impact of playing video games essay

Essays About Video Games: Top 12 Examples and Prompts

Video games have revolutionized the way we have fun today. If you are writing essays about video games, check out our guide to inspire your writing.  

Few can contest the fact that video games have taken over the world. From the basic, almost “primitive” games of the 1970s like Pong to the mind-bending virtual reality games of the 2020s, they have been a source of entertainment for all. Moreover, they have proven quite profitable; countries like Japan and the United States have made tens of billions of dollars solely from the video game market.

Despite their popularity, much has been debated over the potentially harmful side effects that video games may have, particularly on children. One side argues that playing certain video games can lead to people exhibiting violence in the future, while others believe that video games teach players essential life skills. Regardless, they will continue to be a part of our lives for the foreseeable future. 

For engaging essays about video games, read the essay examples featured below for inspiration.

1. What electronic games can teach us by Kendall Powell

2. designers are imagining video games without guns by keith stuart, 3. playing video games all summer won’t make you feel worse by nicole wetsman, 4.  violent video games bad by andrea newman.

• 5. ​​The health effects of too much gaming by Peter Grinspoon

Writing Prompts For Essays About Video Games

1. video games: good or bad, 2. the benefits of video games, 3. what is your favorite video game, 4. do video games cause people to become violent, 5. video games in your life, 6. video games vs. traditional games, 7. is the video game rating system enough.

“In other studies, researchers found that gamers who trained on Tetris were better at mentally rotating two-dimensional shapes than those who played a control game. Students who played two hours of All You Can E.T., an educational game designed to enhance the executive function of switching between tasks, improved their focus-shifting skills compared with students who played a word search game.”

Powell explains a few possibilities of applying video games to education. As it turns out, certain video games can improve players’ skills, depending on the mechanics. Researchers are inspired by this and hope to take advantage of the competitive, motivational nature of gaming to encourage children to learn. New games are designed to help kids improve their focus, coordination, and resilience, and game designers hope they will succeed. 

“Imagine a game where you’re a war reporter seeking to capture the most iconic, representative images in a battle environment: You’d still get the sense of peril that audiences expect from action adventures, but your relationship with the environment would be more profound. It would be Call of Duty from the perspective of a creative participant rather than a violent interloper.”

The graphic nature of some video games is said to make kids violent, so it is only natural that some creators try to change this. Stuart writes that it is possible to maintain the fun that shooter-type games induce without using guns. He gives examples of games where you do not kill your enemy, simply stunning or capturing them instead. He also suggests photography as an alternative to killing in a “shooting” game. Finally, he suggests basing video games around helping others, making friends, and doing more peaceful, creative tasks.

“Any role video games play in skewing well-being that did pop up in the study was too small to have a real-world impact on how people feel, the authors said. People would have to play games for 10 more hours per day than their baseline to notice changes in their well-being, the study found.”

Wetsman counters the widespread belief that video games “destroy your brain.” Research done with a sample of 39,000 players over six weeks has shown that whether one plays video games for long or short periods, their mental health is not impacted much. There are some exceptions; however, there are not enough to conclude that video games are, in fact, harmful.

“Some people believe that the connection between violent games, and real violence is also fairly intuitive. In playing the games kids are likely to become desensitized to gory images;which could make them less disturbing, and perhaps easier to deal with in real life. While video games aren’t about violence their capacity to teach can be a good thing.”

In her essay, Newman writes about the supposed promotion of violence in some video games. However, she believes this violence does not cause people to be more aggressive later. Instead, she believes these games expose children to certain atrocities so they will not be traumatized if they see them in real life. In addition, these games supposedly promote connections and friendships. Finally, Newman believes that these “harmful” can make you a better person.

5. ​​ The health effects of too much gaming by Peter Grinspoon

“Gamers need to be educated on how to protect their thumbs, wrists, and elbows, their waistlines, their emotional state, their sleep, and their eyes. Simple education around taking breaks, stretching, eating healthy snacks, and resting and icing your thumb, wrist, or elbow when it starts hurting can address injuries early, before they become significant. For the eyes, gamers can try the 20-20-20 rule: every 20 minutes, try to look at something 20 feet away for 20 seconds.”

Grinspoon discusses both the benefits and the health risks of gaming. Video games allow people to interact with each other remotely and bond over specific missions or tasks, and some research shows that they have cognitive benefits. However, some gamers may develop vision problems and hand and wrist injuries. Gaming and “staring in front of a screen the whole day” is also associated with obesity. Overall, Grinspoon believes that gaming is best done in moderation.

Looking for more? Check out these essays about hobbies .

Many parents believe that their children’s “bad behavior” is because of video games. Based on your experience and others, decide: are video games good or bad for you? Make sure to read viewpoints from both sides and write an essay based on your position. Would you encourage others to play video games? Discuss these pros and cons for an interesting argumentative essay.

Like anything else, video games have both positive and negative aspects. Explain the good that video games can do for you: the skills they can equip you with, the lessons they can teach, and anything else. Also, include whether you believe their benefits outweigh the disadvantages they may pose. 

For your essay, write about your favorite video game and why you chose it. What is its meaning to you, and how has it affected your life? Describe the gameplay mechanics, characters, storyline, and general impact on the gaming community or society. You can write about any game you want, even if you have not played it; just ensure the content is sufficient.

Many claim that playing violent video games can make you violent in the future. Research this phenomenon and conclude whether it is true or not. Is the evidence sufficient? There are many resources on this topic; support your argument by citing credible sources, such as news articles, statistics, and scientific research.

Video games have been a part of almost all our lives. Recall a treasured experience with video games and explain why it is significant. How old were you? Why do you remember it fondly? How did this experience make you feel? Answer these questions in your own words for an exciting essay.

There are stark differences between video and traditional games, such as board games and card games. For an engaging essay, compare and contrast them and write about which is more entertaining, in your opinion. Be creative; this should be based on your own opinions and ideas.

The video game content rating system is used to classify video games based on their appropriateness for specific ages. However, parents complain that they are not strict enough and allow the display of violent content to children. Explore the criteria behind the rating system, decide whether it needs to be changed or not, and give examples to support your argument.

If you are interested in learning more, check out our essay writing tips !

Tip: If writing an essay sounds like a lot of work, simplify it. Write a simple 5 paragraph essay instead.

Martin is an avid writer specializing in editing and proofreading. He also enjoys literary analysis and writing about food and travel.

