essay on international relationship

Power, the State, and Sovereignty: Essays on International Relations

Stephen D. Krasner

Stephen Krasner has been one of the most influential theorists within international relations and international political economy over the past few decades.  Power, the State, and Sovereignty  is a collection of his key scholarly works. The book includes both a framing introduction written for this volume, and a concluding essay examining the relationship between academic research and the actual making of foreign policy.

 Drawing on both his extensive academic work and his experiences during his recent role within the Bush administration (as Director for Policy Planning at the US State department) Krasner has revised and updated all of the essays in the collection to provide a coherent discussion of the importance of power, ideas, and domestic structures in world politics.

Progressing through a carefully structured evaluation of US domestic politics and foreign policy, international politics and finally sovereignty, this volume is essential reading for all serious scholars of international politics.

Interview – Arjun Chowdhury

Arjun Chowdhury reflects on the changes to what constitutes a contemporary security issue on the world stage, and the need for reform in approaches to state-building.

Thinking Global Podcast – Rahul Verma

Rahul Verma speaks about the 2024 Indian elections, India’s electoral system, the elections’ global dimension and more, in the first of our multilingual ‘India votes’ series.

Why Graduate Education in International Relations Could Benefit From Strategic Studies

Many political science programs with an IR subfield in the US do not have a single faculty member trained as a strategist.

Dissecting the Realist Argument for Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine

Realism provides useful tools for dissecting state behaviour and interests, but it cannot fully account for Russia’s diplomatic misfires or the moral and humanitarian dimensions of the conflict.

Reflections on the Troubles and the IRA in ‘The Secret Army’

This recently uncovered 1970s film sparks discussion about the capacity of such material to be commissioned and for it to be produced, but then to vanish.

Opinion – Momentum in Transnistria’s Geopolitics?

Moldovan politicians should play the geopolitical game cautiously to avoid any unexpected outcomes of the upcoming referendum.

The Securitization of Chinese Soft Power

If soft power is a marker of globalization, then this force of globalization appears to be subordinated to the diverging and conflicting interests of nation-states in an anarchic system.

Opinion – The West Should Drop the ‘Hybrid Warfare’ Discourse on Ukraine

Labelling Russia’s contemporary actions in Ukraine as hybrid warfare fails to accurately depict the evolving nature of the ongoing conflict.

Thinking Global Podcast – G. John Ikenberry (Part Two)

In the second part of our interview, G. John Ikenberry talks more about the Liberal International Order and the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

Interview – Hirotsugu Aida

Hirotsugu Aida discusses key issues impacting the American Presidential election, developments in Japanese politics, and the current state of US-Japan relations.

From 9/11 to Humanise Palestine: Investigating the Terror of Grievability

Reproduced violence in videos and images registers an order of grievability that fails to recognise the value of lives in the Middle East as lives.

Women’s Rights in North Korea: Reputational Defense or Labor Mobilization?

The plight of North Korean women is evident in the Kim regime’s exploitation of their labor and lack of protection for their rights, despite its rhetoric.

Putin’s Russia: Violence, Power and Another 12 Years

The Racial Wealth Gap: Why America Should Discuss Reparations

Reclaiming Surzhyk: Ukraine’s Linguistic Decolonisation

Indian Diplomats and the Social Hierarchies of Global Order

The Stopping Power of Water: An Outdated Concept?

Revisiting Cold War Rhetoric: Implications of North Korean Strategic Culture

A Well-Intentioned Curse? Securitization, Climate Governance and Its Way Forward

The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women’s Failures in Fiji

Interview – Darcy Leigh

Thinking Global Podcast – G. John Ikenberry (Part One)

Interview – Jonathan Fulton

Interview – Carolina Jiménez Sandoval

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Political Realism in International Relations

In the discipline of international relations there are contending general theories or theoretical perspectives. Realism, also known as political realism, is a view of international politics that stresses its competitive and conflictual side. It is usually contrasted with idealism or liberalism, which tends to emphasize cooperation. Realists consider the principal actors in the international arena to be states, which are concerned with their own security, act in pursuit of their own national interests, and struggle for power. The negative side of the realists’ emphasis on power and self-interest is often their skepticism regarding the relevance of ethical norms to relations among states. National politics is the realm of authority and law, whereas international politics, they sometimes claim, is a sphere without justice, characterized by active or potential conflict among states, where ethical standards do not apply.

Not all realists, however, deny the presence of prescriptive ethics in international relations. The distinction should be drawn between classical realism—represented by such twentieth-century theorists as Reinhold Niebuhr and Hans Morgenthau—and radical or extreme realism. While classical realism emphasizes the concept of national interest, it is not the Machiavellian doctrine “that anything is justified by reason of state” (Bull 1995, 189). Nor does it involve the glorification of war or conflict. The classical realists do not reject the possibility of moral judgment in international politics. Rather, they are critical of moralism—abstract moral discourse that does not take into account political realities. They assign ethical value to successful political action based on prudence: the ability to judge the rightness of a given action from among possible alternatives on the basis of its likely political consequences.

Realism encompasses a variety of approaches and claims a long theoretical tradition. Among its founding fathers, Thucydides, Machiavelli and Hobbes are the names most usually mentioned. Twentieth-century classical realism has today been largely replaced by neorealism, which is an attempt to construct a more scientific approach to the study of international relations. Both classical realism and neorealism have been subjected to criticism from IR theorists representing liberal, critical, and post-modern perspectives. The growing tensions among superpowers have revived the realist-idealist debate in the twenty-first century and have led to a resurgence of interest in the realist tradition.

1.1 Thucydides and the Importance of Power

1.2 machiavelli’s critique of the moral tradition, 1.3 hobbes’s anarchic state of nature, 2.1 e. h. carr’s challenge to utopian idealism, 2.2 hans morgenthau’s realist principles, 3.1 kenneth waltz’s international system, 3.2 objections to neorealism, 4. conclusion: the cautionary and changing character of realism, other internet resources, related entries, 1. the roots of the realist tradition.

Like other classical political theorists, Thucydides (c. 460–c. 400 B.C.E.) saw politics as involving moral questions. Most importantly, he asks whether relations among states to which power is crucial can also be guided by the norms of justice. His History of the Peloponnesian War is in fact neither a work of political philosophy nor a sustained theory of international relations. Much of this work, which presents a partial account of the armed conflict between Athens and Sparta that took place from 431 to 404 B.C.E., consists of paired speeches by personages who argue opposing sides of an issue. Nevertheless, if the History is described as the only acknowledged classical text in international relations, and if it inspires theorists from Hobbes to contemporary international relations scholars, this is because it is more than a chronicle of events, and a theoretical position can be extrapolated from it. Realism is expressed in the very first speech of the Athenians recorded in the History —a speech given at the debate that took place in Sparta just before the war. Moreover, a realist perspective is implied in the way Thucydides explains the cause of the Peloponnesian War, and also in the famous “Melian Dialogue,” in the statements made by the Athenian envoys.

1.1.1 General Features of Realism in International Relations

International relations realists emphasize the constraints imposed on politics by the nature of human beings, whom they consider egoistic, and by the absence of international government. Together these factors contribute to a conflict-based paradigm of international relations, in which the key actors are states, in which power and security become the main issues, and in which there is little place for ethical norms. The set of premises concerning state actors, egoism, anarchy, power, security, and ethics that define the realist tradition are all present in Thucydides.

(1) Human nature is a starting point for classical political realism. Realists view human beings as inherently egoistic and self-interested to the extent that self-interest overcomes moral principles. At the debate in Sparta, described in Book I of Thucydides’ History , the Athenians affirm the priority of self-interest over morality. They say that considerations of right and wrong have “never turned people aside from the opportunities of aggrandizement offered by superior strength” (chap. 1 par. 76).

(2) Realists, and especially today’s neorealists, consider the absence of government, literally anarchy , to be the primary determinant of international political outcomes. The lack of a common rule-making and enforcing authority means, they argue, that the international arena is essentially a self-help system. Each state is responsible for its own survival and is free to define its own interests and to pursue power. Anarchy thus leads to a situation in which power has the overriding role in shaping interstate relations. In the words of the Athenian envoys at Melos, without any common authority that can enforce order, “the independent states survive [only] when they are powerful” (5.97).

(3) Insofar as realists envision the world of states as anarchic, they likewise view security as a central issue. To attain security, states try to increase their power and engage in power-balancing for the purpose of deterring potential aggressors. Wars are fought to prevent competing nations from becoming militarily stronger. Thucydides, while distinguishing between the immediate and underlying causes of the Peloponnesian War, does not see its real cause in any of the particular events that immediately preceded its outbreak. He instead locates the cause of the war in the changing distribution of power between the two blocs of Greek city-states: the Delian League, under the leadership of Athens, and the Peloponnesian League, under the leadership of Sparta. According to him, the growth of Athenian power made the Spartans afraid for their security, and thus propelled them into war (1.23). Referring to this situation, Graham Allison has popularized the expression “Thucydides trap” to describe the danger which occurs when a rising power rivals an established one (2017).

(4) Realists are generally skeptical about the relevance of ethics to international politics. This can lead them to claim that there is no place for morality in the prescriptive sense in international relations, or that there is a tension between demands of morality and requirements of successful political action, or that states have their own morality that is different from customary morality, or that morality, if employed at all, is merely used instrumentally to justify states’ conduct. A clear case of the rejection of ethical norms in relations among states can be found in the “Melian Dialogue” (5.85–113). This dialogue relates to the events of 416 B.C.E., when Athens invaded the island of Melos. The Athenian envoys presented the Melians with a choice, destruction or surrender, and from the outset asked them not to appeal to justice, but to think only about their survival. In the envoys’ words, “We both know that the decisions about justice are made in human discussions only when both sides are under equal compulsion, but when one side is stronger, it gets as much as it can, and the weak must accept that” (5.89). To be “under equal compulsion” means to be under the force of law, and thus to be subjected to a common lawgiving authority (Korab-Karpowicz 2006, 234). Since such an authority above states does not exist, the Athenians argue that in this lawless condition of international anarchy, the only right is the right of the stronger to dominate the weaker. They explicitly equate right with might, and exclude considerations of justice from foreign affairs.

1.1.2 The “Melian Dialogue”—The First Realist-Idealist Debate

We can thus find strong support for a realist perspective in the statements of the Athenians. The question remains, however, to what extent their realism coincides with Thucydides’ own viewpoint. Although substantial passages of the “Melian Dialogue,” as well as other parts of the History support a realistic reading, Thucydides’ position cannot be deduced from such selected fragments, but rather must be assessed on the basis of the wider context of his book. In fact, even the “Melian Dialogue” itself provides us with a number of contending views.

Political realism is usually contrasted by IR scholars with idealism or liberalism, a theoretical perspective that emphasizes international norms, interdependence among states, and international cooperation. The “Melian Dialogue,” which is one of the most frequently commented-upon parts of Thucydides’ History , presents the classic debate between the idealist and realist views: Can international politics be based on a moral order derived from the principles of justice, or will it forever remain the arena of conflicting national interests and power?

For the Melians, who employ idealistic arguments, the choice is between war and subjection (5.86). They are courageous and love their country. They do not wish to lose their freedom, and in spite of the fact that they are militarily weaker than the Athenians, they are prepared to defend themselves (5.100; 5.112). They base their arguments on an appeal to justice, which they associate with fairness, and regard the Athenians as unjust (5.90; 5.104). They are pious, believing that gods will support their just cause and compensate for their weakness, and trust in alliances, thinking that their allies, the Spartans, who are also related to them, will help them (5.104; 5.112). Hence, one can identify in the speech of the Melians elements of the idealistic or liberal world view: the belief that nations have the right to exercise political independence, that they have mutual obligations to one another and will carry out such obligations, and that a war of aggression is unjust. What the Melians nevertheless lack are resources and foresight. In their decision to defend themselves, they are guided more by their hopes than by the evidence at hand or by prudent calculations.

The Athenian argument is based on key realist concepts such as security and power, and is informed not by what the world should be, but by what it is. The Athenians disregard any moral talk and urge the Melians to look at the facts—that is, to recognize their military inferiority, to consider the potential consequences of their decision, and to think about their own survival (5.87; 5.101). There appears to be a powerful realist logic behind the Athenian arguments. Their position, based on security concerns and self-interest, seemingly involves reliance on rationality, intelligence, and foresight. However, upon close examination, their logic proves to be seriously flawed. Melos, a relatively weak state, does not pose any real security threat to them. The eventual destruction of Melos does not change the course of the Peloponnesian War, which Athens will lose a few years later.

In the History , Thucydides shows that power, if it is unrestrained by moderation and a sense of justice, brings about the uncontrolled desire for more power. There are no logical limits to the size of an empire. Drunk with the prospect of glory and gain, after conquering Melos, the Athenians engage in a war against Sicily. They pay no attention to the Melian argument that considerations of justice are useful to all in the longer run (5.90). And, as the Athenians overestimate their strength and in the end lose the war, their self-interested logic proves to be very shortsighted indeed.

It is utopian to ignore the reality of power in international relations, but it is equally blind to rely on power alone. Thucydides appears to support neither the naive idealism of the Melians nor the cynicism of their Athenian opponents. He teaches us to be on guard “against naïve-dreaming on international politics,” on the one hand, and “against the other pernicious extreme: unrestrained cynicism,” on the other (Donnelly 2000, 193). If he can be regarded as a political realist, his realism nonetheless prefigures neither realpolitik , in which prescriptive ethics is rejected, nor today’s scientific neorealism, in which moral questions are largely ignored. Thucydides’ realism, neither immoral nor amoral, can rather be compared to that of Hans Morgenthau, Raymond Aron, and other twentieth-century classical realists, who, although sensible to the demands of national interest, would not deny that political actors on the international scene are subject to moral judgment.

Idealism in international relations, like realism, can lay claim to a long tradition. Unsatisfied with the world as they have found it, idealists have always tried to answer the question of “what ought to be” in politics. Plato, Aristotle, and Cicero were all political idealists who believed that there were some universal moral values on which political life could be based. Building on the work of his predecessors, Cicero developed the idea of a natural moral law that was applicable to both domestic and international politics. His ideas concerning righteousness in war were carried further in the writings of the Christian thinkers St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas. In the late fifteenth century, when Niccolò Machiavelli was born, the idea that politics, including the relations among states, should be virtuous, and that the methods of warfare should remain subordinated to ethical standards, still predominated in political literature.

Machiavelli (1469–1527) challenged this well-established moral tradition, thus positioning himself as a political innovator. The novelty of his approach lies in his critique of classical Western political thought as unrealistic, aiming too high, and in his separation of politics from ethics. He thereby lays the foundations for modern politics focussed on self-interest. In chapter XV of The Prince , Machiavelli announces that in departing from the teachings of earlier thinkers, he seeks “the effectual truth of the matter rather than the imagined one.” The “effectual truth” is for him the only truth worth seeking. It represents the sum of the practical conditions that he believes are required to make both the individual and the country prosperous and strong. Machiavelli replaces the ancient virtue (a moral quality of the individual, such as justice or self-restraint) with virtù , ability or vigor. As a prophet of virtù , he promises to lead both nations and individuals to earthly glory and power.

Machiavellianism is a radical type of political realism that is applied to both domestic and international affairs. It is sometimes called realpolitik , and is a doctrine which denies the relevance of ethics in politics, and claims that all means (moral and immoral) are justified to achieve certain political ends. Although Machiavelli never uses the phrase ragione di stato or its French equivalent, raison d’état , what ultimately counts for him is precisely that: whatever is good for the state, rather than ethical scruples or norms

Machiavelli justified immoral actions in politics, but never refused to admit that they are evil. He operated within the single framework of traditional morality. It became a specific task of his nineteenth-century followers to develop the doctrine of a double ethics: one public and one private, to push Machiavellian realism to even further extremes, and to apply it to international relations. By asserting that “the state has no higher duty than of maintaining itself,” Hegel gave an ethical sanction to the state’s promotion of its own interest and advantage against other states (Meinecke 357). Thus he overturned the traditional beliefs about morality. The good of the state was perversely interpreted by him as the highest moral value, with the extension of national power regarded as a nation’s right and duty. Then, referring to Machiavelli, Heinrich von Treitschke declared that the state was power, precisely in order to assert itself as against other equally independent powers, and that the supreme moral duty of the state was to foster this power. He considered international agreements to be binding only insofar as it was expedient for the state. The idea of an autonomous ethics of state behavior and the concept of realpolitik were thus introduced. Traditional, customary ethics was denied and power politics was associated with a “higher” type of morality. These concepts, along with the belief in the superiority of Germanic culture, served as weapons with which German statesmen, from the eighteenth century to the end of the Second World War, justified their policies of conquest and extermination.

Machiavelli is often praised for his prudential advice to leaders (which has caused him to be regarded as a founding master of modern political strategy) and for his defense of the republican form of government. There are certainly many aspects of his thought that merit such praise. Nevertheless, it is also possible to see him as the thinker who bears foremost responsibility for the de-moralization of Europe. The argument of the Athenian envoys presented in Thucydides’ “Melian Dialogue,” that of Thrasymachus in Plato’s Republic , or that of Carneades, to whom Cicero refers—all of these challenge the ancient and Christian views of the unity of politics and ethics. However, before Machiavelli, this amoral or immoral mode of thinking had never prevailed in the mainstream of Western political thought. It was the force and timeliness of his justification of resorting to evil as a legitimate means of achieving political ends that persuaded so many of the thinkers and political practitioners who followed him. The effects of Machiavellian ideas, such as the notion that the employment of all possible means was permissible in war, would be seen on the battlefields of modern Europe, as mass citizen armies fought against each other to the bitter end without regard for the rules of justice. The tension between expediency and morality lost its validity in the sphere of politics. The concept of a double ethics that created a further damage to traditional morality, was invented. The doctrine of raison d’état ultimately led to the politics of Lebensraum , two world wars, and the Holocaust.

Perhaps the greatest problem with realism in international relations is that it has a tendency to slip into its extreme version, which accepts any policy that can benefit the state at the expense of other states, no matter how morally problematic the policy is. Even if they do not explicitly raise ethical questions, in the works of Waltz and of many other of today’s neorealists, a double ethics, public and private, is presupposed, and words such realpolitik no longer have the negative connotations that they had for classical realists, such as Hans Morgenthau.

Thomas Hobbes (1588–1683) was part of an intellectual movement whose goal was to free the emerging modern science from the constraints of the classical and scholastic heritage. According to classical political philosophy, on which the idealist perspective is based, human beings can control their desires through reason and can work for the benefit of others, even at the expense of their own benefit. They are thus both rational and moral agents, capable of distinguishing between right and wrong, and of making moral choices. They are also naturally social. With great skill Hobbes attacks these views. His human beings, extremely individualistic rather than moral or social, are subject to “a perpetual and restless desire of power after power, that ceases only in death” ( Leviathan XI 2). They therefore inevitably struggle for power. In setting out such ideas, Hobbes contributes to some of the basic conceptions fundamental to the realist tradition in international relations, and especially to neorealism. These include the characterization of human nature as egoistic, the concept of international anarchy, and the view that politics, rooted in the struggle for power, can be rationalized and studied scientifically.

One of the most widely known Hobbesian concepts is that of the anarchic state of nature, seen as entailing a state of war—and “such a war as is of every man against every man” (XII 8). He derives his notion of the state of war from his views of both human nature and the condition in which individuals exist. Since in the state of nature there is no government and everyone enjoys equal status, every individual has a right to everything; that is, there are no constraints on an individual’s behavior. Anyone may at any time use force, and all must constantly be ready to counter such force with force. Hence, driven by acquisitiveness, having no moral restraints, and motivated to compete for scarce goods, individuals are apt to “invade” one another for gain. Being suspicious of one another and driven by fear, they are also likely to engage in preemptive actions and invade one another to ensure their own safety. Finally, individuals are also driven by pride and a desire for glory. Whether for gain, safety, or reputation, power-seeking individuals will thus “endeavor to destroy or subdue one another” (XIII 3). In such uncertain conditions where everyone is a potential aggressor, making war on others is a more advantageous strategy than peaceable behavior, and one needs to learn that domination over others is necessary for one’s own continued survival.

Hobbes is primarily concerned with the relationship between individuals and the state, and his comments about relations among states are scarce. Nevertheless, what he says about the lives of individuals in the state of nature can also be interpreted as a description of how states exist in relation to one another. Once states are established, the individual drive for power becomes the basis for the states’ behavior, which often manifests itself in their efforts to dominate other states and peoples. States, “for their own security,” writes Hobbes, “enlarge their dominions upon all pretences of danger and fear of invasion or assistance that may be given to invaders, [and] endeavour as much as they can, to subdue and weaken their neighbors” (XIX 4). Accordingly, the quest and struggle for power lies at the core of the Hobbesian vision of relations among states. The same would later be true of the model of international relations developed by Hans Morgenthau, who was deeply influenced by Hobbes and adopted the same view of human nature. Similarly, the neorealist Kenneth Waltz would follow Hobbes’ lead regarding international anarchy (the fact that sovereign states are not subject to any higher common sovereign) as the essential element of international relations.

