the societal level, research needs to focus on structural conditions that impact FOI effectiveness, like the administrative capacity, economic development, oversight institutions, rule of law, and socio-economic factors. When judging the effects of FOI policies, the “social and political contexts and specific histories of different countries” need to be taken into account (Darch & Underwood, 2010 , p. 7) given that they govern citizens’ incentives to participate and the extent to which information obtained by FOI is likely to make a difference (Joshi, 2013 ). A major lesson drawn from research so far is that freedom of information laws, and the “leverage rights” that users derive from them, are part of complex processes requiring multiple methods of investigation and sensitive theoretical elaboration.

Electronic Resources

Access !nfo Europe .
Reporter’s Committee for Freedom of the Press. Federal Open Government Guide (US) .
Transparency International. Access to Information .
Freedominfo.org .
Centre for Law and Democracy & Access Info Europe. Global Right to Information Rating Map .
Worldwide Web Foundation. The Second Edition of the Open Data Barometer .
Reporters without Borders. Press Freedom Index .

What you need to know about access to information

1. Why is freedom of information an important human right?

International human rights law specifically recognizes the right to access to information. Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, echoing article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, protects everyone's right to seek, receive and impart information of all kinds. States have an obligation to respect and ensure everyone enjoys this right without distinction.

2. Why is it essential to the flourishing of democracy?

Access to Information Laws enable:

Public authorities be accountable and transparent. For example, proper implementation of Access to Information law means action can be taken against public authorities with consistently poor performance in the field of access to information.
Citizens to participate more fully in public life. For example, when a government plans to build a road, everyone nearby is given a chance to participate in discussions about it; citizens are invited to participate in town hall meetings, and government-held information about the development of the road, such as the way it will affect traffic and any environmental reports, is made available online.
Governments to build trust in public institutions. During the COVID-19 pandemic, governments published their responses to the pandemic saving lives.
Human rights bodies to be part of the decision-making process which ensures that algorithms do not discriminate against marginalized groups.

3. What kind of information has been made public in countries implementing Access to Information laws?

Marthaline Nuah, lives in a village in northeastern Liberia and is eager to pursue her education. By listening to the radio, she learnt about her right to request public information and formulated an information request with the Ministry of Education to learn about available scholarships to assist with school fees. The information provided helped her apply for a scholarship.
In Brazil, the government proactively published its budgetary information online in compliance with the law. Media outlets have used this information to enhance supervision of governmental programmes, spot inconsistencies and expose corruption and wrongdoings.

4. How, practically, does a citizen exercise his/her right to information?

A citizen first needs to send a written request to the relevant public body. It is important to be as specific as possible with regard to the information that you seek, such as the authority that holds the information or the date when the record was created. Some Access to Information Laws specify how long public institutions have to process the requests of citizens. If a citizen does not receive the information requested, citizens can normally complain to the information commissioner.

Access to Information laws also requires authorities to be proactive in putting information of public interest into the public domain, without the need for requests.

5. Can too many exemptions from Access to Information Laws, or provisions for Ministerial vetos render such laws meaningless?

Limited exemptions must be based on narrow, proportionate, necessary and clearly defined limitations. Exceptions should apply only where there is a risk of substantial harm to the protected interest and where the harm is greater the overall public interest in having access to the information. Bodies should provide reasons for any refusal to provide access to information. The 2022 UNESCO survey on Access to Information , found that most countries evoke national security, privacy and legitimate commercial and other economic interests as permissible exceptions.

6. Does ‘implementation’ of Access to Information Laws include the obligation to inform the public of their rights as well as explaining how to exercise them ?

In response to the annual UNESCO survey on access to information, information commissioners reported that their activities include the provision of implementation guidance and/or offered training to officials from public bodies. The majority of them also engage in activities to raise public awareness. The right to access to information forms part of media and information literacy skills so that young people can know the law, how to formulate an information request and how to appeal if their right is not respected.

On 28 September 2022, International Day for Universal Access to Information , UNESCO publishes its annual Report, on Public Access to Information based on a survey of 123 countries and territories.

More on this subject

Information Meeting on Universal Acceptance

Informative Essay — Purpose, Structure, and Examples

What is informative writing?

Informative writing educates the reader about a certain topic. An informative essay may explain new information, describe a process, or clarify a concept. The provided information is objective, meaning the writing focuses on presentation of fact and should not contain personal opinion or bias.

Informative writing includes description, process, cause and effect, comparison, and problems and possible solutions:

Describes a person, place, thing, or event using descriptive language that appeals to readers’ senses

Explains the process to do something or how something was created

Discusses the relationship between two things, determining how one ( cause ) leads to the other ( effect ); the effect needs to be based on fact and not an assumption

Identifies the similarities and differences between two things; does not indicate that one is better than the other

Details a problem and presents various possible solutions ; the writer does not suggest one solution is more effective than the others

Purpose of informative writing

The purpose of an informative essay depends upon the writer’s motivation, but may be to share new information, describe a process, clarify a concept, explain why or how, or detail a topic’s intricacies.

Informative essays may introduce readers to new information .

Summarizing a scientific/technological study

Outlining the various aspects of a religion

Providing information on a historical period

Describe a process or give step-by-step details of a procedure.

How to write an informational essay

How to construct an argument

How to apply for a job

Clarify a concept and offer details about complex ideas.

Explain why or how something works the way that it does.

Describe how the stock market impacts the economy

Illustrate why there are high and low tides

Detail how the heart functions

Offer information on the smaller aspects or intricacies of a larger topic.

Identify the importance of the individual bones in the body

Outlining the Dust Bowl in the context of the Great Depression

Explaining how bees impact the environment

How to write an informative essay

Regardless of the type of information, the informative essay structure typically consists of an introduction, body, and conclusion.

Introduction

Background information

Explanation of evidence

Restated thesis

Review of main ideas

Closing statement

Informative essay introduction

When composing the introductory paragraph(s) of an informative paper, include a hook, introduce the topic, provide background information, and develop a good thesis statement.

If the hook or introduction creates interest in the first paragraph, it will draw the readers’ attention and make them more receptive to the essay writer's ideas. Some of the most common techniques to accomplish this include the following:

Emphasize the topic’s importance by explaining the current interest in the topic or by indicating that the subject is influential.

Use pertinent statistics to give the paper an air of authority.

A surprising statement can be shocking; sometimes it is disgusting; sometimes it is joyful; sometimes it is surprising because of who said it.

