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4 things you need to know about water and famine, millions of children are facing the deadly effects of drought, including acute hunger, malnutrition and thirst..

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Conflict, climate change and poverty are driving massive humanitarian crises, leaving millions at risk of famine. Children are the most vulnerable during periods of famine and extreme food insecurity, facing a greater likelihood of severe malnutrition and death. These crises also produce irreversible, life-long consequences for children, leading to severe health and development challenges.

When we think of famine, we often think of a lack of food. But increasingly, the crisis is one not only of food insecurity, but also of clean water, sanitation and health care – especially disease prevention and treatment. Water and sanitation are just as important as food for children and families facing famine and food insecurity. Here are four reasons why:

1. Disease and malnutrition

Unsafe water and sanitation can lead to malnutrition or make it worse. “No matter how much food a malnourished child eats, he or she will not get better if the water they are drinking is not safe,” says Manuel Fontaine, UNICEF Director of Emergency Programmes. Unsafe water can cause diarrhoea, which can prevent children from getting the nutrients they need to survive, ultimately leading to malnutrition. Malnourished children are also more vulnerable to waterborne diseases like cholera. Inadequate access to minimum water, hygiene, and sanitation is estimated to account for around 50 per cent of global malnutrition.

2. Climate change

Climate change and extreme weather events like droughts and floods can deplete or contaminate water supplies. This threatens both the quality and the quantity of the water that entire communities rely on. As families in areas of extreme water stress compete for scarce or unsafe water sources, they are driven from their homes, increasing their vulnerability to disease and protection risks.

Globally, over 1.42 billion people, including 450 million children, live in areas of high or extremely high water vulnerability. The Horn of Africa is facing the worst drought the region has seen in 40 years .  Three consecutive dry seasons have driven hundreds of thousands of people from their homes, killed vast swathes of livestock and crops, and fuelled malnutrition.

3. Conflict

Conflict is often the main factor driving the threat of famine, putting strain on food and water supplies, as well as health systems. The war in Ukraine, for example, has driven up food and fuel prices in places where children are already going hungry. And all too often, the human dependence on water has been intentionally exploited during armed conflict, with water resources and the systems required to deliver drinking water coming under direct attack.

Nearly all of the conflict-related emergencies where UNICEF has responded in recent years have involved some form of attack hindering access to water, whether intentionally directed against water infrastructure or incidentally. For young children especially, the consequences of these disruptions can be deadly. In protracted conflicts, children under 5 are more than 20 times more likely to die from diarrhoeal disease linked to unsafe water and sanitation than violence in conflict.

4. Displacement

When fighting or drought force people from their homes, children and families become more vulnerable both to abuses and to health threats. On the move , children often have no choice but to drink unsafe water. Makeshift camps set up without toilets become hotspots for disease outbreak. Children who are already vulnerable are more susceptible to diseases, and are often unable to access hospitals and health centres as they flee. Around 9.2 million people are displaced across the four famine-threatened countries.

How UNICEF is helping

UNICEF’s support to children and their families includes immediate lifesaving interventions and building resilience over the long term. Included in these are:

• Working with partners on building resilience for communities affected by high or extremely high water vulnerability, in part through groundwater extraction. Drilling for reliable sources of ground water could transform the lives of at least 70 million children in the Horn of Africa who live in areas where access to water is extremely precarious.
• Exploring longer-term solution through regional initiatives. Safe and sustainable sources of water that prevent illness, withstand the impacts of climate change, and allow families to stay in their communities, where children can access their schools and primary healthcare services.
• Developing monitoring and early warning systems. Timely information that alerts governments and communities to rising risks of climate and environmental and hazards, allowing for immediate action to prevent future crises.
• In Somalia, UNICEF is working with the government and partners to provide vital interventions as part of its response to the drought, including providing therapeutic foods to treat acute malnutrition and micronutrients to tackle deficiencies, as well as counselling to encourage families to adopt practical nutrition and health practices at home. UNICEF had also provided around 480,000 people with temporary access to emergency water in the first three months of 2022.
• In 2021, UNICEF reached more than 3 million people in Kenya with access to safe water for drinking, cooking, and personal hygiene, provision of WASH supplies, household water treatment, hygiene promotion and improved sanitation.

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Overpopulation and water scarcity leading to world future food crisis

| July 12, 2020 | Leave a Comment

Permaculture by Local Food Initiative | Flickr

Author(s): Gioietta Kuo

OVERPOPULATION  

The future of our food supply should undoubtedly be the number one concern of our world today.   What affects this future food supply?  It is well known that the world is already overpopulated today at 7.7 billion and is predicted to have 9.7 billion  in 30 years time in 2050.  This is destined to happen irrespective of what measures we take today.  Only after 2050 may we expect a leveling off if we adopt sensible steps[1].   

Apart from food, water is the other essential element for our existence,   Water is consumed throughout the food production process, from growing the animal’s food and the drinking water animals drink, to the overall meat production process.

To produce enough food to sustain the planet’s population, it is estimated that 52,8 millions of water per second are required [2]  Of our total water consumption, food accounts for roughly 66%.   It is ubiquitously hidden in everything we consume.  For example one needs

• 240 gallons of water to produce a loaf of bread
• 46  gallons to produce a soda
• 12 gallons for a serving of potato chips
• 108 gallons to produce a gallon of tea from planting
• 1956 gallon to produce  coffee
• 872 gallons for one gallon of wine and 296 gallons for one gallon of beer
• Subsidiary products like eggs requires 496 gallons ,  a pound of cheese requires 483 gallons and a pound of butter  665 gallons 122 gallons for 2 pints of milk 
• other items like fruit juice requires gallons of water   

According to a UN water scarcity report[3]  over 2 billion people live in countries experiencing high water stress.  It is estimated that by 2040  some 600 million children will be living in areas of extremely high water stress   leading to maybe 700 million people being displaced worldwide.  

Typical values for the volume of water required to produce common foodstuffs [4]

WORLD HUNGER

Although in principle enough food is produced around the world to feed more than enough  the global population.  But according to Unicef 2019 [5] more than 820 million people go hungry each year.

Factors which contribute to hunger are  strongly related to  overpopulation and poverty. This involves interactions among an array of social, political, demographic, and societal factors. People living in poverty frequently face household food insecurity, use inappropriate care practices,  live in unsafe environments that have low access to quality water, low sanitation,  hygiene, and inadequate access or availability to health services and education. Conflict is also a key driver of severe food crises.  This includes famine—a fact officially recognized by the UN Security Council in May 2018[3] 4  . Hunger and undernutrition are much worse when conflicts are prolonged and political  institutions are weak.  Unfortunately the number of conflicts is on the rise today,  worsened by climate change.  Some  have also impacted food availability in many countries and thus contributed to the rise of food insecurity. 

This underscoring the immense challenge of the UN Zero Hunger target by 2030.  Hunger is on the rise in almost all African subregions leading to Africa having the highest prevalence of undernourishment in the world.  The Unicef report calls for actions to safeguard food security and nutrition through economic and social policies that counteracts slowdowns,  providing social safety nets and ensuring universal access to health, education, and contraception.   Basically one should tackle inequalities to ensure sustainability at all levels of society.

Overpopulation increases uncontrolled urbanization and expansion of cities leading to more infrastructure and using up of resources.    At the same time,  this increases carbon dioxide emission Into the atmosphere resulting in more climate change.  It is  imperative to reduce fossil fuel, adopt alternative renewable energy and nuclear power.

EARTH CARRYING CAPACITY

How Many People Can It Support?

According to Harvard’s food expert Edward O. Wilson if everyone became vegetarian then the carrying capacity could be 10 billion as far as food is concerned. 

Already we have hit a limit in measuring the ecological footprint of this burgeoning population – the amount of biologically productive land and water a person requires for producing the resources it consumes.  

According to the UN food and agriculture organization, 11% of our land surface is being used for growing crops.  An even bigger area is being employed for livestock grazing since water is essential for the food we produce.  

We have to feed more than 9.7 billion people in less than 30 years.  This is an increase of 25% from the current population.  Yet many say we need to produce may be 35% in food. This estimate highlights a stark challenge for the global food system. The world is getting richer, especially the developing  populous countries of China and India. There is a demand for eating high protein meat products.  In China pork is the much preferred meat.  While India remains a predominantly a vegetarian nation,   there is a growing demand for beef and seafood in coastal regions.

According to the World Wildlife Fund, water used for livestock production is expected to rise by 50 per cent by 2025 and at present it accounts for 15 per cent of all irrigated water.

The global average water footprint of beef is 15,400 liters per kilo, which is predominantly green water – water from renewable sources – (94 percent).

The water footprint related to animal feed takes the largest share with 99 percent of the total consumption, while drinking and service water contribute just one per cent to the total water footprint.

However, drinking water is 30 percent of the blue water footprint.

To achieve this life satisfaction for the ever increasing population will demand  a constraint on economic social governmental policies.

According to the United Nations, water use has grown at more than twice the rate of population increase in the last century. By 2025, an estimated 1.8 billion people will live in areas plagued by water scarcity, with two-thirds of the world’s population living in water-stressed regions as a result of use, growth, and climate change. The challenge we now face as we head into the future is how to effectively conserve, manage, and distribute the water we have not only in the US but across the globe. In fact,  agricultural withdrawals account for 69% of water use around the world.

The food crisis is more complex and National Geographic has published an excellent article highlighting 5 necessary steps for managing the future food crisis [ 6]. We list here briefly the 5 steps to follow:

• Increase agriculture.  Agriculture is among the greatest contributors to global warming.  It  has cleared  forests and grasslands and reduced biodiversity, There are 2 concepts as to how to manage and control  agriculture. Conventionally we use modern mechanization on a large scale, with irrigation, fertilizers, pesticides and modern genetics in seeds.  This method should increase yields.   The  other concept is based on local and organic farms  which increase demands and help themselves out of poverty  – by adopting techniques that improve fertility without synthetic fertilizers and. pesticides.

Industrial agriculture, along with subsistence agriculture, is the most significant driver of deforestation in tropical and subtropical countries, accounting for 80% of deforestation from 2000-2010. Upward of 50,000 acres of  forests  are cleared by farmers and loggers per day worldwide and a large part is   destroyed in the Amazon basin.  This extreme clearing of land, especially for animal agriculture, results in habitat loss, amplification of greenhouse gases, disruption of water cycles, increased soil erosion, and excessive flooding.

The current contribution of agriculture to deforestation varies by region, with industrial agriculture being responsible for 30% of deforestation in Africa and Asia, but close to 70% in Latin America. The most significant agricultural drivers of deforestation include soy, palm oil, and cattle ranching.We have already cleared an area the South America to grow crops .  And to raise livestock an area the size of Africa.    So we can no longer afford to increase food production through agriculture expansion.  In fact most of agriculture is used to produce cattle, soybeans for livestock, timber and palm oil.  We must avoid further deforestation. Industrial farming has already used you large tracts of land.  We should look to organic farming on smaller plots with individual farmers which not only increase yields but left themselves out of poverty.

• Grow more on the farms we have 

In Africa, Latin America and Eastern Europe,  we can try to increase yields on less productive farmlands by using high tech precision farming systems.  With techniques    taken from organic farming, such as computerized weather forecasting, exact matching of fertilizers to the soil, drip feeding irrigation  and etc,     we can boost yields by several times.

• Use resources more efficiently

Today’s commercial farming has started to make huge strides, finding innovative ways to better target the application of fertilizers and pesticides by using computerized tractors equipped with advanced sensors and GPS. Many growers apply customized blends of fertilizer tailored to their exact soil conditions, which helps minimize the runoff of chemicals into nearby waterways.

Organic farming can also greatly reduce the use of water and chemicals—by incorporating cover crops, mulches, and compost to improve soil quality, conserve water, and build up nutrients. Many farmers have also gotten smarter about water, replacing inefficient irrigation systems with more precise methods, like subsurface drip irrigation. Advances in both conventional and organic farming can give us more “crop per drop” from our water and nutrients.

4. Shift diets   Why is it that to feed an extra 25%  of populations in 2050 we are talking about increasing food production by 50-100 %?  It is because today only 55% of the world’s crop calories feed people directly, the rest are fed to livestock( about 36%) or turned into biofuels and industrial products ( around 9%).  For every 100 calories of grain we feed animals, we get only 40 new calories of milk, 22 calories of eggs, 12 of chicken, 10 of pork and 3 of beef.  Finding more efficient ways to grow meat and shifting to less meat intensive diets could free up a large number of food for the world.   See the previous chapter on the Earth’s carrying capacity and shifting to diets using less water.  As we have mentioned,  the world is getting richer,  especially developing countries in China and India.  There is a growing demand for high calorie meats.   A shift to soybean based diets would  better provide for the world’s overpopulation. 

5.  Reduce waste

Between 500 and 4,000 liters of water are required to produce 1kg of wheat.  According to the UK Institution of Mechanical Engineers(IME) [4], as much as 2 billion tonnes of  food are wasted every year – equivalent to 50% of all food produced.  This means  30-50% (1.2 – 2 billion tonnes) of total food produced every year is lost before reaching a human mouth.  In poor countries food is often lost from the farmer  due to unreliable storage and transportation.  Of all the steps for increasing food for mouths to feed, surely reducing waste  is the most direct and effective way?

The publication entitled ‘Global food: waste not, want not’ also aims to highlight the wastage of energy, land and water. Approximately 3.8 trillion cubic meters of water is used by humans annually with 70% being consumed by the global agriculture sector. The amount of water wasted globally in growing crops that never reach the consumer is estimated at 550 billion  cubic meters.

IME claim that water requirements to meet food demand in 2050 could reach between 10-13.5 trillion cubic meters per year – about triple the current amount used annually by humans. 

—————————————————————————————————

In sum,  there is a limit to large scale conventional industrialize farming.   We should. use more organic farming using modern techniques of weather forecasting, sensors, GPS,  matching of fertilizers to soil, subsurface drip irrigation  and prevent runoff. 

Most of all, we should reduce waste which at the moment is half what the world produces. 

The  National Geographic in its article [6} on feeding 9 billion has produced many succinct ideas.in how to overcome the impending future food crisis for the planet. Its conclusion is excellent.  We are living at a pivotal moment in history.   So far, in history we have adopted the philosophy of more and more food to feed the growing overpopulation.   This we do by deforestation and increasing agriculture.  But time has come for serious reflection.    We cannot continue on this route.  We have to change our mind set –   To eliminate the vast food wastage at the same time to switch to a more vegetarian diet to release the pressure on meat eating.   Most importantly   we should improve   our food security worldwide –  to mitigate  the source of our crisis  – overpopulation and water scarcity.