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Video Games and Their Impact on Teens’ Mental Health

• First Online: 02 March 2018

Cite this chapter

• Melissa E. DeRosier Ph.D. 3 &
• James M. Thomas Ph.D. 3  

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The role that video games play in the lives of teenagers has grown dramatically and without pause for the past generation or two. Between computers, smart phones, and dedicated game consoles, not only are individual adolescents spending more of their days playing video games, but the percentage of teens whose daily lives include video games is quickly approaching universality. In this chapter, we first review recent trends in video gaming and explore the various and myriad video games that teens tend to play as well as their motivations to play video games. Then, we review the literature regarding the influence of playing different types of commercial video games on mental health. And last, we explore recent innovations in game development whereby video games are specifically developed to improve mental health symptoms or psychosocial adjustment, including a review of the research supporting use of these “impactful video games.” It is hoped that the information presented in this chapter will provide practitioners with greater understanding of the diversity and breadth of experiences that fall under the umbrella term “video gaming” in order to help foster more open and productive conversations with teens about their video gaming behavior. We also hope the research evidence presented in this chapter will encourage practitioners to integrate the use of video games into their treatment of teen patients, both as a means of fostering the therapeutic alliance and as an innovative accompaniment to traditional therapeutic methods to enhance teens’ mental and behavioral health.

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Acknowledgments

The authors would like to thank their three sons—Jefferson Thomas, Benjamin Thomas, and Lincoln Thomas—who provided considerable input (and fact-checking) for this chapter regarding popular commercial video games, video game genres, and video gaming experiences. Their feedback and sharing were integral in helping the authors conceptualize teens’ gameplay experiences when writing the first section of this chapter. The authors would also like to thank Mary Whatley who aided considerably in conducting a literature search and compiling the citations included in this chapter.

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DeRosier, M.E., Thomas, J.M. (2018). Video Games and Their Impact on Teens’ Mental Health. In: Moreno, M., Radovic, A. (eds) Technology and Adolescent Mental Health . Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69638-6_17

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Teens and Video Games Today

85% of u.s. teens say they play video games, and about four-in-ten do so daily. teens see both positive and negative sides of video games – from problem-solving and making friends to harassment and sleep loss, table of contents.

• Who plays video games?
• How often do teens play video games?
• What devices do teens play video games on?
• Social media use among gamers
• Teen views on how much they play video games and efforts to cut back
• Are teens social with others through video games?
• Do teens think video games positively or negatively impact their lives?
• Why do teens play video games?
• Bullying and violence in video games
• Appendix A: Detailed charts
• Acknowledgments
• Methodology

Pew Research Center conducted this analysis to better understand teens’ use of and experiences with video games.

The Center conducted an online survey of 1,453 U.S. teens from Sept. 26 to Oct. 23, 2023, through Ipsos. Ipsos recruited the teens via their parents, who were part of its KnowledgePanel . The KnowledgePanel is a probability-based web panel recruited primarily through national, random sampling of residential addresses. The survey was weighted to be representative of U.S. teens ages 13 to 17 who live with their parents by age, gender, race and ethnicity, household income, and other categories.

This research was reviewed and approved by an external institutional review board (IRB), Advarra, an independent committee of experts specializing in helping to protect the rights of research participants.

Here are the questions used for this analysis , along with responses, and  its methodology .

There are long-standing debates about the impact of video games on youth. Some credit them for helping young people form friendships and teaching them about teamwork and problem-solving . Others say video games expose teenagers to violent content, negatively impact their sleep and can even lead to addiction.

With this in mind, Pew Research Center surveyed 1,423 U.S. teens ages 13 to 17 about their own video game habits – from how often they play to the friends they’ve made and whether it gets in the way of them doing well in school or getting a good night’s sleep. 1

Key findings from the survey

• Video games as a part of daily teen life: 85% of U.S. teens report playing video games, and 41% say they play them at least once a day. Four-in-ten identify as a gamer.
• Gaming as a social experience: 72% of teens who play video games say that a reason why they play them is to spend time with others. And some have even made a friend online from playing them – 47% of teen video game players say they’ve done this.
• Helpful with problem-solving, less so for sleep: Over half of teens who play video games say it has helped their problem-solving skills, but 41% also say it has hurt their sleep.
• Bullying is a problem: 80% of all teens think harassment over video games is a problem for people their age. And 41% of those who play them say they’ve been called an offensive name when playing.
• Boys’ and girls’ experiences differ: Most teen boys and girls play video games, but larger shares of boys identify as gamers (62% vs. 17%) and play every day (61% vs. 22%). Boys who play them are also more likely to experience positive things from it, like making friends, and more troubling things like harassment.

Jump to read about: Who plays video games | Socializing over video games | Views about video games’ impact | Harassment and violence in video games      

Playing video games is widespread among teens. The vast majority of U.S. teens (85%) say they play them. Just 15% say they never do, according to the survey conducted Sept. 26-Oct. 23, 2023.

In addition to asking whether teens play video games, we also wanted to learn whether they consider themselves gamers. Overall, four-in-ten U.S. teens think of themselves as gamers. Just under half of teens (45%) play video games but do not think of themselves as gamers.

Nearly all boys (97%) say they play video games, compared with about three-quarters of teen girls. There is a substantial gap by gender in whether teens identify as gamers: 62% of teen boys do, compared with 17% of girls. 2

By gender and age

Younger teen girls are more likely than older girls to say they play video games: 81% of girls ages 13 to 14 compared with 67% of those ages 15 to 17. But among boys, nearly all play video games regardless of age. 

Similar shares of teens play video games across different racial and ethnic groups and among those who live in households with different annual incomes. Go to Appendix A for more detail on which teens play video games and which teens identify as gamers.

We also asked teens how often they play video games. About four-in-ten U.S. teens say they play video games daily, including 23% who do so several times a day.

Another 22% say they play several times a week, while 21% play them about once a week or less.

Teen boys are far more likely than girls to say they play video games daily (61% vs. 22%). They are also much more likely to say they play them several times a day (36% vs. 11%).

By whether someone identifies as a gamer

About seven-in-ten teens who identify as gamers (71%) say they play video games daily. This drops to 30% among those who play them but aren’t gamers.

By household income

Roughly half of teens living in households with an annual income of less than $30,000 (53%) say they play video games at least daily. This is higher than those in households with an annual income of $30,000 to $74,999 (42%) and $75,000 or more (39%).

Go to Appendix A to see more details about who plays video games and identifies as a gamer by gender, age, race and ethnicity, and household income.

Most teens play video games on a gaming console or a smartphone. When asked about five devices, most teens report playing video games on a gaming console (73%), such as PlayStation, Switch or Xbox. And 70% do so on a smartphone. Fewer – though still sizable shares – play them on each of the following:

• 49% say they play them on a desktop or laptop computer
• 33% do so on a tablet  
• 24% play them on a virtual reality (VR) headset such as Oculus, Meta Quest or PlayStation VR

Many teens play video games on multiple devices. About a quarter of teens (27%) do so on at least four of the five devices asked about, and about half (49%) play on two or three of them. Just 8% play video games on one device.

Teen boys are more likely than girls to play video games on four of the five devices asked about – all expect tablets. For instance, roughly nine-in-ten teen boys say they ever play video games on a gaming console, compared with 57% of girls. Equal shares of teen boys and girls play them on tablets.  

Teens who consider themselves gamers are more likely than those who play video games but aren’t gamers to play on a gaming console (95% vs. 78%), desktop or laptop computer (72% vs. 45%) or a virtual reality (VR) headset (39% vs. 19%). Similar shares of both groups play them on smartphones and tablets.