An interesting incident or anecdote can act as a teaser to lure the reader into the remainder of the essay. Be sure that the device is appropriate for the informative essay topic and focus on what is to follow.

Directly introduce the topic of the essay.

Provide the reader with the background information necessary to understand the topic. Don’t repeat this information in the body of the essay; it should help the reader understand what follows.

Identify the overall purpose of the essay with the thesis (purpose statement). Writers can also include their support directly in the thesis, which outlines the structure of the essay for the reader.

Informative essay body paragraphs

Each body paragraph should contain a topic sentence, evidence, explanation of evidence, and a transition sentence.

A good topic sentence should identify what information the reader should expect in the paragraph and how it connects to the main purpose identified in the thesis.

Provide evidence that details the main point of the paragraph. This includes paraphrasing, summarizing, and directly quoting facts, statistics, and statements.

Explain how the evidence connects to the main purpose of the essay.

Place transitions at the end of each body paragraph, except the last. There is no need to transition from the last support to the conclusion. A transition should accomplish three goals:

Tell the reader where you were (current support)

Tell the reader where you are going (next support)

Relate the paper’s purpose

Informative essay conclusion

Incorporate a rephrased thesis, summary, and closing statement into the conclusion of an informative essay.

Rephrase the purpose of the essay. Do not just repeat the purpose statement from the thesis.

Summarize the main idea found in each body paragraph by rephrasing each topic sentence.

End with a clincher or closing statement that helps readers answer the question “so what?” What should the reader take away from the information provided in the essay? Why should they care about the topic?

Informative essay example

The following example illustrates a good informative essay format:

Writing an Informative Essay

Informative essays engage readers with new, interesting, and often surprising facts and details about a subject. Informative essays are educational; readers expect to learn something new from them. In fact, much of the reading and writing done in college and the workplace is informative. From textbooks to reports to tutorials like this one, informative writing imparts important and useful information about a topic.

This tutorial refers to the sample informative outline and final essay written by fictional student Paige Turner.

Reasons to Write Informatively

Your purpose for writing and the audience for whom you are writing will impact the depth and breadth of information you provide, but all informative writing aims to present a subject without opinions or bias. Some common reasons to write informatively are to

report findings that an audience would find interesting,
present facts that an audience would find useful, and
communicate information about a person, place, event, issue, or change that would improve an audience’s understanding.

Characteristics of Informative Essays

Informative essays present factual information and do not attempt to sway readers’ opinions about it. Other types of academic and workplace writing do try to influence readers’ opinions:

Expository essays aim to expose a truth about an issue in order to influence how readers view the issue.
Persuasive essays aim to influence readers’ opinions, so they will adopt a particular position or take a certain course of action.

Expository and persuasive essays make “arguments.” The only argument an informative essay makes is that something exists, did exist, is happening, or has happened, and the point of the essay is not to convince readers of this but to tell them about it.

Informative essays seek to enlighten and educate readers, so they can make their own educated opinions and decisions about what to think and how to act.

Strategies for Writing Informatively

Informative essays provide useful information such as facts, examples, and evidence from research in order to help readers understand a topic or see it more clearly. While informative writing does not aim to appeal emotionally to readers in order to change their opinions or behaviors, informative writing should still be engaging to read. Factual information is not necessarily dry or boring. Sometimes facts can be more alarming than fiction!

Writers use various strategies to engage and educate readers. Some strategies include

introducing the topic with an alarming fact or arresting image;
asserting what is true or so about the subject in a clear thesis statement;
organizing the paragraphs logically by grouping related information;
unifying each paragraph with a topic sentence and controlling idea;
developing cohesive paragraphs with transition sentences;
using precise language and terminology appropriate for the topic, purpose, and audience; and
concluding with a final idea or example that captures the essay’s purpose and leaves a lasting impression.

Five Steps for Getting Started

1. Brainstorm and choose a topic.

Sample topic : The opioid epidemic in the United States.
The opiod epidemic or even opiod addiction would would be considered too broad for a single essay, so the next steps aim to narrow this topic down.

2. Next, write a question about the topic that you would like to answer through research.

Sample question : What major events caused the opioid crisis in the United States?
This question aims to narrow the topic down to causes of the epidemic in the US.

3. Now go to the Purdue Global Library to find the answers to your research question.

As you begin reading and collecting sources, write down the themes that emerge as common answers. Later, in step four, use the most common answers (or the ones you are most interested in writing and discussing) to construct a thesis statement.

Sample answers: aggressive marketing, loopholes in prescription drug provider programs, and economic downturn.

4. Next, provide purpose to your paper by creating a thesis statement.

The thesis attempts to frame your research question. The sample thesis below incorporates three of the more common answers for the research question from step two: What caused the opioid crisis in the United States?

Thesis Statement : Aggressive marketing, loopholes in prescription drug provider programs, and economic downturn contributed to the current opioid crisis in the United States.
Writing Tip : For additional help with thesis statements, please visit our Writing a Thesis Statement article. For help with writing in 3rd person, see our article on Formal Vs. Informal Writing .

5. Now follow each numbered step in the “Suggested Outline Format and Sample” below.

Sample answers have been provided for “I. Introduction” and “II. First Cause.” A complete sample outline can be seen here. A complete sample informative essay can be seen here.

Suggested Outline Format and Sample

I. INTRODUCTION

A. First provide a topic sentence that introduces the main topic: Sample topic sentence : There is a current prescription pain medication addiction and abuse epidemic possibly caused by an excessive over prescription of these medications.

B. Now provide a couple sentences with evidence to support the main topic: Sample sentence one with evidence to support the main topic : According to Dr. Nora Volkow, Director of National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA), in testimony before the 115th Congress, “In 2016, over 11 million Americans misused prescription opioids … and 2.1 million had an opioid use disorder due to prescription opioids” (Federal Efforts to Combat the Opioid Crisis, 2017, p. 2).

C. Sample sentence two with evidence to support the main topic : Volkow indicated “more than 300,000 Americans have died of an opioid overdose” since 2013 (Federal Efforts to Combat the Opioid Crisis, 2017, p.2).

D. Sample sentence three with evidence to support the main topic : According to Perez-Pena (2017), the Center for Disease Control and Prevention reported more than 25,000 people in the United States died in 2015 from overdosing on opioids Fentanyl, Oxycodone, and Hydrocodone.