By subjecting themselves to a sovereign, individuals escape the war of all against all which Hobbes associates with the state of nature; however, this war continues to dominate relations among states. This does not mean that states are always fighting, but rather that they have a disposition to fight (XIII 8). With each state deciding for itself whether or not to use force, war may break out at any time. The achievement of domestic security through the creation of a state is then paralleled by a condition of inter-state insecurity. One can argue that if Hobbes were fully consistent, he would agree with the notion that, to escape this condition, states should also enter into a contract and submit themselves to a world sovereign. Although the idea of a world state would find support among some of today’s realists, this is not a position taken by Hobbes himself. He does not propose that a social contract among nations be implemented to bring international anarchy to an end. This is because the condition of insecurity in which states are placed does not necessarily lead to insecurity for their citizens. As long as an armed conflict or other type of hostility between states does not actually break out, individuals within a state can feel relatively secure.

The denial of the existence of universal moral principles and norms in the relations among states brings Hobbes close to the Machiavellians and the followers of the doctrine of raison d’état . His theory of international relations, which assumes that independent states, like independent individuals, are enemies by nature, asocial and selfish, and that there is no moral limitation on their behavior, is a great challenge to the idealist political vision based on human sociability and to the concept of the international jurisprudence that is built on this vision. However, what separates Hobbes from Machiavelli and associates him more with classical realism is his insistence on the defensive character of foreign policy. His political theory does not put forward the invitation to do whatever may be advantageous for the state. His approach to international relations is prudential and pacific: sovereign states, like individuals, should be disposed towards peace which is commended by reason.

What Waltz and other neorealist readers of Hobbes’s works sometimes overlook is that he does not perceive international anarchy as an environment without any rules. By suggesting that certain dictates of reason apply even in the state of nature, he affirms that more peaceful and cooperative international relations are possible. Neither does he deny the existence of international law. Sovereign states can sign treaties with one another to provide a legal basis for their relations. At the same time, however, Hobbes seems aware that international rules will often prove ineffective in restraining the struggle for power. States will interpret them to their own advantage, and so international law will be obeyed or ignored according to the interests of the states affected. Hence, international relations will always tend to be a precarious affair. This grim view of global politics lies at the core of Hobbes’s realism.

2. Twentieth Century Classical Realism

Twentieth-century realism was born in response to the idealist perspective that dominated international relations scholarship in the aftermath of the First World War. The idealists of the 1920s and 1930s (also called liberal internationalists or utopians) had the goal of building peace in order to prevent another world conflict. They saw the solution to inter-state problems as being the creation of a respected system of international law, backed by international organizations. This interwar idealism resulted in the founding of the League of Nations in 1920 and in the Kellogg-Briand Pact of 1928 outlawing war and providing for the peaceful settlements of disputes. U.S. President Woodrow Wilson, scholars such as Norman Angell, Alfred Zimmern, and Raymond B. Fosdick, and other prominent idealists of the era, gave their intellectual support to the League of Nations. Instead of focusing on what some might see as the inevitability of conflict between states and peoples, they chose to emphasize the common interests that could unite humanity, and attempted to appeal to rationality and morality. For them, war did not originate in an egoistic human nature, but rather in imperfect social conditions and political arrangements, which could be improved. Yet their ideas were already being criticized in the early 1930s by Reinhold Niebuhr and within a few years by E. H. Carr. The League of Nations, which the United States never joined, and from which Japan and Germany withdrew, could not prevent the outbreak of the Second World War. This fact, perhaps more than any theoretical argument, contributed to the development of the realist theory. Although the United Nations, founded in 1945, can still be regarded as a product of idealist political thinking, the discipline of international relations was profoundly influenced in the initial years of the post-war period by the works of “classical” realists such as John H. Herz, Hans Morgenthau, George Kennan, and Raymond Aron. Then, during the 1950s and 1960s, classical realism came under challenge of scholars who tried to introduce a more scientific approach to the study of international politics. During the 1980s it gave way to another trend in international relations theory—neorealism.

Since it is impossible within the scope of this article to introduce all of the thinkers who contributed to the development of twentieth-century classical realism, E. H. Carr and Hans Morgenthau, as perhaps the most influential among them, have been selected for discussion here.

In his main work on international relations, The Twenty Years’ Crisis , first published in July 1939, Edward Hallett Carr (1892–1982) attacks the idealist position, which he describes as “utopianism.” He characterizes this position as encompassing faith in reason, confidence in progress, a sense of moral rectitude, and a belief in an underlying harmony of interests. According to the idealists, war is an aberration in the course of normal life and the way to prevent it is to educate people for peace, and to build systems of collective security such as the League of Nations or today’s United Nations. Carr challenges idealism by questioning its claim to moral universalism and its idea of the harmony of interests. He declares that “morality can only be relative, not universal” (19), and states that the doctrine of the harmony of interests is invoked by privileged groups “to justify and maintain their dominant position” (75).

Carr uses the concept of the relativity of thought, which he traces to Marx and other modern theorists, to show that standards by which policies are judged are the products of circumstances and interests. His central idea is that the interests of a given party always determine what this party regards as moral principles, and hence, these principles are not universal. Carr observes that politicians, for example, often use the language of justice to cloak the particular interests of their own countries, or to create negative images of other people to justify acts of aggression. The existence of such instances of morally discrediting a potential enemy or morally justifying one’s own position shows, he argues, that moral ideas are derived from actual policies. Policies are not, as the idealists would have it, based on some universal norms, independent of interests of the parties involved.

If specific ethical standards are de facto founded on interests, Carr’s argument goes, there are also interests underlying what are regarded as absolute principles or universal moral values. While the idealists tend to regard such values, such as peace or justice, as universal and claim that upholding them is in the interest of all, Carr argues against this view. According to him, there are neither universal values nor universal interests. He claims that those who refer to universal interests are in fact acting in their own interests (71). They think that what is best for them is best for everyone, and identify their own interests with the universal interest of the world at large.

The idealist concept of the harmony of interests is based on the notion that human beings can rationally recognize that they have some interests in common, and that cooperation is therefore possible. Carr contrasts this idea with the reality of conflict of interests . According to him, the world is torn apart by the particular interests of different individuals and groups. In such a conflictual environment, order is based on power, not on morality. Further, morality itself is the product of power (61). Like Hobbes, Carr regards morality as constructed by the particular legal system that is enforced by a coercive power. International ethical norms are imposed on other countries by dominant nations or groups of nations that present themselves as the international community as a whole. They are invented to perpetuate those nations’ dominance.

Values that idealists view as good for all, such as peace, social justice, prosperity, and international order, are regarded by Carr as mere status quo notions. The powers that are satisfied with the status quo regard the arrangement in place as just and therefore preach peace. They try to rally everyone around their idea of what is good. “Just as the ruling class in a community prays for domestic peace, which guarantees its own security and predominance, … so international peace becomes a special vested interest of predominant powers” (76). On the other hand, the unsatisfied powers consider the same arrangement as unjust, and so prepare for war. Hence, the way to obtain peace, if it cannot be simply enforced, is to satisfy the unsatisfied powers. “Those who profit most by [international] order can in the longer run only hope to maintain it by making sufficient concessions to make it tolerable to those who profit by it least” (152). The logical conclusion to be drawn by the reader of Carr’s book is the policy of appeasement.

Carr was a sophisticated thinker. He recognized himself that the logic of “pure realism can offer nothing but a naked struggle for power which makes any kind of international society impossible” (87). Although he demolishes what he calls “the current utopia” of idealism, he at the same time attempts to build “a new utopia,” a realist world order ( ibid .). Thus, he acknowledges that human beings need certain fundamental principles or beliefs that are shared across different cultures, and contradicts his own earlier argument by which he tries to deny universality to any norms or values. To make further objections to his position, the fact, as he claims, that the language of universal values can be misused in politics for the benefit of one party or another, and that such values can only be imperfectly implemented in political institutions, does not mean that such values do not exist. There is a deep yearning in many human beings, both privileged and unprivileged, for peace, order, prosperity, and justice. The legitimacy of idealism consists in the constant attempt to reflect upon and uphold these values. Idealists fail if in their attempt they do not pay enough attention to the reality of power. On the other hand, in the world of “pure realism,” in which all values are made relative to interests, life turns into nothing more than a power game and is unbearable.

The Twenty Years’ Crisis touches on a number of universal ideas, but it also reflects the spirit of its time. While we can fault the interwar idealists for their inability to construct international institutions strong enough to prevent the outbreak of the Second World War, this book indicates that interwar realists were likewise unprepared to meet the challenge. Carr frequently refers to Germany under Nazi rule as if it were a country like any other. He says that should Germany cease to be an unsatisfied power and “become supreme in Europe,” it would adopt a language of international solidarity similar to that of other Western powers (79). The inability of Carr and other realists to recognize the perilous nature of Nazism, and their belief that Germany could be satisfied by territorial concessions, helped to foster a political environment in which the latter was to grow in power, annex Czechoslovakia at will, and be militarily opposed in September 1939 by Poland alone.

A theory of international relations is not just an intellectual enterprise; it has practical consequences. It influences our thinking and political practice. On the practical side, the realists of the 1930s, to whom Carr gave intellectual support, were people opposed to the system of collective security embodied in the League of Nations. Working within the foreign policy establishments of the day, they contributed to its weakness. Once they had weakened the League, they pursued a policy of appeasement and accommodation with Germany as an alternative to collective security (Ashworth 46). After the annexation of Czechoslovakia, when the failure of the anti-League realist conservatives gathered around Neville Chamberlain and of this policy became clear, they tried to rebuild the very security system they had earlier demolished. Those who supported collective security were labeled idealists.

Hans J. Morgenthau (1904–1980) developed realism into a comprehensive international relations theory. Influenced by the Protestant theologian and political writer Reinhold Niebuhr, as well as by Hobbes, he places selfishness and power-lust at the center of his picture of human existence. The insatiable human lust for power, timeless and universal, which he identifies with animus dominandi , the desire to dominate, is for him the main cause of conflict. As he asserts in his main work, Politics among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace , first published in 1948, “international politics, like all politics, is a struggle for power” (25).

Morgenthau systematizes realism in international relations on the basis of six principles that he includes in the second edition of Politics among Nations . As a traditionalist, he opposes the so-called scientists (the scholars who, especially in the 1950s, tried to reduce the discipline of international relations to a branch of behavioral science). Nevertheless, in the first principle he states that realism is based on objective laws that have their roots in unchanging human nature (4). He wants to develop realism into both a theory of international politics and a political art, a useful tool of foreign policy.

The keystone of Morgenthau’s realist theory is the concept of power or “of interest defined in terms of power,” which informs his second principle: the assumption that political leaders “think and act in terms of interest defined as power” (5). This concept defines the autonomy of politics, and allows for the analysis of foreign policy regardless of the different motives, preferences, and intellectual and moral qualities of individual politicians. Furthermore, it is the foundation of a rational picture of politics.

Although, as Morgenthau explains in the third principle, interest defined as power is a universally valid category, and indeed an essential element of politics, various things can be associated with interest or power at different times and in different circumstances. Its content and the manner of its use are determined by the political and cultural environment.

In the fourth principle, Morgenthau considers the relationship between realism and ethics. He says that while realists are aware of the moral significance of political action, they are also aware of the tension between morality and the requirements of successful political action. “Universal moral principles,” he asserts, “cannot be applied to the actions of states in their abstract universal formulation, but …they must be filtered through the concrete circumstances of time and place” (9). These principles must be accompanied by prudence for as he cautions “there can be no political morality without prudence; that is, without consideration of the political consequences of seemingly moral action” ( ibid .).

Prudence, the ability to judge the rightness of a given action from among possible alternatives on the basis of its likely political consequences, and not conviction of one’s own moral or ideological superiority, should guide political decisions. This is stressed in the fifth principle, where Morgenthau again emphasizes the idea that all state actors, including our own, must be looked at solely as political entities pursuing their respective interests defined in terms of power. By taking this point of view vis-à-vis its counterparts and thus avoiding ideological confrontation, a state would then be able to pursue policies that respected the interests of other states, while protecting and promoting its own.

Insofar as power, or interest defined as power, is the concept that defines politics, politics is an autonomous sphere, as Morgenthau says in his sixth principle of realism. It cannot be subordinated to ethics. However, ethics does still play a role in politics. “A man who was nothing but ‘political man’ would be a beast, for he would be completely lacking in moral restraints. A man who was nothing but ‘moral man’ would be a fool, for he would be completely lacking in prudence” (12). Political art requires that these two dimensions of human life, power and morality, be taken into consideration.

While Morgenthau’s six principles of realism contain repetitions and inconsistencies, we can nonetheless obtain from them the following picture: Power or interest is the central concept that makes politics into an autonomous discipline. Rational state actors pursue their national interests. Therefore, a rational theory of international politics can be constructed. Such a theory is not concerned with the morality, religious beliefs, motives or ideological preferences of individual political leaders. It also indicates that in order to avoid conflicts, states should avoid moral crusades or ideological confrontations, and look for compromise based solely on satisfaction of their mutual interests.

Although he defines politics as an autonomous sphere, Morgenthau does not separate ethics from politics. The act of protecting one’s country has for him a deep moral significance. Ultimately directed toward the objective of national survival, it involves prudence that is related to choosing the best course of action. The effective protection of citizens’ lives from harm in case of an international armed conflict is not merely a forceful physical action; it also has prudential and moral dimensions.

Morgenthau regards realism as a way of thinking about international relations and a useful tool for devising policies. However, some of the basic conceptions of his theory, and especially the idea of conflict as stemming from human nature, as well as the concept of power itself, have provoked criticism.

International politics, like all politics, is for Morgenthau a struggle for power because of the basic human lust for power. But regarding every individual as being engaged in a perpetual quest for power—the view that he shares with Hobbes—is a questionable premise. Human nature cannot be revealed by observation and experiment. It cannot be proved by any empirical research, but only disclosed by philosophy, imposed on us as a matter of belief, and inculcated by education.

Morgenthau himself reinforces the belief in the human drive for power by introducing a normative aspect of his theory, which is rationality. A rational foreign policy is considered “to be a good foreign policy” (7). But he defines rationality as a process of calculating the costs and benefits of all alternative policies in order to determine their relative utility, i.e. their ability to maximize power. Statesmen “think and act in terms of interest defined as power” (5). Only intellectual weakness of policy makers can result in foreign policies that deviate from a rational course aimed at minimizing risks and maximizing benefits. Hence, rather than presenting an actual portrait of human affairs, Morgenthau emphasizes the pursuit of power and the rationality of this pursuit, and sets it up as a norm.

As Raymond Aron and other scholars have noticed, power, the fundamental concept of Morgenthau’s realism, is ambiguous. It can be either a means or an end in politics. But if power is only a means for gaining something else, it does not define the nature of international politics in the way Morgenthau claims. It does not allow us to understand the actions of states independently from the motives and ideological preferences of their political leaders. It cannot serve as the basis for defining politics as an autonomous sphere. Morgenthau’s principles of realism are thus open to doubt. “Is this true,” Aron asks, “that states, whatever their regime, pursue the same kind of foreign policy” (597) and that the foreign policies of Napoleon or Stalin are essentially identical to those of Hitler, Louis XVI or Nicholas II, amounting to no more than the struggle for power? “If one answers yes, then the proposition is incontestable, but not very instructive” (598). Accordingly, it is useless to define actions of states by exclusive reference to power, security or national interest. International politics cannot be studied independently of the wider historical and cultural context.

Carr and Morgenthau concentrate primarily on international relations. However, their political realism can also be applied to domestic politics. To be a classical realist is in general to perceive politics as a conflict of interests and a struggle for power, and to seek peace by recognizing common interests and trying to satisfy them, rather than by moralizing. Bernard Williams and Raymond Geuss, influential representatives of the new political realism, a movement in contemporary political theory, criticize what they describe as “political moralism” and stress the autonomy of politics against ethics. However, political theory realism and international relations realism seem like two separate research programs. As noted by several scholars (William Scheuerman, Alison McQueen, Terry Nardin. Duncan Bell), those who contribute to realism in political theory give little attention to those who work on realism in international politics.

3. Neorealism

In spite of its ambiguities and weaknesses, Morgenthau’s Politics among Nations became a standard textbook and influenced thinking about international politics for a generation or so. At the same time, there was an attempt to develop a more methodologically rigorous approach to theorizing about international affairs. In the 1950s and 1960s a large influx of scientists from different fields entered the discipline of International Relations and attempted to replace the “wisdom literature” of classical realists with scientific concepts and reasoning (Brown 35). This in turn provoked a counterattack by Morgenthau and scholars associated with the so-called English School, especially Hedley Bull, who defended a traditional approach (Bull 1966).

As a result, the discipline of international relations has been divided into two main strands: traditional or non-positivist and scientific or positivist (neo-positivist). At a later stage the third strand: post-positivism has been added. The traditionalists raise normative questions and engage with history, philosophy and law. The scientists or positivists stress a descriptive and explanatory form of inquiry, rather than a normative one. They have established a strong presence in the field. Already by the mid-1960s, the majority of American students in international relations were trained in quantitative research, game theory, and other new research techniques of the social sciences. This, along with the changing international environment, had a significant effect on the discipline.

Notwithstanding their methodological differences, realists’ assumption is that the state is the key actor in international politics, and that competitive and conflictual relations among states are the core of actual international relations. However, with the receding of the Cold War during the 1970s, one could witness the growing importance of other actors: international and non-governmental organizations, as well as of multinational corporations. This development led to a revival of idealist thinking, which became known as neoliberalism or pluralism. While accepting some basic assumptions of realism, the leading pluralists, Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye, have proposed the concept of complex interdependence to describe this more sophisticated picture of global politics. They would argue that states could effectively cooperate with each other for mutual benefit and there can be progress in international relations, and that the future does not need to look like the past.

The realist retort came most prominently from Kenneth N. Waltz, who reformulated realism in international relations in a new and distinctive way. In his book Theory of International Politics , first published in 1979, he responded to the liberal challenge and attempted to cure the defects of the classical realism of Hans Morgenthau with his more scientific approach, which has become known as structural realism or neorealism. Whereas Morgenthau rooted his theory in the struggle for power, which he related to human nature, Waltz made an effort to avoid any philosophical discussion of human nature, and set out instead to build a theory of international politics using microeconomics as a model. In his works, he argues that states in the international system are like firms in a domestic economy and have the same fundamental interest: to survive. “Internationally, the environment of states’ actions, or the structure of their system, is set by the fact that some states prefer survival over other ends obtainable in the short run and act with relative efficiency to achieve that end” (93).

Waltz maintains that by paying attention to the individual state, and to ideological, moral and economic issues, both traditional liberals and classical realists make the same mistake. They fail to develop a serious account of the international system—one that can be abstracted from the wider socio-political domain. Waltz acknowledges that such an abstraction distorts reality and omits many of the factors that were important for classical realism. It does not allow for the analysis of the development of specific foreign policies. However, it also has utility. Notably, it assists in understanding the primary determinants of international politics. To be sure, Waltz’s neorealist theory cannot be applied to domestic politics. It cannot serve to develop policies of states concerning their international or domestic affairs. His theory helps only to explain why states behave in similar ways despite their different forms of government and diverse political ideologies, and why, despite their growing interdependence, the overall picture of international relations is unlikely to change.

According to Waltz, the uniform behavior of states over centuries can be explained by the constraints on their behavior that are imposed by the structure of the international system. A system’s structure is defined first by the principle by which it is organized, then by the differentiation of its units, and finally by the distribution of capabilities (power) across units. Anarchy, or the absence of central authority, is for Waltz the ordering principle of the international system. The units of the international system are states. Waltz recognizes the existence of non-state actors, but dismisses them as relatively unimportant. Since all states want to survive, and anarchy presupposes a self-help system in which each state has to take care of itself, there is no division of labor or functional differentiation among them. While functionally similar, they are nonetheless distinguished by their relative capabilities (the power each of them represents) to perform the same function.

Consequently, Waltz sees power and state behavior in a different way from the classical realists. For Morgenthau power was both a means and an end, and rational state behavior was understood as simply the course of action that would accumulate the most power. In contrast, neorealists assume that the fundamental interest of each state is security and would therefore concentrate on the distribution of power. What also sets neorealism apart from classical realism is methodological rigor and scientific self-conception (Guzinni 1998, 127–128). Waltz insists on empirical testability of knowledge and on falsificationism as a methodological ideal, which, as he himself admits, can have only a limited application in international relations.