One way that teens engage with others about video games is through online platforms. And our survey findings show that teen gamers stand out for their use of two online platforms that are known for their gaming communities – Discord and Twitch :

• 44% of teen gamers say they use Discord, far higher than video game players who don’t identify as gamers or those who use the platform but do not play video games at all. About three-in-ten teens overall (28%) use Discord.
• 30% of teens gamers say they use Twitch. About one-in-ten other teens or fewer say the same; 17% of teens overall use the platform.

Previous Center research shows that U.S. teens use online platforms at high rates .

Teens largely say they spend the right amount of time playing video games. When asked about how much time they spend playing them, the largest share of teens (58%) say they spend the right amount of time. Far fewer feel they spend too much (14%) or too little (13%) time playing them.

Teen boys are more likely than girls to say they spend too much time playing video games (22% vs. 6%).

By race and ethnicity

Black (17%) and Hispanic (18%) teens are about twice as likely than White teens (8%) to say they spend too little time playing video games. 3

A quarter of teens who consider themselves gamers say they spend too much time playing video games, compared with 9% of those who play video games but don’t identify as gamers. Teen gamers are also less likely to think they spend too little time playing them (19% vs. 10%).

Fewer than half of teens have reduced how much they play video games. About four-in-ten (38%) say they have ever chosen to cut back on the amount of time they spend playing them. A majority (61%) report that they have not cut back at all.

This share is on par with findings about whether teenagers have cut back with their screen time – on social media or their smartphone.

Although boys are more likely to say they play video games too much, boys and girls are on par for whether they have ever cut back. About four-in-ten teen boys (39%) and girls (38%) say that they have ever cut back.

And gamers are as likely to say they have cut back as those who play video games but don’t identify as gamers (39% and 41%).

A main goal of our survey was to ask teens about their own experiences playing video games. For this section of the report, we focus on teens who say they play video games.

Socializing with others is a key part of the video game experience. Most teens who play video games do so with others, and some have developed friendships through them.

About nine-in-ten teen video game players (89%) say they play them with other people, in person or online. Far fewer (11%) play them only on their own.

Additionally, about half (47%) report that they have ever made a friend online because of a video game they both play. This equals 40% of all U.S. teens who have made a friend online because of a video game.

These experiences vary by:  

• Gender: Most teen boy and girl video game players play them with others, though it’s more common among boys (94% vs. 82%). Boys who play video games are much more likely to say they have made a friend online because of a video game (56% vs. 35%).
• Race and ethnicity: Black (55%) and Hispanic (53%) teen video game players are more likely than White teen video game players (43%) to say they have made a friend online because of them.
• Whether someone identifies as a gamer: Nearly all teen gamers report playing video games with others (98%). Fewer – though still most – of those who play video games but aren’t gamers (81%) also play them with others. And about seven-in-ten (68%) say they have made a friend online because of a video game, compared with 29% of those who play them but don’t identify as gamers.

Teens who play video games are particularly likely to say video games help their problem-solving skills. More than half of teens who play video games (56%) say this.

Additionally, more think that video games help, rather than hurt, three other parts of their lives that the survey asked about. Among teens who play video games:

• Roughly half (47%) say it has helped their friendships
• 41% say it has helped how they work with others
• 32% say it has helped their mental health

No more than 7% say playing video games has hurt any of these.

More teens who play video games say it hurts, rather than helps, their sleep. Among these teens, 41% say it has hurt how much sleep they get, while just 5% say it helps. And small shares say playing video games has impacted how well they do in school in either a positive or a negative way.

Still, many teens who play video games think playing them doesn’t have much an impact in any of these areas. For instance, at least six-in-ten teens who play video games say it has neither a positive nor a negative impact on their mental health (60%) or their school performance (72%). Fewer (41%) say this of their problem-solving skills.

Teen boys who play video games are more likely than girls to think playing them has helped their problem-solving skills, friendships and ability to work with others. For instance, 55% of teen boys who play video games say this has helped their friendships, compared with 35% of teen girls.

As for ways that it may hurt their lives, boys who play them are more likely than girls to say that it has hurt the amount of sleep they get (45% vs. 37%) and how well they do in school (21% vs. 11%). 

Teens who consider themselves gamers are more likely than those who aren’t gamers but play video games to say video games have helped their friendships (60% vs. 35%), ability to work with others (52% vs. 32%), problem-solving skills (66% vs. 47%) and mental health (41% vs. 24%).

Gamers, though, are somewhat more likely to say playing them hurt their sleep (48% vs. 36%) and how well they do in school (20% vs. 14%).

By whether teens play too much, too little or the right amount

Teens who report playing video games too much stand out for thinking video games have hurt their sleep and school performance. Two-thirds of these teens say it has hurt the amount of sleep they get, and 39% say it hurt their schoolwork. Far fewer of those who say they play the right amount (38%) or too little (32%) say it has hurt their sleep, or say it hurt their schoolwork (12% and 16%).

Teens who play video games say they largely do so to be entertained. And many also play them to be social with and interact with others. Teens who play video games were asked about four reasons why they play video games. Among those who play video games:

• Nearly all say fun or entertainment is a major or minor reason why they play video games – with a large majority (87%) saying it’s a major reason.
• Roughly three-quarters say spending time with others is a reason, and two-thirds say this of competing with others. Roughly three-in-ten say each is a major reason.
• Fewer – 50% – see learning something as a reason, with just 13% saying it’s a major reason.

While entertainment is by far the most common reason given by teens who play video games, differences emerge across groups in why they play video games.

Teens who identify as gamers are particularly likely to say each is major reason, especially when it comes to competing against others. About four-in-ten gamers (43%) say this is a major reason, compared with 13% of those who play video games but aren’t gamers.

Teen boys who play video games are more likely than girls to say competing (36% vs. 15%), spending time with others (36% vs. 27%) and entertainment (90% vs. 83%) are major reasons they play video games.

Black and Hispanic teens who play video games are more likely than White teens to say that learning new things and competing against others are major reasons they play them. For instance, 29% of Black teen video game players say learning something new is a major reason, higher than 17% of Hispanic teen video game players. Both are higher than the 7% of White teen video game players who say the same.

Teens who play video games and live in lower-income households are especially likely to say competing against others and learning new things are major reasons. For instance, four-in-ten teen video game players who live in households with an annual income of less than $30,000 say competing against others is a major reason they play. This is higher than among those in households with annual incomes of $30,000 to $74,999 (29%) and $75,000 or more (23%).

Cyberbullying can happen in many online environments, but many teens encounter this in the video game world.

Our survey finds that name-calling is a relatively common feature of video game life – especially for boys. Roughly four-in-ten teen video game players (43%) say they have been harassed or bullied while playing a video game in one of three ways: 

• 41% have been called an offensive name
• 12% have been physically threatened
• 8% have been sent unwanted sexually explicit things

Teen boys are particularly likely to say they have been called an offensive name. About half of teen boys who play video games (48%) say this has happened while playing them, compared with about a third of girls (32%). And they are somewhat more likely than girls to have been physically threatened (15% vs. 9%).