E. Toward the end of the introduction, include your thesis statement written in the 3rd-person point-of-view: Sample thesis statement : Potential solutions to the growing opioid epidemic may be illuminated by examining how opioid addiction is triggered through aggressive pharmaceutical marketing, how opioid addiction manifests among prescribed patients, and how economic downturns play a role in the increase of opioid addiction.

F. Write down the library sources you can use in this introductory paragraph to help support the main topic.

Federal Efforts to Combat the Opioid Crisis, 2017
Perez-Pena, 2017
Writing Tip : For more help writing an introduction, please refer to this article on introductions and conclusions .

II. FIRST CAUSE

A. First provide a topic sentence that introduces the first cause of the opioid epidemic: Sample topic sentence that introduces the first cause : One issue that helped contribute to the opioid epidemic is aggressive marketing by pharmaceutical manufacturers.

B. Now provide sentences with evidence to support the first cause: Sample sentence one with evidence that supports the first cause : Perez-Pena (2017) concluded that while the healthcare industry was attempting to effectively and efficiently treat patients with chronic pain, pharmaceutical companies were providing funding to prominent doctors, medical societies, and patient advocacy groups in order to win support for a particular drug’s adoption and usage.

C. Sample sentence two with evidence to support the first cause : In fact, pharmaceutical companies continue to spend millions on promotional activities and materials that deny or trivialize any risks of opioid use while at the same time overstating each drug’s benefit (Perez-Pina, 2017).

D. Next, add more information or provide concluding or transitional sentences that foreshadows the upcoming second cause: Sample concluding and transitional sentence that foreshadow the second cause : Although aggressive marketing by pharmaceutical companies played a large role in opioid addiction, patients are to blame too, as many take advantage of holes in the healthcare provider system in order to remedy their addiction.

E. Write down the library sources you can use in this body paragraph to help support the first cause:

Writing Tip : For more assistance working with sources, please visit the Using Sources page here.

III. SECOND CAUSE

A. First provide a topic sentence that introduces the second cause.

B. Now provide sentences with evidence to support the second cause.

C. Next, add more information or provide concluding or transitional sentences that foreshadows the upcoming third cause.

D. Write down the library sources you can use in this body paragraph to help support the second cause:

Writing Tip : Listen to Writing Powerful Sentences for information and features of effective writing.

IV. THIRD CAUSE

A. First provide a topic sentence that introduces the third cause.

B. Now provide sentences with evidence to support the third cause.

C. Next, add more information or provide a concluding sentence or two.

D. Write down the library sources you can use in this body paragraph to help support the third cause:

V. CONCLUSION: Summary of key points and evidence discussed.

Writing Tip : For more help writing a conclusion, refer to this podcast on endings .
Writing Tip : Have a question? Leave a comment below or Purdue Global students, click here to access the Purdue Global Writing Center tutoring platform and available staff.
Writing Tip : Ready to have someone look at your paper? Purdue Global students, click here to submit your assignment for feedback through our video paper review service.

See a Sample Informative Essay Outline here .

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dang bro i got an A

Having faith with all this mentioned, that i will pass my english class at a college. Thank you for posting.

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Right To Information Rti

Right to Information - Notes for UPSC Indian Polity

The Right to Information is a very important topic for the IAS exam . In this article we will provide detailed information regarding the RTI Act which is often seen in the news, thus making it a very probable topic to be asked in the UPSC prelims or the UPSC mains exam.

The Right to Information-Indian Polity Notes Download PDF Here

The Right to Information

Historical Background

The right to information is a fundamental right under Article 19 (1) of the Indian Constitution. In 1976, in the Raj Narain vs the State of Uttar Pradesh case, the Supreme Court ruled that Right to information will be treated as a fundamental right under article 19. The Supreme Court held that in Indian democracy, people are the masters and they have the right to know about the working of the government.

Thus the government enacted the Right to Information act in 2005 which provides machinery for exercising this fundamental right.

To know more in detail about the Constitution of India , visit the linked article.

The Right to Information Act of 2005

The act is one of the most important acts which empowers ordinary citizens to question the government and its working. This has been widely used by citizens and media to uncover corruption, progress in government work, expenses-related information, etc.

The primary goal of the Right to Information Act is to empower citizens, promote openness and accountability in government operations, combat corruption, and make our democracy truly function for the people. It goes without saying that an informed citizen is better equipped to keep a required track on governance instruments and hold the government responsible to the governed. The Act is a significant step in informing citizens about the activities of the government.

All constitutional authorities, agencies, owned and controlled, also those organisations which are substantially financed by the government comes under the purview of the act. The act also mandates public authorities of union government or state government, to provide timely response to the citizens’ request for information.

The act also imposes penalties if the authorities delay in responding to the citizen in the stipulated time.

Know more about Cultural and Educational Rights at the linked article.

What type of information can be requested through RTI?

The citizens can seek any information from the government authorities that the government can disclose to the parliament.

Some information that can affect the sovereignty and the integrity of India is exempted from the purview of RTI.

Information relating to internal security, relations with foreign countries, intellectual property rights ( IPR ), cabinet discussions are exempted from RTI.

Objectives of the RTI Act

Empower citizens to question the government.
The act promotes transparency and accountability in the working of the government.
The act also helps in containing corruption in the government and work for the people in a better way.
The act envisages building better-informed citizens who would keep necessary vigil about the functioning of the government machinery.

Important provisions under the Right to Information Act, 2005

Section 2(h): Public authorities mean all authorities and bodies under the union government, state government or local bodies. The civil societies that are substantially funded, directly or indirectly, by the public funds also fall within the ambit of RTI.
Section 4 1(b): Government has to maintain and proactively disclose information.
Section 6: Prescribes a simple procedure for securing information.
Section 7: Prescribes a time frame for providing information(s) by PIOs.
Section 8: Only minimum information exempted from disclosure.
Section 8 (1) mentions exemptions against furnishing information under the RTI Act.
Section 8 (2) provides for disclosure of information exempted under the Official Secrets Act, 1923 if the larger public interest is served.
Section 19: Two-tier mechanism for appeal.
Section 20: Provides penalties in case of failure to provide information on time, incorrect, incomplete or misleading or distorted information.
Section 23: Lower courts are barred from entertaining suits or applications. However, the writ jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of India and high courts under Articles 32 and 226 of the Constitution remains unaffected.