The distribution of capabilities among states can vary; however, anarchy, the ordering principle of international relations, remains unchanged. This has a lasting effect on the behavior of states that become socialized into the logic of self-help. Trying to refute neoliberal ideas concerning the effects of interdependence, Waltz identifies two reasons why the anarchic international system limits cooperation: insecurity and unequal gains. In the context of anarchy, each state is uncertain about the intentions of others and is afraid that the possible gains resulting from cooperation may favor other states more than itself, and thus lead it to dependence on others. “States do not willingly place themselves in situations of increased dependence. In a self-help system, considerations of security subordinate economic gain to political interest.” (Waltz 1979, 107).

Because of its theoretical elegance and methodological rigor, neorealism has become very influential within the discipline of international relations. In the eyes of many scholars, Morgenthau’s realism has come to be seen as anachronistic—“an interesting and important episode in the history of thinking about the subject, no doubt, but one scarcely to be seen as a serious contribution of the rigorously scientific theory” (Williams 2007, 1). However, while initially gaining more acceptance than classical realism, neorealism has also provoked strong critiques on a number of fronts.

In 1979 Waltz wrote that in the nuclear age the international bipolar system, based on two superpowers—the United States and the Soviet Union—was not only stable but likely to persist (176–7). With the fall of the Berlin Wall and the subsequent disintegration of the USSR this prediction was proven wrong. The bipolar world turned out to have been more precarious than most realist analysts had supposed. Its end opened new possibilities and challenges related to globalization. This has led many critics to argue that neorealism, like classical realism, cannot adequately account for changes in world politics.

The new debate between international (neo)realists and (neo)liberals is no longer concerned with the questions of morality and human nature, but with the extent to which state behavior is influenced by the anarchic structure of the international system rather than by institutions, learning and other factors that are conductive to cooperation. In his 1989 book International Institutions and State Power , Robert Keohane accepts Waltz’s emphasis on system-level theory and his general assumption that states are self-interested actors that rationally pursue their goals. However, by employing game theory he shows that states can widen the perception of their self-interest through economic cooperation and involvement in international institutions. Patterns of interdependence can thus affect world politics. Keohane calls for systemic theories that would be able to deal better with factors affecting state interaction, and with change.

Critical theorists, such as Robert W. Cox, also focus on the alleged inability of neorealism to deal with change. In their view, neorealists take a particular, historically determined state-based structure of international relations and assume it to be universally valid. In contrast, critical theorists believe that by analyzing the interplay of ideas, material factors, and social forces, one can understand how this structure has come about, and how it may eventually change (Cox 1986). They contend that neorealism ignores both the historical process during which identities and interests are formed, and the diverse methodological possibilities. It legitimates the existing status quo of strategic relations among states and considers the scientific method as the only way of obtaining knowledge. It represents an exclusionary practice, an interest in domination and control.

While realists are concerned with relations among states and national security, the focus for critical theorists is human security and social emancipation. They focus on social, economic and environmental security for the individual and the group. Despite their differences, critical theory, postmodernism and feminism all take issue with the notion of state sovereignty and envision new political communities that would be less exclusionary vis-à-vis marginal and disenfranchised groups. Critical theory argues against state-based exclusion and denies that the interests of a country’s citizens take precedence over those of outsiders. It insists that politicians should give as much weight to the interests of foreigners as they give to those of their compatriots and envisions political structures beyond the “fortress” nation-state. Postmodernism questions the state’s claim to be a legitimate focus of human loyalties and its right to impose social and political boundaries. It supports cultural diversity and stresses the interests of minorities. Feminism argues that the realist theory exhibits a masculine bias and advocates the inclusion of woman and alternative values into public life.

Since critical theories and other alternative theoretical perspectives question the existing status quo, make knowledge dependent on power, and emphasize identity formation and social change, they are not traditional or non-positivist. They are sometimes called “reflectivist” or “post-positivist” (Weaver 165) and represent a radical departure from the neorealist and neoliberal “rationalist” or “positivist” international relation theories. For critical security theorists, security is not an objective phenomenon. It is essentially social, socially constructed and serves a political agenda. It legitimizes and imposes a political program on society that serves the dominant group. According to the critical securitization theory, the securitizing actor, who could be a politician or the governing party, “encodes a subject or a group as an existential threat to the reference object” (Ari 147). The object could be a state or a non-state group. Such a discursive practice defines threat and danger.

Constructivists, such as Alexander Wendt, try to build a bridge between these two approaches, positivist and post-positivist, by on the one hand, taking the present state system and anarchy seriously, and on the other hand, by focusing on the formation of identities and interests. Countering neorealist ideas, Wendt argues that self-help does not follow logically or casually from the principle of anarchy. It is socially constructed. Wendt’s idea that states’ identities and interests are socially constructed has earned his position the label “constructivism”. Consequently, in his view,“self-help and power politics are institutions, and not essential features of anarchy. Anarchy is what states make of it” (Wendt 1987 395). There is no single logic of anarchy but rather several, depending on the roles with which states identify themselves and each other. Power and interests are constituted by ideas and norms. Wendt claims that neorealism cannot account for change in world politics, but his norm-based constructivism can.

A similar conclusion, although derived in a traditional way, comes from the non-positivist theorists of the English school (International Society approach) who emphasize both systemic and normative constraints on the behavior of states. Referring to the classical view of the human being as an individual that is basically social and rational, capable of cooperating and learning from past experiences, these theorists emphasize that states, like individuals, have legitimate interests that others can recognize and respect, and that they can recognize the general advantages of observing a principle of reciprocity in their mutual relations (Jackson and Sørensen 167). Therefore, states can bind themselves to other states by treaties and develop some common values with other states. Hence, the structure of the international system is not unchangeable as the neorealists claim. It is not a permanent Hobbesian anarchy, permeated by the danger of war. An anarchic international system based on pure power relations among actors can evolve into a more cooperative and peaceful international society, in which state behavior is shaped by commonly shared values and norms. A practical expression of international society are international organizations that uphold the rule of law in international relations, especially the UN.

An unintended and unfortunate consequence of the debate about neorealism is that neorealism and a large part of its critique (with the notable exception of the English School) has been expressed in abstract scientific and philosophical terms. This has made the theory of international politics almost inaccessible to a layperson and has divided the discipline of international relations into incompatible parts. Whereas classical realism was a theory aimed at supporting diplomatic practice and providing a guide to be followed by those seeking to understand and deal with potential threats, today’s theories, concerned with various grand pictures and projects, are ill-suited to perform this task. This is perhaps the main reason why there has been a renewed interest in classical realism, and particularly in the ideas of Morgenthau. Rather than being seen as an obsolete form of pre-scientific realist thought, superseded by neorealist theory, his thinking is now considered to be more complex and of greater contemporary relevance than was earlier recognized (Williams 2007, 1–9). It fits uneasily in the orthodox picture of realism he is usually associated with.

In recent years, scholars have questioned prevailing narratives about clear theoretical traditions in the discipline of international relations. Thucydides, Machiavelli, Hobbes and other thinkers have become subject to re-examination as a means of challenging prevailing uses of their legacies in the discipline and exploring other lineages and orientations. Morgenthau has undergone a similar process of reinterpretation. A number of scholars (Hartmut Behr, Muriel Cozette, Amelia Heath, Sean Molloy) have endorsed the importance of his thought as a source of change for the standard interpretation of realism. Murielle Cozette stresses Morgenthau’s critical dimension of realism expressed in his commitment to “speak truth to power” and to “unmask power’s claims to truth and morality,” and in his tendency to assert different claims at different times (Cozette 10–12). She writes: “The protection of human life and freedom are given central importance by Morgenthau, and constitute a ‘transcendent standard of ethics’ which should always animate scientific enquiries” (19). This shows the flexibility of his classical realism and reveals his normative assumptions based on the promotion of universal moral values. While Morgenthau assumes that states are power-oriented actors, he at the same time acknowledges that international politics would be more pernicious than it actually is were it not for moral restraints and the work of international law(Behr and Heath 333).

Another avenue for the development of a realist theory of international relations is offered by Robert Gilpin’s seminal work War and Change in World Politics . If this work were to gain greater prominence in IR scholarship, instead of engaging in fruitless theoretical debates, we would be better prepared today “for rapid power shifts and geopolitical change ”(Wohlforth, 2011 505). We would be able to explain the causes of great wars and long periods of peace, and the creation and waning of international orders. Still another avenue is provided by the application of the new scientific discoveries to social sciences. The evidence for this is, for example, the recent work of Alexander Wendt, Quantum Mind and Social Science . A new realist approach to international politics could be based on the organic and holistic world view emerging from quantum theory, the idea of human evolution, and the growing awareness of the role of human beings in the evolutionary process (Korab-Karpowicz 2017).

Realism is thus more than a static, amoral theory, and cannot be accommodated solely within a positivist interpretation of international relations. It is a practical and evolving theory that depends on the actual historical and political conditions, and is ultimately judged by its ethical standards and by its relevance in making prudent political decisions (Morgenthau 1962). In place of the twentieth-century Cold War ideological rivalry, the main competition in the twenty-first-century is between the ideologies justifying the expansion of the US-dominated unipolar world and those supporting the reestablishment of a multipolar one (Müllerson 2017). Consequently, the growing tensions among superpowers have contributed to the revival of the idealist-realist debate and have caused a resurgence of interest in realism. John Mearsheimer is an important thinker in this respect, known for his pessimistic concept of offensive realism, which assumes that powerful states, such as the United States, would aim at the maximization of power and domination over others (Mearsheimer 2001). His late work, The Liberal Delusion (Mearsheimer 2019), in which he presents realist arguments against a liberal position, can already be considered a classic of the theory of international relations.

As the current revival of interest proves, realism is a theory for difficult times, when security becomes a real issue. This happens when countries face the danger of an armed conflict. In such situations, realism performs a useful cautionary role. It warns us against progressivism, moralism, legalism and other orientations that lose touch with the reality of self-interest and power. It is a necessary corrective to an overoptimistic liberal belief in international cooperation and change resulting from interdependence, as well as to a critical theory claim that our insecurity is merely a result of securitization.

Nevertheless, when it becomes a dogmatic enterprise, by focusing on conflict alone, realism fails to perform its proper function as a theory of international relations. By remaining stuck in a state-centric and excessively simplified “paradigm” such as neorealism and by denying the possibility of any progress in interstate relations, it turns into an ideology. Its emphasis on power politics and national interest can be misused to justify aggression. It has therefore to be supplanted by theories that take better account of the dramatically changing picture of global politics. To its merely negative, cautionary function, positive norms must be added. These norms extend from the rationality and prudence stressed by classical realists; through the vision of multilateralism, international law, and an international society emphasized by liberals and members of the English School; to the cosmopolitanism and global solidarity advocated by many of today’s writers.

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How to cite this entry . Preview the PDF version of this entry at the Friends of the SEP Society . Look up topics and thinkers related to this entry at the Internet Philosophy Ontology Project (InPhO). Enhanced bibliography for this entry at PhilPapers , with links to its database.

• Political Realism , entry the Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy .
• Political Realism , entry in Wikipedia .
• Melian Dialogue , by Thucydides.
• The Prince , by Machiavelli.
• The Twenty Years’ Crisis (Chapter 4: The Harmony of Interests), by E.H. Carr.
• Principles of Realism , by H. Morgenthau.
• Peace and War , by Raymond Aron.
• Globalization and Governance , by Kenneth Waltz.

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Tips on How to Write an International Relations Essay

Crafting an essay for an international relations course requires a broad knowledge of various bordering disciplines, including but not restricted to political science, world politics, international security, human rights, etc.

So, how to write an international relations essay? There is no simple and distinct answer to that, but we propose a wide range of pragmatic tips and guidelines for you to follow to ace your upcoming assignment.

We will cover essential steps of the essay writing process in international relations, beginning with the interpretation of key terms, using evidence-based examples for theoretical approaches, analyzing main issues from various perspectives, and, most importantly, structuring an academic piece in an organized manner.

Meanwhile, consider using expert writers' help who write essay for money in case you need urgent help.

Define Key Terms in Your International Relations Paper

The establishment of international relations as a specific field of study is related to the major global political changes that have taken place throughout the twentieth century. For instance, the cold war played a crucial role in forming the contemporary world order. For some, the term 'cold war' requires a definition.

To make your international relations paper comprehensive for people with sufficient or no background knowledge at all in political science, you need to provide definitions of key terms. The reader should familiarize themselves with the main terms in advance of reading the paper. Try to make a list of terms from a particular area that might be under question mark for some and define them.

For instance, if your essay on international relations concerns analysis of an economic aspect of the African Union, you are most likely to concentrate your research on the African Continent Free Trade Area. If so, explain that the latter is a free trade area amongst the member states of the AU.

Use Real-Life Examples in Your International Relations Paper

Writing an essay on international relations is your chance to project theoretical knowledge of various theories. Such types of international relations essay topics include theories of realism, liberalism, and constructivism. However, keep in mind that a sole theoretical narrative is useless without the illustration of corresponding examples from real-life case studies.

Let's say that you decided to base the entire essay on a realistic approach. Realism suggests that states around the world are obliged to protect their national interests and security at all costs. Since each country is concentrated on keeping itself secure, they do not possess the liberty of depending on actors outside of its borders. Likely structure of global politics has become a topic of discussion in the United States after World War II.

In this case, you are free to question why did world war ii bring about the topic of realism into the agenda of scholars and provide real-life examples of realistic approaches in your essay on international relations.

Engage with Multiple Perspectives in Your International Relations Paper

An analytic piece of academic work is much more valuable than a shallow summary of the events from world politics unless the professor directly asks you to provide a summary for the assignment.

International relations essay topic, most of the time, requires a comprehensive analysis of multiple perspectives on a particular issue. For instance, let's say that you want to discuss a complex issue from global politics, such as the foreign policy of the USA, ever since the act of 9/11. In that case, we would advise you to discuss the latter by providing arguments for America shifting its foreign policy towards the democratization of the states from the middle east. On the other hand, you are required to propose the counter-argument in your international relations paper by including the drawbacks of this decision from the perspective of middle eastern countries.

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Pay Attention to Your International Relations Paper Structure

Crafting the international relations essay in a logically structured and organized manner is the key to keeping the reader's attention from the beginning till the end of the academic paper. The entire essay should be based on the classical international relations essay format, including the introduction, body paragraphs, and conclusion.

To accomplish this goal, we would advise you to frequently use headings and subheadings and form main arguments about them. Implementing sentences known as logical transitions will help create a bond between adjacent paragraphs and maintain the ceaseless flow of words. This will make the content of the paper more explicit.

Use Evidence in Your International Relations Paper

Creating a top-notch international relations paper is impossible without having in-depth knowledge of history, economics, sociology, and all the interrelated disciplines. Information gathered from all these various fields of study helps you provide factual-based arguments in your academic work.

Therefore, if you decide to write an essay on the Civil War in America, you need to go further than the description of racial divisions among states and provide evidence on the origins of these divisions through economic analysis. Or, if you are interested in the opposition between the dominant powers of America and the USSR during the cold war, you may put down the facts of founding NATO versus the Warsaw Pact and the reasons behind those actions.

For more tips on how to write an international relations essay, use our essay writer service.

Consider Policy Implications in Your International Relations Paper

Some students prefer analyzing issues that the world faces today through the lens of international relations. For our international essay to serve some kind of purpose, students are welcome to propose possible solutions for problems orbiting the world through current affairs in global politics.

For instance, discussing the consequences of climate change requires going back to its historical origins, such as the industrial revolution. Afterward, students need to come up with probable ideas that carry the potential to be transformed through policy implications. That way, students can provide some kind of benefit to resolving contemporary political problems through their essays on international relations.

International Relations Essay Outline

The process of free writing is essential before jumping into structuring the essay directly. Choosing the topic of your academic paper requires careful consideration of all the issues of your interest. Try brainstorming all of them and then narrow the list down to the ones that you have the most knowledge and information on. Once you make a selection of the topic that nurtures your curiosity, it will simplify the writing process for you.

Afterward, make the bullet points of the core ideas you need to develop throughout the essay and follow the classical international relations essay outline, which consists of three main parts.

International Relations Essay Introduction

The international relations essay format requires students to commence writing with a general overview of the chosen topic. The thesis statement holds a major part of the introduction of your essay on international relations. That's where you provide broad historical background on the main objective of your paper. Start with the topic sentence explaining the importance of the chosen topic and try to make it relatable to contemporary global politics. Afterward, state your position regarding the complex issue and fixate on that through the rest of the essay with arguments.

International Relations Essay Body

The body part of the international relations paper can include a variable amount of paragraphs based on the number of arguments you are going to provide in support of your thesis statement. Primarily, you need to overview key issues concerning your international relations paper topics. For instance, if you decide to write about the Vietnam War, try highlighting ways in which South and North Vietnam continue to maintain peace with one another till today.

Connect analysis of the historical roots of the political event to the modern conditions regarding the issue. Be original with your approach toward the problem and try to propose possible solutions to it. Customize the probable solutions to real-life circumstances and remain realistic.

Meanwhile, you can purchase an academic paper customized to international relations essay format from a wide range of essays for sale .

International Relations Essay Conclusion

The conclusion is just as important as the rest of the international relations essay. In the final paragraph, you can reaffirm the main points and arguments covered above and highlight their importance. Additionally, you are free to present any recommendations for further research regarding the proposed topic in the concluding part of the essay on international relations.

International Relations Paper Topics

Take a look at some of the most thought-provoking international relations essay topics:

• Violation of human rights in the Philippines
• Can China replace the US in the Middle East?
• Spanish Civil War as the prelude to World War II
• American Hegemony and Cold War
• The foreign policy of China
• Effectiveness of the Nuclear Proliferation Treaty Then and Now
• The Comparative Approach of the Bush Administration and Obama Administration to the Middle East
• The opposition between NATO and Russia
• Lessons unlearned from West: 2014 Occupation of Crimea in Ukraine
• The foreign policy of the United Kingdom after Brexit
• The causes of opposition between Iraqi forces and American military
• Historical Origins and Attempts to uprooting Terrorism
• The impact of the Karabakh Conflict on the Euro integration of South Caucasian states
• The effects of American foreign policy and South Sudan destabilization
• Strategies of global governance through international organizations
• Changed global order through the Treaty of Westphalia
• International relations through Marxist and neo-constructivist approach
• Impact of Engagement between China and Japan on Asian Politics
• Maximizing national security in modern developing countries in Latin America
• Comparison between classical and structural Realism

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180 Unique International Relations Essay Topics and Ideas

Table of Contents

Do you want to prepare an excellent international relations essay? Are you looking for the latest international relations essay topics? If yes, then continue reading this blog post. International relation is a broad field of study with many research topics to focus on. From them all, here, we have shortlisted a few top international essay topic ideas for you to consider. Go through the whole list and identify an ideal essay topic that will help you earn an A+ grade.

What is an International Relations Essay?

International relations essay is a kind of academic essay that is usually written on topics that are associated with the concepts of international relations. Basically, international relation is an interesting field of study that explains the relationship shared between the different countries and cultures across the world.

If you are studying a course in international relations, then as a part of your academic degree often you will have to work on international relations essays.

International Relations Essay Topic Selection

Like other types of essays, for writing an international relations essay, a good topic is needed the most. In case, you are given the option to choose the essay topic on your own, make sure to pick the right one by keeping these tips in mind.

• Give preference to the topic that you have a strong knowledge of.
• Pick a topic relevant to a hot issue from the past that you can connect to the present.
• Select a topic that has many sources in the online or local library.

International Relations Essay Writing

Once you have chosen an ideal topic for your international relations essay, go ahead and begin writing. But, while writing your essay, remember to analyze past events and come up with great ideas or solutions. Note that, the ideas that you provide should be suitable for the future of the nation. In particular, similar to all types of academic papers, you should also structure the international relations essay by including the components such as an introduction, body, and conclusion.

Introduction: It is the opening section of the essay. The introductory paragraph should briefly explain the problem to be discussed in the essay.

Body: It comes next to the introduction section and should contain all topic sentences related to the thesis. In the body paragraphs, you should separately explain each topic sentence or argument with proper evidence.

Conclusion: It is the closing section of the essay. In the conclusion paragraph, you should include a strong summary and final analytical opinion.

List of International Relations Essay Topics

Below, we have suggested 150+ unique international relations essay topic ideas. Explore the full list and pick any topic that you feel is right for you.