Teen gamers are more likely than those who play video games but aren’t gamers to say they been called and offensive name (53% vs. 30%), been physically threatened (17% vs. 8%) and sent unwanted sexually explicit things (10% vs. 6%).

Teens – regardless of whether they’ve had these experiences – think bullying is a problem in gaming. Eight-in-ten U.S. teens say that when it comes to video games, harassment and bullying is a problem for people their age. This includes 29% who say it is a major problem.

It’s common for teens to think harassment while playing video games is a problem, but girls are somewhat more likely than boys to say it’s a major problem (33% vs. 25%).

There have also been decades-long debates about how violent video games can influence youth behavior , if at all – such as by encouraging or desensitizing them to violence. We wanted to get a sense of how commonly violence shows up in the video games teens are playing.

Just over half of teens who play video games (56%) say at least some of the games they play contain violence. This includes 16% who say it’s in all or most of the games they play.

Teen boys who play video games are far more likely than girls to say that at least some of the games they play contain violence (69% vs. 37%).

About three-quarters of teen gamers (73%) say that at least some of the games they play contain violence, compared with 40% among video game players who aren’t gamers.   

• Throughout this report, “teens” refers to those ages 13 to 17. ↩
• Previous Center research of U.S. adults shows that men are more likely than women to identify as gamers – especially the youngest adults. ↩
• There were not enough Asian American respondents in the sample to be broken out into a separate analysis. As always, their responses are incorporated into the general population figures throughout the report. ↩

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Effects of Video Games on Children Essay

Introduction, negative effects of video games, video games as a neutral factor, future studies.

Most of the popular video games in the market are characterized by their ability to allow players to role-play in various situations, unfortunately, most of these situations normally involve violence. There has been unease at the effect that this exposure could have on children, considering that video games are fast becoming a favorite past time for most children in the developed world. Studies have suggested the existence of a relationship between youth violence and video games and this could apply to children too.

The evidence that video games increase violence among children is overwhelming. For example, a study in 2001 found that a high number of violence cases in high schools and universities were orchestrated by persons who confessed to playing violent games regularly. An explanation for this is that aggression is mainly based on the learning function of the brain and as such, each violent episode is in essence one more learning opportunity, hence violence is increased with increased exposure to video games.

One of the factors that make video games prone to leading to violence is the high level of engagement and concentration required of gamers. Studies show that children who were exposed to violent video games engage in fantasy plays in which they emulate the actions of the violent characters. This effectively demonstrates that the high involvement of video games results in youths desiring to play out the violent actions in real life.

A logical consequence of exposure to violence is desensitization, a process whereby the cognitive, emotional, and even behavioral response to violence is eliminated in a gradual process. Therefore, engaging in violent video games results in an increase for tolerance of violent behavior in real life.

While advocates for video games argue that video games represent violence as ‘cool and fashionable’, it should be noted that video games are no the only media through which such notions arise from. Violence is an aspect of the mainstream media and hence violence in children should take into consideration these various media platforms.

Opponents of media violence point to the rise in crime wave during the 1970s and 1980s, which was largely attributed to violence in television. They say that the same could happen due to video game violence. This is a fallacy as statistics indicate that violent crimes in the US fell in the 1990s, a time when violent video games became popular.

While video games are meant to be educational or entertaining, content analysis shows that 89% of these contain some violent content. Since video games are so common among children, the effect of video games would be significant. It has been said that a relation exists between video game violence and real life violence, however, this is no absolute reality.

Proponents argue that violent children prefer to play violent video games. Research suggests otherwise, therefore we can conclude that while violent games are played by violent children, the aggression levels increase due to the exposure.

This paper examined the effects of violent video games on children and their inclination to violent behavior. From the study, it is evident that video games have an effect on the behavior of children.

Future studies should look at other forms of violence, not necessarily physical as children are likely to engage on these on a regular basis.

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IvyPanda. (2018, July 22). Effects of Video Games on Children. https://ivypanda.com/essays/effects-of-video-games-on-children/

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IvyPanda . 2018. "Effects of Video Games on Children." July 22, 2018. https://ivypanda.com/essays/effects-of-video-games-on-children/.

1. IvyPanda . "Effects of Video Games on Children." July 22, 2018. https://ivypanda.com/essays/effects-of-video-games-on-children/.

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Effects of computer gaming on cognition, brain structure, and function: a critical reflection on existing literature


Efectos de los juegos de computador en la cognición, y en la estructura y función cerebral: una reflexión crítica sobre la literatura actual, effets des jeux vidéo sur la cognition, la structure et la fonction cérébrales : une réflexion critique sur la littérature existante, simone kühn.

Department of Psychiatry and Psychotherapy, University Medical Center Hamburg-Eppendorf (UKE), Hamburg, Germany; Lise Meitner Group for Environmental Neuroscience, Max Planck Institute for Human Development, Berlin, Germany

Jürgen Gallinat

Department of Psychiatry and Psychotherapy, University Medical Center Hamburg-Eppendorf (UKE), Hamburg, Germany

Anna Mascherek

Video gaming as a popular form of leisure activity and its effect on cognition, brain function, and structure has come into focus in the field of neuroscience. Visuospatial cognition and attention seem to benefit the most, whereas for executive functions, memory, and general cognition, the results are contradictory. The particular characteristics of video games driving these effects remain poorly understood. We critically discuss major challenges for the existing research, namely, the lack of precise definitions of video gaming, the lack of distinct choice of cognitive ability under study, and the lack of standardized study protocols. Less research exists on neural changes in addition to cognitive changes due to video gaming. Existing studies reveal evidence for the involvement of similar brain regions in functional and structural changes. There seems to be a predominance in the hippocampal, prefrontal, and parietal brain regions; however, studies differ immensely, which makes a meta-analytic interpretation vulnerable. We conclude that theoretical work is urgently needed.


El efecto de los videojuegos -una forma popular de entretención- sobre la cognición y la estructura y el funcionamiento cerebral se ha centrado en el campo de la neurociencia. La cognición visoespacial y la atención parecen ser las más beneficiadas; en cambio, para las funciones ejecutivas, la memoria y la cognición general, los resultados son contradictorios. Las características específicas de los videojuegos que producen estos efectos siguen siendo poco conocidas. Se discuten de forma crítica los principales desafíos para la investigación existente, como la falta de definiciones precisas de los videojuegos, la falta de una elección clara de la capacidad cognitiva que se estudia y la falta de protocolos de estudio estandarizados. La investigación es pobre tanto para los cambios cognitivos como para los cambios neuronales que producen los videojuegos. Los estudios existentes revelan evidencia de la participación de regiones cerebrales similares para los cambios funcionales y estructurales. Aunque las regiones cerebrales hipocámpicas, prefrontales y parietales parecen estar más involucradas; los estudios difieren enormemente, lo que hace que una interpretación meta-analítica sea frágil. Se concluye que se requiere con urgencia de un adecuado trabajo teórico.