To know in detail about the other fundamental rights of the Indian Constitution, aspirants can refer to the links given below:

Significance of the RTI Act

The RTI Act, 2005 empowers the citizen to question the secrecy and abuse of power practised in governance.
It is through the information commissions at the central and state levels that access to such information is provided.
RTI information can be regarded as a public good, for it is relevant to the interests of citizens and is a crucial pillar for the functioning of a transparent and vibrant democracy.
The information obtained not only helps in making government accountable but also useful for other purposes which would serve the overall interests of the society.
Every year, around six million applications are filed under the RTI Act, making it the most extensively used sunshine legislation globally.
These applications seek information on a range of issues, from holding the government accountable for the delivery of basic rights and entitlements to questioning the highest offices of the country.
Using the RTI Act, people have sought information that governments would not like to reveal as it may expose corruption, human rights violations, and wrongdoings by the state.
The access to information about policies, decisions and actions of the government that affect the lives of citizens is an instrument to ensure accountability.
The Supreme Court has, in several judgments, held that the RTI is a fundamental right flowing from Articles 19 and 21 of the Constitution, which guarantee to citizens the freedom of speech and expression and the right to life, respectively.

Recent Amendments

The RTI amendment Bill 2013 removes political parties from the ambit of the definition of public authorities and hence from the purview of the RTI Act.
The draft provision 2017 which provides for closure of case in case of death of applicant can lead to more attacks on the lives of whistleblowers.
The proposed RTI Amendment Act 2018 is aimed at giving the Centre the power to fix the tenures and salaries of state and central information commissioners, which are statutorily protected under the RTI Act. The move will dilute the autonomy and independence of CIC.
The Act proposes to replace the fixed 5-year tenure with as much prescribed by the government.

Criticism of RTI Act

One of the major set-back to the act is that poor record-keeping within the bureaucracy results in missing files.
There is a lack of staffing to run the information commissions.
The supplementary laws like the Whistle Blower’s Act are diluted, this reduces the effect of RTI law.
Since the government does not proactively publish information in the public domain as envisaged in the act and this leads to an increase in the number of RTI applications.
There have been reports of frivolous RTI applications and also the information obtained have been used to blackmail the government authorities.

RTI Act – Associated Challenges

Asking for desperate and voluminous information.
To attain publicity by filing RTI
RTI filed as a vindictive tool to harass or pressurize the public authority
Because of illiteracy and unawareness among the majority of the population in the country, the RTI cannot be exercised.
Though RTI’s aim is not to create a grievance redressal mechanism, the notices from Information Commissions often spur the public authorities to redress grievances.

List of Current Affairs Articles for UPSC

Difference between Right to Information and Right to Privacy

The right to privacy and the right to information are both essential human rights in modern society where technological information breach is very common. These two rights complement each other in holding governments accountable to individuals in a majority of the cases.

Right to Information provides a fundamental right for any person to access information held by government bodies. At the same time, the right to privacy laws grants individuals a fundamental right to control the collection of, access to, and use of personal information about them that is held by governments and private bodies.

Right To Information Act vs Legislations for Non Disclosure of Information

Under these provisions, head of department may refuse to provide information on affairs of state and only swearing that it is a state secret will entitle not to disclose the information.
In a similar manner no public officer shall be compelled to disclose communications made to him in official confidence.
The Atomic Energy Act, 1912 provides that it shall be an offence to disclose information restricted by the Central Government.
The Central Civil Services Act provides a government servant not to communicate or part with any official documents except in accordance with a general or special order of government.
The Official Secrets Act, 1923 provides that any government official can mark a document as confidential so as to prevent its publication.
The Right to Information Act has not achieved its full objectives due to some impediments created due to systematic failures. It was made to achieve social justice, transparency and to make an accountable government.
This law provides us with a priceless opportunity to redesign the processes of governance, particularly at the grassroots level where the citizens’ interface is maximum.
It is well recognized that the right to information is necessary, but not sufficient, to improve governance. A lot more needs to be done to usher in accountability in governance, including protection of whistleblowers, decentralization of power and fusion of authority with accountability at all levels.
As observed by Delhi High Court that misuse of the RTI Act has to be appropriately dealt with; otherwise the public would lose faith and confidence in this “sunshine Act”.

UPSC Questions related to Right to Information

What do you mean by the right to information.

Right to information is a right given to the citizens to question and hold the government accountable for its functions. The RTI act 2005 helps in exercising this right.

How can I use the Right to Information Act?

RTI can be filed by any citizen through an application submitting to the designated officer by paying Rupees ten.

Which type of right is right to information?

Right to Information has been categorised as a Fundamental Right under Article 19(1) of the Indian constitution by the Supreme Court.

What is the main objective of RTI?

RTI was introduced to empower citizens to question the government and its working. Any citizen could request for information that does not threaten the internal security and integrity of India.

You can find more UPSC-related preparation materials and other articles with the links given in the table below:

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How to Write an Informative Essay: Everything You Need to Know

Did you know that informative essays aren't just for school? They're also used in jobs like journalism, marketing, and PR to explain complex ideas and promote things. This shows how useful they are outside of the classroom.

So, if you're planning to write one, that's a great choice! It's interesting but can be tough. To do it well, you need to plan, research, and organize carefully. Keep your tone balanced, give clear info, and add your own thoughts to stand out.

In this guide, our essay writer will give you tips on starting and organizing your essay effectively. At the end, you'll also find interesting essay samples. So, let's jump right into it.

What is an Informative Essay

To give a good informative essay definition, imagine them as windows to new knowledge. Their main job is to teach others about a particular topic. Whether it's for a school project or something you stumble upon online, these essays are packed with interesting facts and insights.

Here's a simple breakdown from our admission essay writing service of what makes an informative essay tick:

Keeping It Real: These essays are all about the facts. No opinions allowed. We want to keep things fair and honest.
Topics Galore: You can write about anything you find interesting, from science and history to things about different cultures.
Where You Find Them: Informative essays can pop up anywhere, from your classroom assignments to the pages of magazines or even online articles.
Research: Like a good detective, informative essays rely on solid evidence. That means digging into trustworthy sources to gather reliable information.
Stay Neutral: To keep things fair, informative essays don't take sides. They present the facts and let readers draw their own conclusions.
Structure: These essays have a clear roadmap. They start with an introduction to set the stage, then present the main points with evidence, and wrap up with a summary to tie it all together.
Write for Your Audience: Keep your writing simple and easy to understand. Think about who will be reading it.
Give Just Enough Detail: Don't overload people with info. Find the right balance so it's interesting but not overwhelming.