Simple International Relations Essay Topics

• Discuss the conflict between America and Russia.
• Analyze the decision-making in foreign policies.
• Analyze- “Soft Power” Joseph Nye.
• Explain the global concept of security.
• The influence of America on the Iranian revolution.
• Will America and its allies get benefit from rising China?
• Economy, politics, and history of China.
• International trade legislation and anti-dumping as its necessary part.
• Origins, goals, and development of Al Qaeda.
• The foreign policy of America.
• Discuss to what extent has foreign policy changed since the election of Kevin Rudd in 2007.
• American involvement in Peru Tacna-Arica and Chile.
• Cold War and American leadership.
• International Relations in colonial times.
• Globalizations from a socio-economic point of view.
• Discuss the impact of coronavirus restrictions on international relationships
• What is the role of the United Nations in spearheading global unity?
• Explore the effect of the different diplomatic relations among nations
• Discuss the impact of the Russia and Ukraine war on refugees
• How mediation played an important role in the Russia-Ukraine conflict?
• Explain the Kenneth Waltz’s Theory of International Politics (1979)
• Compare and contrast the Realism theory and Liberalism theory
• Analyze the impact of the Soviet Union’s invasion of Afghanistan in 1979
• Discuss the reasons behind the recent conflict between India and China
• Explain the reason behind the tension between Taiwan and China

International Relations Essay Topics on Political Science

• Causes of global poverty.
• The difference in administrative structures.
• Recruiting developing nations.
• Causes of Syrian conflicts.
• Why have populists become the reality of the 21 st -century political arena?
• Discuss the ideologies of the Soviet Union.
• Human rights in Africa.
• Causes of the American Revolution.
• Republican traditions.
• Humanitarian intervention and the world’s situation.
• Ethics in elections.
• International politics and hierarchy change.
• Chinese communist party.
• Power battles.
• The IMF structure.
• The importance of domestic policies and their relation to the world’s situation.
• What do you mean by Cold War and American leadership?
• Analyze the impact of European colonization on Aboriginals and Torres Strait Islanders of Australia
• Discuss the future of Northern Ireland Peace

Read more: Human Resources Research Topics and Ideas for Students

Top International Relations Research Paper Topics

• Communication across cultures.
• Human rights on the global discussion.
• Relations between the world’s countries, realism, and idealism.
• All about international communication.
• Analyze the Indonesian official tourism website.
• Midterm International Relations.
• Explain Youth Movement Protest.
• Regional Institutions and Globalization.
• The three theories of International Relations.
• American – German relations.
• The war of the Pacific and the early American-Chilean relations.
• The Palestinian-Israeli conflict and worldwide affairs.
• The theoretical critique of constructionism.
• The influence of the Asian business model on the global market.
• Bilateral relations through history.
• The effects of the dispute between China and Japan over the Senakku Islands.
• The main theorists of international relations.
• The effect of the World Organization on the US.
• Turkey versus Afghanistan.
• Is the power of politics overestimated?
• Discuss realism and the 1994 Rwanda Genocide.
• Analyze the Scottish Separatist Movement.
• The need for nuclear weapons.
• Analyze the Good Neighbor policy.
• Discuss the relationship between the UK and the UN.
• Analyze the 2014 crises- Ukraine and Crimea.
• Discuss the essential military ethics in war.
• The negative effects of human trafficking in South Africa.
• Why did the Soviet Union sign the pact of non-aggression in 1939?
• The American Agency of International Development.
• What is the shift in the balance of power: Uni polarity to multipolarity?
• Chinese Financial Institutions Duplicating The IMF: Western Myths or Reality?
• Intra-Afghan Dialogue: Impact Of Taliban Constraints.
• BRI: Regional Connectivity And Beyond.
• Discuss the dangers of Russia’s new proposal for a UN Convention on International Information Security

Essay Topics on International Affairs

• Overseas military bases and their common problems.
• The world’s politics and the participation of South Africa.
• Discuss the foreign policies of Latin America.
• The UN and Religious leader Ali Khamenei.
• Give a detailed review of the Korean War.
• Explain the historical background of the Civil War in Sudan.
• The Cold War – realism and liberalism.
• All about the affair of Iran-Contra.
• Is India an emerging power?
• Naming the Island – why is it so important for the Communist Party of China?
• The effects of Imperialism.
• Explain the changing nature of Islam.
• Saudi Arabia and the importance of its oil.
• Should America lift the embargo on Cuba?
• Discuss the main features of Modern liberalism.
• What is the role of mediation in the Russian Ukraine conflict?
• What is the influence of racism on black lives in foreign countries?
• Nigeria’s role in developing worldwide organizations in Africa
• The United States of America and Fight against the Worldwide Terrorism

International Relations Research Topics on Foreign Policy

• Religion and social power.
• The role of whistleblowers.
• Mediation Processes and International Relations.
• Iran oil conflict.
• Djibouti International Relations.
• Did the desire for oil drive the US foreign policy in the Middle East?
• Analyze the theory of Joseph S. Nye and Robert O. Keohane about the world’s politics.
• The Arctic power distribution.
• Is there any difference between theory and foreign policy?
• American foreign policy and South Sudan destabilization.
• Approaches in decision-making for foreign policy.
• Mexico and immigration.
• Do we need foreign students?
• Daily news coverage and International Relations.
• Maximizing national security through foreign policy.
• Ireland’s attractiveness for foreign direct investment.
• The Haiti, Bosnia, and Somalia cases and their effect on American foreign policy.
• African-Americans relations.
• Theory of International Relations and foreign policy.
• How did America become a global power?

Read more: Strong Relationship Topics For Academic Discussion

International Studies Essay Topics

• The effect of the Zimmerman Telegram on America in WWI.
• The UK and the United Arab Emirates.
• The International System and the New Sovereignty.
• Analyze the rise of India and China.
• How crucial are the functions of the Carnegie and Rockefeller foundations?
• Skeptic theory of morality and the period of its main influence.
• The economic future of Hong Kong.
• Why do global politics influence each country separately?
• Chile and Peru and the involvement of America.
• The UN and its process of reformation.
• The Gulf and its Internal Relations.
• Why is power at the center of realist perspectives?
• The Ukraine Crisis and Vladimir Putin.
• The Mathias Rise and Thomas Pogge debate – summary.
• American Policy Stance for Iraq.

Excellent International Relations Essay Topics

• The World’s trade and globalization.
• Collaboration among countries.
• The pros and cons of International Law.
• Authoritarian and democratic states and their contrasting development.
• What are the greatest causes of war?
• How to achieve world peace?
• Terrorism and World Politics.
• The power of the sea region.
• The new world group and Guyana
• An analysis of public diplomacy.
• Explain the Democratic Peace Theory .
• How does the maturation of war develop?
• Analyze the future association between China and America.
• Barriers to implementing the Arab Gulf reconciliation.
• Explain Geopolitics.
• A Via Media – all about the English School.
• The notion of gender and its influence on global cooperation.
• The effects of state-backed cyber campaigns.
• How do large intergovernmental organizations shape the world?
• Will UK citizens regret Brexit within the next 50 years?
• The role of international relations in discrimination against LGBTIQ people.
• Discuss the migrant flow from Nepal to Qatar.
• Why virtual schools may be a hindrance to globalization?
• Turkey – between Islam and the West
• Constructivism and realism.

Outstanding International Relations Essay Ideas

• The UN Security Council and whether the veto should be eliminated.
• Early Cold War ideas and misconceptions about America and Russia
• The South African government and the intervention strategy brief that was sent to them.
• Did major international corporations ignore the variety of topics and voices?
• Within the next 100 years, will there be a rise in worldwide businesses?
• a thorough examination of international corporations and the effects they have on the global economy.
• Questions and answers on international politics and commerce.
• The effects of international students on educational systems across the world.
• Explain the impact of the Russia and Ukraine war on refugees.
• Laws governing international commerce must include anti-dumping provisions.

Captivating International Relations Essay Topics

• International Trade and Trade Restrictions.
• What are the essential elements in foreign economic policies and treaties that can affect the citizen of the nation?
• In what way is Marxist theorizing still relevant to International Relations?
• What could be done to reduce terrorist activities to zero levels in residential areas?
• How and to what extent can cooperation be achieved under conditions of anarchy?
• Who are the most important actors in the Global Political Economy and why?
• Critically evaluate the importance and legal value of electronic documents in international business transactions.
• What challenges does NATO face in its war in Afghanistan?
• What implications does the increasing role of private military/security companies have for governing global politics?
• Discuss the problems and prospects of the involvement of individuals and people in the processes and procedures of global governance.

Wrapping Up

Out of the top international relations essay topics suggested above, select any topic that matches your interest. When selecting, go with a topic that has a wide scope of discussion and contains many sources of reference. Most importantly, for getting an A+ grade, instead of picking a frequently discussed topic, go ahead and select the latest, top-trending, unique topic on international relations.

In case, you are not sure what essay topic to select or how to write an international relations essay, contact us. We have a team of experienced assignment helpers to offer essay writing help on the best international relations topics at a fair price.

To avail of our reliable assignment writing service , just place your order by sending your requirements to us. Based on your specifications, we will prepare and deliver a plagiarism-free academic assignment beyond your expectations on time.

Without any hesitation, quickly submit the order form and enjoy the necessary academic benefits.

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Assessing international relations in undergraduate education

• Teaching and Learning
• Published: 06 May 2020
• Volume 20 , pages 345–358, ( 2021 )

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• Kamil Zwolski 1  

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This paper advocates a holistic approach to assessing international relations in undergraduate education, which revolves around: (a) essays and (b) active learning-related tasks, such as simulation reflective statements/reports and performance. The paper argues that, on the one hand, academic essays are far from irrelevant and it is difficult to overestimate their practical significance. On the other hand, active learning-related tasks are best utilised as a supplementary assessment, expanding the students’ range of transferable skills. The assessment structure advocated in this paper results from a holistic approach to assessment design, which includes teacher’s own experience, familiarity with pedagogical scholarship and input from students. This last element is the least common even though it makes sense to understand how students see their own assessment. To that end, the paper shares the results of a pilot project run at one of the UK universities, which engaged students as partners in rethinking their assessment.

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This paper aims to serve as one of the reference points for international relations (IR) teachers who are interested in enhancing their teaching practices—or at least making their pedagogical choices more conscious. By no means is it the first contribution of this kind, but it does take stock of the existing teaching and learning literature in IR. The paper also offers original contribution on how to design IR assessment in undergraduate education, which is a slightly underdeveloped topic but one of foremost importance to students. To that end, the paper suggests a holistic framework for assessment design, and in that context, it shares the experience of running a pilot initiative involving politics and IR students at a UK university in shaping how they are assessed. The paper begins by reappraising the scholarship on assessment in IR, although the boundaries are blurred here and most literature deals with teaching and learning IR in general, rather than scrutinising the assessment element. Unsurprisingly, most debates concern innovative approaches to IR teaching and learning, most notably simulations. This paper explores simulations as a potentially beneficial teaching activity and advocates considering this and similar active learning methods in the context of the holistic framework for assessing learning outcomes. In the second section, the paper discusses the proposed holistic approach to designing assessment, which involves building on one’s own experience, catching up with the pedagogical scholarship and working together with students in order to obtain a better understanding of the local learning culture. This last point is further developed in the subsequent section, which reports on the experiment in forming a staff–student partnership for enhancing assessment and feedback practices. The final part of the paper explains the two-tier assessment strategy for undergraduate IR teaching, followed by the limitations of the framework presented in this paper accompanied by possible solutions.

Assessment in IR: state of the art

The question of assessment, including its purpose, format and feedback, has long been at the centre of undergraduate student learning. Not only are the examinations, essays and other summative assignments crucial for awarding degrees, but assessment also has a defining role in shaping the patterns of student life at a university. Several foundational studies in the USA and UK revealed, as early as in the 1970s, the extent to which students care, or even obsess about assessment. Making the Grade (Becker et al. 1968 ) pointed to the so-called GPA (grade point average) perspective, signifying the finding that very few students are genuinely interested in the process of learning, as opposed to strategising about achieving the highest grades. The Hidden Curriculum (Snyder 1971 ) famously exposed the importance, from the students’ perspective, of the informal rules about navigating the landscape of studying for a degree. Finally, Up To the Mark: A Study of the Examination Game (Miller and Parlett 1974 ) famously identified students as cue-seekers, cue-conscious or cue-deaf, depending on how well attuned they are to what they think is actually expected in assessment.

All those studies, together with the plethora of subsequent publications, point to the fact that students care great deal about assessment. In this context, it is rather surprising that almost no academic publications focus on how to assess IR in higher education. This absence may also affect other academic subjects, but what makes it interesting in IR is the fact that there is substantive literature on the teaching and learning of IR as such. Almost all that literature, however, revolves around innovative methods for engaging teaching delivery, with the bulk of analysis focusing on simulations (e.g. Kaunert 2009 ). This emphasis on simulations is hardly surprising. After all, nation states serve as a point of departure, as well as remain the focal point throughout the entire IR module delivery. Even when the overarching argument is that states are not the only meaningful actors in IR, concepts such as globalisation or global governance are still considered against the core notion of sovereign nation states. Just like the nation states, individual students possess different qualities, enjoy some degree of autonomy and are constrained and enabled by a variety of structural and individual “variables”.

Consequently, simulations can offer students a glimpse into the “real” world of international politics, bringing the more abstract contents of an IR module to live. Still, setting up and running simulations in a way which supports student learning and learning objectives are far from straightforward and involve risks. For example, one key question concerns evaluating the strengths and weaknesses of available simulation models, such as Statecraft. Statecraft is a commercial, ready-made and fully online simulation of international politics, making strides into IR classrooms around the world (Carvalho 2014 ; Epley 2016 ; Linantud and Kaftan 2018 ; Raymond 2014 ; Saiya 2016 ). In module evaluations, students repeatedly say that Statecraft is fun and engaging (Raymond 2014 ), but it is notoriously difficult to confirm its learning–enhancing quality (Epley 2016 : 214–215). Other possible simulation designs involve adapting the traditional Diplomacy (Mattlin 2018 ) board game or placing students in a hypothetical scenario of a Zombie attack (Horn et al. 2015 ).

While simulations represent the most popular form of active learning activities in IR classes, there are other non-standard techniques intended to boost student engagement and understanding. Among those, films are on the rise, with some classes combining the classical features (e.g. Duck Soup from 1933 or All Quiet on the Western Front from 1930) with more recent releases, such as Lord of the Rings and 300 (Engert and Spencer 2009 ; Simpson and Kaussler 2009 ; Valeriano 2013 ). Other, less common delivery techniques involve civic engagement and service learning (Glazier 2015 ), as well as teaching IR through arts (Ramel 2018 ) and even dance (Rösch 2018 ). While all of these in-class teaching activities may truly help to engage students and render abstract concepts more accessible, there is no evidence that active learning activities mitigate the “hidden curriculum” effect, which prompts students to strategise in a way to neglect those aspects of learning which are perceived as not directly relevant to assessment. If anything, modern students may be even more oriented towards outcomes as opposed to the process of learning than those attending universities in the 1960s and 1970s. The discussion whether this process of instrumentalisation of university studies is right, or how to change it, goes far beyond the scope of this paper. The fact is that modern universities act as if assessment is the cornerstone of studying for a degree, as indicated by the amount of time and resources allocated to monitor the “quality” of assessment and decide on student assessment/degree outcomes. At the same time, students’ perceptions about the importance of “results” are often shaped even before they come to the university by stories they hear from their parents and their understanding of what it takes to build a successful professional life. Consequently, there are good reasons for university assessment to be thought-through, seamlessly integrated into our understanding of what kinds of knowledge and skills our students should acquire.

Some of the rare contributions on assessment in IR focus on measuring student performance in simulations (Kollars and Rosen 2013 ; Raymond and Usherwood 2013 ), with the notable exception of the paper arguing for short paper assignments in classes (Mcmillan 2014 ). Raymond and Usherwood make an interesting point on the limits of reflective statements, widely used in simulation exercises (notably in Statecraft), which ask students to reflect on their simulation experience and link it to the theoretical contents of the module. The authors note that drawing any definite conclusions about student learning progress based on their reflective statements is unjustified, citing literature questioning how accurately we can recreate all that happened in the past (including causal links) (Raymond and Usherwood 2013 : 160–61). Kollars and Rosen, on the other hand, list the benefits of assessment through simulations. One of the alleged benefits is that simulations allow developing a better understanding of students’ true abilities because they allow observing student progress over a longer period. In contrast, examinations may induce stress, which may cause otherwise good students to produce poor results (Kollars and Rosen 2013 : 153). Finally, McMillan stresses the advantages of short paper assignments over longer research papers, arguing that the former can serve the same purposes as the latter, but short assignments come with a plethora of other benefits, such as closer links with the type of writing students will be doing in their jobs (McMillan 2014 : 109–10). The purpose of this paper is more encompassing. Rather than evaluating assessment options for active learning activities, this paper suggests a comprehensive framework for assessing IR in undergraduate education. An integral part of the framework itself, however, is the method underpinning it. The following section explains the holistic method, which informed the two-tier IR assessment strategy introduced later in this paper.

A holistic method for assessment design

In this paper, I argue that a well thought-through assessment strategy should, ideally, rest on three components: experience, some knowledge of the relevant pedagogical literature and student engagement. Experience and theoretical expertise pertain to the classical distinction between knowing how and knowing what. While the latter refers to our knowledge of theories and principles, the former “rests on bodily experience and practice: it is knowledge within the practice instead of behind the practice” (Pouliot 2008 : 267). Of course, this distinction is ideal, and our understanding of assessment is likely underpinned by some theoretical knowledge. What I propose is to make the distinction between experience and theoretical expertise explicit in our thinking about assessment, even if the boundaries between the two are blurred in our professional development. For example, it is established practice to offer graduate teaching assistants some brief pedagogical training to prepare them for teaching and marking. In the UK context, it has also become common for universities to require their early-career staff to acquire professional recognition through the fellowship scheme of the Higher Education Academy (now Advance HE). Both modes of learning, through acquiring theoretical knowledge and through practice, have their own place in developing effective assessment strategies.

The final component concerns student engagement. There are different forms of engaging students in discussions on assessment and feedback, ranging from ad hoc consultations to institutionalised channels for working with students in partnership. Conversely, there is also a variety of areas suitable for staff–student partnership schemes, including (a) learning, teaching and assessment; (b) curriculum design and pedagogy; (c) subject-based research; and (d) scholarship of teaching and learning (Healey et al. 2014 ). Those areas often overlap, as they do in my own initiative, which I will now briefly outline. In the academic year 2018/2019, I launched a pilot project intended to engage undergraduate students in my department, across all 3 years, in a sustained and meaningful discussion on assessment and feedback. My intention was not merely to elicit information from students on how they would like to be assessed. Instead, I framed the initiative as a way to enhance our learning community, which implied that the learning process was going to take place both ways (as it did) (Healey et al. 2014 : 25–35).

For implementation, I relied on several online platforms in order to make the initiative flexible. Specifically, the Microsoft Teams collaborative platform played the central role, supported by Microsoft Stream for recording videos and Microsoft Forms for collecting student responses. A typical flow of work would involve myself recording a 5–10-min video outlining an issue I would like to discuss, such as students’ preferred methods of assessment. Afterwards, I would ask students to answer a few questions, such as how they would rate several different assessment forms and which ones were their most/least favourite types. After reading the responses, I would record another video commenting on student responses and offering them some tips and insights into how assessment works from the pedagogical perspective. Finally, I would ask students to comment on that follow-up video, which would often lead to the new cycle. Overall, between 70 and 90 students actively participated throughout the project, and they made over 500 written contributions on different areas of assessment and feedback. The project ended in April 2019 with very positive student feedback.

How do students want to be assessed?

The question concerning students’ assessment preferences was the first one I raised. First, I asked students to rate 15 different forms of assessment according to their preferences, with a system of five stars ratings. Students were invited to freely interpret the notion of “preference” and whether it related to value-added to their learning process, perceived difficulty, student familiarity or something else. The subsequent two open qualitative questions, where students justified their most and least preferred choices, allowed them to clarify what it is exactly that they like/dislike about those assessment types. Ninety students responded. My expectation was that students would prefer innovative or non-standard forms of assessment to essays and examinations. In reality, essays emerged on top of the list, followed by essay plans and short response papers. Assessment related to problem-based learning (PBL) and simulations were next on the list, with the least favourite assessment forms being poster presentations, oral presentations and examinations. While PBL and simulations can, more appropriately, be classified as assessment activities rather than assessment forms, Carol Evans rightly includes them on the list of assessment types Footnote 1 because they are inherently predisposed to generate a variety of non-standard assessments, such as practical performance or written/oral interpretation of practical experience. For this reason, it is difficult to disentangle PBL and simulations as learning techniques from associated assessment as these non-standard learning activities typically work in tandem with a set of non-standard assessment forms.