Les jeux vidéo, loisir populaire, ont attiré l’intérêt des neurosciences quant à leurs effets sur la cognition, la structure et la fonction cérébrales. Si l’attention et la cognition visuospatiales semblent en bénéficier le plus, les résultats sont contradictoires pour les fonctions exécutives, la mémoire et la cognition générale. Les caractéristiques particulières des jeux vidéo à l’origine de ces effets restent mal comprises. Nous analysons de façon critique les principales difficultés pour la recherche actuelle, c’est-à-dire le manque de définitions précises du jeu vidéo, le manque de choix clair de capacité cognitive à l’étude et le manque de protocoles d’étude standardisés. Les modifications neuronales et les modifications cognitives dues au jeu vidéo font l’objet de peu de recherche. L’hippocampe, les régions préfrontale et pariétale semblent les plus concernées. Cependant, une interprétation méta-analytique est fragilisée par la grande variabilité des études. En conclusion, il est urgent de faire un travail théorique.

Video gaming and cognition


Video gaming, as a popular, generally cognitively deman- ding form of leisure activity, has received attention in recent years in search of effective, yet affordable interventions to maintain or enhance cognitive abilities in individuals in different contexts. 1 - 6 The increasing scientific interest in video gaming as a training instrument may be driven by an inherent playfulness of video games in contrast to classical training programs, as well as substantial effects on brain structure and function within short training periods. This is the reason for reviewing the preexisting and quite heterogeneous literature on this new interventional instrument. In this article we, first, critically discuss existing methodological challenges in the field when it comes to drawing general conclusions about video gaming and cognition. We are aiming less at summarizing existing findings on the basis of existing meta-analyses and reviews once again, but rather at addressing the complex challenges when effects of video gaming are assessed in experimental setups. To learn more about specific results in detail we would like to refer the reader to existing excellent review and meta-analytic literature. 3 , 5 - 17 In the second section we turn to the effects of video gaming on brain structure and function reported in single studies, as reviews and meta-analyses are sparse.


To start with a summary, it generally has been established that video gaming has beneficial effects on cognition, eg, refs 4,5,7, but see ref 18). However, the devil is in the details. Looking closer in order to make a specific statement concerning specific cognitive domains, groups of individuals, video game genres, training intensity, and transfer effects, results are mixed. This is not only true for single studies, but, in particular also for the multitude of reviews and meta-analytic studies. Depending on the studies chosen, meta-analyses report contradictory results concerning the effects of video games, eventually leaving nearly as much room for interpretation as single empirical studies despite their good quality. It seems almost impossible to outline the effect of video gaming on cognition in a simple statement without mentioning numerous limitations. The abilities with the fewest limitations to name would, most likely, be visuospatial cognition and attention. 5 , 7 Concerning executive functioning, memory, and general cognition, results are way more complicated and are not suited for general conclusive statements. One conclusion that can be drawn from the variety of results, however, is that theoretical work is more urgently needed than yet another empirical study, however excellently conducted it might be. Instead, stepping back and taking a look from afar in order to conceptualize research, homogenize designs, and then start all over again to evaluate whether and what effects each type of video games has on cognition should be the watchword of the day. This call is less ideologic but instead pragmatic, as without a framework from which research questions and hypotheses can be derived, the interpretation of current findings and, ultimately, the understanding of underlying mechanisms, is hampered.


A major critical point in evaluating possible effects of video gaming on cognition lies in the definition of “video gaming” itself. Here, studies as well as meta-analyses and reviews do not draw on a consistent definition. “Video gaming” is only useful to broadly outline the scope of a question. However, video games comprise a multitude of very different activities and content as well as (cognitive) demands. While some studies have included “type of video game” as a moderating variable into their analyses, 11 others only included studies using narrowly defined games, for example action video games or exergames. 5 , 7 , 19 Others, again, only roughly define “video game” and include a rather broad spectrum of genres. 9 , 10 Additionally, the release date of games is important as well. Although Wang et al 7 and Bediou et al 5 both focused on narrowly defined action video games with similar underlying definitions, Bediou et al 5 excluded studies published before the year 2000, as they argue that technical development makes games from the 1980s and 1990s rather incomparable to games from 2000 on. Studies with games from before 2000 almost certainly use substantially different games, even if they formally meet the chosen definition. Hence, even studies applying similar definitions of video gaming might differ substantially due to the timespan considered. Although overall studies report a beneficial effect of the chosen video game on cognition, the exact understanding of the underlying mechanisms remains unclear. Inferences about what within a game truly drives enhancement will remain poorly understood, because gaming mechanisms cannot be isolated and experimentally manipulated in order to test effects.


Another difficulty concerns the question of the chosen cognitive domain under study. Studies differ in the specific cognitive domain they evaluate such as processing speed, memory, global cognition, executive functioning, learning, and attentional processes, and this is even true for meta-analyses and reviews. 5 , 7 - 11 Additionally, the very same constructs are defined differently across studies. While, for example, executive functioning is considered as an entity with no effects found in the study by Wang et al, 7 in Mansor et al’s 10 study it is defined and subdivided into different processes, according to Miyake et al 20 with effects on updating memory. In the study by Powers, 8 executive functions are categorized as a subdomain of information processing (for which an effect was found). In a subanalysis, executive functioning here comprises dual/multitasking, inhibition tasks, task-switching, working/short-term memory measures, intelligence tests, and executive functioning batteries resulting in negligible effects. Similar, while Sala and Gobet 18 argue that no effect can be found for general cognition, Stanmore et al 19 report a positive effect of exergames on general cognition, which is corroborated by Wang et al, 7 however, in a meta-analysis including only action video games. In yet another review, Cardoso-Leite and Bavelier 6 try to extract the effect of video gaming on attentional control as a proxy for enhancing the “ability to learn, enhance capacity for learning to learn” in children. They report effects of action video games on attentional control, but refrain from drawing general conclusions. Results cited here make it evident that, once again, generally some kind of effect on cognition is usually found, however, even on a meta-level, inferences enabling deeper understanding of underlying mechanisms are impossible. As an aside, if this is even evident on a meta-analytic level, we do not dare to discuss the tremendous heterogeneity und concomitant difficulty of operationalization issues on specific study levels (eg, cognitive domain under study, instruments chosen for assessment of domain, chosen video game to affect cognitive domain).