Ready to Ignite Minds with Your Informative Essay?

Our qualified writers are here to craft a masterpiece tailored to your needs worthy of an A+

Reasons to Write an Informative Essay

Writing informative essays, whether following the IEEE format or another style, is a great way to teach and share ideas with others. Here's why it's worth giving it a try:

Make Complex Ideas Easy : Informative essays simplify complicated topics so everyone can understand them. They break down big ideas into simple parts, helping more people learn and share knowledge.
Encourage Thinking : When you read these essays, you're encouraged to think for yourself. They give you facts and evidence so you can form your own opinions about different topics. This helps you become better at understanding the world around you.
Inspire Doing : They can motivate people to take action and make positive changes by raising awareness about important issues like the environment, fairness, or health. By reading these essays, people might be inspired to do something to help.
Leave a Mark : When you write informative essays, you're leaving a legacy of knowledge for future generations. Your ideas can be read and learned from long after you're gone, helping others understand the world better.

How to Start an Informative Essay

If you're still doubting how to start with an informative essay outline, no worries! Here's a step-by-step guide to help you tackle this task like a pro. Alternatively, you can simply order essay and have it done by experts.

Choose an Exciting Topic : Pick something that really grabs your attention. Writing about what you're genuinely interested in makes the whole process way more fun. Plus, it's easier to write confidently about things you know a bit about.
Dig into Research : Spend some quality time digging up info from reliable sources. Take good notes, so you have all the facts you need to back up your essay. The better your research, the stronger your essay will be.
Set Your Essay's Goal : Decide what you want your essay to do. Are you explaining something, analyzing a problem, or comparing ideas? Knowing your goal helps you focus your writing.
Sketch Out Your Essay : Make a simple plan for your essay. Start with an intro that grabs attention and states your main idea. Then, map out your main points for the body paragraphs and plan a strong finish for your conclusion.
Kick Off with an Awesome Introduction : Start with a killer opening line to hook your readers. Give a bit of background on your topic and clearly state your main idea.
Flesh Out Your Body Paragraphs : In each paragraph, cover one key point backed up with evidence from your research. Keep it clear and simple, and don't forget to cite your sources.
Wrap Up Strong : Sum up your main points in your conclusion and restate your main idea in a memorable way. Leave your readers with something to think about related to your topic.

Informative Essay Outline

Many students don't realize how helpful outlining can be for writing an informative essay. Spending a bit of time on it can actually save you loads of time later on when you're writing. To give you a head start, here's a simple format from our term paper writing services :

I. Introduction

Start with something catchy to grab attention
Give a little background info on your topic
State your main idea clearly in your thesis statement

II. Body Paragraphs

A. Talk about your first main idea

Share evidence or facts that support this idea
Explain what the evidence means
Transition smoothly to the next point

B. Move on to your second main idea

Provide evidence or facts for this point
Explain why this evidence matters
Transition to the next paragraph

C. Address your third main idea

Offer supporting evidence or facts
Explain the significance of this evidence
Transition to the next part

III. Conclusion

Restate your thesis statement to remind readers of your main point
Summarize the key points you've covered in the body paragraphs
Leave readers with some final thoughts or reflections to ponder

IV. Optional: Extra Sections

Consider addressing counterarguments and explaining why they're not valid (if needed)
Offer suggestions for further research or additional reading
Share personal anecdotes or examples to make your essay more relatable (if it fits)

Informative Essay Structure

Now that you've got a plan and know how to start an essay let's talk about how to organize it in more detail.

Introduction :

In your informative essay introduction, your aim is to grab the reader's interest and provide a bit of background on your topic. Start with something attention-grabbing, like a surprising fact or a thought-provoking question. Then, give a quick overview of what you'll be talking about in your essay with a clear thesis statement that tells the reader what your main points will be.

Body Paragraphs:

The body paragraphs of an informative essay should dive into the main ideas of your topic. Aim for at least three main points and back them up with evidence from reliable sources. Remember the 'C-E-E' formula: Claim, Evidence, Explanation. Start each paragraph with a clear point, then provide evidence to support it, and finally, explain why it's important. Mastering how to write an informative essay also requires smooth transitions from one section to the next, so don't forget to use transition words.

Conclusion :

You may already guess how to write a conclusion for an informative essay, as it's quite similar to other writing types. Wrap up by summarizing the main points you've made. Restate your thesis to remind the reader what your essay was all about. Then, leave them with some final thoughts or reflections to think about. Maybe suggest why your topic is important or what people can learn from it.

Informative Essay Examples

Essay examples show how theoretical ideas can be applied effectively and engagingly. So, let's check them out for good structure, organization, and presentation techniques.

Additionally, you can also explore essay writing apps that offer convenience and flexibility, allowing you to work on assignments wherever you are.

7 Steps for Writing an Informative Essay

Before you leave, here are 7 simple yet crucial steps for writing an informative essay. Make sure to incorporate them into your writing process:

Choose Your Topic: If you're given the freedom to choose your topic, opt for something you're passionate about and can explain effectively in about five paragraphs. Begin with a broad subject area and gradually narrow it down to a specific topic. Consider conducting preliminary research to ensure there's enough information available to support your essay.
Do Your Research: Dive deep into your chosen topic and gather information from reliable sources. Ensure that the sources you use are credible and can be referenced in your essay. This step is crucial for building a solid foundation of knowledge on your topic.
Create an Outline: Once you've collected your research, organize your thoughts by creating an outline. Think of it as a roadmap for your essay, briefly summarizing what each paragraph will cover. This step helps maintain coherence and ensures that you cover all essential points in your essay.
Start Writing: With your outline in hand, begin drafting your essay. Don't strive for perfection on the first attempt; instead, focus on getting your ideas down on paper. Maintain an objective and informative tone, avoiding overly complex language or unnecessary embellishments.
Revise Your Draft: After completing the initial draft, take a break before revisiting your work. Read through your essay carefully, assessing how well your arguments are supported by evidence and ensuring a smooth flow of ideas. Rewrite any sections that require improvement to strengthen your essay's overall coherence and clarity.
Proofread: Once you've revised your essay, thoroughly proofread it to catch any spelling or grammar errors. Additionally, verify the accuracy of the facts and information presented in your essay. A polished and error-free essay reflects positively on your attention to detail and credibility as a writer.
Cite Your Sources: Finally, include a citations page to acknowledge the sources you've referenced in your essay. Follow the formatting guidelines of the chosen citation style, whether it's MLA, APA, or Chicago, to ensure consistency and proper credit to the original authors. This step is essential for maintaining academic integrity and avoiding plagiarism accusations.