When justifying their choices, students defended essays as representing the fairest form of assessment, allowing them to demonstrate their true academic potential. Arguably, essays allow undertaking a more in-depth approach to researching a specific topic. They support advancing a careful and considerate thought and offer enough time to research and explore the topic. Essays allow getting to grips with different arguments. Because there is plenty of time available, essays represent a true reflection of the students’ ability. Finally, essays allow going into the details of a question and carefully study the answer. They are effective in drawing students’ attention into the relevant literature and are supportive of students’ developing own arguments. Based on the combination of practical experience, insights from pedagogical literature and student engagement, I argue in the following section that essays should constitute the bedrock of assessing IR in undergraduate education. In fact, skills associated with academic essay writing have become crucially important—more than anywhere in the past—and it is difficult to overestimate their practical significance.

Tier one: academic essays and their practical value for IR

For the purpose of my argument, I do not draw the distinction between longer papers and short response papers. This kind of distinction was indeed relevant for McMillan ( 2014 ), who argues the value of short papers over longer ones in IR, but undergraduate essays come in different sizes ranging from 500 to 600 words short papers all the way up to 5000–6000 words. It is even possible to consider the final undergraduate project itself—the dissertation—a one long essay, especially if it is oriented towards theory or history. Instead of the length, what matters is the underpinning characteristics of academic essays. These are long established and include (a) explicitness, in that the academic essay form is devoid of nuances; (b) the rationalist and humanist paradigm, in that the written form is considered crucial for exchanging knowledge and fostering progress; and (c) persuasiveness, in that the essay aims to advance ideas supported by explicit evidence (Andrews 2003 ).

In the UK context, the industry-oriented and economic growth-driven policy agenda has led to the dismissal of the humanities and social sciences subjects, in which essays dominate, and the promotion of science and engineering (STEM) subjects instead. As such, and in comparison with the more pragmatic, technical and result-oriented reports, it may be tempting to view essays as “academic” in the pejorative sense of the word, i.e. entailing abstract and hence impractical approach to theorise about ideas. In reality, essays allow to develop and practice skills relevant not only for employment prospects, but also—from the IR perspective—to navigate the completely new reality of the interconnection between international politics, new technologies and populism. Among others, academic essays allow to practice “research skills, logical and critical thinking skills, clear expression, independent learning, communications skills, organisational skills, time and task management skills self-awareness, reflective skills (…)” (Shields 2010 : 20).

Essays and critical thinking

One helpful way to distinguish between the value of essays for assessing IR from methods related to active learning is to recognise that they emphasise two different kinds of knowledge: declarative and functioning. The word “emphasise” is appropriate here because the two kinds of assessment do not align themselves neatly with the two kinds of knowledge. Essays, for example, can ask students to apply declarative knowledge to an empirical problem, such as an international conflict. Simulation-related assessments, on the other hand, may require students to identify relevant facts or argue their position. Both kinds of knowledge can be further divided up into different levels of demonstrated complexity using so-called SOLO framework, which stands for structure of the observed learning outcome (Biggs and Tang 2011 , pp. 86–90). The SOLO framework stipulates that when students learn, their understanding should grow in complexity, progressing across five levels. These learning levels are:

Prestructural Indicating that students only understand individual words, but their sentences miss the point due to lack of knowledge and understanding.

Unistructural Indicating that students can identify one basic aspect of a problem, but missing other dimensions.

Multistructural Indicating that students know various facts (individual trees), but lack an overarching understanding of a problem (the forest).

Relational Indicating that students can tie together different facts into a coherent “whole”. Different facts and concepts are integrated to present us with the “forest view” of a problem.

Extended abstract Indicating that students can move beyond the immediate confines of the question and conceptualise their response at the higher level, offering the reader a new perspective on a problem.

The model will look familiar to the students of Rosenau and Durfee ( 1995 ) and their ladder of abstraction, which stipulates that we should always strive to reach a higher level of understanding by shifting our focus away from simple facts and towards identifying relationships and patterns, making ourselves more theoretically conscious. The bottom line of both propositions is that learning entails improving our comprehension of complexity, which entails thinking in a more structured and logical way, reaching better-informed conclusions or being able to synthesise information based on sound assessment of arguments. Those are all components of critical thinking—a foundational skill (still) underpinning the rationale behind higher education. In this context, essays remain a highly suitable and practical way for students to practice their complexity comprehension, as well as to demonstrate their progress to the degree-awarding institution. The SOLO framework, in turn, allows situating students’ progress on a scale from a very basic understanding all the way up to the ability to abstract the problem and see it from a new perspective.

Critical thinking in IR: Brexit and Donald Trump

Although it is difficult to overemphasise the practical implications of practicing and improving the skills promoted by a simple academic essay, one caveat needs to be made here. Naturally, each module should begin with setting up learning objectives and those objectives should dictate the form of assessment. In the words of Biggs ( 2003 ), assessment should not come as a standalone consideration and instead should be constructively aligned with the learning outcomes. This article specifically focuses on the academic disciple of IR, which has developed a relatively well-delineated scope over 100 years since establishment. If the purpose of higher education, in the words of McCaffery ( 2019 : 35), is to “complement critical thinking (…) with critical self-reflection and critical action”, then it is the overarching purpose of IR education to nourish this “formation of critical being” in relation to politics beyond the boundaries of the nation states. Critical being in IR requires awareness of key structures and processes constituting the realm of the “international” and how they manifest themselves in political agendas, decisions, actions or inactions. For example, what are the implications of climate change or coronavirus to international politics? How to make sense of Brexit or Donald Trump’s foreign policy? Regardless of specific learning objectives, few IR teachers will deny these are relevant topics in IR education, and so, the following examples illustrating the relevance of academic essays relate to some of these topics.

In Foreign Affairs, Tom Nichols ( 2017 ) paints a sobering, if not entirely shocking image of the American rejection of experts and expertise. What is particularly disturbing, according to Nichols, is not the fact that Americans do not know about the world (roughly half of the polled respondents favoured bombing Agrabah—a fictional country from a Disney movie), or even that they distaste intellectuals. What seems new and alarming is that ignorance is increasingly considered a virtue and even the most heated argument exchanges are simply replaced by “shouting matches”. One interesting twist to this argument was the observation that the more ignorant the respondents were about the topic, the more definite answers they offered. Another one was the fact that respondents seem equally ignorant on both sides of the ideological spectrum—conservative and liberal.

In the UK context, a study of voters’ knowledge of the European Union (EU) revealed one similar trend: contrary to the popular perception among “Remainers” that the Brexit voters were uninformed, the level of EU knowledge is actually the same on both sides (Carl 2019 ). In one study, both “Remainers” and “Leavers” scored an average of 60% of correct answers to the list of 15 questions about the EU. While it is debatable whether this level of knowledge—on both sides—was enough to decide on an international political issue of such an enormous magnitude, other research findings from the study are actually more interesting in the context of academic essay writing. Out of the 15 questions, nine were considered by the authors “ideologically neutral”, in that the response to those questions was not particularly convenient for either of the sides. Six questions, on the other hand, could be considered more “ideologically convenient” for one of the sides, in that they asked about things such as the level of the UK’s contribution to the EU budget or whether the UK contributes more to the EU budget than it receives.

What is interesting is that factors such as age and higher education affected the level of knowledge related to the first nine “neutral” questions. In contrast, the political ideology of the respondents seems to have gotten an upper hand when answering the more “ideological” questions, in that both sides responded relatively better to questions, which appeared more ideologically convenient to them. For example, “Leavers” were more often correct than “Remainers” when responding to the statement that “The UK currently pays more money into the EU than it gets back in the form of subsidies and other funds” (which is true). Conversely, “Remainers” were more often right when responding to the statement that “More than ten per cent of British government spending goes to the EU” (which is false).

Both the US and UK examples illustrate that people are generally ignorant about the complex matters of international politics. This is hardly surprising. Further, their ignorance does not prevent them in any way from articulating definite opinions, participating in referendums or otherwise acting upon their believes. The American and British examples further confirm the power of ideological biases, which are well known in the world of party politics. We could argue that in the current age of enormous political polarisation, the high level of ideological bias is to be expected among both politicians and the population at large. University campuses, especially in the USA, are not immune to it (Mazer 2018 ). Still, if there is any meaningful role that universities can still undertake other than proffer their brand name to their graduates’ CVs, it is to encourage students to become more critical thinkers and writers. This brings us back to academic essays, which are rightly at the heart of facilitating this task.

The SOLO framework, essays and IR

Returning to the example of Brexit, ideological position, combined with some rudimentary knowledge of the EU, prompted UK citizens to cast their vote in a referendum. Many of those voters likely operated with the unistructural or—at best—multistructural level of EU knowledge, identifying a limited number of individual facts about the EU. Academic essays, by their nature, encourage research when confronted with a problem, prompting students to seek evidence in support of their argument and nourishing the habit of seeking information from higher-quality resources. At this basic level, they encourage students to progress towards practicing multistructural knowledge, where they can identify multiple facts in support of their argument, but also describe and classify those facts.

The value of academic essays is most prominent, however, when they prompt students to progress towards higher levels of comprehension, as indicated by the relational and extended abstract learning levels. Here, to continue with the Brexit example, students are not only able to identify multiple facts relevant to the discussion on the UK’s membership in the EU. They are also able to compare and contrast these facts, analyse and explain them and ultimately argue their case for the UK’s relationship with the EU. Eventually, students should also be able to move outside of the immediate confines of the Brexit question and generalise as well as theorise the problem at the higher level of abstraction by linking it to related concepts such as sovereignty, populism, globalisation or fear.

As for the question of ideological bias, the practice of essay writing remains the most promising exercise requiring students to systematically challenge and question their prior believes and value systems. If they come to the university convinced that, for example, excessive migration from EU countries justifies Brexit, they may still leave the university holding that core believe. At the same time, however, after writing numerous essays concluded with a long-form research project, they should graduate being able to better appreciate the complexity and interconnectedness of those multifaceted political phenomena. They should also be equipped to better recognise how their own ideological biases affect their position on the questions of national and international politics.

Tier two: assessing functioning knowledge through active learning

To reinforce the value of academic essays for assessing IR is not to dismiss more practical assessment methods, such as those stemming from in-class simulations and other kinds of PBL. Here, the paper aligns its argument with most of the writings on IR pedagogy, but it emphasises equal value of both traditional and innovative assessment methods. They are both important because—as noted—essays remain highly practical and relevant . Further, they both emphasise distinct kinds of knowledge, although with overlaps. Essays emphasise declarative knowledge. They teach students to describe, classify, compare, contrast, explain, argue and analyse. They also teach to theorise and generalise (Biggs and Tang 2011 : 124). Assessments related to problem-based and active exercises such as simulations, on the other hand, help students learn how to apply knowledge, solve immediate and remote problems, reflect and improve practice (Biggs and Tang 2011 : 124).

In the staff–student partnership initiative, assessment through PBL exercises, including simulations, constituted the second most preferred method among students participating in my staff–student partnership initiative. In this instance, many students who participated in the survey also participated in the Statecraft simulation, so they understood what kind of assessment was linked with the simulation. It included quizzes, reflective statement and performance. In other educational contexts, where students don’t know how a simulation exercise could be assessed, it will help to offer specific examples. As with essays, students justified their preferences in a variety of ways. Arguably, simulations make learning more effective because they allow practicing it and applying to problems. Simulations are especially relevant for learning theories and ideas. Simulations are arguably right for individual expression, and they allow learning without the pressure associated with presentations or debates. Simulations are entertaining, enjoyable and a compelling reason to engage with the module. Related to that point, simulations raise the level of engagement and focus among students when playing a simulation. Another advantage of simulations is their perceived utility for practicing skills important for employability. Different students pointed to different reasons as to why PBL methods are a good way to assess IR, but they mostly revolved around these few points.

These pro-simulation arguments align with the pedagogical literature. A quick glance at the scholarship on teaching and learning in IR indicates that among pedagogically aware academics, there is a strong inclination to move towards active learning methodologies, most notably simulations. As noted, this is hardly surprising because the field of IR is naturally predisposed to encourage this kind of teaching approach. Glazier reinforces this observation, noting that the use of simulations for teaching IR has greatly increased, even if the idea is not new (Glazier 2015 :266–267). Simulations are supposed to offer students a different and, arguably, more effective, way of learning compared to reading and listening. The concepts, dilemmas, problems and theories familiar to IR scholars become more accessible to students through simulations, allowing students to experience them in a controlled environment (Wedig 2010 ). The simulations are also seemingly a more appropriate method for millennial students, who are more receptive to problem-based methods and the learning process cantered on their practical experiences (Crossley-Frolick 2010 ). Finally, computer-based simulations should also develop students’ reflective and critical thinking skills with computers acting “as cognitive amplification tools for reflecting on what students have learned and what they know” (Jonassen et al. 1998 ). As noted, simulations, while not representing an assessment type as such, invite a variety of assessment methods which can complement essays and diversify student experience. Reflective statements, for example, encourage students to consider their practical experience in the context of the theoretical contents of the module [even if this method has limitations—see Raymond and Usherwood 2013 )]. Assessing simulation performance, on the other hand, encourages students to take the exercise seriously and invest some intellectual effort into it.

Simulations, along with other PBL approaches (such as solving practical world problems in class), represent so-called high-impact pedagogies in higher education learning. Their aim can be identified as to “adequately equip students with the knowledge, capabilities and personal qualities that will enable them to thrive in complex and changing contexts” (Evans et al. 2015 : 11). Simulations, if properly designed and assessed, can certainly contribute to these noble objectives. At the same time, however, we must also underline the lack of concluding evidence confirming the value of high impact pedagogies for stronger learning outcomes (Evans et al. 2015 : 11). J. Celeste Lay and Kathleen J. Smarick, whose students simulated a US Senate office at a large US university, caution against setting expectations for simulations too high. They reinforce the argument of this paper by recommending that simulations should not be adopted as a single teaching method, but instead as a supplement to more traditional pedagogies (Lay and Smarick 2006 ).

In lieu of conclusion: obstacles to implementation

I am under no illusion that the two-tier assessment model proposed in this paper, together with the holistic methodology for designing assessment, can be easily implemented across undergraduate IR programs in the UK and elsewhere. Consequently, instead of a traditional conclusion, I propose to address the potential obstacles both junior and senior academics may face when experimenting with assessment design along the lines outlined here. First, there is the question of the actual purpose of assessment. The two-tier model is based on a rather idealistic assumption that students generally attend classes and engage with the contents of the module. With that assumption in mind, we can then focus on designing assessment, which, we believe, makes most pedagogical sense based on our intended learning outcomes, pedagogical literature and student preferences.

The reality, at least in the UK context, is often very different, however. Since lectures are mostly non-compulsory in undergraduate education, some students choose not to attend them. This is a problem for different kinds of reasons, and so, the teaching staff typically reacts by seeking ways to improve attendance. If students strategise their time allocation around assessment, as evidenced in this paper, then essay-based assessment is not optimal because it does not encourage active participation. In fact, anecdotal evidence suggests that it seems perfectly logical for many students to only attend sessions covering the topic of their essays and consider other sessions less relevant. As a result, if lecture attendance and participation is a problem, then other forms of assessment may be considered more suitable to entice student participation. In this case, assessment assumes an additional, disciplinary function. Examination naturally comes to mind as a popular form of assessment, which can be hoped to discipline students to attend sessions, provided the lectures are not recorded and made available online. In this instance, the teacher must use judgement and try to reconcile the pedagogical value of different forms of assessment with the cultural setting in which learning takes place.

The second challenge concerns replicating the holistic method for assessment design, which involves teacher’s own experience, familiarity with the pedagogical research and working in partnership with students. In my own experience, setting up effective staff–student partnership proved most time-consuming, although most of the time was spent in preparation for the initiative. Once I got a good grasp of the MS Teams platform and how to upload videos, I was able to run the initiative committing no more than 2–3 h every other week. This may still prove too time-consuming for many. The alternative to a structured and technology-enhanced partnership with students could be a less formal and more ad hoc system of chatting with students about their assessment and feedback preferences. The idea is to get a better understanding of how students themselves see assessment and feedback, which may differ across institutions and cultures. Another issue is finding time for pedagogical research. In the field of IR, there is a decent amount of the literature on designing teaching, learning and assessment, but it mostly relies on the broader field of higher education pedagogy (active learning, PBL, etc.). One efficient way to gain insights from the pedagogical scholarship is to meet with colleagues working in the field of higher education and discuss ideas. Another approach would be to link pedagogical research for assessment purposes with other objectives, such as applying for an Advance HE’s fellowship, a promotion or simply to better fulfil one’s administrative role.

The final challenge also concerns time pressures faced by modern academics, but this time it relates to executing the two-tier assessment model discussed in this paper. Essays are relatively straightforward, and all academics (and students) are familiar with the format. However, one aspect of essay-based assessment, which students in my staff–student partnership raised and which is reinforced by the pedagogical scholarship, can significantly raise the workload for the marking staff. It concerns the need for so-called feedforward, entailing some form of a learning curve for students whereby their initial writing attempts have lower stakes in relation to the final essay. Those lower stake assignments could be shorter essay plans or drafts, but they still require someone to read them and offer feedback. Similarly, simulations can be prohibitively time-consuming and even fully automated simulation platforms, such as Statecraft, require significant time and a learning effort on the part of the instructor. The only practical solution, in this case, may be to rely on teaching assistants for the day-to-day facilitation of the simulation, but the availability of those extra teaching resources will vary across institutions, programs and modules.

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Zwolski, K. Assessing international relations in undergraduate education. Eur Polit Sci 20 , 345–358 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41304-020-00255-0

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168 Current International Relations Research Topics For Any Level

Are you a student looking for intriguing international relations research topics? Look no further! In this blog post, we have created a list of 168 unique and thought-provoking research topics in the field of international relations that should help students get an A+ on their next paper.

Whether you’re studying political science, international affairs or related disciplines, this comprehensive list covers a wide range of fascinating subjects. From global governance to security issues, diplomacy, human rights, and more, these topics are designed to inspire your research and help you delve deeper into the complexities of international relations. So, grab your notepad and get ready to explore these captivating research ideas!

A Word On International Relations Theses

International relations is the study of interactions between nations and global actors. It examines politics, economics, security, and culture, exploring how countries cooperate, conflict and shape global dynamics. If you’re about to start working on a thesis in international relations and you are wondering what to include in your paper, here is a short explanation of each of the mandatory chapters:

Introduction: The opening section that presents the research problem, objectives, and significance of the study. Literature Review: A comprehensive review of existing scholarly works related to the research topic, providing a context for the study. Methodology: Describes the research design, data collection methods, and analytical techniques used to address the research questions or hypotheses. Findings: Presents the empirical results or outcomes of the research, often supported by data, analysis, and interpretation. Discussion: Analyzes and interprets the findings in relation to the research objectives, drawing connections to existing literature and providing insights. Conclusion: Summarizes the main findings, highlights the contributions to the field, and suggests avenues for future research. References: Lists all the sources cited in the thesis following a specific citation style (e.g., APA, MLA).

Now, it’s time to deliver on our promise and give you the list of international relations research paper topics. Choose the one you like the most:

Easy International Relations Research Topics

Explore our list of easy international relations research topics that will help you understand global politics and analyze the dynamics of international relations with ease

• The impact of globalization on state sovereignty and international relations
• Analyzing the role of non-state actors in global governance structures
• The influence of soft power in shaping international relations and diplomacy
• Exploring the relationship between human rights and international relations
• Examining the dynamics of economic interdependence in international relations
• The role of international organizations in promoting peace and security
• Assessing the impact of climate change on international relations and cooperation
• Analyzing the role of regional integration in shaping global politics
• The implications of cyber warfare for international relations and national security
• Examining the challenges and opportunities of humanitarian intervention in international relations
• Analyzing the role of ideology in shaping state behavior in international relations
• Exploring the impact of migration and refugee crises on international relations
• Assessing the role of international law in resolving conflicts and promoting peace
• Investigating the role of intelligence agencies in shaping international relations

International Relations Thesis Topics

Our wide range of international relations thesis topics will guide you towards developing a strong research question, conducting in-depth analysis, and contributing to the field with your original research:

• Power dynamics and the balance of power in international relations
• Exploring the role of diplomacy in conflict resolution and peacebuilding
• The impact of nuclear proliferation on international security and non-proliferation regimes
• Analyzing the role of international institutions in managing global crises
• The influence of nationalism on interstate relations and regional cooperation
• Examining the role of international norms and human rights in shaping foreign policy
• Assessing the impact of economic globalization on state sovereignty in international relations
• The role of social media in shaping public opinion and international relations
• Exploring the concept of hegemony and its implications for international relations
• The role of gender in international relations and its impact on policy-making
• Analyzing the role of intelligence agencies in shaping international relations
• The implications of emerging technologies on international security and arms control
• Examining the role of media and propaganda in international conflicts and public opinion
• The impact of regional integration on state behavior and international cooperation

Advanced International Relations Topics For Research

Dive into complex issues, explore cutting-edge theories, and unravel the intricate dynamics of global affairs with our advanced international relations topics for research:

• China’s global rise and its power dynamics
• Non-traditional security threats in international relations
• AI and warfare: Implications for international security
• Climate change, conflict, and forced migration in international relations
• Religion and politics in international relations
• Populism’s impact on global governance and international relations
• Social movements and civil society in shaping international relations
• Pandemics and international cooperation: Implications for global governance
• Cultural diplomacy and soft power in international relations
• Information warfare and disinformation in international relations
• Regional powers shaping global security dynamics
• Responsibility to protect and humanitarian interventions in international relations
• Resource scarcity and environmental degradation in international relations
• Migration and refugee crises’ impact on global stability

International Relations Research Questions

Our carefully curated list of international relations research questions will inspire critical thinking and promote meaningful discussions:

• How does power transition theory explain shifts in global power dynamics?
• What are the implications of the rise of non-state actors on traditional state-centric international relations theories?
• How do identity politics and nationalism shape interstate conflicts?
• What are the factors influencing state compliance with international human rights norms?
• How does globalization impact state sovereignty?
• What are the challenges of multilateralism in addressing global issues?
• How does public opinion influence state behavior in international relations?
• What are the causes and consequences of failed states in international relations?
• How does the distribution of power in international institutions affect their legitimacy?
• What are the implications of emerging technologies, such as artificial intelligence, on international security?
• How do regional conflicts and security dilemmas impact regional integration efforts?
• What are the root causes of terrorism?
• How does economic interdependence shape interstate relations and global governance structures?
• What are the challenges of global environmental governance in addressing climate change?