—— ———————————————————————-

[1]  Growing Global Overpopulation and Migration are Destabilizing our World,   Gioietta Kuo, 

https://mahb.stanford.edu/library-item/growing-global-overpopulation-migration-destabilizing-world/

[2]. Food and Water: How Much is Needed to Produce Our Food … https://www.the71percent.org/what-is-needed-to-produce-our-food/ 

[3] https://www.unwater.org/water-facts/scarcity/

  World Water Development Report 2020 | UN – Water https://www.unwater.org/publications/world-water-development-report-2020/

[4]  How much water is needed to produce food and how much do … https://www.theguardian.com/news/datablog/2013/jan/10/how-much-water-food-production-waste Jan 10, 2013 … Meat production requires a much higher amount of water than vegetables. IME state that to produce 1kg of meat requires between 5,000 and … 

[5] World Hunger , Poverty Facts, Statistics 2018 – World Hunger … The state of food security and nutrition in the world 2019 …

www.unicef.org/reports/state-of-food-security …

 https://www.worldhunger.org/world-hunger-and-poverty-facts-and-statistics/

[6[  Feeding 9 Billion | National Geographic  

https://www.nationalgeographic.com/foodfeatures/feeding-9-billion/

The future is equal

What is famine? Causes and effects and how to stop it

Confronting a despicable and avoidable human tragedy.

When a global report last month revealed that 300,000 families in northern Gaza are facing the threat of “imminent” famine, it was a frightening call to action. In nearly two-thirds of households, people went entire days and nights without eating at least 10 times in the last 30 days.

Wrought by conflict and violence, this hunger crisis in the making was unprecedented. “Palestinians in Gaza are enduring horrifying levels of hunger and suffering...” said Antonio Guterres, the U.N. secretary general. “This is the highest number of people facing catastrophic hunger ever recorded.”

At Oxfam, we’ve been focused on the fight to end hunger since our founding. So, we’re going to define what exactly is famine, what causes it, share an example of a famine, and explain how people like you can help stop famine in its tracks.

You can help save lives

Your contribution to Oxfam’s work will help save lives in Gaza and support long-term efforts to fight inequality and reduce poverty in more than 80 countries.

What does famine mean?

According to researchers Dan Maxwell and Nisar Majid, famine is “an extreme crisis of access to adequate food.” Visible in “widespread malnutrition” and “loss of life due to starvation and infectious disease,” famine robs people of their dignity, equality, and for some—their lives.

So how do we know a famine is occurring? The Integrated Food Security Phase Classification, or IPC, is a common global scale that informs how governments and aid groups should respond when people lose reliable access to sufficient, affordable, and nutritious food. It’s a five-phase warning system to inspire urgent action before it’s too late.

For a famine to exist in a given area—Phase 5 of the acute food insecurity scale— three conditions, backed by evidence, must be met:

• 1 in 5 households faces an extreme food shortage
• More than 30 percent of children are “acutely malnourished,” a nutritional deficiency that results from inadequate energy or protein intake
• Death rates exceed two adults or four children per day for every 10,000 people

As of right now, famine has not been declared in northern Gaza. But according to the IPC, evidence supports that famine could occur anytime between now and May. By mid-July of this year, the number of people on the brink of famine in all of Gaza is expected to reach 1.1 million people.

What causes a famine?

Famines are usually caused by multiple factors. Since 2020, a deadly combination of conflict, COVID-19, and climate change has dramatically increased the number of people suffering from severe hunger. When compounded by inaction or policy decisions that make people more vulnerable, famine can result and society can collapse.

In Gaza, many challenges are putting people on the brink of famine:

• Following the attack by Palestinian armed militants on October 7, Israel’s bombardment of Gaza has resulted in widespread damage to assets and infrastructure critical for health and food production and distribution.
• Israel’s tightening of the siege on Gaza and systematic denial of humanitarian access to and within the Gaza Strip continues to impede the safe and equitable delivery of lifesaving humanitarian assistance.
• Aid workers in Gaza are being killed and are unable to safely deliver humanitarian aid, increasing the risk of famine.

Political scientist Alex de Waal calls famine a political scandal, a “catastrophic breakdown in government capacity or willingness to do what [is] known to be necessary to prevent famine.” When governments fail to prevent or end conflict —or help families prevent food shortages brought on by any reason—they fail their own people.

What is an example of a famine?

The 1984 Ethiopian famine took the lives of 1 million people , driven in part by drought, conflict, and the policy choices of national and regional authorities. Estimates suggest around 1 million people survived thanks to the delivery of humanitarian aid.

On the evening of Tuesday, October 23, 1984, NBC Nightly News aired footage taken by an Ethiopian videographer that showed scores of deceased people on stretchers that were being taken toward makeshift graveyards. Though the scenes inspired a robust international response, its nature overlooked the capacity of communities affected by the famine to help themselves.

By the next morning, Oxfam America had received over 300 calls an hour from people like you who wanted to help. During the relief effort, feeding centers provided hungry people with food rations. Makeshift hospitals supported severely dehydrated people with IVs, providing shots of tetracycline to fight infection. Oxfam delivered protein and fat-fortified biscuits to those in need that saved many lives, but some could not eat them—their mouths riddled with open sores because of dehydration.

“These scenes of death and dying in the famine camps in Ethiopia were beyond the American experience, beyond anyone’s comprehension,” recalls Bernie Beaudreau , an Oxfam staffer at the time.

Can famine be stopped?

Famine can be stopped—now, and in the long term . But governments and aid groups must anticipate a worsening hunger crisis, secure the resources and political will to address the root causes of hunger, and safely deliver humanitarian aid to those most in need.

In Gaza and countries like Somalia, Yemen, Ethiopia, and Madagascar, Oxfam is working to reduce the likelihood of famine with people like you. Here are some ways you can support Oxfam’s work:

• Stomach ailments from dirty water rob people of good nutrition from whatever food they can find, and young children are particularly vulnerable. That’s why Oxfam helps improve and repair wells to access clean water as well as trucks in water to areas where there is none.
• Good sanitation and hygiene are essential for preventing the spread of diseases like cholera, Ebola, and COVID-19. Oxfam helps construct latrines and distributes hygiene items like soap so people can wash their hands.
• When food is available in markets, but might be scarce or very expensive for some, Oxfam distributes cash to help buy food. Oxfam also distributes emergency food rations when necessary.
• In areas where farmers can plant crops, Oxfam supplies seeds, tools, and other assistance so people can grow their own food. We also help farmers raising livestock with veterinary services, animal feed, and in some cases, we distribute animals to farmers to help restock their herds .
• We help build the capacity of local organizations to respond to emergencies like famine, shifting power from international organizations to leaders rooted in local know-how. We promote the leadership of our local partners and boost their skills to reduce suffering, risks, and losses by preparing their own communities before disasters strike.
• Oxfam and our supporters advocate for peace and push for sufficient assistance for people affected by war and famine. Our research and advocacy also advance sustainable development in ways that help reduce the risk of future food crises and disasters.

Now you know what famine is

Join Oxfam to help stop famine in its tracks in Gaza right now.

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Water Scarcity in Africa: Causes, Effects, and Solutions

The problem of water scarcity has cast a shadow over the wellbeing of humans. According to estimates, in 2016, nearly 4 billion people – equivalent to two-thirds of the global population – experience severe water scarcity for a prolonged period of time. If the situation doesn’t improve, 700 million people worldwide could be displaced by intense water scarcity by 2030. Africa, in particular, is facing severe water scarcity and the situation is worsening day by day. Resolute and substantial action is needed to address the issue.

Water Scarcity in Africa: An Overview

Water scarcity is the condition where the demand for water exceeds supply and where available water resources are approaching or have exceeded sustainable limits. 

The problem of water scarcity in Africa is not only a pressing one but it is also getting worse day by day. According to the World Health Organization (WHO) , water scarcity affects 1 in 3 people in the African Region and the situation is deteriorating because of factors such as population growth and urbanisation but also climate change.

Water scarcity can be classified into two types: physical and economic. Physical water scarcity occurs when water resources are overexploited for different uses and no longer meet the needs of the population. In this case, there is not enough water available in physical terms. Economic water scarcity, on the other hand, is linked to poor governance, poor infrastructure, and limited investments. The latter type of water scarcity can exist even in countries or areas where water resources and infrastructure are adequate. 

As reported by the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa in 2011, arid regions of the continent – mainly located in North Africa – experience frequent physical water scarcity, while Sub-Saharan Africa undergoes mainly economic water scarcity. Indeed, the latter region has a decent levels of physical water , mainly thanks to the abundant, though highly seasonal and unevenly distributed supply of rainwater. This region’s access to water, however, is constrained due to poor infrastructure, resulting in mainly economic rather than physical water scarcity.

Figure 1: Map of physical and economic water scarcity at basin level in 2007 across the African continent.

You might also like: Countries With Water Scarcity Right Now

In a 2022 study conducted on behalf of the United Nations University Institute for Water Environment and Health (UNU-INWEH), researchers employed indicators to quantify water security in all of Africa’s countries. They found that only 13 out of 54 countries reached a modest level of water security in recent years, with Egypt, Botswana, Gabon, Mauritius and Tunisia representing the better-off countries in Africa in terms of water security. 

19 countries – which are home to half a billion people – are deemed to have levels of water security below the threshold of 45 on a scale of 1 to 100. On the other hand, Somalia, Chad, and Niger are the continent’s least water-secure countries.

Egypt performs the best regarding access to drinking water while the Central African Republic performs the worst. The latter, however, has the highest per capita water availability while half of North African countries are characterised by absolute water scarcity. This again shows that Sub-Saharan Africa and Central Africa face economic water scarcity more than physical water scarcity. 

Causes of Water Scarcity in Africa

Human activities, which result in overexploitation and global warming, are the main culprit for the water scarcity in Africa. Overexploitation is the main contributor to physical water scarcity. A 2018 report published by the Institute for Security Studies stated that more than 60% of South Africa’s rivers are being overexploited and only one-third of the country’s main rivers are in good condition. Lake Chad – once deemed Africa’s largest freshwater body and important freshwater reservoir – is shrinking because of overexploitation of its water. According to a 2019 report , for this reason alone, the water body of the lake has diminished by 90% since the 1960s, with the surface area of the lake decreasing from 26,000 square kilometres in 1963 to less than 1,500 square kilometres in 2018. 

Figure 2: The size of Lake Chad shows a massive shrinking between 1972 and 2007.

The underlying cause for overexploitation can be further broken down to the increase in water demand, driven by the rise in population growth and rate of urbanisation. 

Population in Sub-Saharan Africa is growing at a rate of 2.7% a year in 2020, more than twice that of South Asia (1.2%) and Latin America (0.9%). Meanwhile, the population of Nigeria – a country in West Africa – is forecasted to double by 2050. As for the rate of urbanisation, according to the United Nations , 21 out of the 30 fastest-growing cities in the world in 2018 are deemed to be in Africa. Cities such as Bamako in Mali and Yaounde in Cameroon have experience explosive growth. 

The booming population will inevitably lead to more food demand, a faster rate of urbanisation and an rise in industrial activities, all of which require abundant water supply.

Climate change and global warming – mainly caused by an increase in human and commercial activities – equally contribute to water scarcity in Africa. As a report by the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa found, a 1C rise in global temperatures would result in a reduction of runoff   – excess rainwater that flows across the land’s surface – by up to 10%. Another study stated that the declining trends of rainfall caused by global warming will continue in North Africa, limiting groundwater recharge and exacerbating groundwater depletion. Although in areas closer to the equator, a soar in precipitation will likely occur as a result of global warming, the increased potential evapotranspiration   – the combined loss of water through the plant’s process of transpiration and evaporation of water from the earth’s surface – and drought risks in the majority of the continent still outweigh the increased rainfall in these areas. 

Consequences of Water Scarcity in Africa

Water scarcity is expected to affect the economic condition, the health of citizens as well as ecosystems in Africa. 

In economic terms, the agriculture sector is likely to be hampered under severe water scarcity. Agriculture is one of the most pivotal economic sectors for Africa, employing the majority of the population. In Sub-Saharan Africa alone, it accounts for nearly 14% of the total Gross Domestic Product (GDP). As the sector that relies on water the most, agriculture is already heavily impacted by water scarcity and the situation is expected to further deteriorate, leading to other issues such as food shortages and, in the worst cases, famine.

You might also like: Why We Should Care About Food Security

Not surprisingly, water shortage is an immense threat to human’s health. In times of water scarcity, people are often forced to get their water supply from contaminated ponds and streams. When ingested, polluted water results in widespread diarrhoeal diseases including cholera, typhoid fever, salmonellosis, other gastrointestinal viruses, and dysentery. Quality of healthcare services in many African countries is low, with only 48% African people having access to healthcare. The poor system has made diarrhoeal diseases life-threatening and in many cases even fatal. 

A study published in 2021 found that severe diarrheal disease accounts for about 600,000 deaths each year in sub-Saharan Africa, with the majority being children and elderly. Diarrheal disease is the third-leading cause of disease and death among African children under the age of five, a situation that public health authorities blame on poor quality of water and sanitation. 

Lastly, water shortages jeopardise ecosystems and contribute to a loss in biodiversity. Africa is home to some of the most unique freshwater ecosystems in the world. Lake Turkana is the world’s largest desert lake, while Lake Malawi hosts the richest freshwater fish fauna in the world, home to a staggering 14% of the world’s freshwater fish species. If not tackled, water scarcity will disrupt and likely terminate freshwater and marine ecosystems in the continent. 

You might also like: 10 of the Most Endangered Species in Africa

Solutions to Water Scarcity in Africa

Remedies for water scarcity are observed on a local, national, and international scale. 

Local communities are taking adaptation action. Many opt for drought-tolerant crops instead of crops that require large amounts of water, a strategy to mitigate both water scarcity and food insecurity. Conservation or regenerative agriculture is also introduced to help infiltration and soil moisture retention through mulching and no-tillage approaches. Countries such as Zimbabwe, Zambia, and Ethiopia have all adopted such techniques in recent years.

Several governments are also taking steps to tackle water scarcity across the continent. For example, the government of Namibia financed the construction of a urban wastewater management in the capital Windhoek, significantly improving the management of water resources and thus lowering the risk of water scarcity. 

International organisations also lend a helping hand in times of water scarcity. In recent years, the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) promoted several initiatives and implemented innovative financing model to alleviate this pressing issue. In regions in eastern and southern Africa, UNICEF is cooperating with the European Investment Bank (EIB), the Development Bank of Southern Africa (DBSA) and other international agencies and organisations to evaluate and implement bankable projects in a blended financing mode, particularly targeting the urban areas. For example , the European Union donated €19 million for the construction of water supply systems in the Eswatini’s cities of Siphofaneni, Somntongo, and Matsanjeni. Similarly, the DBSA contributed about €150 million to the construction of the Lomahasha Water Supply. Booster pumping stations as well as reinforced concrete reservoirs are also constructed with the support of international actors.