Final Remarks

Fantastic! Now that you know how to write an informative essay and absorbed the essentials, let's recap the key points:

You've learned the basics of informative essay writing.
Ready to choose an interesting topic that connects with your audience.
You've understood how to organize your essay clearly, with each paragraph serving a purpose.
You have step-by-step guidance for writing engagingly.
You've gained valuable tips to improve your writing skills and make your essay stand out.

By applying these insights, you're set to write an engaging essay that informs and inspires your readers!

Want to Unleash the Brilliance of Your Ideas?

Claim your expertly crafted informative essay today and command attention with your brilliant insights!

1290 words essay on Right To Information Act of India

The Right to Information (RTI) Act is a law enacted by the Parliament of India to provide for setting out the practical regime of right to information for citizens. It was passed by Parliament on 15 June 2005 and came fully into force on 13 October 2005. The RTI Act mandates timely response to citizen requests for government information. It applies to all States and Union Territories of India, except the State of Jammu and Kashmir, which is covered under a State-level law.

The Act relaxes the Official Secrets Act of 1889 which was amended in 1923 and various other special laws that restricted information disclosure in India. In other words, the Act explicitly overrides the Official Secrets Act and other laws in force as on 15 June 2005 to the extent of any inconsistency.

Under the provisions of the Act, any citizen (excluding the citizens within J&K) may request information from a ‘public authority’ (a body of Government or ‘instrumentality of State’) which is required to reply expeditiously or within thirty days. The Act also requires every public authority to computerise their records for wide dissemination and to proactively publish certain categories of information so that the citizens need minimum recourse to request for information formally.

The RTI Act specifies that citizens have a right to: request any information (as defined); take copies of documents; inspect documents, works and records; take certified samples of materials of work; and obtain information in the form of printouts, diskettes, floppies, tapes, video cassettes or in any other electronic mode.

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Prior to the Act being passed by the Parliament, the RTI Laws were first successfully enacted by the state governments of Tamil Nadu (1997), Goa (1997), Rajasthan (2000), Karnataka (2000), Delhi (2001), Maharashtra (2002), Madhya Pradesh (2003), Assam (2002) and Jammu and Kashmir (2004). Some of these State level enactments have been widely used. While the Delhi RTI Act is still in force, Jammu & Kashmir has its own Right to Information Act of 2009, the successor to the repealed J&K Right to Information Act, 2004 and its 2008 amendment.

At the national level, given the experience of state governments in passing practicable legislation, the Central Government appointed a working group under H.D. Shourie to draft legislation. The Shourie draft, in an extremely diluted form, became the basis for the Freedom of Information Bill, 2000 which eventually became law under the Freedom of Information (Fol) Act, 2002. The Fol Act, however, never came into effective force as it was severely criticised for permitting too many exemptions, not only under the standard grounds of national security and sovereignty, but also for requests that would involve ‘disproportionate diversion of the resources of a public authority’. Further, there was no upper limit on the charges that could be levied and there were no penalties for not complying with a request for information.

The failure of Fol Act led to sustained pressure for a better National RTI enactment. The first draft of the Right to Information Bill was presented to Parliament on 22 December 2004. Subsequently, more than a hundred amendments to the draft Bill were made before the bill was finally passed. The Law is applicable to all constitutional authorities, including the executive, legislature and judiciary; any institution or body established or constituted by an act of Parliament or a state legislature.

Bodies or authorities established or constituted by order or notification of appropriate government including bodies “owned, controlled or substantially financed” by government, or non-Government organizations “substantially financed, directly or indirectly by funds” provided by the government are also covered by the Law. While private bodies are not within the Act’s ambit directly, in a landmark decision of 30 November 2006 (Sarbajit Roy versus DERC) the Central Information Commission reaffirmed that privatised public utility companies continue to be within the RTI Act their privatisation notwithstanding.

Under the Act, all authorities covered must appoint their Public Information Officer (PIO). When any person submits a request to the PIO for information in writing, it is the PIO’s obligation to provide information. Further, if the request pertains to another public authority (in whole or part) it is the PIO’s responsibility to transfer/forward the concerned portions of the request to a PIO of the other authority within five days. In addition, every public authority is required to designate Assistant Public Information Officers (APIOs) to receive RTI requests and appeals for forwarding to the PIOs of their public authority.

The RTI Act specifies that a citizen making the request is not obliged to disclose any information except his/her name and contact particulars. The Act also specifies time limits for replying to the request. If the request has been made to the PIO, the reply is to be given within 30 days of receipt. In the case of APIO, the reply is to be given within 35 days of receipt. If the request is transferred by to PIO to another public authority the time allowed to reply is computed from the day on which it is received by the PIO of the transferee authority.

In case of information concerning corruption and Human Rights violations by scheduled Security agencies, the time limit is 45 days but with the prior approval of the Central Information Commission. However, if life or liberty of any person is involved, the PIO is expected to reply within 48 hours.

The information under RTI has to be paid for except for Below Poverty Level Card (BPL Card) holders. Hence, the reply of the PIO is necessarily limited to either denying the request (in whole or part) and/ or providing a computation of further fees. The time between the reply of the PIO and the time taken to deposit the further fees for information is excluded from the time allowed. If information is not provided within the time limit, it is treated as deemed refusal. Refusal with or without reasons may be ground for appeal or complaint. Further, information not provided in the times prescribed is to be provided free of charge.

Considering that providing each and every information asked for under the Act may severely jeopardise national interest, some exemptions to disclosure are provided for in the Act. Information which has been expressly forbidden to be published by any court of law or tribunal or the disclosure of which may constitute contempt of court; information, the disclosure of which would cause a breach of privilege of Parliament or the State Legislature; information including commercial confidence, trade secrets or intellectual property, the disclosure of which would harm the competitive position of a third party.

Information available to a person in his fiduciary relationship; information received in confidence from foreign Government; information which would impede the process of investigation or apprehension or prosecution of offenders; and cabinet papers including records of deliberations of the Council of Ministers, Secretaries and other officers are some of the exemptions. Notwithstanding any of these exemptions, a public authority may allow access to information, if public interest in disclosure outweighs the harm to the protected interests.