International Relations Paper Topics

Choose one of our international relations paper topics that resonate with your interests and embark on an enriching research journey:

• The role of ideology in shaping state behavior in international relations
• Analyzing the impact of economic sanctions on diplomatic relations between countries
• The role of media and propaganda in influencing public opinion in international conflicts
• Exploring the relationship between globalization and cultural identity in international relations
• The implications of cybersecurity threats on national security and international relations
• Assessing the role of intelligence agencies in gathering and analyzing international intelligence
• Analyzing the impact of regional organizations on regional conflicts and cooperation in international relations
• The influence of international trade agreements on global economic and political relations
• Exploring the dynamics of nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation in international relations
• The role of international law in resolving territorial disputes and promoting peace
• Non-state actors in international relations: Influence and challenges
• Conflict resolution mechanisms: Negotiation, mediation, and peacebuilding approaches
• Diplomatic immunity: Balancing immunity with accountability in international relations
• The impact of global pandemics on international cooperation and security

Engaging Topic Ideas About International Relations

Are you seeking engaging and captivating topic ideas for your international relations research? Choose one of these engaging topic ideas about international relations:

• Global governance and international organizations in addressing global challenges.
• Nationalism’s impact on international relations and global cooperation.
• Soft power in shaping international perceptions and relations.
• Regional conflicts’ implications for global stability and security.
• Cyber warfare: Assessing evolving cyber threats in international relations.
• Media’s role in international relations: Influence, propaganda, and disinformation.
• Economic interdependence: Opportunities and risks in global relations.
• Diplomacy in the digital age: Challenges of virtual diplomacy.
• Global migration and refugee crises: Humanitarian and political dimensions.
• Human rights in international relations: Promoting universal rights.
• Terrorism’s impact on global security and counterterrorism efforts.
• Environmental diplomacy: Addressing global environmental challenges.
• Religion’s role in international relations.
• Regional power dynamics: Influence of major powers in different regions

Interesting International Relations Research Paper Topics

Uncover fascinating research paper topics in international relations that will captivate your readers and showcase your analytical skills. Use one of these interesting international relations research paper topics:

• Populism’s rise and its impact on international relations and global governance
• Climate change’s geopolitical implications: Conflicts, migrations, and resource competition
• Hybrid warfare: Analyzing blurred lines between conventional and unconventional threats
• Technology’s impact on diplomacy and the future of diplomatic practices
• Nuclear energy diplomacy: Balancing peaceful uses and proliferation concerns
• Soft power and cultural industries’ influence in international relations
• Politics of humanitarian aid: Challenges and ethical considerations
• Media framing’s impact on public opinion in international conflicts
• International cooperation in space exploration and its geopolitical implications
• Diaspora communities’ role in shaping international relations and global politics
• Migration policies and human rights: Balancing border control and human dignity
• Global health governance: Cooperation, challenges, and pandemic responses
• Environmental peacebuilding: Addressing conflicts over natural resources and degradation
• Economic sanctions: Effectiveness and ethical implications in international relations

Political Science Dissertation Topics

Our list of political science dissertation topics will provide you with a solid foundation for developing a unique research proposal and making a significant contribution to the field:

• The role of political ideologies in foreign policy and international relations.
• National security strategies and state behavior in international relations.
• Global governance and collective decision-making challenges in international institutions.
• Public opinion’s influence on foreign policy and international relations.
• Identity politics and intergroup relations in international contexts.
• Humanitarian interventions and the responsibility to protect.
• Geopolitics and resource conflicts: Strategic importance of natural resources.
• International law’s role in shaping state behavior and resolving conflicts.
• Comparative political systems in international relations.
• Political leadership’s impact on diplomatic relations and cooperation.
• International development assistance: Aid effectiveness and challenges.
• Non-state actors in global politics: Influence, networks, power dynamics.
• Intelligence agencies in international intelligence gathering and analysis.
• Political parties and foreign policy shaping

Current International Relations Topics For Research Paper

Stay up to date with the latest developments in global politics by exploring our selection of current international relations topics for research paper writing :

• Emerging technologies’ impact on global security and power dynamics.
• Transnational threats: Terrorism, crime, and cyber challenges in focus.
• Regional integration in globalization: Achievements, limitations, and prospects.
• Trade wars: Implications for global economy and cooperation.
• Disinformation and fake news: Influence on international politics and public opinion.
• Climate change negotiations: Progress and challenges in combating global warming
• Cybersecurity and emerging threats in international relations.
• Regional power dynamics in the Middle East: Implications for global security
• Global responses to the COVID-19 pandemic: Cooperation and challenges
• Climate change mitigation and adaptation in international policy
• Rising nationalism and its impact on international cooperation
• Humanitarian crisis in Yemen: International responses and challenges
• Technology and the future of warfare: Implications for global security
• The Belt and Road Initiative: Assessing its impact on international relations

Awesome Research Topics For International Relations

Our awesome research topics for international relations allow you to explore diverse areas of global politics and contribute to the field with your exceptional research:

• NGOs’ role in shaping international policies and agendas
• Humanitarian interventions and the responsibility to protect: Effectiveness and ethics
• Cybersecurity challenges in international relations: Risks and responses
• Global migration governance: Policies and implications
• Globalization vs national sovereignty: Impacts on state behavior
• China’s Belt and Road Initiative: Geopolitical influence and challenges
• Nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation: Effectiveness of treaties
• Gender in international relations: Impact of norms and policies
• Post-colonial perspectives in international relations: Power dynamics and legacies
• Climate justice and international cooperation: Addressing climate change
• Regional organizations in global governance and international relations
• Politics of humanitarian intervention: Strategies and outcomes
• Political economy of international trade: Impact of policies and agreements
• Populism’s impact on democracy and international relations

Controversial International Relations Topics

Delve into the realm of controversy and discourse with our thought-provoking controversial international relations topics:

• Drones in targeted killings: Legal and ethical implications
• Nuclear energy and non-proliferation: Benefits and risks
• Intervention in state sovereignty: Legitimacy and consequences
• Ethics of economic sanctions: Effectiveness and impact on civilians
• Cyber warfare and international norms: Regulating cyber conflicts
• Climate change’s impact on national security and conflicts
• Intelligence agencies in covert operations and international relations
• Politics of humanitarian aid: Motivations and challenges
• Ethics of military intervention: Justifications and consequences
• Politics of regime change: Motivations and implications
• Media bias’s impact on international perceptions and diplomacy
• Private military companies: Challenges and accountability
• Politics of disarmament and arms control: Progress and challenges
• Corporate interests’ influence on foreign policy and relations

Best International Relations Topics For 2023

Stay ahead of the curve with our selection of the best international relations topics for 2023. These carefully curated topics reflect the current trends, emerging challenges and pressing issues:

• COVID-19 pandemic’s implications on global politics and international relations
• Rise of populism and its impact on democracy and international cooperation
• Cybersecurity challenges in a hyper-connected world: Risks and responses
• Future of international cooperation in addressing global challenges and conflicts
• Climate change and security: Implications for international relations and stability
• Evolving role of regional powers in shaping global politics and relations
• Technological advancements’ impact on state power and international relations
• Global governance reform: Restructuring international institutions
• Social media’s role in shaping international perceptions and political movements
• Challenges and prospects of nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation
• Intersection of artificial intelligence and international relations
• Impact of trade wars on global economic relations and cooperation
• Geopolitical tensions in the Arctic: Resource competition and influence
• Future of multilateralism: Relevance and effectiveness in a changing world

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We have also prepared a list of best topics on the following disciplines:

• 122 Best Ecology Topics To Sparkle Your Writing
• 150 Original Accounting Research Paper Topics
• 233 Marketing Research Topics To Come Up With An Impressive Paper
• Leadership Topics For Academic Research Papers
• 222 Best Anatomy Research Paper Topics To Discuss
• 101 Best Computer Science Topics
• 50+ Excellent Economics Paper Topics You Should Not Miss
• 100 Gender Research Topics For Academic Papers
• 60+ History Research Paper Topics From Our Top Writers
• 110 Impressive Nursing Research Topics To Use

How do I choose a research topic in international relations?

Consider your interests, current events, and gaps in existing literature to identify an area of focus. Brainstorm potential topics and ensure they align with your research objectives.

What makes a strong international relations research paper?

A strong research paper includes a well-defined research question, solid theoretical framework, rigorous analysis, credible sources, and logical structure. It should also contribute to the existing body of knowledge.

How can I narrow down my international relations research topic?

Consider specific regions, actors, theories, or policy areas within international relations. Narrowing down your topic will allow for a more focused and manageable research paper.

Can I use case studies in my international relations research paper?

Yes, case studies can be valuable in providing empirical evidence and in-depth analysis. They help illustrate theoretical concepts and offer real-world examples to support your arguments.

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10 Reasons Why International Relations Are Important

International Relations are at the centre of many important topics of the world today, and if it had to be summed up in one sentence, the importance of IR stands in the cooperation between nations and entities around the world. The benefits of such cooperation are immense and can shape global policies. But why do international relations matter? Below you can find 10 reasons:

#1 IR empowers humanity to better manage challenges and crises

Many people who pursue international relations and diplomacy degrees do so because they have a deep vested interest in making the world a better place, regardless of specific career goals. Those who utilize their degrees to work in policy (e.g., diplomats , activists, and ambassadors) can achieve their personal goals by developing and implementing relevant strategies that have the potential to enhance lives around the world. By working together and sharing resources, nations can better manage the effects of crises such as natural disasters, droughts, floods, famine, and even diseases such as the Covid-19 pandemic.

#2 International relations are a promoter of peace

International Relations introduces you to a world of politics and the social-historical implications of global development . Through both communication and cooperation, nations can resolve their problems peacefully and come to an agreement that can create lasting peace. Things don’t always go as smoothly as would be ideal, however, and there are still many conflicts that go unresolved, but large IR “arenas” like the UN give each side the opportunity to make their case and have their voices heard, ultimately forcing you to resolve your differences with your rivals through words.

#3 International relations enable better organization of human capital

We currently live in a world in which the general standard of living is greater than ever before . However, despite our constant technological advances and discoveries, humanity faces numerous problems and challenges. These problems require professionals, scientists, technocrats, diplomats , and capable people in every position, and it is the goal of many organizations, both governmental and international structures such as the UN, to organize the best of the available human capital. International Affairs can be seen as promoting this initiative, which aims to bring the best that each nation has to offer into key decision-making positions.

#4 International relations promote cooperation, exchange and cultural development

To be an impactful international diplomat, ambassador , lobbyist, or business leader focused on a particular country or region, you must immerse yourself in a different culture. However, part of that job is to master the language, culture, and traditions of another country. In this way, countries can better understand and cooperate with each other. This positive effect also transfers to the population, because two states that maintain friendly relations can become two peoples that are closely connected and thus share ideas, cultures and traditions.

#5 International relations encourages you to travel and gain new experiences

Cultural collaboration not only makes you more effective at your job, but also allows for profound personal growth and discovery that many find incredibly fulfilling. Having new experiences, visiting new places, seeing new things and meeting new people can open up new horizons and opportunities for many people. By building and fostering relationships with one another, the nations of the world can provide these above opportunities to many more people than they would without the help of cordial international relations .

#6 International relations promote faster proliferation of technological innovations

Countries that have good relations with each other tend to share their inventions and innovations more quickly, and this has been the norm among civilizations since the dawn of time. This close cooperation between nations on technological issues has not only made human life easier and safer through developments in medicine, housing, and infrastructure, to name a few, but has also encouraged countries to build closer relationships with each other.

#7 International relations are essential on matters of security and stability

International relations among others can promote law enforcement cooperation between nations. Issues of jurisdiction and sovereignty have been raised repeatedly since the emergence of nation-states in the 19th century and are more important than ever in today’s world, where globalization has taken hold everywhere and international criminal organizations, terrorists, human traffickers, etc. have gained much more power than in the past. By working together, states can reach beyond their national borders and enforce their laws much more effectively to ensure accountability and justice and provide stability and security for their citizens.

#8 IR promote trade and financial interdependence among nations

By working closely together financially and integrating their respective economies, nations can ensure that their populations thrive and that free and equal trade takes place between their peoples through close international ties. Close political ties are always a precursor to strong economic dealings and financial interdependence among nations and are a critical component of international politics.

#9 IR create the conditions for democracies to flourish in developing countries

A country with many friends and strong international ties is a country with many opportunities. Developing countries are always in a precarious position because they seem to never choose between their past and their future. Corruption seems endless and progress unattainable, but a country that has friends can always find a helping hand in times of need. There are many examples of developing countries that have received assistance, professional guidance and, most importantly, funding through their IR to achieve their goals and significantly shorten the road to democracy.

#10 International relations promote the rights of women and children

For better or worse, most, if not all, international institutions that exist today originated in the West and have been influenced by Western values, even those that were developed relatively recently. Concepts such as democracy, the rule of law, human rights , and equality have so far resisted the test of time quite successfully and have spread throughout the world through the medium of international relations. Many countries have made efforts to actively spread these ideas and this culture, including ensuring that the rights of women and children are recognized and respected. On the contrary, many reactionary countries have resisted this change as well, but the world of international relations is a big stage, and if countries want to enjoy the benefits that come from cooperation with other countries, they are also obliged to provide certain guarantees for the advancement of the rights of the more vulnerable strata of society.

International Relations: Events Shaping the View Essay

International relations, events shaping my view of international relations, works cited.

International relation focuses on “the relationships and associations established by different nations across the globe” (Weber 13). The field also studies the roles of different non-governmental agencies, sovereign nations, and international organizations. Such relationships can change depending on several factors, such as politics, economics, wars, and technologies. This situation explains why certain events have shaped my view of international relations.

The first event is World War II. I have always examined the historical, political, and economic aspects of this war. The Second World War explains why our world has failed to deal with animosity and enmity (Weber 39). The war produced new global powers. The winners of the war decided to form the United Nations Organization (NGO) to prevent similar disasters in the future. This war has shaped my view of international relations. I now understand why such relations are necessary for a peaceful world.

The second event that has shaped my view of international relations is the September 11 attacks. The United States gained new lessons from the terrorist attack. The event would change the relationship between the United States of America and the Middle East. The country “formulated new policies and agencies to safeguard every American citizen from terrorism” (Lizardo, 103). This event changed the way many nations in the west related to their counterparts in the east. Many nations in the west have established new strategies to deal with terrorism.

Our world is experiencing new climatic patterns. Our world is facing a major threat because of these climate changes. The “problem of global warming is an ongoing event in the world today” (Habib 8). Climate change has forced our world to come up with better environmental policies. The world has established new international policies such as the Kyoto Protocol. Climate change has become a major global issue. The “event has brought many developed and developing nations together to deal with it” (Habib 18). I now understand why IR is an important field of study.

Some cultural groups and countries will view the above events differently. Many underdeveloped countries have accused the west of formulating rigid Environmental Protection Policies (EPPs). Most of these “countries believe that the developed world has contributed a lot to this problem of climate change. This situation explains why “our world is yet to deal with global warming” (Holsti, 3). Many countries in the east have always supported terrorism. Most of these cultural and religious groups continue to support different terrorist groups. Countries have engaged in battles to resolve every international dispute. Some “other countries embrace the use of diplomacy to deal with such conflicts” (Weber 73).

Many cultures and countries might view the above events differently. According to Weber (45), “every cultural group or country has its motivations.” The Nazis wanted to take control of Europe during the Second World War. Many countries, such as “the United States and England, wanted to stop the Japanese and Germans from causing more trouble” (Holsti 18). Many Islamic groups engage in terrorist attacks to revenge against the west for its malpractices. Every country in the west is against terrorism because it kills people and affects our economy. This discussion explains why every society or country will view most of the above events differently. In conclusion, IR is a critical field towards dealing with most of the problems affecting our world.

Habib, Benjamin. “Climate Change and International Relations Theory: Northeast Asia as a Case Study.” Third Global International Studies 1.1 (2011): 1-31. Print.

Holsti, Ole 2013. Theories of International Relations . Web.

Lizardo, Omar. “Defining and Theorizing Terrorism: A Global Actor-Centered Approach”. Journal of World-Systems Research 14.2 (2008): 91-118. Print.

Weber, Cynthia. International Relations Theory: A Critical Introduction. New York: Routledge, 2005. Print.

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The new world disorder: how the Gaza war disrupted international relations

While the US flounders in a conflict it did not foresee, emerging powers see a chance for new voices to join the top table

N ot long ago a picture circulated from inside Gaza showing smoke billowing from the explosion of a US-supplied bomb, and discernible in the background was the outline of eight black parachutes dropping US aid in precisely the same neighbourhood. It was suggested that the picture would make an ideal cover for any book about the confused world disorder that the six-month war in Gaza have spawned – a disorder that as yet has no dominant player, value system or functioning institutions.

The great powers compete, coexist or confront one another across the region but none, least of all at the UN, is able to impose its version of order any longer. “Forget talk of unipolarity or multipolarity,” the journalist Gregg Carlstrom recently wrote in Foreign Affairs. “The Middle East is nonpolar. No one is in charge.”

Wars are supposed to be the father of all things, according to Heraclitus, and many still predict that this war will define everything in the future and prove a turning point to their advantage. Iran believes the US is closer to being forced out of Iraq than at any point in the last two decades and its president, Ebrahim Raisi, has said the war in Gaza will lead to a “transformation in the unjust order that rules the world”. Iran’s ally, the Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah, whose group has traded fire with Israel across the Lebanese border, has claimed “the onset of a new historical phase” for the entire Middle East and that Israel will be unable to withstand the “al-Aqsa flood”.

By contrast, Benjamin Netanyahu , the Israeli prime minister, vowed on 9 October, two days after the Hamas massacre in Israel that triggered the war, that the region would be changed to Israel’s benefit. “What we will do to our enemies in the coming days will reverberate with them for generations,” he said.

Six months on, no one believes they have yet lost. And amid these conflicting assessments, China and Russia are not quite bystanders but do not lift a finger to ease US discomfort. Ever an opportunist, the Russian foreign minister, Sergei Lavrov, blamed American handling of relations between Israel and the Palestinians for the mess. “It was Washington’s policy of monopolising mediation and undermining the international legal framework for a settlement that resulted in the current escalation,” he said.

US support for Israel in the Gaza war was also seized upon as a golden chance for Russia’s rehabilitation after Ukraine. In language designed to appeal to the global south, Lavrov denounced America’s “incredible duplicity and double standards”.

Among emerging powers, the lesson of Gaza has been that it is time for new voices to join the top table. “This war is hideous but speaks to a bigger problem: the lack of reform of global governance institutions, including and primarily the UN security council,” said Filipe Nasser, a senior adviser at the Brazilian foreign ministry. “This is the point of convergence across the global south. They feel the international order is profoundly asymmetric and detrimental to their interests. The three US vetoes show how the rules are bent.”

The Turkish president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, has spoken of a similar crisis. “The current international system, devoid of fundamental concepts such as solidarity, justice and trust, cannot fulfil even its minimum responsibilities,” he said. South Africa’s foreign minister, Naledi Pandor, has described Gaza as the last manifestation of the conflict against colonialism and imperialism, and went to the international court of justice to prove her point.