You might also like: One Woman’s Mission to Fight Water Scarcity in Africa

All in all, the water scarcity problem in Africa is likely to exacerbate under the ever-increasing water demand and rise in global temperatures. Tangible action from all parties is constantly required to tackle this massive problem. Individuals can equally play an important role in alleviating water scarcity in Africa by adopting a more environmental-friendly lifestyle and taking actions in their daily lives to mitigate the effect of climate change and they can develop mindful practises that help safe water, one of the most important resources for life on Earth.

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• Published: 26 March 2021

Evaluating the economic impact of water scarcity in a changing world

• Flannery Dolan   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-8916-3903 1 ,
• Jonathan Lamontagne   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-3976-1678 1 ,
• Robert Link 2 ,
• Mohamad Hejazi 3 , 4 ,
• Patrick Reed   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-7963-6102 5 &
• Jae Edmonds   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-3210-9209 3  

Nature Communications volume  12 , Article number:  1915 ( 2021 ) Cite this article

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• Climate and Earth system modelling
• Environmental economics

Water scarcity is dynamic and complex, emerging from the combined influences of climate change, basin-level water resources, and managed systems’ adaptive capacities. Beyond geophysical stressors and responses, it is critical to also consider how multi-sector, multi-scale economic teleconnections mitigate or exacerbate water shortages. Here, we contribute a global-to-basin-scale exploratory analysis of potential water scarcity impacts by linking a global human-Earth system model, a global hydrologic model, and a metric for the loss of economic surplus due to resource shortages. We find that, dependent on scenario assumptions, major hydrologic basins can experience strongly positive or strongly negative economic impacts due to global trade dynamics and market adaptations to regional scarcity. In many cases, market adaptation profoundly magnifies economic uncertainty relative to hydrologic uncertainty. Our analysis finds that impactful scenarios are often combinations of standard scenarios, showcasing that planners cannot presume drivers of uncertainty in complex adaptive systems.

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Introduction.

Global water scarcity is a leading challenge for continued human development and achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals 1 , 2 . While water scarcity is often understood as a local river basin problem, its drivers are often global in nature 3 . For instance, agricultural commodities (the primary source of global water consumption 4 ), are often traded and consumed outside the regions they are produced 5 . These economic trade connections mean that global changes in consumption result in impacts on local water systems 6 . Likewise, local water system shocks can also propagate globally 7 , 8 . Water is a critical input to other sectors, such as energy, transportation, and manufacturing 9 , 10 , so that changes in the regional water supply or sectoral demand can propagate across sectors and scales. Continued population growth, climate change, and globalization ensure that these multi-region, multi-sector dynamics will become increasingly important to our understanding of water scarcity drivers and impacts 11 .

Quantifying water scarcity and its impacts are active and growing research areas 12 . Early and influential work in the area largely focused on supply-oriented metrics of scarcity: per-capita water availability 13 , the fraction of available water being used 14 , and more sophisticated measures that account for a region’s ability to leverage available water given its infrastructure and institutional constraints 15 . Recent work proposes indicators such as water quality 16 , green water availability 17 , and environmental flow requirements 18 that focus on specific facets of water scarcity. Qin et al. incorporate the flexibility of current modes of consumption to identify regions where adaptation to scarcity may be relatively difficult 19 . Other recent work focuses on the water footprint of economic activity 20 , 21 making it possible to identify the economic drivers of scarcity (through virtual water trade) 6 , 8 . Yet knowledge gaps remain concerning how the economic costs of future water scarcity will propagate between sectors and regions as society adapts to scarcity, and how the cost of this adaptation depends on uncertainties in the projections of future conditions.

From the economic perspective, water scarcity impacts arise when the difficulty of obtaining water forces a change in consumption. For instance, abundant snowmelt may be of little use to would-be farmers if barriers (cost, institutional, etc.) prevent them from utilizing it. They will be forced to go elsewhere for water or engage in other activities, and this bears an economic cost that is not reflected in conventional water scarcity metrics. When water becomes a binding constraint, societies adapt through trade and shifting patterns of production, and the cost of that adaptation is tied to the difficulty of adopting needed changes. Changing annual cropping patterns to conserve water is easier and will impact an economy less than shuttering thermal power generation during prolonged drought 19 . In a globalized economy, the impact of such adaptation cannot be assessed in a single basin or sector in isolation, as hydrologic changes in one region reverberate across sectors around the world 3 , 22 . Indeed, reductions in water supply in one region may increase demands for water in another, simultaneously inducing both physical scarcity and economic benefit in ways that are difficult to anticipate ex ante 23 . Our primary research question is how these dynamics will impact society in the future, and how both the magnitude and direction of those impacts depend on future deeply uncertain conditions 24 .

To address this question, we deploy a coupled global hydrologic-economic model with basin-level hydrologic and economic resolution 25 to compute the loss (or gain) of economic surplus due to that scarcity in each basin across a range of deeply uncertain futures. Here “economic surplus” refers to the difference between the value that consumers place on a good and the producers’ cost of providing that good 26 . The surplus is a measure of the value-added, or societal welfare gained, due to some economic activity. The change in economic surplus is an appealing metric because it captures how the impact of resource scarcity propagates across sectors and regions that depend on that resource. Change in surplus has been used in past studies to assess the impacts of water policies and to understand how to efficiently allocate water in arid regions 27 , 28 , though it has not typically been used to analyze the impact of water scarcity itself. One exception is a study by Berritella et al., who used the loss in equivalent variation, another welfare metric, to measure the effects of restricting the use of groundwater 29 . On a broader scale, our analysis tracks the impacts of scarcity in hundreds of basins across thousands of scenarios, revealing important global drivers of local impacts that are often missed when the spatial and sectoral scope is defined too narrowly.

Global water scarcity studies depend on long-term projections of climate, population growth, technology change, and other factors that are deeply uncertain, meaning that neither the appropriate distribution nor the correct systems model is agreed upon 24 , 30 . Complicating matters, the coupled human-earth system is complex, exhibiting nonlinearities and emergent properties that make it difficult to anticipate important drivers in the scenario selection process. In such a case, focusing on a few scenarios, as is common in water scarcity studies, risks missing key drivers and their interactions 31 . In contrast, recent studies advocate exploratory modeling 32 to identify important global change scenarios 33 , 34 . In that approach, the uncertainty space is searched broadly and coupled-systems models are used to test the implications of different assumptions on salient measures of impact across a scenario ensemble 35 . Exploratory modeling is especially important in long-term water scarcity studies, where we show that meaningful scenarios vary widely from basin-to-basin, highlighting the inadequacy of relying on a few global narrative scenarios.

By analyzing a large ensemble of global hydro-economic futures, we arrive at three key insights. First, basin-level water scarcity may be economically beneficial or detrimental depending on a basin’s future adaptive capacity and comparative advantage, but that advantage is highly path-dependent on which deeply uncertain factors emerge as the basin-specific drivers of consequential outcomes. For instance, in the Lower Colorado Basin, the worst economic outcomes arise from limited groundwater availability and high population growth, but that high population growth can also prove beneficial under some climatic scenarios. In contrast, the future economic outcomes in the Indus Basin depend largely on global land-use policies intended to disincentive land-use change in the developing world. Our second insight is that those land-use policies often incentivize unsustainable water consumption. In the case of the Indus Basin, limiting agricultural extensification results in intensification through increased irrigation that leads to unsustainable overdraft of groundwater, with similar dynamics playing out elsewhere. Third, our results show that the nonlinear nature of water demand can substantially amplify underlying climate uncertainty, so that small changes in runoff result in large swings in economic impact. This is pronounced in water-scarce basins (like the Colorado) under high-demand scenarios. Collectively, these insights suggest that understanding and accounting for the adaptive nature of global water demand is crucial for determining basin-level water scarcity’s path-dependent and deeply uncertain impacts.

Global-to-basin impacts

We calculate both physical water scarcity (Fig.  1B ) and its economic impact (Fig.  1C ) over the 21st century for 235 river basins for each of the 3000 global change scenarios, simulated using the Global Change Analysis Model (GCAM) integrated assessment model 36 . With the effects of inter-basin trade, hydrologic basins may experience highly positive or highly negative economic impact due to water scarcity (Fig.  1A ). Here, economic impact is defined as the difference in total surplus in water markets (Supplementary Fig.  1 ) between a control scenario with unlimited water and an experimental scenario with limited water supply (Supplementary Fig.  2 ). Water scarcity usually induces negative economic impact (loss of surplus), although positive economic impact from global water scarcity can arise if a basin holds a comparative advantage over others. With this comparative advantage, a basin can become a virtual water exporter through inter-basin trade 37 , meaning it will export water-embedded goods to other regions. Though some basins experience positive impact more often than others (across the scenario ensemble), all basins experience both negative and positive impacts in some scenarios (Supplementary Table  1 ): no basin has a universally positive or negative outlook. As may be expected, the basins with the highest number of positive impact scenarios are those that are relatively water-rich by conventional measures (Fig.  1B ), for example, the Orinoco River in northern South America (Fig.  1A ).

The scatter plot in panel A shows the two metrics in panels B and C plotted against each other in four basins. Each point represents the maximum absolute value of that metric over time in each scenario. The map in panel B shows WTA in each water basin while the map in panel C shows the log-modulus of economic impact. Both maps plot the maximum absolute value of the metric over time and the median across all scenarios. The correspondence between the two metrics is not perfect. Some water-scarce basins have more capacity to handle water scarcity and thus are not as impacted economically as others.

We measure physical water scarcity using the Withdrawal-To-Availability ratio (WTA) which is computed by dividing water withdrawals by renewable supply. The correspondence between the WTA and the economic impact metric is not perfect (Fig.  1B and C ). In some scenarios (for instance, those with restricted reservoir storage), basins with high physical scarcity have a small negative or even positive economic impact, and in others, basins with low physical scarcity have a negative economic impact (Fig.  1A ). This highlights the importance of capturing the interdependencies between physical and economic factors that affect the welfare of a basin.

Several basins show high variance in economic impacts, including the Indus River Basin, the Arabian Peninsula, and the Lower Colorado River Basin (Supplementary Fig.  4 ). In addition to variance in economic impacts, those basins exhibit a wide range of physical water scarcity, are geographically diverse and are of geopolitical importance. The Orinoco Basin is also highlighted as an example of a basin that is not physically water-scarce and experiences slightly positive economic impact in most scenarios (Fig.  1A and B ). Such water-rich basins are particularly well-positioned to produce more water-intensive products to offset lost production in water-scarce basins (Supplementary Fig.  3 ), though the stylized water markets as represented in GCAM (and indeed in all other global hydro-economic models) may overstate these benefits for some basins compared to real-world conditions. The market representation assumes that all agents have an equal opportunity to acquire water and that water is allocated in the most economically efficient manner (except for agricultural subsidies 38 ). In reality, water rights frameworks and barriers to trade may block potential users from putting the water to more economically beneficial use.

The distributions of the plotted scenarios in the four selected basins (Fig.  1A ) give some indication of the relationship between water scarcity and economic impact in each basin. The bi-modal spread of the scenario points (Fig.  1A ) shows that higher physical water scarcity can be associated with both highly positive and severely negative economic impacts. When the distributions are wide and shallow (e.g., the Indus Basin in Fig.  1A ), smaller changes in physical scarcity lead to much higher changes in economic impact compared with other basins (Table  1 ). This occurs if the basin cannot easily supplement renewable supply with other water sources and the price of water rises precipitously. Shifts in demand subject to these high prices lead to large swings in economic impact.

The direction of shifts in demand depends on a basin’s comparative advantage (or disadvantage) due to the scenario assumptions and how these assumptions affect other basins around the world. As evidenced by the positive scenarios in water-scarce basins in Fig.  1 , this comparative advantage can arise from mechanisms other than abundant water supply (e.g., higher agricultural productivity, different dietary or technological preferences, or a lower population). The equilibrium demand over the renewable supply (the WTA) could be the same in two scenarios with very different economic impacts depending on if the scenario assumptions enable a basin’s comparative advantage in one but are detrimental in another (Fig.  1A ). Influential factors that determine economic impact are basin-specific (examples given in the next section). The changes in demand and resulting impacts due to these factors underscore the importance of projecting basin-level scarcity in a global context that allows for market adaptation.

Climate system uncertainty amplification

The market response to water scarcity within a hydrologic basin usually amplifies the uncertainty in hydro-climatic projections (Fig.  2 , Supplementary Fig.  5 ), leading to higher changes in economic impact. Analysis of the scenario ensemble revealed that differences in Earth System Model (ESM) forcing often determines the sign of impact (SA Figs.  6 – 9 ). The ESMs contribute precipitation and temperature projections to the hydrologic model used by GCAM, generating water runoff estimates (see “Methods” section). Surface water supply fluctuations heavily affect changes in economic surplus within these hydrologic basins. Other important factors include reservoir expansion (in Arabia and the Orinoco), land-use scenario (in the Indus and Orinoco), and agricultural productivity (in Arabia, the Indus, and the Orinoco) (Supplementary Figs.  6 – 9 ).

Uncertainty over time plots of the four chosen basins. Values are taken relative to the 2015 baseline. Uncertainty prior to 2015 is illustrative only. The scenario group shown in A – D has the lowest mean climate-induced economic impact uncertainty over time out of the 600 groups. The scenario group shown in E – H has the highest mean climate-induced economic impact uncertainty over time. In most scenarios, runoff uncertainty is amplified by the human system, leading to higher uncertainty in economic impact.

Climate uncertainty is one dimension over which decision-makers have very little control (as opposed to socioeconomic trajectories, agricultural advancements, reservoir storage, etc.). To isolate the uncertainty in the economic impact due to this fundamental climate uncertainty, 600 groups of five scenarios were created by holding all factors constant, except the ESM (of which 5 were considered). The difference between the maximum impact in this group of five and the minimum is one measure of climate-induced impact uncertainty. This uncertainty is plotted in blue in Fig.  2 compared to the runoff uncertainty in red. We find that the economic impact uncertainty is usually higher than the runoff uncertainty (Supplementary Fig.  5 ). Here, runoff uncertainty is the difference between the maximum runoff and the minimum runoff in the set of five scenarios. Peaks and troughs in Fig.  2 correspond to slight deviations in climate forcing in the ESMs. This in turn leads to differences in the runoff, which changes the unit costs of water, causing market adaptations and thus amplifying the economic surplus change (Supplementary Fig.  10 ).

High economic impact uncertainty relative to runoff uncertainty indicates that the market is very sensitive to changes in water supply. In high-demand scenarios (e.g., those with a high population and high food demand), the price of water steeply rises when shifting toward nontraditional water sources such as non-renewable reserves and desalination (Supplementary Fig.  11A ). When this occurs, deviations in supply lead to highly nonlinear impacts (Fig.  2E–H ). Vulnerable basins in these high-demand scenarios see steep and rapid declines in economic impact (Fig.  2E, H ). Scenarios where the economic impact continues dropping through the end of the century are of particular concern and suggest that a basin no longer has the economic capacity to stabilize these negative impacts. We will henceforth call this loss in capacity an ‘economic tipping point’.