The officer who is the head of all the information under the Act is Chief Information Commissioner (CIC). At the end of year CIC is required to present a report which contains: the number of requests made to each public authority; the number of decisions when applicants were not given permission to access to the documents which they request, the provisions of the Act under which these decisions were made and the number of times such provisions were filed; details of disciplinary action taken against any officer in respect of the administration of the Act; and the amount of charges collected by each public authority under the Act.

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Right to repair: Making repair easier and more appealing to consumers

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Manufacturer has to repair a product for a reasonable price and within a reasonable timeframe after the legal guarantee period
Access to spare parts, tools and repair information for consumers
Incentives to opt for repair, such as repair vouchers and funds
Online platforms will assist consumers in finding local repair services and shops selling refurbished goods

The technician carefully examines the integrity of the The technician carefully examines elements of the smartphone in a modern repair shop

The new rules reinforce the right to repair, aim to reduce waste and bolster the repair sector by making it easier and more cost-effective to repair goods.

On Tuesday, Parliament adopted the directive on the so-called “right to repair” for consumers with 584 votes in favour, 3 against and 14 abstentions. The rules clarify the obligations for manufacturers to repair goods and encourage consumers to extend a product’s lifecycle through repair.

Obligation to repair

The new rules ensure that manufacturers provide timely and cost-effective repair services and inform consumers about their rights to repair. Goods repaired under the warranty will benefit from an additional one-year extension of the legal guarantee, further incentivising consumers to choose repair instead of replacement.

After the legal guarantee has expired, the manufacturer is still required to repair common household products, which are technically repairable under EU law, such as washing machines, vacuum cleaners, and even smartphones. The list of product categories can be extended over time. Consumers may also borrow a device whilst theirs is being repaired or, if it cannot be fixed, opt for a refurbished unit as an alternative.

Information on repair conditions and services

A European information form can be offered to consumers to help them assess and compare repair services (detailing the nature of the defect, price and duration of the repair). To make the repair process easier, a European online platform with national sections will be set up to help consumers easily find local repair shops, sellers of refurbished goods, buyers of defective items or community-led repair initiatives, such as repair cafes.

Revitalising the repair market

The rules aim to strengthen the EU repair market and reduce repair costs for consumers. Manufacturers will have to provide spare parts and tools at a reasonable price and will be prohibited from using contractual clauses, hardware or software techniques that obstruct repairs. In particular, they cannot impede the use of second-hand or 3D-printed spare parts by independent repairers, nor can they refuse to repair a product solely for economic reasons or because it was previously repaired by someone else.

Promoting affordable repair

To make repairs more affordable, each member state will have to implement at least one measure to promote repair, such as repair vouchers and funds, conducting information campaigns, offering repair courses or supporting for community-led repair spaces.

Rapporteur René Repasi (S&D, DE) said: “Consumers’ right to repair products will now become a reality. It will be easier and cheaper to repair instead of purchase new, expensive items. This is a significant achievement for Parliament and its commitment to empower consumers in the fight against climate change. The new legislation extends legal guarantees by 12 months when opting for repair, gives better access to spare parts and ensures easier, cheaper and faster repair.”

Once the directive is formally approved by Council and published in the EU Official Journal, member states will have 24 months to transpose it into national law.

According to the European Commission , the premature disposal of consumer goods produces 261 million tons of CO2-equivalent emissions, consumes 30 million tonnes of resources, and generates 35 million tonnes of waste in the EU each year. Consumers also lose about €12 billion yearly by replacing goods rather than repairing them. Additionally, the new rules are expected to bring €4.8 billion in growth and investment within the EU. The directive complements other new EU rules on Ecodesign and on Empowering consumers for the green transition.

Conference on the future of Europe

The legislation responds directly to citizens’ demands, as expressed in the Conference on the Future of Europe . More concretely, proposals 5(6), (7), (10) and 11(2) on sustainable consumption and sustainable growth and innovation - launching a “repair” platform; introducing measures to promote a right to repair and access to spare parts; taking EU action to incentivise consumers to use products for longer; and addressing planned obsolescence and ensuring the right to repair.

Contacts:

Yasmina yakimova .

Phone number: (+32) 2 28 42626 (BXL)
Mobile number: (+32) 470 88 10 60
E-mail: [email protected]
Twitter account: @EP_SingleMarket

Further information

Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection
Procedure file
Adopted text (23.04.2024)
Video of the debate (22.03.2024)
Press conference with the rapporteur after the final vote (23.04.2024)
EP research service: Right to repair - Strengthened consumer rights
EP multimedia: Circular economy

Product information

Letter to the editor: KU union a long time coming

To the editor:

As a faculty retiree from the English department at the University of Kansas, I read with great interest the article in in a recent Journal-World that “KU faculty votes to form union by a large margin,” more specifically by a vote of 850 to 132.

This was not the first time KU faculty and staff tried to unionize. Back in 1986, under the leadership of professor Robert Hohn, president of the KU chapter of the American Association of University Professors, and also former AAUP president professor Grant Goodman, I was enlisted as “office staff” to help mimeograph letters, stuff envelopes and lick stamps for the movement.

If I remember correctly, we narrowly lost the struggle to unionize by just three votes, with those who defeated us writing letters to the Journal-World, arguing vociferously that forming such a union would be unfriendly and “uncollegial.” So, are we now less friendly and collegial?

Paul Stephen Lim,

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Guest Essay

Justin Trudeau Is No Match for a Polarized World

A photo illustration of two dark red maple leaves, contorted to make a mouth with sharp, jagged teeth, on a plain cream background.

By Stephen Marche

Mr. Marche is the author, most recently, of “The Next Civil War.”

Political careers often end in failure — a cliché that exists because it too often happens to be true. Justin Trudeau, one of the world’s great progressive leaders, may be heading toward that moment. In a recent interview he acknowledged that every day he considers leaving his “crazy job” as Canada’s prime minister. Increasingly, the question is not if he will leave but how soon and how deep his failure will be when he goes.

At stake is something that matters more than one politician’s career: Canada’s contemporary liberal and multicultural society, which just happens to be the legacy of the prime minister’s father and predecessor, Pierre Trudeau. When you fly into Montreal, you land in Trudeau airport, and that’s because of Pierre, not Justin.