Among western-based intellectuals, there is a sense that something deep is afoot. “The disaster in Gaza has completely disabused a large segment of liberals and professionals in the Arab world about western claims of upholding and caring about values in the conduct of foreign policy,” said Emile Hokayem, of the International Institute for Strategic Studies. “They look at the western debacle over Gaza and feel betrayed – or, for those who were always cynical about the west, vindicated. For example, some who sympathised with Ukraine have now switched their position. Senior western officials and diplomats are mostly clueless about this dynamic.”

Bronwen Maddox, the director of the UK-based thinktank Chatham House, has warned of wide repercussions. “The charge is the west writes the rules to suit itself. If countries which support Ukraine and are working for peace in the Middle East do not realise how powerful this charge has become, they will fail to help solve either conflict.”

Faced by this barrage, US diplomacy has not enjoyed its finest hour, as every day it seems its inability to control events becomes more apparent. It is locked in a war it had not foreseen, in a region it was seeking to leave behind, in defence of an ally that refuses to do as it asks.

The longer the conflict has continued – and few foresaw six months of it – the more US diplomacy has struggled to withstand the conflicting pressures. Netanyahu, wanting to win more time to “finish the job”, has shown himself unwilling to listen to Joe Biden, while the Gulf Cooperation Council, regardless of its private views of Hamas, has demanded that the US makes a decisive break with Israel and recognises Palestine as a state. The foreign affairs chief of the EU, where the US has many allies, has meanwhile claimed Israel has weaponised hunger, and even the UK has been moved to show some independence from Washington.

Through its Houthi allies attacking shipping in the Red Sea, Iran has revealed itself as a supple player and claimed strategic influence over three major economic choke points: the Suez canal at the north of the Red Sea, the Bab el-Mandeb strait at its south and the strait of Hormuz at the entrance to the Gulf.

US diplomacy has suffered defeat after defeat. On 27 October, 121 states at the general assembly backed an immediate humanitarian ceasefire, with 14 voting against and 44 abstaining. By 12 December, support for an unconditional ceasefire had hardened, with 153 in favour, only 10 against and 23 abstentions. Apart from the US, the total population of the countries in the US column was a paltry 68 million – hardly the kind of support the “indispensable power” should have at its disposal.

On 18 December the US was able to announce the names of only 10 countries willing to join Operation Prosperity Guardian , the naval alliance to protect freedom of navigation in the Red Sea. Apart from Bahrain, the home of the US fifth fleet, not a single Arab state joined the US alliance.

When Biden assumed the US presidency he recruited a team of prodigious foreign policy talent, perhaps the most venerated ensemble of such experts in modern US history. They were given a clear mission: to rebuild US alliances, repair America’s damaged reputation abroad and prepare for the challenge in the South China Sea.

The Palestinian issue had not been a White House priority but at best something to be managed. The March 2023 US National Risk Assessment made no mention of the Palestinian issue. Meanwhile, spokespeople, when asked, paid lip service to a two-state solution and issued pro forma condemnations of Israeli settlements. To the extent that Biden had a distinctive contribution to make, it lay in the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor initiative, an economic artery designed to rival China’s belt and road scheme.

But Biden is confident in his foreign policy expertise and his initial advice to Israel – not to make the same mistakes that the US did in its own “war on terror” – appeared subtle, well pitched and true to himself. A decades-long Zionist and supporter of Israel in Washington, he advised: “While you feel that rage, don’t be consumed by it.” The policy was to hug Netanyahu and the hostage families close.

Biden misread how Israeli society had changed over the last two decades, and consequently how best to influence Netanyahu’s response to the Hamas attacks. He did not foresee what Netanyahu’s war cabinet was prepared to do to expunge a trauma that required not just revenge but an irreversible and ill-defined change in the relationship with Palestinians, so that Israel’s security issue could be assured once and for all. Biden “lives with an Israel in his head which probably never existed and certainly doesn’t exist today,” said Daniel Levy, a former Israeli negotiator in peace talks with Palestinian leaders. Israel says it is acting in self-defence.

At the same time, Biden should have had no illusions about the complexion of the Israeli government, a rightwing coalition including religious nationalists. In June 2023 he admitted it included “some of the most extreme members” he had ever seen, who had been given unprecedented power and legitimacy by Netanyahu so that they could govern alongside his Likud party.

Biden knew too that Netanyahu had been a polarising figure in US politics ever since he was appointed Israeli ambassador to the UN at the age of 35 in 1984. Famously, after meeting Netanyahu for the first time, Bill Clinton told his staff: “Who’s the fucking superpower here?” In 2015, Netanyahu came to Washington to urge a Republican-led Congress to reject Barack Obama’s policy on Iran. Even Jared Kushner, Donald Trump’s son-in-law and a Bibi admirer, said Netanyahu was always “on the game”.

But it took the Biden White House an inordinately long time to accept that Israel and US interests in Gaza were fundamentally not aligning. American demands were, from its perspective, simple. It endorsed the elimination of Hamas as a political and military force, but it wanted this done surgically, something the Israeli military said was impossible. It also wanted a clear understanding that Israel’s future security came through nurturing a Palestinian partner for peace, and that required a detailed plan, something Netanyahu avoided, fearing it would split his coalition.

For all the times that Antony Blinken, the US secretary of state, said on his many tours of the region that the way Israel conducted operations mattered, events in Gaza appeared to confirm that Israel felt less constrained by world opinion than the US.

Briefings about Biden’s growing impatience with Netanyahu, and the candid private conversations the two men held, started appearing in the US press as early as November. The more the stories appeared and the less any real-world consequence was imposed on Israel, the more Biden appeared weak or deceitful – neither a good look in an election year.

November’s election has loomed ever larger the longer the war has lasted, so much so that it was not just Netanyahu who began to see the war through the prism of his own political survival. Biden looked at the never-ending war, the electoral clock ticking, and at the polls. The Obama-era strategist David Axelrod said: “The subtext of the whole Republican campaign is the world is out of control and Biden is not in command. That is the basic Republican argument. Age is a surrogate for weakness and it is not helpful if Bibi is seen to be punking him.” Inside the White House, Axelrod said, “there are people whose map of the world is six states, and they want the war to stop”.

“Genocide Joe” may not be the single biggest reason Biden’s overall job approval rating is stuck at an alarmingly low 40%, but for a whole generation coming of political age, the deaths in Palestine and “America’s complicity” is the great moral issue of their time.

For Matt Duss, a former foreign policy adviser to the US senator Bernie Sanders, the debate over Gaza had “morphed into a proxy for a larger debate about America’s role in the world, and about the future of the Democratic party. A younger generation are done with engaging with the world primarily through the use and supply of deadly weapons. They are tired of their government upholding a blatant double standard on human rights and then gaslighting them about that double standard.”

Increasingly, Netanyahu personally attracted the blame. William Hague, the former British foreign secretary, was one of the first in the political establishment on this side of the Atlantic to openly express such an opinion, reflecting a strong private Foreign Office view that Hamas could not be defeated militarily. A high-profile visit to Washington and London by the Israeli war cabinet minister Benny Gantz, Netanyahu’s chief political rival, was then seen as an unsubtle rebuke to the Israeli prime minister’s refusal to countenance a future relationship with a revamped Palestinian Authority.

The damn burst when Chuck Schumer, the majority leader in the US Senate, described the Israeli leader as a major impediment to peace in the Middle East and called for elections to replace him when the war ended. He said his main purpose in writing a speech that took nearly two months of drafting “was to say you can still love Israel and feel strongly about Israel and totally disagree with Bibi Netanyahu and the policies of Israel”.

It reflected a deeper change in US Democratic party thinking with which Biden struggles. “Much of what Schumer said would have been unthinkably radical on the floor of the Senate 10 years ago. Today it represents the rightward edge of the party,” Duss said. As the six-month anniversary drew near, even Trump, who in office had moved the US embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, said America’s natural support for Israel had evaporated.

It is telling that it took the deaths of six western aid workers for Biden finally this week to wield the power that he has had at his disposal all along, and tell Netanyahu that he had to reverse out of the diplomatic cul de sac he had taken his country or else lose the American support on which his survival depended. There was – as there should have been throughout – only one superpower in this relationship.

Israel feels aggrieved at its loss of public support and feels the world has forgotten the need to crush hostage-taking and terrorism. Eylon Levy, a former Israeli government spokesperson, complained of international organisations and agencies that he said had “simply been hijacked” by the Palestinian agenda. “The WHO cannot bring itself to condemn Hamas militarisation of hospitals. The Red Cross cannot bring itself to condemn Hamas hijacking aid trucks and Unrwa actively covers up Hamas theft of aid,” he said.

Most Israelis dislike Netanyahu but not the tactics to crush Hamas. “We are in the trauma. We are not post-trauma. We still live in 7 October,” said Michael Sfard, an Israeli human rights lawyer. “In Israeli media there is nothing about Gaza save embedded journalism or drones. Since 7 October there has not been a single interview from Gaza. It is not state censorship, it is self-censorship. We are fed by television channels and newspapers that censor and block information from us, both about events in Gaza and about our way of fighting there.”

He added: “The horror we inflicted on Gaza cannot be justified by the horrors of Hamas. The numbers of children we killed and the extent of the destruction does not add up to any explanation other than revenge.”

Six months on, the outcome is unclear. Hamas may yet be crushed and a normalisation in relations between Saudi and Israel secured. US-sanctioned raw power may have remade the Middle East.

But equally, as the UN secretary general, António Guterres, hopes, this could yet be a turning point – a moment to learn lessons of a collective failure by re-establishing a true rule of law, stronger multilateral institutions and clearer power relations. Deadlocked in Gaza, everything is in the balance.

• Israel-Gaza war
• Palestinian territories
• Middle East and north Africa
• US foreign policy
• Biden administration

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The Case for Marrying an Older Man

A woman’s life is all work and little rest. an age gap relationship can help..

In the summer, in the south of France, my husband and I like to play, rather badly, the lottery. We take long, scorching walks to the village — gratuitous beauty, gratuitous heat — kicking up dust and languid debates over how we’d spend such an influx. I purchase scratch-offs, jackpot tickets, scraping the former with euro coins in restaurants too fine for that. I never cash them in, nor do I check the winning numbers. For I already won something like the lotto, with its gifts and its curses, when he married me.

He is ten years older than I am. I chose him on purpose, not by chance. As far as life decisions go, on balance, I recommend it.

When I was 20 and a junior at Harvard College, a series of great ironies began to mock me. I could study all I wanted, prove myself as exceptional as I liked, and still my fiercest advantage remained so universal it deflated my other plans. My youth. The newness of my face and body. Compellingly effortless; cruelly fleeting. I shared it with the average, idle young woman shrugging down the street. The thought, when it descended on me, jolted my perspective, the way a falling leaf can make you look up: I could diligently craft an ideal existence, over years and years of sleepless nights and industry. Or I could just marry it early.

So naturally I began to lug a heavy suitcase of books each Saturday to the Harvard Business School to work on my Nabokov paper. In one cavernous, well-appointed room sat approximately 50 of the planet’s most suitable bachelors. I had high breasts, most of my eggs, plausible deniability when it came to purity, a flush ponytail, a pep in my step that had yet to run out. Apologies to Progress, but older men still desired those things.

I could not understand why my female classmates did not join me, given their intelligence. Each time I reconsidered the project, it struck me as more reasonable. Why ignore our youth when it amounted to a superpower? Why assume the burdens of womanhood, its too-quick-to-vanish upper hand, but not its brief benefits at least? Perhaps it came easier to avoid the topic wholesale than to accept that women really do have a tragically short window of power, and reason enough to take advantage of that fact while they can. As for me, I liked history, Victorian novels, knew of imminent female pitfalls from all the books I’d read: vampiric boyfriends; labor, at the office and in the hospital, expected simultaneously; a decline in status as we aged, like a looming eclipse. I’d have disliked being called calculating, but I had, like all women, a calculator in my head. I thought it silly to ignore its answers when they pointed to an unfairness for which we really ought to have been preparing.

I was competitive by nature, an English-literature student with all the corresponding major ambitions and minor prospects (Great American novel; email job). A little Bovarist , frantic for new places and ideas; to travel here, to travel there, to be in the room where things happened. I resented the callow boys in my class, who lusted after a particular, socially sanctioned type on campus: thin and sexless, emotionally detached and socially connected, the opposite of me. Restless one Saturday night, I slipped on a red dress and snuck into a graduate-school event, coiling an HDMI cord around my wrist as proof of some technical duty. I danced. I drank for free, until one of the organizers asked me to leave. I called and climbed into an Uber. Then I promptly climbed out of it. For there he was, emerging from the revolving doors. Brown eyes, curved lips, immaculate jacket. I went to him, asked him for a cigarette. A date, days later. A second one, where I discovered he was a person, potentially my favorite kind: funny, clear-eyed, brilliant, on intimate terms with the universe.

I used to love men like men love women — that is, not very well, and with a hunger driven only by my own inadequacies. Not him. In those early days, I spoke fondly of my family, stocked the fridge with his favorite pasta, folded his clothes more neatly than I ever have since. I wrote his mother a thank-you note for hosting me in his native France, something befitting a daughter-in-law. It worked; I meant it. After graduation and my fellowship at Oxford, I stayed in Europe for his career and married him at 23.

Of course I just fell in love. Romances have a setting; I had only intervened to place myself well. Mainly, I spotted the precise trouble of being a woman ahead of time, tried to surf it instead of letting it drown me on principle. I had grown bored of discussions of fair and unfair, equal or unequal , and preferred instead to consider a thing called ease.

The reception of a particular age-gap relationship depends on its obviousness. The greater and more visible the difference in years and status between a man and a woman, the more it strikes others as transactional. Transactional thinking in relationships is both as American as it gets and the least kosher subject in the American romantic lexicon. When a 50-year-old man and a 25-year-old woman walk down the street, the questions form themselves inside of you; they make you feel cynical and obscene: How good of a deal is that? Which party is getting the better one? Would I take it? He is older. Income rises with age, so we assume he has money, at least relative to her; at minimum, more connections and experience. She has supple skin. Energy. Sex. Maybe she gets a Birkin. Maybe he gets a baby long after his prime. The sight of their entwined hands throws a lucid light on the calculations each of us makes, in love, to varying degrees of denial. You could get married in the most romantic place in the world, like I did, and you would still have to sign a contract.

Twenty and 30 is not like 30 and 40; some freshness to my features back then, some clumsiness in my bearing, warped our decade, in the eyes of others, to an uncrossable gulf. Perhaps this explains the anger we felt directed at us at the start of our relationship. People seemed to take us very, very personally. I recall a hellish car ride with a friend of his who began to castigate me in the backseat, in tones so low that only I could hear him. He told me, You wanted a rich boyfriend. You chased and snuck into parties . He spared me the insult of gold digger, but he drew, with other words, the outline for it. Most offended were the single older women, my husband’s classmates. They discussed me in the bathroom at parties when I was in the stall. What does he see in her? What do they talk about? They were concerned about me. They wielded their concern like a bludgeon. They paraphrased without meaning to my favorite line from Nabokov’s Lolita : “You took advantage of my disadvantage,” suspecting me of some weakness he in turn mined. It did not disturb them, so much, to consider that all relationships were trades. The trouble was the trade I’d made struck them as a bad one.

The truth is you can fall in love with someone for all sorts of reasons, tiny transactions, pluses and minuses, whose sum is your affection for each other, your loyalty, your commitment. The way someone picks up your favorite croissant. Their habit of listening hard. What they do for you on your anniversary and your reciprocal gesture, wrapped thoughtfully. The serenity they inspire; your happiness, enlivening it. When someone says they feel unappreciated, what they really mean is you’re in debt to them.

When I think of same-age, same-stage relationships, what I tend to picture is a woman who is doing too much for too little.

I’m 27 now, and most women my age have “partners.” These days, girls become partners quite young. A partner is supposed to be a modern answer to the oppression of marriage, the terrible feeling of someone looming over you, head of a household to which you can only ever be the neck. Necks are vulnerable. The problem with a partner, however, is if you’re equal in all things, you compromise in all things. And men are too skilled at taking .

There is a boy out there who knows how to floss because my friend taught him. Now he kisses college girls with fresh breath. A boy married to my friend who doesn’t know how to pack his own suitcase. She “likes to do it for him.” A million boys who know how to touch a woman, who go to therapy because they were pushed, who learned fidelity, boundaries, decency, manners, to use a top sheet and act humanely beneath it, to call their mothers, match colors, bring flowers to a funeral and inhale, exhale in the face of rage, because some girl, some girl we know, some girl they probably don’t speak to and will never, ever credit, took the time to teach him. All while she was working, raising herself, clawing up the cliff-face of adulthood. Hauling him at her own expense.

I find a post on Reddit where five thousand men try to define “ a woman’s touch .” They describe raised flower beds, blankets, photographs of their loved ones, not hers, sprouting on the mantel overnight. Candles, coasters, side tables. Someone remembering to take lint out of the dryer. To give compliments. I wonder what these women are getting back. I imagine them like Cinderella’s mice, scurrying around, their sole proof of life their contributions to a more central character. On occasion I meet a nice couple, who grew up together. They know each other with a fraternalism tender and alien to me.  But I think of all my friends who failed at this, were failed at this, and I think, No, absolutely not, too risky . Riskier, sometimes, than an age gap.

My younger brother is in his early 20s, handsome, successful, but in many ways: an endearing disaster. By his age, I had long since wisened up. He leaves his clothes in the dryer, takes out a single shirt, steams it for three minutes. His towel on the floor, for someone else to retrieve. His lovely, same-age girlfriend is aching to fix these tendencies, among others. She is capable beyond words. Statistically, they will not end up together. He moved into his first place recently, and she, the girlfriend, supplied him with a long, detailed list of things he needed for his apartment: sheets, towels, hangers, a colander, which made me laugh. She picked out his couch. I will bet you anything she will fix his laundry habits, and if so, they will impress the next girl. If they break up, she will never see that couch again, and he will forget its story. I tell her when I visit because I like her, though I get in trouble for it: You shouldn’t do so much for him, not for someone who is not stuck with you, not for any boy, not even for my wonderful brother.

Too much work had left my husband, by 30, jaded and uninspired. He’d burned out — but I could reenchant things. I danced at restaurants when they played a song I liked. I turned grocery shopping into an adventure, pleased by what I provided. Ambitious, hungry, he needed someone smart enough to sustain his interest, but flexible enough in her habits to build them around his hours. I could. I do: read myself occupied, make myself free, materialize beside him when he calls for me. In exchange, I left a lucrative but deadening spreadsheet job to write full-time, without having to live like a writer. I learned to cook, a little, and decorate, somewhat poorly. Mostly I get to read, to walk central London and Miami and think in delicious circles, to work hard, when necessary, for free, and write stories for far less than minimum wage when I tally all the hours I take to write them.

At 20, I had felt daunted by the project of becoming my ideal self, couldn’t imagine doing it in tandem with someone, two raw lumps of clay trying to mold one another and only sullying things worse. I’d go on dates with boys my age and leave with the impression they were telling me not about themselves but some person who didn’t exist yet and on whom I was meant to bet regardless. My husband struck me instead as so finished, formed. Analyzable for compatibility. He bore the traces of other women who’d improved him, small but crucial basics like use a coaster ; listen, don’t give advice. Young egos mellow into patience and generosity.

My husband isn’t my partner. He’s my mentor, my lover, and, only in certain contexts, my friend. I’ll never forget it, how he showed me around our first place like he was introducing me to myself: This is the wine you’ll drink, where you’ll keep your clothes, we vacation here, this is the other language we’ll speak, you’ll learn it, and I did. Adulthood seemed a series of exhausting obligations. But his logistics ran so smoothly that he simply tacked mine on. I moved into his flat, onto his level, drag and drop, cleaner thrice a week, bills automatic. By opting out of partnership in my 20s, I granted myself a kind of compartmentalized, liberating selfishness none of my friends have managed. I am the work in progress, the party we worry about, a surprising dominance. When I searched for my first job, at 21, we combined our efforts, for my sake. He had wisdom to impart, contacts with whom he arranged coffees; we spent an afternoon, laughing, drawing up earnest lists of my pros and cons (highly sociable; sloppy math). Meanwhile, I took calls from a dear friend who had a boyfriend her age. Both savagely ambitious, hyperclose and entwined in each other’s projects. If each was a start-up , the other was the first hire, an intense dedication I found riveting. Yet every time she called me, I hung up with the distinct feeling that too much was happening at the same time: both learning to please a boss; to forge more adult relationships with their families; to pay bills and taxes and hang prints on the wall. Neither had any advice to give and certainly no stability. I pictured a three-legged race, two people tied together and hobbling toward every milestone.