Importantly, the conditions that lead to tipping points can vary substantially across basins. For instance, in the Arabian Peninsula, tipping point conditions include low groundwater availability and pricing carbon emissions from all sectors (see “Methods” section). Even with ample groundwater supply, tipping points can occur with high population and low GDP (SSP 3 socioeconomic assumptions) in addition to pricing carbon emissions from all sectors. In some scenarios, we can see that the Arabian Peninsula experiences a positive impact mid-century by relying on relatively inexpensive water resources. After these resources run out subject to the constraints, the economic impact becomes more negative until the end of the century (Fig.  2A ) and the basin utilizes an increasing amount of desalinated water (Supplementary Fig.  11B ). The lack of perfect foresight within GCAM helps explain this short-term thinking, though historically the area has withdrawn groundwater at unsustainable rates 39 .

Meanwhile, the Lower Colorado River Basin experiences an economic tipping point when there is low groundwater availability, low agricultural productivity (SSP 3 agriculture and land use assumptions), and high wealth socioeconomic trajectories (SSP 5 socioeconomics). The uncertainty in economic impact in the Lower Colorado Basin is the highest out of all of the highlighted basins (Fig.  2C ) and is one of the basins with the highest uncertainty in economic impact in the world.

Importantly, the factors that cause economic tipping points in these basins are not the same, nor do they always follow a well-defined global narrative such as the canonical SSPs. Table  2 shows the basins with the most highly negative impact values out of all the time periods in every scenario. Most of these scenarios contain a mixture of SSP elements (e.g., SSP 5 socioeconomics and SSP 4 agriculture in the Sabarmati). There are noticeable trends in the factors, for instance, high wealth socioeconomic trajectories (SSP 5) and the Universal Carbon Tax often lead to tipping points. However, the factors are not all the same in each basin (e.g., in the Ganges-Brahmaputra).

Mitigation-scarcity trade-offs

Pricing carbon emissions from the land-use sector often contributes to an economic tipping point because basins respond by intensifying agricultural land and increasing irrigation, thus exacerbating scarcity. When food demand increases, GCAM responds either by expanding agricultural land or intensifying existing agricultural land. With no price put on land-use change emissions (under the Fossil Fuel and Industrial Carbon Tax, or FFICT) it is more cost-effective to expand. Indeed, we find that scenarios with the FFICT use more agricultural land than the Universal Carbon Tax (UCT) scenarios (Fig.  3A ). Conversely, the carbon prices under the UCT disincentivize expansion and therefore prompt intensification. Carbon prices are derived from the continued ambition scenario of the Nationally Determined Contributions in a future with medium challenges to adaptation and mitigation 40 (see “Methods” section).

Density plots depicting the difference in tax regimes. The plot in A depicts the sum of global cropland over time under the two carbon tax regimes. The density plot in B shows water withdrawals in the Arabian Peninsula in FFICT (orange) and UCT (cyan) scenarios. The density plot in C depicts the shadow price of water in the Indus River basin in the two tax cases. Values in B and C are averaged over time. Total agricultural land increases under the FFICT while water price and water withdrawals increase under the UCT.

When intensification occurs, yields are increased by irrigating crops more instead of relying on rainwater. The intensity of agricultural land management also increases. These changes prompt greater water withdrawals (Fig.  3B ). The shift from rainwater toward irrigated water also increases the price of water in the UCT scenarios (Fig.  3C ). These results are especially significant in basins sensitive to land-use change. A previous study found that the FFICT prompts greater water withdrawals 41 . However, the study used a previous version of GCAM that did not have intensification options and assumed unlimited water. In that version, water use was proportional to land use. Therefore, when the UCT disincentivized expansion, water use was also limited. When extensification-intensification dynamics are considered, we find a substitution between water use and agricultural expansion. This finding emphasizes the importance of considering all trade-offs in mitigation policy options.

In this study, we use an economic surplus metric in order to quantify the economic impacts of water scarcity and the uncertainty of this impact due to different factors (i.e., population, agricultural productivity, etc.). Theoretically, basins would withdraw less when exposed to a limited supply of water and thus experience a negative economic impact, yet we find some basins capitalize on their water resources and become virtual water exporters in the face of global water scarcity. This dynamic would not be captured by looking at physical water scarcity metrics alone, nor by assessing economic impact at the basin-scale.

These variable responses to water scarcity are sometimes due to highly uncertain and largely uncontrollable factors such as the climate system. When normalized by a 2015 baseline, we find that uncertainty of economic impact due to Earth System Model forcing alone is often several thousand times higher than the uncertainty in the forcing itself (Fig.  2 ). Across the sampled states of the world, we find that slight deviations in precipitation drivers are almost always amplified as they propagate through markets. Since we have little control over uncertainty in the climate system, basin economies that are sensitive to fluctuations in hydro-climactic forcings will need especially robust water resource management frameworks in the future. Further, basins with the highest amount of impact variability due to climate uncertainty are often in politically unstable regions such as the Middle East. Thus, there is an even greater need to manage water resources in the most efficient way possible in the face of extreme uncertainty of economic impacts due to climate in these basins. Planners must also be aware of factors (e.g., population growth or carbon pricing regimes) that lead to economic tipping points in unstable basins.

Under the assumption that food production will always meet demand, implementing a Universal Carbon Tax prompts the intensification of agricultural land due to the increased cost of converting land for agricultural use. The intensification is enabled by increased irrigation and greater water withdrawals (Fig.  3 ). Thus, the effects of pricing carbon in a land-use policy on land intensification-extensification dynamics need to be taken into account in basins exhibiting high levels of water stress.

We find that most scenarios of interest (i.e., those that resulted in extremely high or low economic impact) are composed of a mix of SSP dimensions. This demonstrates the importance of using a scenario discovery framework in the context of a highly uncertain problem such as modeling water resources and the drawbacks of focusing on a limited set of narratives. In addition, the dimensions of high importance in certain basins are of less importance in others. Indeed, every dimension varied in this study was the most influential factor in determining the economic impact of water scarcity in at least one basin (Supplementary Fig.  12 ). Scenario discovery addresses this by identifying the most critical scenario components to the specific analysis context. There is no reason to expect universal shared scenarios will capture key challenges in each basin (or indeed in any), and it is very difficult to anticipate what combinations of factors present challenges in every basin before doing extensive exploration. Scenario discovery is a promising approach to identify relevant scenarios to inform water scarcity analyses. In addition, while this work assessed the economic impact in water markets alone, future work could make use of a Computable General Equilibrium model where the interactions between all markets would be accounted for (see “Methods” section). Indeed, we hope this work provides the basis for similar analyses across a range of hydro-economic models to ascertain the sensitivity of our results to model structure. Confidence in our metric depends on the fidelity of the selected hydro-economic model, so future work would benefit from expanded data collection of socio-technological drivers of regional and sectoral water consumption to improve those underlying models. This study’s use of a coupled partial equilibrium-hydrologic model to perform an extensive uncertainty analysis is novel to the integrated assessment modeling literature and enables the discovery of important multi-scale dynamics such as a basin’s wide range of adaptive responses to water scarcity.

Human-earth system model

Multiple factors affect water demand including population, wealth abundance and distribution, agricultural technology and practices, technological improvements, and carbon and land-use policy. These factors all interact with each other and with the climate system. It is therefore necessary to use a model that includes detailed representations of these systems and the interdependent endogenous choices that shape them. To this end, we have used a partial equilibrium model in order to represent the affected systems with as much detail as possible.

This study makes use of the Global Change Analysis Model (GCAM), a human-Earth system model that has been used by numerous agencies to make informed policy decisions 36 . GCAM is a complex model that decomposes the world into 32 geopolitical regions, 384 land-use regions, and 235 water basins 36 . GCAM includes coupled representations of the Earth’s climate, economic, hydrologic, land-use, and energy systems. These systems are expressed in varying degrees of detail. Population and GDP growth are represented as simple exogenous model inputs. Energy and land-use systems are represented in more detail, with shares of supplies and technologies competing using a logit model 36 . Renewable technologies within the model become more efficient over time and therefore some processes such as solar energy production become more competitive. Nonrenewable resources such as oil and fossil groundwater are modeled with graded supply curves and become more expensive as the levels are used up over time. Shares of energy production technologies may change based on different policy choices. For example, a carbon tax may increase the feasibility of using renewable energy sources. These policies may also impact the shares of land uses (e.g., the carbon tax may prompt afforestation).

Water demand and supply

GCAM allows users to specify water constraints and to link water supply to Xanthos, an extensible hydrologic model 42 . Previous versions of GCAM have introduced the water system but have limited its capabilities to computing water demands. The current system calculates both supply and demand and balances the two quantities by solving for an equilibrium regional shadow price for water 38 , 43 , 44 . Water demand in GCAM is modeled through six sectors: irrigation, livestock, municipal, manufacturing, primary energy, and electricity generation 25 . Irrigation demand is based on biophysical water demand estimates for twelve crop classes 25 . Water demand for irrigation is determined by deducting green water (i.e., water available for use by plants) on irrigated areas and green water on rain-fed areas from total water consumption. Livestock water demand is computed using the consumptive rates for six livestock types (cattle, buffalo, sheep, goats, pigs, and poultry) and estimates of livestock density in 2000 25 . Water withdrawals for electricity generation are related to the amount of electricity generated in each region. Once-through cooling systems compete with evaporative cooling systems with the latter becoming more prevalent over time 25 . Water use in the primary energy sector (i.e., the water used to extract natural resources) is calculated using estimates of energy production in each region along with water use coefficients. Municipal water demand is modeled using population, GDP, and assumptions about technological efficiencies 36 , 41 . Finally, manufacturing water demand is the total industrial water withdrawals less the energy-sector water withdrawals 25 . Consumption is calculated using exogenous consumption to withdrawal ratios for industrial manufacturing 25 .

Water supply in GCAM is modeled using three sources: surface water and renewable groundwater, nonrenewable groundwater, and desalinated seawater. Similar to technology use within GCAM, these sources of water compete using a logit structure based on price. Surface water is typically used first in larger quantities than its competing sources as it is the cheapest source of water. The upper limit of surface water in a basin is taken to be the mean average flow modeled using Xanthos, which calculates water supply at a monthly time step using evapotranspiration, water balance, and routing modules 42 . Accessible water 38 is assumed to be the volume of runoff available even in dry years in addition to reservoir storage capacity (after removing environmental flow requirements). The estimates of accessible water and basin runoff are used as inputs in GCAM. After the renewable water supply is fully consumed, GCAM will either use desalinated water or nonrenewable groundwater depending on the relative shares computed in the price-based logit structure 38 . Nonrenewable groundwater increases in price as more of the resource is consumed. The groundwater supply curves account for geophysical characteristics such as aquifer thickness and porosity, as well as economic factors such as the cost of installing and operating the well. As the price of extraction rises, desalination becomes more competitive, resulting in wider use of desalinated water 44 .

Basin-specific water policies are not represented within GCAM or indeed any global model. The level of detail needed to represent existing water markets and policies exceeds the capabilities of a global model. GCAM does, however, enforce a subsidy on water for agricultural sectors 36 . Imposing this subsidy in GCAM’s water markets allows water to be allocated first to agricultural producers. This behavior mimics the effect of traditional water rights in that senior rights are usually given to agricultural producers. The water markets within GCAM operate by generating a “shadow” price of water, which reflects the economic value of the last unit of water in terms of the water’s contribution to production. When water supply becomes a binding constraint in a particular water basin, the shadow price of water rises because users cannot use more water than there is in the basin. This forces a reduction in the production of the goods and services that rely on water as an input. Clearly, this approach is a simplification, but it marks an improvement over what is most often done where the implications of water scarcity are ignored (i.e., direct and indirect feedbacks associated with unsatisfied water demands are not captured, and analyses are limited to how water scarcity may increase or decrease in the future without a mechanism for dynamic adaptation measures).

We compute the difference in total economic surplus in these simplified water markets (i.e., the sum of producer surplus and consumer surplus) between a control scenario with no water constraints and its paired limited water scenario (see next section).

Capturing economic impact in the entire economy would require a general equilibrium model. However, general equilibrium models necessarily lose some detail in sectoral resolution so that they can capture market interactions. Water is a non-substitutable input to most markets in the human system and so most market interactions will be represented by the changes in water markets when conditions are perturbed. The surplus change in the water markets includes both direct effects (e.g., restricted supply) and indirect effects (e.g., demand shifts in adjacent markets). There may be economic effects not captured by looking at water markets alone, which could be investigated in future work that employs a computable general equilibrium model. Numerous previous studies have assessed economic impact in water markets using both types of models 45 .

Scenario design

We utilize a scenario discovery approach 35 to study the uncertainty in physical water scarcity and its economic impacts. Using this approach, scenarios are generated using all possible combinations of discrete levels of uncertain factors. All scenarios are weighted equally during scenario exploration so as not to presume the likelihood of outcomes a priori. Doing so may leave the system vulnerable to unanticipated events. In addition, in complex adaptive systems such as the human-Earth system, the main drivers of an outcome of interest may be non-intuitive and context-specific 34 . The traditional “predict-then-act” approaches 46 to planning implies a more complete understanding of the system and of future circumstances than is often the case, which can, in turn, lead to myopic decisions 35 . Alternatively, scenario discovery gives equal weight to all possible future system trajectories (i.e., population, wealth, energy prices) and finds the most influential factors driving outcomes of interest-based on the results of all scenarios. Planners can then make robust management decisions based on the influential factors and their uncertainties as opposed to designing based on a few future projections.

In this study, we use scenario discovery to determine the relative influence of seven dimensions in driving highly consequential economic outcomes due to water scarcity (Supplementary Fig.  2 ). These factors include socioeconomic conditions ( S ), agricultural yield assumptions ( G ), groundwater supply ( W ) and reservoir storage ( R ) levels, climate trajectories ( E ), and land-use scenarios ( T ). All factors are represented in Eq. ( 1 ) and are discussed in more detail below. Every scenario n is composed of a distinct combination of the levels of each factor.

Settings for the first three dimensions are taken from GCAM’s implementation of the Shared Socioeconomic Pathways (SSPs) 47 , 48 , 49 . The SSPs are based on plausible but distinct narratives that envision how the century will unfold 47 . The five SSPs correspond to the four combinations of high and low challenges to adaptation and mitigation of climate change with a fifth narrative that lies in the middle of the adaptation-mitigation challenge plane. The implementations of the SSPs within GCAM are made up of factors including population and GDP, agricultural yields, carbon sequestration implementation, renewable energy use, fossil fuel extraction cost, and energy demand 48 . This study included the population/GDP component and the agricultural component of the SSPs. The remaining components of the SSP framework were linked to either the population/GDP or agricultural component. For instance, in one scenario, SSP 3 fossil fuel extraction costs and renewable energy assumptions would be present with SSP 3 socioeconomics and SSP 5 agriculture assumptions; the converse scenario of this dimension would include SSP 5 fossil fuel extraction costs, renewable energy assumptions, and agriculture yields and SSP 3 socioeconomics. This switch ( L ) represents the third dimension of the design. Previous work found the socioeconomic and agricultural and land use elements of the SSPs had the most profound impact on water use 34 , thus we linked the other elements to ensure the scenario design emphasized potentially impactful factors.