A third major challenge is inherent in the design of those studies and was raised by Green et al. 21 In an experimental setting, effects are evaluated in comparison with a specific control group. It is design immanent that effects are found and conditionally interpreted based on the (null)effects of the control group. However, depending on the control group chosen, a range of results are possible. There is no standardized approach which is generally applied. Reviews and meta-analyses differ in which studies they include as reference. Bediou et al 5 exclusively focused on studies that contrasted their action-game training group against an active control group, playing commercially available non-action games. Mansor et al, 10 on the other hand, explicitly excluded studies with an active gaming control group, resulting in a completely different selection of studies, yet both aiming at analyzing the effects of video gaming on cognition. In yet another meta-analysis, Wang et al, 7 only excluded studies with no control group at all. Although all meta-analyses report an overall moderate positive effect of gaming on cognition, inferences across studies contributing to understanding the underlying mechanisms of how and why effects are found are not warranted, as this would be like comparing apples and oranges. No one-fits-all solution exists for the choice of a control group; pro and con arguments can be found depending on the specific research question. However, coming full circle, with a basically mutually exclusive selection of studies, inferences must remain on a descriptive level instead of contributing to a deeper understanding of the how and why.


We consider the points discussed, that is, definition of video game, cognitive domain chosen, and control group, as crucial challenges, however, we would like to draw attention to yet another set of variables that make the interpretation of the results of existing reviews and meta-analyses difficult, as they differ between studies and their unique contribution has not yet been understood. Age, gender, and even education might influence results and, hence, render considerate sampling mandatory. Additionally, duration and frequency of training in an intervention study as well as differentiating between habitual players and novices needs careful consideration when designing and interpreting (quasi-)experimental studies.


Our points risen are neither new nor unacknowledged per se. Interestingly, existing meta-analytic literature not only contributes to the uncertainty, but also acknowledges the fact that the lack of theoretical framework and a standardized experimental protocol impedes interpretation, inferences and, in the end, accumulation of scientific knowledge (eg, ref 5). Nevertheless, up-to-date, intensified work on theoretical framework is only very slowly beginning, 22 and mainly still rather seems to generate study after study. The points risen do, also, not primarily pertain to reviews and meta-analyses, but need to be addressed at a study level. That they become visible in meta-analytic literature makes the problem only more distinct, and strongly emphasizes the call for standardized protocols as it underlines that it is not a problem of single studies but rather inherent in the system.


Video gaming and cognition at a brain structural and functional level


The reported potential improvements in cognitive domains after training with video games are accompanied and potentially caused by underlying changes in brain function and brain structure. However, at present, even less research has been conducted focusing on neural changes in addition to cognitive changes due to video game play. Only a single review on this topic has recently been published. 23 This review (in total covering n =116 articles) includes both cross-sectional designs in which habitual gamers are compared with participants who never or only seldom play video games and longitudinal intervention designs in which a randomized group is trained with a given video game and a control group is not. Moreover, it includes studies on video game-addicted populations. Here again, the challenge of the chosen control group becomes evident as effects cannot be attributed causally due to the tremendous heterogeneity of references chosen. The general conclusion might be along the lines of “video gaming has an effect on brain structure and function,” although the underlying mechanisms that drive these effects might not be inferred. To start with, including studies in reviews differing in design does have its place, but needs to be supplemented by studies or reviews allowing for more causal inferences on the long run. Nevertheless, it seems that in brain regions particularly related to attention and to visual spatial skills, an improvement in terms of brain function and brain structure due to video game training can be observed.


In the present review we would like to focus on longitudinal intervention studies, as causal effects of video gaming can only be inferred from designs in which brain function or structure is compared before and after a randomly assigned training intervention. Moreover, we would like to exclude studies on problem gamers or video game addiction, since our first goal is to understand the effects of video game exposure in the healthy population and in response to a moderate dosage of game play. We also excluded studies in which the immediate effects of acute video game exposure were investigated, that is, where participants were asked to play for a time frame of minutes to hours until changes were assessed. Based on these criteria we included 22 studies 24 - 45 (Table I) . However, it should be noted that multiple studies draw on the same sample of participants (eg, refs 29, 32, 36) all resulting from one study. All (n=8) 25 , 26 , 29 , 31 , 33 , 41 , 42 , 44 but one study 43 on brain structural changes over time showed increases in different brain regions, with a clustering of results on growth in prefrontal and temporal brain regions (especially hippocampus). The exception is a very recent paper showing that, generally, increases in hippocampus can be observed after training with a 3D platformer game, however, with differential results being found after training with action video games, depending on the navigation strategy of the participants (with response learners showing decreases of hippocampal volume, whereas spatial learners show increases). 44 In contrast, of the 15 studies focusing on brain functional changes, 7 23 , 24 , 30 , 32 , 37 , 38 , 40 report exclusive increases in brain function, be it measured at rest or during a task-based design; the other 8 27 - 29 , 33 - 36 , 39 studies report only or also decreases in brain function. Results are inconsistent or even contradictory, however. Due to differences in study design and chosen intervention, the results cannot be interpreted and integrated across studies with final conclusions drawn from them. There seems to be a strong preponderance of reported decreases of brain function in studies in which the task performed during measurement was closely related to the video game that was actually trained (n=6) 2 , 9 , 30 , 34 , 35 , 37 , 40 The direction of these results – namely decreases in brain activity due to training when the trained task is performed – are in line with previous studies on classical cognitive training in which the training tasks consist of adaptations of neuropsychological test batteries and where brain activity was measured before and after a considerable interval of training in exactly the trained task. 46 - 48 However, also in the later field some studies only report increases. 49 These inconsistencies could be due to the fact that the training duration and intensity differs across studies. Additionally, gains, measured by means of performance, and brain functional or structural changes are most likely not linear therefore this research field requires more studies with multiple measurement occasions so that the nonlinear trajectories of change can be observed. We have recently gathered evidence that not only may brain functional changes over the course of training show an inverted U-shape pattern, 46 but also brain structure (in this case examined during a motor training intervention), 50 showing initial increases after short-term training but decreases over longer training intervals. These first results once again strengthen the call for a theoretical framework, in which trajectories might be outlined and can then be tested in a strictly standardized research protocol.


In general, the existing studies on video game training-related brain changes that measure and report functional and structural brain data at the same time seem to reveal evidence for the involvement of similar brain regions in functional and structural changes. 29 , 30 However, it is difficult to conclude from the existing pool of studies whether brain changes observed across different studies occur at comparable locations in the brain. There seems to be a precedence of change observed in hippocampus, prefrontal, and parietal brain regions; however, the studies use very different genres of video games for training, which makes a meta-analytic interpretation of the brain regions that reveal changes very vulnerable. Since multiple studies use the video games Space Fortress or a 3D version of Super Mario for training, a continuous focus on these games is warranted and may then soon allow formal quantitative meta-analyses on the resulting brain changes. Moreover, the field desperately needs studies contrasting the behavioral and neural effects of video game training between different game genres. A first study to undertake this approach with a focus on brain structural alterations in the hippocampus compared the genres 3D platformer, action, and role play video games. 44 The authors report increases in hippocampal volume in response to 3D platformer training and decreases in response to role play game training, but most importantly they identify differential effects in particular for action video games when considering interindividual differences in navigation strategy. That is, depending on the individual’s navigation strategy applied in the video game, effects are either positive or negative with respect to hippocampal volume. This study paves the way to more targeted studies on the effects of video games, focusing on the exact working mechanisms. For the purpose of recommendations to the general public on which video games may be beneficial or detrimental in terms of brain health a comparison of different video game genres may be of interest. In order to identify and understand the exact game elements that cause specific neural changes more systematic studies are required. Here it would be helpful to compare training effects of several video games from a single genre with systematic variation of its separate elements (eg, 2D vs 3D navigation, first-person vs third-person perspective, presence vs absence of reward schedules). However, for this purpose either existing commercial video games would need to be adapted, or the focus would have to be put onto custom-made video games. When looking at the studies conducted on brain structural and/or functional changes, it becomes evident that meta-analytic inferences that causally link brain structure and function to specific cognitive abilities that are all effected by specific video game training intervention is not possible according to the multitude of current studies, however well-conducted each and every one might be. Important first steps have been made in order to understand the effects of video gaming; however, future research is needed to unravel the secret of the true underlying mechanisms and relations.