I don’t fool myself. My marriage has its cons. There are only so many times one can say “thank you” — for splendid scenes, fine dinners — before the phrase starts to grate. I live in an apartment whose rent he pays and that shapes the freedom with which I can ever be angry with him. He doesn’t have to hold it over my head. It just floats there, complicating usual shorthands to explain dissatisfaction like, You aren’t being supportive lately . It’s a Frenchism to say, “Take a decision,” and from time to time I joke: from whom? Occasionally I find myself in some fabulous country at some fabulous party and I think what a long way I have traveled, like a lucky cloud, and it is frightening to think of oneself as vapor.

Mostly I worry that if he ever betrayed me and I had to move on, I would survive, but would find in my humor, preferences, the way I make coffee or the bed nothing that he did not teach, change, mold, recompose, stamp with his initials, the way Renaissance painters hid in their paintings their faces among a crowd. I wonder if when they looked at their paintings, they saw their own faces first. But this is the wrong question, if our aim is happiness. Like the other question on which I’m expected to dwell: Who is in charge, the man who drives or the woman who put him there so she could enjoy herself? I sit in the car, in the painting it would have taken me a corporate job and 20 years to paint alone, and my concern over who has the upper hand becomes as distant as the horizon, the one he and I made so wide for me.

To be a woman is to race against the clock, in several ways, until there is nothing left to be but run ragged.

We try to put it off, but it will hit us at some point: that we live in a world in which our power has a different shape from that of men, a different distribution of advantage, ours a funnel and theirs an expanding cone. A woman at 20 rarely has to earn her welcome; a boy at 20 will be turned away at the door. A woman at 30 may find a younger woman has taken her seat; a man at 30 will have invited her. I think back to the women in the bathroom, my husband’s classmates. What was my relationship if not an inconvertible sign of this unfairness? What was I doing, in marrying older, if not endorsing it? I had taken advantage of their disadvantage. I had preempted my own. After all, principled women are meant to defy unfairness, to show some integrity or denial, not plan around it, like I had. These were driven women, successful, beautiful, capable. I merely possessed the one thing they had already lost. In getting ahead of the problem, had I pushed them down? If I hadn’t, would it really have made any difference?

When we decided we wanted to be equal to men, we got on men’s time. We worked when they worked, retired when they retired, had to squeeze pregnancy, children, menopause somewhere impossibly in the margins. I have a friend, in her late 20s, who wears a mood ring; these days it is often red, flickering in the air like a siren when she explains her predicament to me. She has raised her fair share of same-age boyfriends. She has put her head down, worked laboriously alongside them, too. At last she is beginning to reap the dividends, earning the income to finally enjoy herself. But it is now, exactly at this precipice of freedom and pleasure, that a time problem comes closing in. If she would like to have children before 35, she must begin her next profession, motherhood, rather soon, compromising inevitably her original one. The same-age partner, equally unsettled in his career, will take only the minimum time off, she guesses, or else pay some cost which will come back to bite her. Everything unfailingly does. If she freezes her eggs to buy time, the decision and its logistics will burden her singly — and perhaps it will not work. Overlay the years a woman is supposed to establish herself in her career and her fertility window and it’s a perfect, miserable circle. By midlife women report feeling invisible, undervalued; it is a telling cliché, that after all this, some husbands leave for a younger girl. So when is her time, exactly? For leisure, ease, liberty? There is no brand of feminism which achieved female rest. If women’s problem in the ’50s was a paralyzing malaise, now it is that they are too active, too capable, never permitted a vacation they didn’t plan. It’s not that our efforts to have it all were fated for failure. They simply weren’t imaginative enough.

For me, my relationship, with its age gap, has alleviated this rush , permitted me to massage the clock, shift its hands to my benefit. Very soon, we will decide to have children, and I don’t panic over last gasps of fun, because I took so many big breaths of it early: on the holidays of someone who had worked a decade longer than I had, in beautiful places when I was young and beautiful, a symmetry I recommend. If such a thing as maternal energy exists, mine was never depleted. I spent the last nearly seven years supported more than I support and I am still not as old as my husband was when he met me. When I have a child, I will expect more help from him than I would if he were younger, for what does professional tenure earn you if not the right to set more limits on work demands — or, if not, to secure some child care, at the very least? When I return to work after maternal upheaval, he will aid me, as he’s always had, with his ability to put himself aside, as younger men are rarely able.

Above all, the great gift of my marriage is flexibility. A chance to live my life before I become responsible for someone else’s — a lover’s, or a child’s. A chance to write. A chance at a destiny that doesn’t adhere rigidly to the routines and timelines of men, but lends itself instead to roomy accommodation, to the very fluidity Betty Friedan dreamed of in 1963 in The Feminine Mystique , but we’ve largely forgotten: some career or style of life that “permits year-to-year variation — a full-time paid job in one community, part-time in another, exercise of the professional skill in serious volunteer work or a period of study during pregnancy or early motherhood when a full-time job is not feasible.” Some things are just not feasible in our current structures. Somewhere along the way we stopped admitting that, and all we did was make women feel like personal failures. I dream of new structures, a world in which women have entry-level jobs in their 30s; alternate avenues for promotion; corporate ladders with balconies on which they can stand still, have a smoke, take a break, make a baby, enjoy themselves, before they keep climbing. Perhaps men long for this in their own way. Actually I am sure of that.

Once, when we first fell in love, I put my head in his lap on a long car ride; I remember his hands on my face, the sun, the twisting turns of a mountain road, surprising and not surprising us like our romance, and his voice, telling me that it was his biggest regret that I was so young, he feared he would lose me. Last week, we looked back at old photos and agreed we’d given each other our respective best years. Sometimes real equality is not so obvious, sometimes it takes turns, sometimes it takes almost a decade to reveal itself.

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Antiquarian Book Fair: From Sylvia Plath’s Papers to Vintage Matchbooks

This year’s New York International Antiquarian Book Fair features plenty of quirky items amid the high-ticket treasures. (Poison books, anyone?)

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By Jennifer Schuessler

For those who love a chance to inspect stunning decorative bindings and rare volumes (or just ogle the people who can afford them), the annual New York International Antiquarian Book Fair is an unmissable date on the spring calendar.

This year’s edition, through Sunday at the Park Avenue Armory in Manhattan, will bring nearly 200 dealers from 15 countries. And there will be no shortage of high-ticket treasures, like Sydney Parkinson’s richly illustrated “Account of a Voyage to the South Seas” from 1773 ($57,000) and the first complete, large-scale photographic atlas of the moon, published between 1896 and 1910 ($68,000).

The fair is also the place to get an up-close look at all manner of pulp novels, letters, posters, pamphlets, menus, fliers and other items (mostly) on paper, many of them affordable to browsers on a budget.

Here’s a sampling of some of the more intriguing items on offer, from 19th-century “poison books” to early-20th-century Chinese restaurant matchbooks to a choice relic of 1990s MTV.

Handle With Care

Ready for some bibliotoxicology? Honey & Wax Booksellers , based in Brooklyn, is offering a collection of “poison books” — volumes bound in cloth and paper containing arsenic, which was widely used in the mid-19th-centuryas a decorative bright-green tint. To date, the Poison Books Project has identified nearly 300 surviving examples. The volumes at the fair, priced between $150 and $450, include titles ranging from the innocuous (“Emily and Clara’s Trip to Niagara Falls,” circa 1861) to the vaguely sinister (“The Amulet,” circa 1854). Each comes with nitrile gloves and polyethylene bags, the listing says, “for safe handling of these beautiful but dangerous books.”

‘By Sylvia’

Type Punch Matrix , a dealer in Washington, D.C., is offering what it calls a mini-exhibition of two dozen items relating to the poet Sylvia Plath, much of which, it says, has never been seen by the public. The collection, most of which came from a Plath family friend, includes a signed contract from her first publication, a 1950 story in Seventeen magazine ($10,000), and a handwritten unpublished juvenile poem, “The Snowflake Star” ($45,000), signed “By Sylvia.” There’s also an annotated course reading list from Smith College (including a note about an upcoming blind date) and a copy of Karl Jaspers’s book “Tragedy Is Not Enough,” with the marginal note “cf. August 1953” — an apparent reference to the mental breakdown that inspired Plath’s novel “The Bell Jar.”

Faux Fairies

Between 1917 and 1920, two young cousins in the small Yorkshire village of Cottingley played around with a family camera, creating whimsical fairy scenes using hatpins and paper cutouts. But after their mother brought them to the Theosophical Society in the nearby city of Bradford, members already immersed in theories about the unseen world began earnestly debating the scenes’ authenticity, thus starting one of the more bizarre hoaxes in 20th-century British history.

Even Arthur Conan Doyle, the creator of Sherlock Holmes (and an ardent spiritualist ), was taken in, writing in the magazine The Strand that the photos, if proven real, would “jolt the material twentieth-century mind out of its heavy ruts in the mud” and “make it admit that there is a glamour and a mystery to life.” Some believers remained into the 1980s, when one of the surviving cousins finally revealed how they had created the images. Burnside Rare Books from Portland, Ore., is offering a complete set of the five photographs for (no fooling) $28,000.

A scrapbook on offer from the Vermont bookseller Marc Selvaggio gives a glimpse inside the social whirl of Gilded Age New York as enjoyed by Leonard Chenery, a retired naval captain who seemingly never encountered an invitation he didn’t just accept but also lovingly preserve.

Created between 1881 and 1900, the book ($4,500) contains more than 373 menus, programs, invitations, dance cards and other ephemera from some of the city’s most prestigious clubs and grandest commemorative occasions. There are items from enduring stalwarts like the Lotos Club and the Metropolitan Club, as well as vanished outfits like the Thirteen Club , which sought to dispel superstitions by requiring guests to walk under ladders, partake of 13-course dinners, spill salt and otherwise taunt fate. Many items are annotated with lists of guests, speakers, conversation topics and other historical breadcrumbs.

Chop Suey History

The humble matchbook was patented in 1892, and within a few years it became a ubiquitous form of marketing for all kinds of businesses. A collection of more than 3,000 from Chinese restaurants across the United States and Canada ($16,000), offered by Daniel/Oliver in Brooklyn, delivers a pocket-size history lesson in both cultural history and graphic design. By 1929, according to the listing, there were Chinese restaurants in nearly all of the 50 most populous cities in the United States, most of them low-cost venues serving Americanized dishes like chop suey and chow mein. Many of the matchbooks, dating from the 1920s to the 1970s, use a now-familiar stereotypical typeface meant to evoke Chinese calligraphy, which is in fact traceable to a font created in 1883 in Cleveland.

Yo! MTV Writes

In 1981, MTV aired its first video, for “Video Killed the Radio Star” by the Buggles. But long after starting the revolution, the channel still clung to some analog traditions. B&B Rare Books in Manhattan is offering a guest book from MTV’s television studio in London in the late 1990s ($12,500), signed by acts both famous (Foo Fighters, ‘N Sync, Marilyn Manson) and forgotten (like Ultimate Kaos, a boy band created by Simon Cowell). It was a time, the listing notes, when all genres of music were jumbled together, and when MTV still broadcast videos. On one page, Rob Thomas of Matchbox Twenty writes: “There is a dead man in my bathroom.” On another, a doodle by the band Hanson comes with the commandment sacred to every headbanger (and rare book lover?): “Rock on!”

An earlier version of a caption with this article misstated the title of Sydney Parkinson’s richly illustrated book from 1773. It is “Account of a Voyage to the South Seas,” not “A Journal of the Voyage to the South Seas.”

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Jennifer Schuessler is a culture reporter covering intellectual life and the world of ideas. She is based in New York. More about Jennifer Schuessler

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Fueled by jealousy, Kaitlin Armstrong fatally shot an elite cyclist and then led officials on an international manhunt

In the weeks after she fatally shot an elite cyclist in Texas , Kaitlin Armstrong led authorities on a manhunt that spanned thousands of miles, crossed international borders and nearly ended with authorities deflated and empty-handed.

Eventually, Armstrong was caught and, in November, she was found guilty of shooting Moriah “Mo” Wilson , 25, three times in a jealousy-fueled rage and sentenced to 90 years in prison .

This is the account of Armstrong’s escape — and capture — as told by the investigators who tracked her from Austin to the Costa Rican beach town where an unusual mix of deception and yoga finally led to her apprehension.

May 12: The murder of a rising athlete 

One day after Wilson, a rising star in the increasingly popular sport of gravel racing , was found with gunshot wounds in the Austin apartment where she had been staying for a competition, investigators questioned Colin Strickland, the pro cyclist with whom Wilson had previously been involved. 

Strickland told authorities he’d spent time with Wilson the day before: They’d shared a meal and gone for a swim before he dropped her off, according to a transcript of the interview obtained by “Dateline.”

Strickland told investigators that he’d been with Armstrong, 36, for three years, but he’d gotten together with Wilson after he and Armstrong briefly ended their relationship in fall 2021, according to the transcript. Wilson, he said, was now listed under a different name in his phone — a fact he attributed to his “right to have a friendship with this person without having, like, constant strife.”

“He did that because he knew his girlfriend Kaitlin had gone through his phone in the past,” Richard Spitler, the Austin homicide detective who led the investigation into Wilson’s killing, told “Dateline. “He didn’t wanna start any issues, any drama.”

Security video reviewed by Austin police showed a black SUV near the apartment where Wilson was killed around the time of her death, and Spitler saw what appeared to be the same vehicle parked in Strickland’s driveway.

When Spitler asked Strickland about it, he said the vehicle belonged to Armstrong. Strickland refused to drive it, Spitler recalled him saying, because it was a “girly car.” 

At the time, Spitler wasn’t sure what to make of the claim, though authorities later concluded Strickland was not involved in Wilson’s murder, and he has not been accused of any crime. (Strickland declined to speak to “Dateline,” but in a statement released days after the killing, he said there was “no way to adequately express the regret and torture I feel about my proximity to this horrible crime.”)

Believing she was a potential person of interest in the killing, authorities arrested Armstrong on an outstanding misdemeanor warrant, another Austin detective, Jonathan Riley, told “Dateline.” She wasn’t in custody long before authorities mistakenly concluded there was a discrepancy in her warrant, Riley said, and told her she wasn’t under arrest after all.

Armstrong remained at the department, however, and in an interview with a detective, denied knowing that Strickland had seen Wilson while she was in town. When the detective asked if there were issues between her and Wilson, Armstrong responded: “I’m not sure exactly what you mean or what information you’d like,” according to a transcript of the interview.

When the detective bluffed, telling Armstrong falsely that Strickland had described her as upset over the matter, she responded: “That is not accurate.”

When the detective asked Armstrong why her SUV had been near the apartment where Wilson was staying, Armstrong didn’t deny that the vehicle was hers, according to the transcript. Nor did she offer any explanation as to why it was there.

When the detective pressed her, Armstrong said: “I would like to leave, if I’m free to leave.”

May 17: ‘She’s gone’

In the days after Wilson’s killing, tipsters alerted authorities to what Spitler described as a potential motive: Armstrong had been furious over Strickland’s relationship with Wilson. 

One said that Armstrong called Wilson so many times that she had blocked her number, according to an affidavit in support of an arrest warrant for Armstrong. On the last call, Armstrong warned her to stay away from Strickland, the warrant says. Another tipster said Armstrong was so enraged that she was “shaking in anger” and threatened to kill Wilson.

After a ballistics analysis showed what Spitler described as a “high probability” match between the gun used to kill Wilson and a Sig Sauer pistol discovered during a search of Armstrong and Strickland’s home, authorities issued the warrant accusing Armstrong of first-degree murder.

But by May 17, when that warrant was issued, Armstrong’s social media had been erased, the warrant says. Strickland hadn’t talked with her since the day after her interview with police, and license plate readers around the city hadn’t captured her SUV traveling anywhere, Spitler told “Dateline.”

“We have a lot of addresses that we’re going to get eyes on and check to see if we see her,” recalled Riley, who also serves on the Lone Star Fugitive Task Force. “So far, on the 18th, we’re not finding anything.”

“We can’t find her,” Spitler added. “She’s gone.”

May 25: Fleeing the country on a stolen passport

Investigators eventually learned that Armstrong had traveled to New York , Riley said. Initially, they didn’t know how she’d gotten there, he said, though they believed she’d likely flown given how far she’d gotten in a relatively short amount of time.

On May 25, the Lone Star Fugitive Task Force released a video of Armstrong inside Austin-Bergstrom International Airport. Eleven days earlier, the task force said, she’d taken a New York City-bound flight via Houston.

The short clip showed Armstrong wearing a black face mask and a jean jacket. A yoga mat was tucked into her backpack. 

Riley recalled discovering the clue that helped authorities learn where Armstrong had likely traveled next. During a search of her home, authorities found — and photographed — a passport card that belonged to Armstrong’s sister, Christine, who lives in New York, Riley told “Dateline.” 

Riley recalled seeing the photo, so he asked a colleague with the Department of Homeland Security to check if anyone with her name had traveled internationally. 

“And within about 10 or 15 minutes of reaching out to him, he got back to me and confirmed that a Christine Armstrong with the same date of birth had traveled from Newark to San Jose, Costa Rica, on the 18th on a one-way flight,” Riley recalled. 

Investigators with the Marshals Service found Christine at her home in upstate New York. She had no idea where her passport was, Spitler recalled Christine telling authorities, but Kaitlin had recently visited, and Christine had dropped her off at the airport for what she believed was a return flight to Austin. (Christine Armstrong declined to speak to “Dateline.” She has not been accused of a crime in connection with her sister’s escape.)

But with confirmation that someone using Christine’s passport had left the country, investigators turned their attention to Costa Rica. Riley, who had been on the task force for five years at that point, said the news made him feel like a rookie all over again, because fugitives rarely travel that far from home.

“This just got a whole lot more interesting and a lot more difficult,” he recalled thinking at the time.

June 20: The hunt in Costa Rica 

Before leaving for Costa Rica, the two U.S. Marshals deputies tasked with finding Armstrong first wanted to figure out why she may have traveled there. One of the likeliest connections they could come up with was one of her apparent passions — yoga — one of the deputies, Damian Fernandez, told “Dateline.” 

By the time Fernandez and another deputy, Emir Perez, arrived in the Central American country on June 20, they learned that she was booking different hostels in different areas using aliases — sometimes she went by Beth, sometimes Allison — and then not showing up. The deputies weren’t sure why, Fernandez said, but she was a no-show at the handful of locations they’d connected her to.

They’d also learned that a person matching her description had taken a couple of yoga classes in Jaco, a small coastal town a couple of hours southwest of San Jose, the country’s capital, Fernandez said. Security video obtained by local police and provided to the U.S. Embassy’s diplomatic security service confirmed she’d been there. 

But by the time the deputies arrived, Fernandez said, Armstrong had already left. 

So their team — which included investigators from the U.S. Embassy — split in two and traveled several hours to Santa Teresa, the small town they believed was her next destination.

There, the deputies — dressed like tourists — scoured the beach, while another investigator attended yoga sessions and a meditation class, they said. But Santa Teresa was filled with women who looked like Armstrong, Fernandez said, and the pair was trying to avoid coming off as stalkers.

“It’s difficult to do what we were doing down there because you don’t wanna look like a creep,” Fernandez said.   

Authorities in the U.S. and Costa Rica hadn’t publicized their belief that Armstrong was in Central America, so the investigators came up with a cover story — they were from the U.S. Embassy and searching for a missing tourist — that seemed more believable than reality, the other deputy, Emir Perez, told “Dateline.”

Based on past experience, the deputies believed that if they didn’t find Armstrong in five days, they wouldn’t find her at all, Fernandez said.

June 29: Fooled by a want ad

After several days, the deputies still hadn’t seen Armstrong or gathered any promising leads pointing to where in Santa Teresa she might be. To make matters worse, the deputies said, several investigators had become sick with Covid. And a storm that was likely to turn into a hurricane with shelter-in-place orders was quickly approaching, Fernandez said.

Frustrated, sick and nearly out of time, the team turned to what they described as their last-ditch attempt to find Armstrong: believing she’d likely need money in the near future, they placed a fake ad on a Santa Teresa Facebook page posing as a local hostel looking for a yoga instructor. 

When somebody responded who the deputies believed might be Armstrong, they made an appointment to meet on June 29, the day before the storm was forecast to hit. The person ended up canceling, Fernandez said, but in their brief back-and-forth on WhatsApp, the job-seeker had provided clues about their possible location — a hostel called Don Jon’s.

Perez said he found a woman who looked like Armstrong sitting with a man on the hostel’s patio. Posing as a Mexican tourist, Perez began asking her about the place in Spanish, and they replied using Google Translate, Perez said. 

When Perez returned to the car, he said: “100%, that’s her. She’s in there.’”

When local authorities helped apprehend Armstrong shortly after, she identified herself to them as Ari Martin, Fernandez said. But once in custody, Fernandez recalled, he asked what her name really was.

 “And she looked at me for the longest time,” he said. “She took a big pause, maybe for a minute, and then she told me, ‘Kaitlin.’”

Tim Stelloh is a breaking news reporter for NBC News Digital.