The next three dimensions relate directly to the water supply. Groundwater availability is constrained at different levels (5%, 25%, and 40% of the physical water availability) that reflect the economic feasibility of extracting groundwater using the methodology within Turner et al. (2019a) 50 . We also vary reservoir storage estimates using two extremes following the methodology in Turner et al. (2019b) 44 . A restricted scenario indicates that reservoir storage remains constant from the present to the end of the century while an expanded scenario expresses a linear increase from current levels to maximum storage capacity (meaning all accessible water is stored) at the end of the century 44 . The Earth System Model forcing trajectories used as input to Xanthos were also varied between GFDL, MIROC, IPSL, HadGEM2, and NorESM 51 , 52 , 53 , 54 , 55 .

The final dimension corresponds to land-use scenarios formed by mitigation policies. The first, a Universal Carbon Tax (UCT) scenario, imposes a carbon tax on all sectors of the economy including emissions from land-use change. This scenario has many different land-use implications than the alternative scenario that employs the Fossil Fuel and Industrial Carbon Tax (FFICT) which does not price changes in land use (e.g., preserving grasslands and forests rather than expanding agriculture). To construct these scenarios, we use a carbon price trajectory that approximates the continued ambition scenario of the Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) as implemented in Fawcett (2015) and revised in Cui et al. (2018) 40 , 43 . This scenario assumes that countries continue decarbonization at the same rate as was necessary to meet the NDCs by 2030. The price of carbon at the reference scenario (SSP 2) for the continued ambition trajectory was used globally for all scenarios. The price begins at $21/ton of CO2 and increases to $233/ton of CO2 by the end of the century. These carbon prices are applied to all sectors (under the UCT) or to every sector but land-use change (under the FFICT).

In total, all unique combinations of the levels of these dimensions (i.e., the size of the set in Eq.  1 ) yield 3000 scenarios. Of the 3000, the total surplus could be calculated for 2876 scenarios without integration errors. Importantly, using a single carbon price trajectory while varying other socioeconomic and climatological factors yields a spread of emission trajectories. This will produce inconsistencies in a given scenario to the extent inputs depend on exogenous forcing trajectories. In this study, this is most important to the generation of hydrologic realizations (to compute available renewable water), where the Xanthos model was forced using several downscaled ESM simulations of RCP 4.5 even though the actual forcing trajectories varied across scenarios. Since climate change will impact the water cycle 56 , the amount of renewable water would also be different in each scenario had Xanthos been run endogenously. However, the magnitude of this difference is highly uncertain, as climate models have been found to cause as much or more uncertainty in hydrologic realizations as the RCPs themselves 57 . Thus, it is not clear that imposing an emissions cap to ensure consistency in forcing would better characterize hydrologic uncertainty. Future studies, for instance, those focused on the cost of meeting mitigation targets, may instead choose to vary prices rather than emissions, but this is beyond the scope of this work.

In addition to the dimensional components of the design, we added further inputs to reflect the recent advances of GCAM. Agricultural yield inputs based on Earth System Model, Representative Concentration Pathway (RCP) 58 and SSP were included, as well as hydropower inputs based on SSP, RCP, and ESM, and technological water demand estimates based on SSP 49 , 59 .

Water scarcity metrics

Many different metrics for measuring water scarcity have been proposed 56 , 60 , 61 . The most commonly used metrics typically compute physical water scarcity and exclude the socioeconomic information necessary to understand adaptive capacity. For example, the Water-To-Availability ratio (WTA) is computed as water withdrawals over renewable water supply 14 , 25 . Several holistic metrics exist that include socioeconomic information such as the Human Development Index 62 , though these metrics face the challenge of subjectively determining how to weight socioeconomic indicators relative to one another 60 .

This study examines water scarcity vulnerability using a metric that accounts for the economic impact of water scarcity within a hydrologic basin. We use the change in economic surplus in water markets between a basin with unlimited water and one with physical constraints on the water supply to calculate this economic impact. This difference consists of the direct impacts of changes in the water supply, as well as the indirect impacts from markets that rely on water. From this point on, we will refer to the surplus change in water markets as simply the surplus change, or economic impact.

Change in economic surplus has been used in many disciplines since its inception 63 . It has been used to assess the impact of climate change on agriculture 64 , 65 , as well as potential infrastructure projects 66 and adaptation policies 67 , 68 . Its continued use is due in part to its ease of implementation, its theoretical simplicity, and its ability to capture changes across sectors. These qualities are highly beneficial in a water scarcity metric. Computing the loss of surplus due to some factor requires a counterfactual scenario in which that factor is absent. This presents a problem when applying this type of metric to any historical data, including water scarcity: water scarcity has always been present. Even a synthetic history with unlimited water would be inadequate as all other historical values depend on historical water scarcity levels. Still, our metric has significant advantages over conventional physical water metrics that lack information about the ability of the basin to respond to water stress.

Here economic impact is defined as:

where T represents the total economic surplus (Supplementary Fig.  1 ). In this study, the economic impact is reported using its log-modulus and has units billions of 2020 US dollars:

Thus, an impact value of −2 would correspond to a loss of 100 billion 1975 US dollars or 2.3% of US GDP in 2018 after adjusting for inflation 69 .

Sign changes in economic impact correspond to shifts in water demand in a basin between unlimited and limited water scenarios. If the total surplus gained from increased withdrawals exceeds the consumer surplus lost by low-demand consumers when water limitations are imposed, basins experience a positive impact. This counter-intuitive case could result when basins become virtual water exporters when global physical constraints are imposed. With water constraints in place, such regions now have a comparative advantage in producing water-intensive goods (notably agricultural products, see Supplementary Fig.  3 ); therefore, they capture greater market share in the water-constrained scenarios. The increased production of these goods translates into a positive shift in demand in water markets. The additional economic activity also increases the value of water as consumers’ willingness to pay for goods increases. This additional economic activity manifests as a larger economic surplus, which translates to a more positive impact. The magnitude of the metric gives an indication of the difficulty of overcoming water scarcity within a basin since the economic impact depends on the value put on water. Higher values of water correspond to higher magnitudes of economic impact.

To uncover the most influential factors that lead a basin to experience positive versus negative impact, we used the Classification and Regression Trees (CART) algorithm 70 . The CART algorithm has been found useful in determining important factors and scenarios of interest in previous studies 34 , 35 . CART operates by performing binary splits of the data to create the purest possible subgroups. In this study, we use CART to identify the factors that lead to the worst-case scenarios with respect to the economic impact metric. Examining this continuous metric necessitates the use of the regression approach of CART. The regression approach uses an Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) method to discover the purest subgroups. Splits work to maximize the variance between groups and minimize variance within groups.

Data availability

Requests for raw data should be made to [email protected]. Processed data is available at https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4470017 71 .

Code availability

Code to generate the main text figures and calculate economic impact can be found at https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4470017 71 .

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Acknowledgements

This research was supported by the U.S. Department of Energy, Office of Science, as part of research in MultiSector Dynamics, Earth and Environmental System Modeling Program. The authors would also like to acknowledge Sean Turner, Chris Vernon, and Abigail Snyder for their help at the beginning of the project.

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F.D. ran the model, processed the output, and analyzed the data. J.L. provided guidance throughout the process and proposed the initial experimental design. R.L. provided the necessary computational capabilities to output the economic impact metric. M.H. and P.R. helped propose the initial narratives of the paper. J.E. proposed the economic impact metric. All authors wrote the manuscript.

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Dolan, F., Lamontagne, J., Link, R. et al. Evaluating the economic impact of water scarcity in a changing world. Nat Commun 12 , 1915 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41467-021-22194-0

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112 Famine Essay Topic Ideas & Examples

Inside This Article

Famine is a devastating phenomenon that affects millions of people around the world every year. From Africa to Asia, famine can strike anywhere and at any time, leaving entire communities struggling to survive. If you're looking for essay topics on famine, look no further. Here are 112 famine essay topic ideas and examples to help you get started:

• The causes and consequences of famine in developing countries
• The role of climate change in exacerbating famine
• The impact of famine on children's health and development
• The ethical implications of food aid in famine-stricken regions
• The relationship between poverty and famine
• The role of government policies in preventing famine
• The effects of war and conflict on food security
• The role of NGOs and humanitarian organizations in combating famine
• The psychological effects of famine on survivors
• The long-term economic consequences of famine
• The role of international cooperation in addressing famine
• The importance of sustainable agriculture in preventing famine
• The impact of globalization on food security
• The role of technology in addressing food shortages during famine
• The relationship between gender inequality and famine
• The impact of urbanization on food access in developing countries
• The effects of overpopulation on food security
• The role of education in preventing famine
• The impact of natural disasters on food production and distribution
• The relationship between corruption and food security
• The role of trade policies in exacerbating or alleviating famine
• The impact of drought on food security in arid regions
• The role of food waste in exacerbating famine
• The impact of land degradation on food production
• The relationship between water scarcity and famine
• The role of genetic engineering in increasing crop yields during famine
• The impact of deforestation on food security
• The role of social inequality in exacerbating famine
• The effects of displacement on food access in refugee populations
• The relationship between food insecurity and political instability
• The impact of colonialism on food production in developing countries
• The role of conflict resolution in preventing famine
• The effects of economic sanctions on food access in famine-stricken regions
• The relationship between food prices and food security
• The role of food sovereignty in preventing famine
• The impact of food deserts on urban food access
• The effects of food insecurity on mental health
• The relationship between food insecurity and malnutrition
• The role of food aid in perpetuating or alleviating famine
• The impact of food trade policies on food security
• The effects of food shortages on political stability
• The relationship between food security and human rights
• The role of agricultural subsidies in preventing famine
• The impact of food monopolies on food access
• The effects of food insecurity on social cohesion
• The relationship between food insecurity and crime
• The role of food banks in addressing food insecurity
• The impact of food insecurity on educational outcomes
• The effects of food insecurity on healthcare access
• The relationship between food insecurity and social mobility
• The role of food sovereignty in promoting food security
• The impact of food insecurity on family dynamics
• The effects of food insecurity on community cohesion
• The relationship between food insecurity and mental health
• The role of food insecurity in perpetuating poverty
• The impact of food insecurity on child development
• The effects of food insecurity on gender equality
• The relationship between food insecurity and environmental degradation
• The role of food sovereignty in preventing food shortages
• The impact of food insecurity on political stability
• The effects of food insecurity on economic development
• The relationship between food insecurity and conflict
• The impact of food insecurity on healthcare access
• The effects of food insecurity on educational outcomes
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The Link Between Water Scarcity and Famine

The link between water scarcity and famine .

Famine is defined as “ an extreme scarcity of food”. Yet increasingly, regions suffering from famine conditions are also suffering from water shortages.

Water and sanitation are just as important as food for children facing famine and food insecurity.

Continue reading to discover how a lack of clean water and sanitation can turn a crisis situation, like famine, into a catastrophe. 

Illness and Malnutrition

The climate crisis is exacerbating drought conditions in the Horn of Africa and Sahel regions. Five consecutive rainy seasons have failed, leaving millions without water.

When drought strikes its effects are widespread and devastating. A lack of water causes crops to fail and rivers to run dry. It causes livestock to die and children to starve. 

When water becomes scarce, child malnutrition rates are known to increase. Children already weakened by hunger are more susceptible to waterborne diseases like diarrhoea and cholera. Dirty drinking water can make a malnourished child extremely ill and prevent their bodies from getting the nutrients they need to survive.

“No matter how much food a malnourished child eats, he or she will not get better if the water they are drinking is not safe,” says Manuel Fontaine, UNICEF Director of Emergency Programmes.

Displacement 

Extreme weather events like droughts and floods can deplete or contaminate water supplies. When this happens, the water supplies that entire communities rely on are threatened.

Families in areas of extreme water stress often have to compete for scarce or unsafe water sources. This drives people from their homes in search of fresh, clean drinking water. 

Displaced persons are more vulnerable to abuse, risk and disease. Makeshift camps set up without toilets become hotspots for disease outbreaks. Children who are already weak from hunger are more susceptible to infection and life-threatening illnesses. 

Today more than 8 million people are displaced across the famine-threatened Horn of Africa . In Ethiopia alone an estimated 4.2 million people have fled their homes in search of food and water. 

Child Protection 

When f amilies are displaced and living in emergency camps they are at increased risk of abuse. Women and children are especially vulnerable as they will spend more time alone collecting water and food, leaving them open to violence. 

Young girls are also at increased risk of child marriage during crisis situations. As families struggle to provide for their children, marriage is seen as one solution to their problems. Girls are often married-off in the hope that their new husband will be able to provide for them. 

Water and food scarcity forces parents to make heartbreaking decisions and rob girls of the future they deserve.  

You can help today by donating now to help deliver clean drinking water to children most in need. € 50 provides enough safe, clean water to keep 3 children healthy and safe.

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‘Annihilation of Caste’ and the Struggle for Water Equality

Less than a century ago, the distribution of water in India was status-based. Access to water was segregated and unequal between families and communities. The private rights to secure supplies were guarded in the name of ritual purity. Famine relief operations in the late 19 th century, following a devastating drought , led to the construction of wells and changed distribution to some extent. Yet, the status-based right was embedded in practices and beliefs that the state could not reach and did not want to touch. The relief operation alone could not weaken the force of custom. Famine documents did, however, expose how deadly tradition had been during natural disasters. That knowledge was public when a struggle to wrest “the right to draw water from a common well” emerged early in the interwar years. Western India, where the memory of the famines was still fresh, was the stage. In the following excerpt from “ Monsoon Economies: India’s History in a Changing Climate ,” economic historian Tirthankar Roy charts that struggle.

In 1914, Hiraman Dhondi Mochi drew water from a sacred lake affiliated to a temple near Bombay. A leatherworker and an untouchable, Mochi had concealed his caste identity when using the lake and posed as a fruit seller. When Mochi was found out, the temple authority sued him for having defiled the water. Insult to religion was an offense under penal law. The magistrate ordered a prison sentence. But the case went to appeal and settled in Mochi’s favor. The appellate court made a distinction between drawing water and intentional disrespect to religion, observing that if the two things conflated, all rivers would be inaccessible to most Indians.