Conclusions


Based on the discussion of the results and studies above, we conclude that inferences will continue to alternate between the general notion of an effect of video gaming on cognition and related brain structure and function, and the inability to make specific recommendations in the field of specific therapeutic use or detailed analyses of underlying mechanisms, structures, and processes in the brain. Although disappointing for some, for the sake of accuracy, to date there seems to be no other option than being specific. This is especially important in practical settings, in which video gaming is used therapeutically. To date, therapeutic use of video games has not been based on strong scientific evidence besides the general notion that somehow, some video games have some beneficial effects on cognition in some individuals. Also, transferring exact experimental settings with clinical samples into real patient treatment might work - however, not on the basis of truly understanding the underlying mechanisms, but rather replicating a finding on descriptive level. Put that way, the need for standardized research protocols and theoretical frameworks against which hypotheses can be tested becomes clearly evident, analogous to the idea that a statement like “diseases can be cured” as a guiding principle for specific medical treatment of a specific disease in a specific group of patients could never be sufficient. A first important step was undertaken by Green and colleagues, aimed at establishing methodological guidelines for interventions for cognitive enhancement. 21 , 22 However, until this aspiration is fully met, recommendations concerning specific practical use in clinical settings or general application must be waived. As a closing remark we would like to draw attention to the fact that, besides criticizing the lack of knowledge concerning the underlying mechanisms, we state that video gaming has beneficial effects on cognition that are reflected in brain structure and function. However, even this must be considered differentially 44 and with caution until underlying mechanisms are truly and causally understood. Cognition, nevertheless, is only one aspect of well-being that needs to be considered when looking at “the big picture.” Possible other consequences on social, emotional, or physical well-being remain unconsidered in the present article. Nevertheless, they are important aspects to be taken into account when evaluating the overall value of video gaming. 51 - 54 


Acknowledgments

The authors declare that they have no conflict of interest. SK has been funded by two grants from the German Science Foundation (DFG KU 3322/1-1, SFB 936/C7), the European Union (ERC-2016-StG-Self-Control-677804), and a Fellowship from the Jacobs Foundation (JRF 2016-2018).

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Texas a&m’s mike elko discussed the downside of ea sports' college football game with hilarious call of duty story, share this article.

College football fans are buzzing as we continue to get more details about College Football 25, the revival of EA Sports’ beloved franchise after more than a decade hiatus.

But it’s not just fans who are excited — the players who will be featured in the game are looking forward to its release, as well.

We all know college students love video games, and that doesn’t change just because they’re athletes. That means coaches have to prepare for the impending distraction, and this isn’t the first rodeo for new Texas A&M coach Mike Elko when it comes to video games.

Elko recently told a hilarious story about how a Call of Duty release impacted his team during his career as a defensive coordinator, causing players to miss meetings and practices because they stayed up too late playing the game.

“In full disclosure, because I’ve been a part of this before, you can’t imagine how much the release of a hot new video game can impact your football team,” Elko said, according to Travis L. Brown of The Eagle . “I remember going all the way back to when the second Call of Duty came out and it got released in October in the middle of one of our football seasons. We literally were having meetings with our defense about why it was not good to stay up until four in the morning playing Call of Duty. We had practice at 7 o’clock the next morning.”

Head coach Mike Elko asked if he or his players are excited about playing the new College Football video game: "In full disclosure, because I've been a part of this before, you can't imagine how much the release of a hot new video game can impact your football team. I remember… — 𝕋𝕣𝕒𝕧𝕚𝕤 𝕃. 𝔹𝕣𝕠𝕨𝕟 (@Travis_L_Brown) May 24, 2024

Look, college kids are going to stay up late, whether it’s playing video games or doing something else. When they’re featured in the game and receive a free copy of it (in addition to $600 in compensation for opting in), they’re only going to be more inclined to do so.

But Elko raises an interesting — if hilarious — point about how coaches will need to prepare for the distraction as teams prepare for the season.

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Jrue Holiday was the game-changer the Celtics needed in Game 1 comeback vs. Pacers

By Matt Geagan

May 22, 2024 / 9:52 AM EDT / CBS Boston

BOSTON -- Jaylen Brown hit the biggest shot of the game and Jayson Tatum's monster overtime led the Celtics to a comeback win in Game 1 of the Eastern Conference Finals against the Indian Pacers. But neither of Boston's stars would have been in that position had it not been for Jrue Holiday.

There's a reason Holiday has been named the NBA's Teammate of the Year three times in the last five seasons. He has a knack for putting those around them in the best position to succeed, in addition to making a slew of big plays on both ends of the floor.

Holiday was the total package in Boston's 133-128 overtime victory Tuesday night. He brought everything the Celtics envisioned when would when Brad Stevens acquired him from Portland over the summer, after the Milwaukee Bucks decided to swap out out their on-court leader for Damian Lillard. 

Holiday made tough defensive plays throughout Game 1 and helped contain Tyrese Haliburton. (At least as much as one can "contain" the Pacers star.) He made slick passes to get teammates easy looks and hit hots in key moments. 

Holiday scored 28 points in the victory, 20 of which came after halftime. He was 4-for-5 in the fourth quarter, when the rest of the Celtics were ice cold and shot just 5-for-18. Holiday scored a dozen of his points in the paint, and was 10-for-16 overall and 4-for-8 from three.

He had just one of his eight assists in the fourth, but it was the  assist of the game. With the Celtics down three and time melting off the clock, he found Brown in the corner, who nailed a game-tying three with Pascal Siakam all up in his grill. After the win, Brown broke out the thesaurus to describe just how incredible Holiday was in Game 1.

"Jrue was fantastic. Jrue was exceptional. Shout out to Jrue. Jrue came out and balled, man," said Brown. "He's the reason why we won his game. I think he just was poised, he took advantage of his matchups. He just was so, so elite in that. It's a lot. 

"And he's guarding Haliburton, picking him up, chasing him around. That was special from Jrue Holiday," Brown added.