The threat to that liberal tradition is not all Justin Trudeau’s fault, of course. The right-wing tide overwhelming global politics has come late but with pent-up vigor to Canada. For several years now, polls have shown Mr. Trudeau’s Liberals at lows from which no Canadian political party has ever recovered in elections. In a recent by-election, in a key suburban district of the Greater Toronto Area, the Conservative Party beat the Liberals by a lopsided 57 percent to 22 percent, a swing of nine percentage points to the Conservatives.

But polls and by-elections can be poor predictors of election viability. A better indicator is the flummoxed figure of Mr. Trudeau himself, who seems increasingly out of touch in the new world of division and extremism.

Part of Mr. Trudeau’s problem is simple exhaustion, both his own and Canadian voters’. He has been in government for almost eight and a half years. During that time, he has been one of the most effective progressive leaders in the world. His government cut Canada’s child poverty in half. He legalized marijuana, ending roughly 100 years of nonsense. He made large strides in reconciliation with Indigenous Canadians. He renegotiated NAFTA with a lunatic American president. He handled Covid better than most. You don’t have to squint too hard to recognize that he is one of the most competent and transformative prime ministers this country has ever produced.

But an era has passed since the start of that halcyon time, when Mr. Trudeau stood in front of his first cabinet and, when asked why it was half female, answered, “Because it’s 2015.” Now a new generation has emerged, for which the liberal technocratic order his government represents has failed to offer a path to a stable, prosperous future and the identity politics he once embodied have withered into vacuous schism. The growing anti-Liberal Party sentiment of young people is the biggest threat to his electability.

His opponents are well aware of Mr. Trudeau’s unpopularity with young voters and have focused Conservative attacks on an issue especially important to that cohort: the housing crisis. The soaring real estate market, in which tiny homes in Toronto and Vancouver now regularly cost more than properties in Paris or New York, has been exacerbated by the Trudeau government bringing in over a million immigrants last year without having built the necessary infrastructure to support the communities receiving them.

For decades, Canada has been the only country in the world where the more patriotic citizens are, the more they support immigration. Liberal mishandling of immigration’s impact may well end this blessed state. The housing crisis is the epitome of Mr. Trudeau’s failure: It feels good — it feels righteous — to support immigration. Isn’t that the whole idea behind multiculturalism? But without the proper hardheadedness, without being frank about difficult realities, righteousness quickly sours.

The first evidence of the prime minister’s weakness in the face of Canada’s growing polarization was the government response to the so-called Freedom Convoy in 2022, in which anti-vaccine demonstrators held Ottawa hostage for a month. His government decided to take a bureaucratic approach to the disruption, dithering while the truckers entrenched themselves in the city, then using the Emergencies Act to seize several of their bank accounts. A January federal decision found that Mr. Trudeau’s invocation of the act was “not justified.”

Other countries took much simpler approaches to their civil unrest in the aftermath of Covid restrictions. The French used tear gas. The moment a convoy set out from Los Angeles headed for Washington, in imitation of the Canadian convoy, the Biden administration called out the National Guard. Other countries know: There is a time for brute force.

The same fear of confrontation — which, to be fair to Mr. Trudeau, afflicts the entirety of Canadian culture and politics — motivated new online harms legislation, which he proposed in February in an attempt to regulate or at least somewhat contain the internet and social media, from revenge pornography and child sexual abuse material to hate speech. It is, unfortunately, an absurd document that seeks to impose virtue by fiat.

The maximum penalty for promoting genocide — a form of speech crime — is life imprisonment, meaning harsh punishments can be meted out for the vaguest and most subjective of definitions. Equally troubling is the measure that if a Canadian citizen “fears on reasonable grounds” that a hate crime will be committed, the individual can apply for an order that another person be subjected to court-mandated conditions on what that person may say.

No less a figure than Margaret Atwood described the proposed law as “Orwellian.” “It’s Lettres de Cachet all over again,” she wrote on X , referring to the king’s ability in prerevolutionary France to imprison without trial. The spirit behind the new law is the very worst of Canada: Be nice, or else. And it will do nothing to contain the disinformation wave that’s swelling.

But more than any other event, it is the Oct. 7 attack on Israel by Hamas that has exposed Mr. Trudeau’s inability to fight for liberal values. Since that day, the Canadian Jewish community has been subject to violence not seen since the 1930s. A synagogue has been firebombed , a Jewish school shot at , a Jewish hospital targeted by an antisemitic mob, a Jewish-owned bookstore vandalized , a Jewish neighborhood disrupted , a Jewish grocery store lit on fire . A mob outside a Holocaust Museum in Montreal chanted , “Death to the Jews.” Mr. Trudeau’s response has been pleas for everyone to just get along. “This needs to stop,” he said , referring to the lobbing of a Molotov cocktail at a synagogue. “This is not who we are as Canadians.”

This litany of failures is all the more significant because of Mr. Trudeau’s name. At a moment of crisis for Canadian multiculturalism, he makes a poor contrast with his father. Pierre Trudeau was not just another Canadian politician; he passed the Charter of Rights and Freedoms while establishing Canada’s Constitution as its own and not subject to the British Parliament. He made no-fault divorce and homosexuality legal. He instituted the official policy of multiculturalism, which made it a matter of law that Canadian citizens were encouraged to practice their religions and maintain their identities.

Pierre Trudeau might have been the most important architect of the liberal Canada, but he was also tough as hell. He famously invoked the Emergency War Measures Act against separatist terrorists in 1970, suspending civil liberties and bringing in the military. When asked by journalists how far he was willing to go, he said, “Just watch me.” Pierre Trudeau knew that the liberal order demands forceful and practical — and occasionally ugly — defense.

His son now seems to believe that telling people to be nice to one another will do. This weakness not only threatens the multicultural society his father founded; it threatens progressive values around the world. For many, Canada seemed a lone candle alight for the values of pluralism and liberalism as they have been extinguished elsewhere in the world.

Justin Trudeau does not have to call an election until 2025. He won elections against the odds before. But time is not on his side. It’s not Pierre Trudeau’s world anymore. It doesn’t much look like Justin Trudeau’s, either.

Stephen Marche is the author, most recently, of “The Next Civil War.”

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips . And here’s our email: [email protected] .

Follow the New York Times Opinion section on Facebook , Instagram , TikTok , WhatsApp , X and Threads .

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