Whether as an effect of the judgment or the expansion of local self-government, in the following decade, in many villages of western India, groups would try to take control of a pool held sacred by the upper castes. These cases did not end in violence or a court case but more often ended with arbitration of some sort. In a 1924 incident at the central Maharashtra temple town Lonar, the attempt by a “band of 500 untouchables” to “pollute the sacred stream” failed, reported the Times of India , because the “Deputy Commissioner [had] threatened the depressed classes with instantaneous arrests in case they repeated their attempts.” A 1931 movement to open access to a well failed because of a dispute among the depressed caste groups. Caste set a moving target. “Within the ranks of ‘untouchables,’” another newspaper report on a 1925 dispute said, “there are grades of untouchability, and where this is the case the higher grades will not drink from the wells of the lower grades.”

In a Karnatak village, a political activist persuaded the upper castes to open access to the deprived castes, on condition that the latter would give up eating meat and drinking alcohol.

A yet third type of outcome was outsider arbitration, which was becoming more frequent in western India because M. K. Gandhi and social reformer Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar tried to bring the depressed castes into the political mainstream, with different arguments. In a Karnatak village, a political activist persuaded the upper castes to open access to the deprived castes, on condition that the latter would give up eating meat and drinking alcohol. Ambedkar’s seminal 1936 book “ Annihilation of Caste ” documents many more cases of local protest. Newspapers in the cities also recorded and discussed numerous instances wherein secure water, so far a private and community good guarded in the name of a shared social value, became a target of capture.

The most organized of the movements occurred in the small town of Mahad, 100 miles south of Bombay, in 1927. A group led by Ambedkar tried to gain the right to draw water from a tank in the town. The movement lost, but the matter went to court. Eventually, a judge in the local court decreed that the Mahad town tank was public property and open to all. From then on, Ambedkar’s participation in the equality movement marked a departure in Indian political history.

B. R. Ambedkar (1891–1956) was born in an untouchable family from central India. His father was a major in the Indian army. The youngest of 14 siblings, Ambedkar saw his life take an unusual turn when the princely ruler of Baroda state sponsored the education of the talented student, on condition that he would return to serve the Baroda state. That he did, and suffering segregation by his office colleagues, he left the service. The experience showed that an enlightened king alone was no match for social institutions. After that experience, he completed a law degree from London and returned to India in 1923. For the next 20 years, he mobilized lower-caste groups to campaign for equality. He wrested from the leaders of the nationalist movement a formal acknowledgment that the untouchables were a group outside of Hinduism and needed a separate electorate. He is now remembered more for that deed. In the public eye, the other persona, that of the first modern scholar of the caste system, is not so visible anymore. Many modern-day anthropologists of caste discard his understanding of caste. It was that understanding, challenging the notion of sacredness in Hinduism, that led him to mobilize a group to take water from a sacred tank.

Western India was the center of the movement. In South India, the non-Brahmin movement in provincial politics had taken up the cause with less publicity. In North India, caste difference entailed rules of sharing, but water was not such a scarce resource there. Conflicts emerged when religious reformers challenged these rules. Provincial and princely state legislatures followed the incidents and court judgments and tried to keep in step. The princely state of Baroda passed a law depriving government funds to any organization practicing caste discrimination.

Even as they were on the retreat in the courtroom and the political stage, the backlash from upper-caste Hindus was fierce in the village.

There were many reports where some beat up others who had forced an entry into a public tank. Gandhi took up several such cases from coastal Gujarat. In all of British India, a few district officers managed an enormous land and a large population. The officers understood that even if the law was starting to take the side of the depressed castes, a top-down order would not work as well as negotiations because the depressed castes were themselves divided and practiced water discrimination against each other.

While the Mahad movement and many others like it momentarily failed, the pressure built on the provincial governments to act. The Bombay government was cash-short, but it did order that the waterworks or wells constructed by the district and local boards would not get grants “except on condition that the well or other work … [would be] available for the use of all castes and classes equally.” The announcements had a limited impact. A few years after the Mahad movement, in a report on the oppressed castes of Maharashtra, the sociologist M.G. Bhagat observed: “Nowhere have I found a common well used by the touchables [ sic ] and the untouchables, although from time to time, the Government might have issued orders, that all the public wells should be thrown open to all.”

Law was a friend but an unreliable one. The campaign movements furthered the removal of caste-based access to public goods, and law helped. Not always, though. With water bodies where communities could claim a historic right of use, the law would exclude others. In 1933, in the developing northern suburbs of Bombay, the depressed castes’ campaign to access a well used by the Christians and their Hindu employees led to an open battle. The Catholic priest in Vile Parle took the side of the depressed castes. So did the magistrate. The legal issue was complicated because papers existed to show that the well had initially been under private ownership. The municipality made piped water more accessible (for a fee) to those campaigning for access, and members proposed the construction of a separate well in the area.

What, then, did the campaign achieve?

Between the two judgments — 1914 about Mochi and 1931 about Mahad — case law had established an important principle: A source belonging to a public body (in the 1914 case a temple) was a public good. Together these incidents succeeded in making the struggle for equality a political issue. With an elected legislature taking over provincial governments in the interwar period, water equality could not be ignored anymore. “The events of 1927,” writes the historian Anupama Rao about Mahad, “marked a significant departure in Dalit politics and inaugurated urban-centered regional associational forms.” According to Rao, the transformation of the untouchable into a Dalit (literally “oppressed”), a political subject, had begun. The year after the Mahad judgment, Gandhi’s All India Anti-untouchability League formed. The figure of Ambedkar started to loom large in any discussion on equality, not least because of the caste reservation of electoral seats that he had helped achieve despite Gandhi’s opposition.

On water, what did the movement achieve? The campaign had been successful in the cities, sporadically so in the countryside. In November 1932, participants in a seminar on equality held in Bombay observed that “there had been a remarkable change in the spirit of the people … in the cities” but not yet in the countryside, where “fear and … oppression” still prevailed. The root of the difference was that water was more readily available in the cities, and piped water had reduced the predominance of private rights. In contrast, in the countryside, water was scarce, and the progress of public works was not enough to end the dominance of private rights.

Finally, the campaign had shown that it must use a range of weapons — law, media, public institutions, and the urban space. Cities, where the political axis of the movement was situated, were a more inclusive space because there was more water and more media presence there. The city was also better served with systems that delivered water in mass. During the hot season in Bombay city, “water carts [went] about the town distributing scanty supplies here and there.” Sold water did not meet the needs of the upper-caste people of the town, however. Their preferred option was still to own a well if they could fund it.

Conditions were not different in Madras, indeed anywhere water still relied on common sources. A 1920s survey reported that untouchability was practiced in its most brutal and degrading forms in the city. Most people from the depressed castes had “no access to public wells, drinking water ponds, schools,” reported a Special Officer in charge of granting house sites in one district. These public goods created with public money were meant to be open to all. “But as Government recently admitted in the Legislative Council, there is very severe discrimination even in public institutions.”

A 1920s survey reported that untouchability was practiced in its most brutal and degrading forms in the city, where most people from the depressed castes had no access to public wells, drinking water ponds, or schools.

And yet, access to opportunities did improve overall in the cities. The cities were becoming a more inclusive space for the depressed castes because there was a municipality funded with public money. One could buy water from the tap, mobilize many people, campaign for access in other ways, and get help from institutions like the church or political organizations. In small towns, the local administration worked on the principle that the municipality should take steps for the protection of all tanks and public wells and provide a separate water-supply for low-caste people. Barriers, however, could be weakened. In big railway stations, it was impossible to maintain caste and rank in such gatherings of strangers. Besides, the railways employed a considerable number of depressed caste people. “The Great Indian Peninsula Railway authorities have issued special instructions to the staff concerned to ensure that members of Depressed Classes are not debarred the use of wells or refused refreshment by the tea and food stall holders,” instructed one government report.

To the extent these conditions were absent in the village, water access remained unequal there for much longer, and the campaign for access met with such violent reaction as to “seriously prejudice the existing rights of the Depressed Classes.”

After independence from British rule in 1947, the democratic state decided to make a difference. One of the first acts was the creation of a parliamentary committee on untouchability. Its report, leading up to the Untouchability (Offences) Act of 1955, repeatedly mentioned water, recommending that the denial of access on the religious ground be a criminal offense.

In many provinces where periodic aridity and caste-based inequality were of serious scale, the state governments spent a part of their budget for rural and community development on constructing wells for lower-caste people. After a massive turn toward rural infrastructure in the 1970s, piped water was extended into the countryside. Politicians in the Bombay and Madras Provinces underscored freeing access to water.

The strategy worked, up to a point. The segregation of wells was not ideal. It would “perpetuate untouchability,” whereas the ideal was “to [abolish it] as speedily as possible.” The right response was to persuade all castes to accept everyone’s right to the common sources. Neither the officers nor the politicians had the means to implement such a change quickly. Therefore, discrimination continued even as investments poured into water supply.

In the Madras Province, improving the access of the depressed castes living in the villages fell upon several departments (irrigation, public works, Harijan uplift ) that did not work in coordination. Wherever there was a continued reliance on common sources, there was continued discrimination. In 1947, well over half of the municipalities in the Madras Province had a “protected” water supply scheme that the town authority operated. “The position in regard to rural water supply and sanitation is most pathetic,” one survey reports. “The villager and his essential needs have been grievously neglected; safe drinking water has been a rarity to him. The Harijans and their cheries [slums] are the worst sufferers in this respect.”

A quarter century after a nationwide community development program started, most villages had wells for the use of the depressed castes. In many, there was one well, and in none did the depressed castes have equal access to the well ordinarily used by the upper castes, though, in conditions of great scarcity, the upper castes did draw water from those the others used. A survey of the 1970s found that more than half the population of the lower castes in the rural areas of Karnataka state could not use the public well or tank. The proportion was much smaller, at 15 percent, in urban areas.

Similar levels of discrimination were reported from other states as late as the 1990s . In the first decade of the 21st century, one study found that the women of oppressed caste households spent three hours every day gathering water for the family. A 1990s survey found that whereas caste sentiment declined in most areas of life, water shortage aggravated it. “Untouchability is not experienced in normal times, but when water is scarce, the [oppressed castes] experience difficulty and discrimination in taking water from high caste localities.” With competition for water becoming intense, attempts to exclude others occurred often, and so did resistance and backlash against such moves. “For the past thirty years particularly,” a 2017 book says, “Dalit assertions on water have accelerated.” Discrimination did not disappear.

At the end of the 20th century, the application of ritual purity had narrowed to fields such as temple access and did not work in water anymore.

But the movement did achieve something lasting and significant. It killed the moral rule of purity. The present times are different from the world Ambedkar wanted to change. At the end of the 20th century, the application of ritual purity had narrowed to fields such as temple access and did not work in water anymore.

Most writings on Dalit political movements touch on the campaign for water access incidentally, as one issue among many the movement fought for. We would make a mistake to think that the battle for equal water rights was a campaign for equal rights in a generic sense. It was a struggle for water . The battle found meaning in a specific environment. It was not an accident that some of the driest areas of the Deccan, with a recent experience of famine, saw the emergence of the most influential political movement against orthodox Hinduism. A natural world exposing many to the threat of water famine was the fertile ground for such a struggle to develop. At the same time, in the two cities close to the region, Bombay and Pune, rights were debated and discussed, disputed in the courtroom, and tradition upheld and questioned. Whether caste and untouchability were colonial creation or not, the means to combat these forces were colonial creations. These were the courts, the mass media, the English press, and the legislature.

What did the movement for equal access to water achieve? It did not achieve real equality in water access everywhere, as the studies cited suggest. There was upper-caste resistance. State authorities avoided confronting the resistance head-on. There was no nationalization of water sources and wells. The struggle for equality in water access, therefore, was a long-drawn-out one. What the movement did achieve was to destroy the religious ground for discrimination. The weapons in the battle were many, from the integration of the depressed caste movement into mainstream politics to the use of the press to conduct campaigns to claiming that water was a public good.

Tirthankar Roy is Professor of Economic History at the London School of Economics and Political Science. He is the author of several books, including “ Monsoon Economies ,” from which this article is adapted.

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• Water Scarcity Essay

Essay on Water Scarcity

Water is the basic necessity of every human being, but water scarcity is a major issue that is rising very rapidly in India nowadays. The problem has become so severe that in many states the groundwater has almost dried up and people have to depend on water supply from other sources. In addition, water is one of the most misused natural resources that we still waste. It is the central point of our lives but unfortunately, not our priority concern. 

Earlier, people understood the value of water and planned their lives around it. Moreover, many civilizations were born and lost around water, but today, in spite of having knowledge, we still fail to understand the value of water in our lives. 

Reasons for Water Scarcity

Mismanagement of water and the growing population in our country are the two main reasons for water scarcity. There are also a number of other man made disturbances that continue to rise. Besides this, some of the reasons for water scarcity are:  

Wasteful Use of Water for Agriculture  

India, an agricultural country, produces a huge quantity of food to feed its population. The surplus that is left, gets exported outside. 

It is not unknown that producing this much food requires a lot of water too. The traditional method of irrigation wastes a lot of water due to evaporation, water conveyance, drainage, percolation, and the overuse of groundwater. Besides, most of the areas in India use traditional irrigation techniques that stress the availability of water.

However, the technique of irrigation has changed during modern times and we provide water to plants using a sprinkler or drip irrigation.

Reduction in Water Recharges Systems  

Rapid construction that uses concrete and marbles may not let the rainwater get absorbed in the soil, but still, we install some mechanism in our houses so that we can hold the rainwater. Then we can recharge the groundwater.

Lack of Water Management and Distribution

There is a need for an efficient system to manage and distribute the water in urban areas. The Indian government also needs to enhance its technology and investment in water treatment. Besides, we should ensure optimization at the planning level.

Solutions to Overcome this Problem

Close the running tap.

 During dishwashing and hand washing people often let the tap run. These running taps waste thousands of liters of water per year. Therefore, closing the tap will reduce this problem.

Replace Dripping Taps  

In India, it is commonly seen that most of the houses have taps or faucets that go on dripping water even when they are closed. This running tap wastes up to 30,000 liters of water that nobody bothers to change. So, we should replace these taps immediately.

Brief on Water Scarcity  

Water is a basic necessity for every living being.  Life without water is impossible, not just for us humans, but for all plants and animals too. Water scarcity is an issue of grave concern these days as water scarcity has become very common. Water is one of the most wasted natural resources and corrective measures should be taken before the water scarcity situation becomes worse. In spite of being aware of the implications, not much is being done today. 

In India, and across the world, it has been recorded that about half a billion people face a shortage of water for about six months annually. Many well-known cities around the world are facing acute scarcity of water. Many facts and figures are available to know about the water scarcity problem, but what are the reasons for this scarcity? 

With the growing population, the use of water has increased manifold. The lack of more freshwater sources and the increase in population is a major reason for this scarcity. The lack of proper Water management systems and proper drainage systems in India, especially in the urban areas is a major cause too. Kitchen wastewater should be able to be recycled but due to a poor drainage system, this is not possible. An efficient water management system is required in order to distribute water in urban areas.