Haliburton had 25 points and 10 assists for the Pacers, but Holiday didn't make it easy on him. He was 0-for-3 with Holiday on him, and committed two turnovers -- one in the final 30 seconds of regulation and another with just over a minute left in overtime. The latter of the two set the stage for Tatum's three that put Boston up by four points with 42.5 seconds left. 

"He's the best defender in the NBA. He has been for a long time." Haliburton said of Holiday.

Holiday's performance was exactly what you'd expect out of a guy who was named to his sixth All-Defensive team on Tuesday afternoon. The offense that he generates and produces can't be understated though, and Holiday is on quite a heater at the moment.

In the last four games -- all Boston wins -- Holiday has shot a blistering 60.9 percent from the floor while averaging 18.8 points. 

"He's the kind of guy who can impact the game in different ways every night," said Boston head coach Joe Mazzulla. "Tonight it was his scoring, his play-making and his defense, it was a well-rounded game by him. I thought his poise and his demeanor throughout the game was tremendous for us."

Holiday is the only player on the Celtics with a championship ring, and it shows. He never seems rattled and remains calm even in the most intense moments of a tight playoff game. But don't let that coolness fool you; being aggressive is the name of the game for the veteran guard. 

"I think just continually being aggressive, continually working on my game, continually having the coaches and my teammates in my ear telling me that they're gonna need me," Holiday said after his big game. "Even just knowing like, especially times during the game, just being aggressive no matter what end on the floor it's on. I'm gonna continue to do that and see what happens."

Tuesday night was the kind of game that the Celtics would have lost in the past. They'd be the team making the big turnover or mental mistake at the worst possible time, and for a long stretch in the fourth quarter, it looked like that was how things were going to play out.

Another home loss and an 0-1 series hole was staring Boston right in the face. But Holiday didn't blink, and his tranquility during all that end-of-game madness (and his playmaking, of course) led the Celtics to a massive comeback win. 

"We always knew that there's always a chance," Holiday said. "We've seen crazy stuff happen all the time, so I don't think that we think we lost the game until we actually lost the game."

Thanks to Holiday, the Celtics didn't actually lose the game. 

Matthew Geagan is a sports producer for CBS Boston. He has been part of the WBZ sports team for nearly 20 years. He moved over to the web in 2012 and has covered all the highs (and a few lows) in Boston sports.

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Celtics lab 261: breaking down boston's game 2 win vs. the pacers, what to expect in game 3, share this article.

The Boston Celtics defeated the Indiana Pacers 126-110 in Game 2 of the NBA’s 2024 Eastern Conference finals thanks to a career playoff-high matching 40 points from Jaylen Brown .

But it came at the expense of backup big man Luke Kornet’s wrist being sprained on a team already thin at center; will Boston be okay with Kornet on the bench?. On the other side of the court, however, we saw Pacers star Tyrese Halliburton leave the game injured in the second half with what initially appeared to be a re-aggravation of the hamstring injury that kept him out for significant time this season.

Will he be able to play when the series shifts pack to Indiana for Game 3, and if not, is a sweep incoming? The hosts of the CLNS Media “Celtics Lab” podcast reacted to the win postgame from the Garden (excuse the Wi-Fi issues, please), seeing some small ball looks that paid off — and defensive lapses that did not.

The Celtics Lab podcast is brought to you by Prize Picks and Gametime.

If you enjoy this pod, check out the “ How Bout Them Celtics ,” “ First to the Floor, ” and the many other New England sports podcasts available on the CLNS Media network.

Listen to the “ Celtics Lab ” podcast on:

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Why Brodric Martin Could Be Game-Changer for Lions' Defense

Vito chirco | may 20, 2024.

• Detroit Lions

Perhaps no one from Detroit's 2023 draft class enters the 2024 season with more to prove than defensive lineman Brodric Martin . 

Martin, the Lions’ second-of-two third-round picks a year ago (No. 96 overall), spent the majority of his rookie campaign on the inactives list as a healthy scratch. The Western Kentucky product suited up for only three games, and made a minimal impact. He finished the season with just three total tackles and a 57.1 overall Pro Football Focus grade. 

The 2023 season was very much a developmental one for the small-school talent. He spent the bulk of it learning how to play on the defensive line at the NFL level. 

“Man, just coming from where he did in college and understanding exactly how he has to play in this league. The one thing I think that he had an issue with early is just being able to use his hands and understand how to use his hands," Lions defensive coordinator Aaron Glenn said about Martin late last season. "And, man, I tell him in practice, he’s doing a really good job of that.

“I mean, before practice, after practice, those are the things that Brodric is doing a really good job of to get himself on the field. And then, other than that, man, I’m a big believer in D-linemen being able to have lateral agility. And, he’s working his butt off, trying to work on those things, too.”

Coming out of college, Martin – a 6-foot-5, 330-pound lineman – profiled as a run-stuffing presence along the interior of the defensive line. 

He played a total of five collegiate seasons, with the first three coming at North Alabama. He then transferred to Western Kentucky for his final two years.

While with the Hilltoppers, Martin amassed 62 total tackles, including six for loss, and four sacks. Additionally, he was a 2022 Conference USA honorable mention and a 2023 East-West Shrine Bowl participant. 

Headed into the 2024 campaign, Martin is expecting to make a bigger impact. The immense-sized lineman has dedicated himself to getting into better playing shape this offseason, and has visibly reshaped his body. To get a glimpse of Martin's physical transformation, just take a look at this photo of him from last week's OTAs in Allen Park.

Our boy Brodric gonna eat this year 😤 #OnePride | @DETPRIDE pic.twitter.com/BWX8byG4FB — Joe Chapp (@DetroitJoeChapp) May 17, 2024

In Martin's eyes, he's taken a page out of fellow defensive lineman Alim McNeill's playbook for morphing into NFL shape. Just last offseason, McNeill made a commitment to altering his diet and trimmed his body fat, and it led to a breakout campaign for the N.C. State product in 2023. 

"It's a big transformation he made," Martin said of McNeill's physical transformation last offseason, via DetroitLions.com . "Going into Year 3, it was a huge transformation for him. Obviously made him a better player. So, it's something I'm definitely going to hone in on and try to do.”

Martin , who logged a total of just 28 defensive snaps in his debut NFL season, has a chance at having a bigger role in Detroit's defensive line room this upcoming season. While he won't come anywhere close to cutting into McNeill's and offseason acquisition D.J. Reader's snap counts, he has a legitimate shot at being a quality reserve defensive tackle for the Lions.

And, if Martin's new-look frame is a sign of any sort, he should be in store for a vastly improved campaign in his second year as a pro.

VITO CHIRCO

Vito has covered the NFL and the Detroit Lions for the past five years.  Has extensive reporting history of college athletics, the Detroit Tigers and Detroit Mercy Athletics.  Chirco's work include NFL columns, analyzing potential Detroit Lions prospects coming out of college, NFL draft coverage and analysis of events occurring in the NFL.  Extensive broadcasting experience including hosting a Detroit Tigers podcast and co-hosting a Detroit Lions NFL podcast since 2019.