Another major issue is Deforestation. Areas with more greenery and plants are known to have good rainfall.  Industrialisation and urbanization are two major factors here. Due to Deforestation, and cutting down of trees, rainfall has become an issue too.

Rivers are a major source of fresh water in India. Today we see a lot of industries that have come up and all of them are mostly near the rivers and these rivers become highly polluted as a result of all the industrial waste.

Effect of Global Warming and Climate Change

Global Warming and Climate Change are also responsible for the scarcity of water. The melting of icebergs into the sea due to the rise in temperatures is a reason as to how salty water is increasing day by day instead of freshwater. The percentage of rainfall has decreased drastically these days. Climate change along with the decrease in rainfall percentage has greatly affected freshwater bodies. 

Water scarcity has become a major problem and an alarming issue these days, and we must consciously strive to work together to find some solution to this issue of water scarcity. The Indian government today has formulated and come up with many plans on how to tackle and solve this problem.

To conclude, water scarcity has become an alarming issue day by day. If we do not take the problem of water scarcity seriously now, our future generations are going to suffer severely and may even have to buy this necessity at a high cost.

FAQs on Water Scarcity Essay

1.  What are the reasons for Water Scarcity?

The lack of proper Water Management and proper Drainage system plays a major role. Many other factors and reasons can be held responsible for the scarcity of water. Some of the major reasons are Global Warming and Climate Change; Pollution of the rivers due to industrialization; Deforestation and the cutting down of trees is another reason; Reduced percentage of rainfall due to the climate change pattern; Increase in the population which leads to increase in the use of water.  Learn more about water scarcity on Vedantu website helpful for long-term.

2. What is meant by the scarcity of water?

The scarcity of water means a shortage of water and not being able to manage the demand and supply of water. Water scarcity refers to the lack of freshwater bodies to meet the standard quantity and demand of water. Unequal distribution of water due to factors like Climate Change and Global Warming. Water Scarcity is also due to pollution and lack of rainfall. Water scarcity means a scarcity due to some physical scarcity or scarcity due to the lack of regular supply.

3. What are the two types of water scarcity?

Physical water scarcity is the result of regions' demand outpacing the limited water resources found in that location. According to the Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) of the United Nations, about 1.2 billion people live in areas of physical scarcity and many of these people live in arid or semi-arid regions. People who are affected by this Physical kind of water scarcity are expected to grow as the population increases and as the weather patterns keep changing as a result of climate change.

Economic water scarcity is due to the lack of proper water infrastructure and a proper water management system or also because of poor management of water resources. The FAO estimates that more than 1.6 billion people face economic water shortages today. Economic water scarcity can also take place because of the unregulated use of water for agriculture and industry.

4.  How can we solve the problem?

Conscious awareness is required to deal with and understand the problem of water scarcity. We can start off by consciously saving water in our homes and surroundings.  Small easy steps like taking care when washing hands, or when working in the kitchen, have to be taken. The running water taps are a major reason for losing hundreds of liters of water on a daily basis. And we should be careful not to waste this water. Conscious decision to save and the need to understand the problem of water scarcity is of utmost importance.

5. How do we waste water?

Water is wasted in ways we do not even realize, in our homes and in our workplaces. When we brush our teeth, when we shave or when we wash the dishes, one of the most common things we do is to keep the water running, especially when running water is available. As soon as we begin cleaning or washing, we do not think of the water that is being wasted. While washing hands, we leave the water tap on, which results in wasting water too. Small things like these should be kept in mind and this could be our small step towards preserving water.

Water Scarcity And Famine Essay

Show More Critically examine the relationship between ‘water scarcity’ and famines. Introduction Famine occurs when numbers of people die rapidly as they have not had enough food to eat. Some people die from ‘actual starvation – acute wasting – and others die from diseases that attack them in their wasted state’ (Paarlberg 2010: 46). Contrastingly, it is ‘not the characteristic of there being not enough food to eat’ (Sen 1981: 1). One way that famine occurs is by the ‘structure of ownership’ (ibid.). This relates to access and supply of food, because, evidence states that current agricultural land use only represents thirty-six percent of the land estimated to be suitable for crop production (Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations 2003). This means there is the opportunity for an increased …show more content… Virtual water is the ‘water needed to produce agricultural commodities’, such as, cereal (Allan 2003: 107). One thousand cubic metres of water is required to produce one tonne of grain. Virtual water is beneficial, because, instead of trading freshwater, countries can trade food sources. This provides water, albeit, the water is provided in a non-conventional form of ‘water’. This is useful to the countries involved because, they are ‘spared the economic, and more importantly, the political stress of mobilizing about 1,000 cubic meters of water’ (ibid.). In most cases, mobilising the flow of rivers and bodies of water is near impossible, however, trading in virtual water is a practical option. Therefore, virtual water is a concept that links water, food and trade. Virtual water alleviates some of the issues of water scarcity because it allows the quick and flexible mobilisation of food commodities to ‘remedy the ever-changing demands of those enduring water and staple food deficits’ (Allan 2003:

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Water Shortages in the World Essay

Introduction.

Water is a significant resource in human life. This is mainly because it helps to sustain life. It is also important to note that water supports plants, animals and other living organisms. Its supply is therefore necessary at all times. The world is home to about six billion people.

However, about two billion of which face constant water shortage. Consequently, a number of researches have been conducted to establish its availability throughout the world. As a result, it was found that water crisis is a common problem in developing countries. This paper will try to establish differences in water shortage between developed and developing worlds (Resnick 1).

Availability in developed countries

Developed countries have few instances of water shortage. In fact, floods have been more prevalent in these regions than water shortage. According to statistics from World Bank, over 80 countries face water shortage. Moreover, it records that over two billion people lack clean water. However, developed countries like the U.S. rarely face water shortage issues.

In fact, they have well organized water and sewage agencies that ensure every state is well supplied with water. Their only problems come in inter state feuds concerning water, accidental occurrence like oil spillage and flooding. These are sometimes unexpected although the country has put in place management strategies that forecast and attend to such issues.

Even developed countries in deserts have water because they invest in water conservation and treatment. This is witnessed in Israel and Libya, as well as Australia. Nonetheless, it is important to note that concerns are rising even in developed countries on water shortage. This is expected to escalate in the next century (Resnick 1).

Availability in developing countries

Developing countries face several issues in relation to water. For instance, countries that have water face difficulties in managing its supply. Moreover, provision of clean water is a challenge to these nations. To make matters worse, countries that experience water shortage suffer from accelerating desertification.

This, combined with their inability to conserve and manage available water has led to massive loss of life in affected areas. For instance, countries in the horn of Africa face recurrent famine each year and nothing is usually done to prevent such occurrences from happening. Kenya for example has faced massive loss of lives due to famine in the North Eastern region.

Interestingly, response to such devastating hazards is usually slow and inadequate. Instead of solving the issue, they usually provide short-term solutions. This has continued to destroy lives in developing countries, which languish in poverty, violence and corruption, among others (Resnick 1).

Differences

Several differences exist between water shortage in developing and developed countries. Firstly, it is important to note that all countries are dispersed randomly in the world. Therefore, it would by unrealistic to say that developed worlds chose areas where water is available in abundance. In essence, developed countries have strategic policies and resources that ensure clean water is availed to every household.

On the other hand, developing countries lack skills, resources and policies that can ensure water is availed to every household. Actually, water shortage in crucial areas like health centers and schools is quite prevalent in developing countries. While water shortages in developed countries are resolved quickly, those of developing countries result in national disasters.

While developed world take full initiative in conserving water catchment areas, developing countries put little effort. Management of water supply in developing countries is poor as compared to that of developed world. In addition, pollution of water in developing countries is quite prevalent as compared to that of developed world (Resnick 1).

Challenges of maintaining fresh water resources

Scientists are estimating a global water crisis in the next century. This is due to several reasons. Firstly, global warming is causing climate change, which has affected the whole world. This is concerning weather prediction for planning purposes and increasing desertification, which increase disasters such as famine and drought. Besides, change in climate affects all parts of the world, which therefore experience unpredictable weather.

Other causes of water shortage include pollution of rivers and lakes, deforestation and poor planning on water conservation methods, among others. Countries therefore face great challenges in maintaining clean and fresh water for consumption.

One of the challenges includes water feuds between bordering countries like Israel and Syria. Egypt has also had problems with its neighbors over river Nile. Moreover, water agencies in poor countries are facing an uphill task in supplying clean water for consumption due to increased desertification, corruption, poor planning and increasing pollution (Resnick 1).

How rich countries deal with scarcity

Americans use a lot of water; in fact, statistics from CBS News averaged it at 150 gallons on a daily basis. This is far more than the British who use about 40 gallons daily. At this rate and expected increase in population to 9 billion, developed countries must find ways of addressing global water shortage. Interestingly, more water feuds between States have been witnessed in recent times.

For instance, Georgia has had a court issues with Atlanta concerning Lake Lanier. In addition, Las Vegas’ only source of water, Lake Mead is receding.

Developed countries have intensified water conservation methods. For instance, Israel recycles sewage water for drinking. Moreover, these countries are working to conserve environment in order to reduce water pollution. Another activity that takes place is effective use of water (“Water Shortage!” 1).

How poor countries deal with scarcity

Poor countries have an uphill task of providing clean and fresh water to their ever-increasing population. In addition, they face the risk of being overwhelmed by occurrences of water shortage and sanitation. Their disaster preparedness has been wanting. This has led to massive loss of lives as in Northern Kenya and Uganda, among other Sub-Saharan States.

However, most agencies dealing with water supply and management are trying to explore alternative water sources such as ground and rainwater, among others. For instance, Kenya’s Ministry of water has drilled several boreholes in its Northern region to help salvage people and animals from famine.

Moreover, they have taken the initiative of curbing pollution of rivers and lakes by industrial wastes. They have also stepped up efforts to promote environmental conservation through tree planting, investing on renewable energy and safe disposal of waste (“Global Water Shortage Looms In New Century” 1).

Reasons for water shortage

Availability of fresh water is becoming an issue even to developed nations. This is mainly due to the following reasons. Demand for water is increasing with increasing population and living standards. This is expected to exceed supply when population reaches 9 billion. Global warming has led to unpredictable weather; this change in climate is causing desertification in various parts of the world like China, Texas and sub-Saharan Africa.

Pollution of rivers and lakes by industrial wastes and human activities is another reason for shortage of water. Neglect of water catchment areas through deforestation and mining has also caused water shortage. In addition, poor management and usage of water has decreased its supply (Kaminsky 1).

Possible solutions

Firstly, the world needs to be educated on wise usage of water. This will help in water conservation. Moreover, Industrial wastes should be treated before it is drained into rivers or lakes. This will help to conserve aquatic life as well as improve water and environmental conservation. Environmental conservation is also vital in reducing global warming, which affects climate patterns.

This will reduce the number of natural calamities such as drought and famine. Proper management of water supply should be ensured to avoid spillage and contamination, which may infect people with water borne diseases. Furthermore, efforts should be made to find alternative sources of water like ground water, rainwater, among others (Resnick 1).

Water is very vital in human life. It is also a basic requirement for both plants and animals. Its conservation is therefore necessary for continued living. It has been noted in the recent past that water shortage is encroaching this world. This is mainly because of global warming, poor management, wastage, drought, pollution and deforestation, among others.

Indications from statistics show that global water shortage is looming. It is therefore very essential that relevant stakeholders carry out necessary tasks to minimize its effects on life. This can only be done through collective initiative and participation from everyone in environmental conservation, among others (Ayre 1).

Works Cited

“Global Water Shortage Looms In New Century”. ag.arizona.edu. 2011. Web.

“Water Shortage!” theeconomiccollapseblog. TEC, 2010. Web.

Ayre, Maggie. Metropolis strives to meet its thirst . BBC News . BBC News, 2007. Web.

Kaminsky, Jay. Supply and Demand: Who’s gonna pay the pumper? . Why Files. 2006. Web.

Resnick, Mitchel, and Silverman Brian. A global Shortage: Not all wet. Why Files. 2006. Web.

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IvyPanda. (2023, December 21). Water Shortages in the World. https://ivypanda.com/essays/water-shortages-essay/

"Water Shortages in the World." IvyPanda , 21 Dec. 2023, ivypanda.com/essays/water-shortages-essay/.

IvyPanda . (2023) 'Water Shortages in the World'. 21 December.

IvyPanda . 2023. "Water Shortages in the World." December 21, 2023. https://ivypanda.com/essays/water-shortages-essay/.

1. IvyPanda . "Water Shortages in the World." December 21, 2023. https://ivypanda.com/essays/water-shortages-essay/.

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IvyPanda . "Water Shortages in the World." December 21, 2023. https://ivypanda.com/essays/water-shortages-essay/.

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Famine Essay

Famine On Famine

John Linares Engineering Ethics 9/19/2017 Singer on famine affluence and morality. The decisions and actions of human beings can prevent any kind of suffering. Unfortunately, human beings have not made the necessary decisions. At the individual level people, have not responded to disasters in any significant way. And at the government level, there has been no sort of massive aid that would help refugees survive for more than a couple of days. Assistance on great scales will not be forthcoming

Famine : A Response To Famine?

What is famine and how do SSA governments and the international donor community respond to famine? Introduction Living in the U.S famine may seem like a distant problem that is hard imagine, but famine is a reality for many people across the world. It would be worrisome if we only viewed it as a fictional problem far from our grasp. The general definition of famine is when there is a widespread scarcity of food. However, this definition is too broad to be used to make any useful policies. The most

The Famine In Somalia

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endured much political hardships with corrupt rulers. Somalia is suffering from famine in their country, due to drought and politics. Many aren’t able to feed their livestock, and have lost most of their animals, which bring more food and provide a source of income for the family. Many say the famine has more to do with lack of democracy rather than lack of food. The failure of harvest is not natural it's political, the famine is not the absence of food rather it's the absence of

The Causes Of Famine

Famine With food production at an all time high, starvation should be at an all time low, but that is far from the case. Unfortunately, famine is currently one of the main causes of death in third world countries. In this essay I will look at the reasons for the famine, the consequences and compare the ideas of food aid and sustainable livelihoods. Famine causes malnutrition and death, in 2011, 260 000 people died of famine in Sudan and Ethiopia. Over half of these were children. (Devi 2017) There

Sudan Famine

9th, 2011. Since 1998, Sudan has been in a severe famine partially caused by the two year drought that occurred before the famine, however this horrific event is mainly due to the countries governments and their self-seeking interests. With the help of the international aid, the breach to end severe starvation worldwide has somewhat moved forward but, the conditions are still critical. The question

Essay Famine Relief

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to prevent the famine crisis in the Horn of Africa since July 2011, Suzanne Dvorak the chief executive of Save the Children wrote that, “We need to provide help now. But we cannot forget that these children are wasting away in a disaster that we could - and should - have prevented” she added, “The UN estimates that every $1 spent in prevention saves $7 in emergency spending.” (Dvorak, 2011). Many people who read such statement wonder about our obligation towards famine relief, and ask

Hunger, Malnutrition, And Famine

to be the number one risk to health and well-being, more so than Aids, Tuberculosis, and Malaria combined ("Food Program," 2015, para. 1). Although the planet produces enough food to feed everyone (Wright & Boorse, 2014), hunger, malnutrition, and famine continue to adversely affect people in both developed and developing nations. Children are particularly susceptible to the ill effects of hunger and malnutrition as stunting or growth failure, aside for disease, is the leading cause of abnormal growth

40 Hour Famine

Where did the idea of the 40 Hour Famine originate? In the year of 1947. The American missionary Dr Robert Pierce, the founder of World Vision, travelled to many countries including China and Korea and encountered many people who regularly have to go without food, clothing, shelter and very little money meaning that these people can barely afford anything. During the horrible Korean War in early 1950’s, he helped set up many orphanages to care for heaps of children who had been abandoned or orphaned

The Great Famine

Introduction The Great Famine occurred in Ireland between 1845 and 1850 (Gray 2004). The famine was caused by infectious diseases to potato crops and to humans, but also by structural issues in Ireland at the time of the occurrence (Gray 2004). The demography of Ireland changed drastically during the span of less than a decade. Prior to the famine, the Irish population was at 8.4 million in 1844 but as a result of the famine, a decline of 2.2 million people left Ireland with only a population of

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Essay on Water for Students and Children

500+ words essay on water.

Water is one of the most important substances for life on earth to function. It is equally important for humans as well as animals. Water does not merely help us survive, but it is significant for our day to day functioning. It has numerous uses when we come to think about it. Majority of our earth is covered with water itself, but, not all of it is safe for consumption. Therefore, it makes it essential for us to utilize this transparent substance chemical wisely. Moreover, if we look at the shortage of water happening in our country, it makes it all the more important to conserve it immediately.

Uses of Water

As we have already said that water has numerous uses, we will see where it is used. This part will most importantly help us realize the importance of water . It will make humans aware of what absence of water in the following areas can do to human life. As India’s main occupation is agriculture, water is exhaustively used here. Irrigation and cattle rearing requires a lot of water. Thus, a lot of farmers’ livelihood depends on it.

Further, industries use water for various purposes. It comes in handy when cooling, manufacturing and transporting several goods. For instance, thermal power plants consume quite a substantial amount of water for their running.

Furthermore, the domestic use of water cannot be left behind. In the day to day life of the common man, water plays a vital role. That is to say, from drinking water to washing utensils, we need water every step of the way.

After that, plants need water to survive and make food. It is one of the main elements which help them grow. Hence, water is extremely important for humans, animals, and plants to survive .

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

Do not Waste Water

While water is quite essential and yet so scarce, however, people fail to realize this fact. They waste water with little or no care for the results of this activity. There are various ways in which one can avoid wasting water . To begin with, all households must get their leaking taps checked. They should fix them immediately as every drop is precious.

Similarly, we must choose buckets instead of showers for bathing. This is a very debatable topic and it needs to be settled. Showers waste a lot of water, so people must prefer buckets. This particular habit is quite commonly found in most of the households. People do not turn off their taps while brushing their teeth and washing utensils. Always remember to keep the tap off when doing so.

In addition, encourage rainwater harvesting system in all homes. This can help conserve water like never before.

In short, water is essential for the survival of mankind. But, it is, unfortunately, being waster rapidly. Every citizen and government must come together to tackle this issue. Governments must ensure all areas get water equally. On the other hand, citizens must keep in mind to use it wisely and not waste it unnecessarily.

FAQs on Water

Q.1 State the importance of water.

A.1 Water is of the utmost importance for human and animal life. It gives us water to drink. It also comes in great use for farmers and industries. Even common man requires water for various purposes like drinking, cleaning, bathing and more.

Q.2 List the ways to avoid wastage of water.

A.2 Everyone must avoid wasting water. We can do so by fixing our leaking taps, avoiding showers for bathing, and turning off taps when brushing. Furthermore, we can adopt rainwater harvesting system to conserve water.

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The World Problem: Famine

Famine is a global problem affected developing countries. The main causes of famine are low income and low developed economies. It is known that among the developed countries, increases in per-capita food production since the 1950s have generally moved upward in tandem with increases in total food production. Among the developing countries, per-capita food production has generally lagged behind.

Moreover, even in countries of the South where the Green Revolution has produced spectacular production gains, the distribution of its rewards has often been quite uneven (Fluehr-Lobban and Lobban 6). Recent decades the problem of famine has been examined more as a result of overpopulation than a crisis of entitlement.

Such authors as P. R Ehrlich and Mike Davis pay a special attention to the problem of overpopulation and its impact on famine. Researchers claim that population growth has a great influence on food shortage. Famine affects countries with the high average population growth rate.

They prove the fact that famine affects many countries with high average population growth rate. Countries on African continent belong to less developed countries which resulted in economic and social disasters influenced native population. The statistical date gives the facts that in Africa most people are seriously affected by famine and different diseases.

Researchers examine the general impact of overpopulation on the planet statistics. According to statistical results, every day 86,400 persons die because of famine. “On average, 62 million people die each year, of whom probably 36 million (58 per cent) directly or indirectly as a result of nutritional deficiencies, infections, epidemics or diseases which attack the body when its resistance and immunity have been weakened by undernourishment and hunger” (Ziegler 2001, p. 5).

The researchers explain that the environmental toll of population growth and rising affluence seemingly binds humanity in a common fate, but, as the tragedy of the commons suggests, countries do not share the costs and benefits associated with the exploitation equally. For instance, Sudan is one of the countries populations of which died of widespread famine and destitution (Alemu 279).

The latest US estimate says up to 1.2 million people now face starvation in the south of the country – many more than previously thought. The dramatic increase has prompted the humanitarian aid to call for an unprecedented relief operation to target those most at risk in several areas it describes as famine zones (Ziegler 7, See Appendix Table 1).

Famine is a direct result of the decreased world’s food particularly impressive after World War II. In the thirty-five years from 1950 to 1985, world grain harvests increased from less than 750 million tons to 1.7 billion tons.

Even though the world experienced unprecedented population growth during this period, the growth in food production was so spectacular that it permitted a 25 percent increase in per-capita food supplies and a corresponding increase in meeting minimum nutritional standards.

Primarily, these studies concern European countries and the USA but do not take into account Asian and African countries where population growth has a direct impact on famine (Ziegler 7).

As a generalization, population growth accounts for the difference between total and per-capita production of food in developed and developing countries. Africa stands in stark contrast. It was predicted that the population growth would outstrip food production appear more apt than here.

During the 1970s, Africa’s food production increased by only 1.8 percent annually, but its population grew at a rate of 2.8 percent. Starvation and death became daily occurrences in broad stretches of the Sahel, ranging from Ethiopia in the east to Mauritania in the west.

The situation was repeated a decade later when, in Ethiopia in particular, world consciousness was awakened by the tragic specter of tens of thousands suffering from malnutrition and dying of famine at a time of unprecedented food surpluses worldwide.

As population growth has moved hand in hand with desecration of the environment, sub-Saharan Africa has experienced the tragedy of the commons in all of its most remorseless manifestations (David 32; Alemu 279; See Appendix Table 2, 3).

It should be mentioned that the problem of famine as a crisis of entitlement was also examined. Such researchers as David (31) tried to prove that famine has social roots and does nothing with overpopulation. It is possible to agree that soil erosion, desertification, and deforestation are worldwide phenomena, but they are often most acute where population growth and poverty are most evident.

The search for fuelwood is a major source of deforestation and a primary occupation in developing countries (Ziegler 5). Deforestation and soil erosion also occur when growing populations without access to farmland push cultivation into hillsides and tropical forests ill-suited to farming.

It is possible to say that the problem of famine as a result of overpopulation is better examined from the historical perspective as well. Historians pay a special attention to the rate of population and food consumption.

As trends in births, deaths, and migration unfold worldwide into the twenty-first century, demographic changes will promote changes in world politics. At issue is how these trends will affect traditional national security considerations, economic development opportunities, and the prospects for achieving global food security (Ehrlich 98).

Many researchers (Davis, 12; Ehrlich, 211) stress the adverse effects of population growth on economic devel­opment. What they often ignore, however, is that the world has enjoyed unprece­dented levels of economic growth and unparalleled population increases simultane­ously.

Even those countries with the highest rates of population increase are arguably better off economically today than they were at the dawn of the twentieth century.

Declining infant mortality and rising life expectancy coincide with improved living standards throughout the world, even if, ironically, these are the very forces that drive population growth. Some researchers examine the role of politics in famine (Healey 101). Nevertheless, this problems is less examined in comparison with population growth and its impact on food shortage.

Studies state that population growth contributes to the widening income gap between the world’s rich and poor. It also contributes to lower standards of living for many, as poor people tend to have more children to support than do those who are relatively better off. Furthermore, by depressing wage rates relative to rents and returns to capital. (Osborn 87).

Any of the agricultural products produced in developing countries (such as sugar, tea, coffee, and cocoa) are exported abroad, where they are dietary supplements (with little nutritional value) for the world’s rich.

The problem of overpopulation is possible to illustrate by the fact that there is only about one working-age adult for each child under fifteen in the Third World. It also encourages the immediate consumption of economic resources rather than their reinvestment in social infrastructure to promote future economic growth.

Kenya knows famine. Recorded first in 1884, thereafter in 1928, 1944, 1949, 1981, 1984 and 1997. Each of these years has been severe for our citizens, necessitating the uncertainties and indignity of international food aid. In 1997, close to 5 million tonnes of maize were imported into Kenya. Between 1993 and 1995, maize, wheat, sorghum, millet, rice, beans, beef and milk recorded shortfalls in supply.

Although population growth was, and continues to be, an important factor, a scarcity of pest-free storage facilities, the incidence of crop diseases and the vagaries of weather worsened the level of shortages. The trend will not be easy to reverse. Ireland knew famine.

In the 1850s nearly 1 million emigrated to America. That is not open to Kenyans today—they will not let us in, neither will Europe. Nor would we wish to go. We simply want to be able to eat. It would help if the North ate less and used less energy when they did (Ziegler 8).

To conclude, famine is a complex problem which effects world’s society from ancient time. Researchers point out different causes of this problem, but the problem of famine as a result of overpopulation is better examined. A lot of researchers mention political and social factors but they do not provide deep analysis of these problems and their direct impact on famine around the world.

Excessive population growth doubtless strains the environment and contributes to destruction of the global commons, but excessive consumption is even more damaging. In this respect it is not the South’s disadvantaged four-fifths of humanity who place the greatest strains on the global habitat but the affluent one-fifth in the consumption-oriented North.

Differential fertility rates among various ethnic populations will also have internal and international consequences (Ehrlich 38). In Israel, for example, the Jewish population may one day become the minority, as fertility rates among Arabs and Palestinians within Israel’s borders outstrip those of Israel’s Jews.

Analogous trends are already evident in South Africa, where the white population is expected by the year 2020 to comprise only one-ninth to one-eleventh of the total population compared with the one-fifth it accounted for in the early 1950s.

Works Cited

Alemu, Tadesse “Nutritional Assessment of Two Famine Prone Ethiopian Communities”, Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health , 51 (1997), p. 278-282.

David, A. Famine and the Crisis of Social Order . Blackwell Publishers, 1998.

Ehrlich, P. R. The population bomb . New York: Ballantine Books, 1971.

Fluehr-Lobban, C. and R. Lobban “The Sudan Since 1989: National Islamic Front.” Arab Studies Quarterly 23 (2001), 1-9.

Healey, J. (ed) Foreign Aid and World Debt . The spinney Press, 2000.

Osborn, F. Our Crowded planet . Greenwood Press Reprint, 1998.

Ziegler, J. The Right to Food. 2001.

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Famine, Affluence, and Morality

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Analysis: “Famine, Affluence, and Morality”

Singer’s essay “Famine, Affluence, and Morality” is in the standard form of an argument. His writing is direct and objective, attempting to persuade readers primarily through logic, with a minimum of emotional appeal and figurative language . Singer does, however, permit himself a few subtle points intended to prod the reader or grab attention. This even-handed tone is juxtaposed with the radicalism of his ideas. Though the essay was first published in an academic journal, which by definition has a limited readership, his audience is essentially everyone in developed countries—that is, citizens of affluent nations.

Without introduction, Singer states the problem he’s addressing: People and governments have the power and means to stop the suffering of millions of people in Bangladesh and have simply decided not to. This grabs the reader’s attention by prompting the question, “How can that be?” and the desire to read on and learn more.

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The UN says there’s ‘full-blown famine’ in northern Gaza. What does that mean?

FILE - Palestinians line up to receive meals at Jabaliya refugee camp in the Gaza Strip, March 18, 2024. The head of the United Nations World Food Program says northern Gaza has entered “full-blown famine” after nearly seven months of war between Israel and Hamas. But a formal — and highly sensitive — famine declaration faces the complications of politics and of confirming how many people have died. (AP Photo/Mahmoud Essa, File)

FILE - Boxes from Jordan wait in an inspection area for trucks carrying humanitarian aid supplies bound for the Gaza Strip, on the Palestinian side of the Erez crossing between southern Israel and Gaza, Wednesday, May 1, 2024. The head of the United Nations World Food Program says northern Gaza has entered “full-blown famine” after nearly seven months of war between Israel and Hamas. But a formal — and highly sensitive — famine declaration faces the complications of politics and of confirming how many people have died. (AP Photo/Ohad Zwigenberg, File)

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TEL AVIV, Israel (AP) — The head of the United Nations World Food Program says northern Gaza has entered “full-blown famine” after nearly seven months of war between Israel and Hamas . But a formal, and highly sensitive, famine declaration faces the complications of politics and of confirming how many people have died.

Cindy McCain in an NBC interview broadcast Sunday said severe Israeli restrictions on humanitarian deliveries to the territory that has long relied on outside food assistance have pushed civilians in the most isolated, devastated part of Gaza over the brink. Famine was now moving south in Gaza, she said.

A WFP spokesman later told The Associated Press that one of the three benchmarks for a formal famine declaration has already been met in northern Gaza and another is nearly met — important details on how far the effort to document deadly hunger has progressed.

Israel faces mounting pressure from top ally the United States and others to let more aid into Gaza, notably by opening more land crossings for the most efficient delivery by truck. Aid groups say deliveries by air and sea by the United States and other countries cannot meet the needs of Gaza’s 2.3 million people, a growing number of them reaching the stage of malnutrition where a child’s growth is stunted and deaths occur.

Famine had been projected in parts of Gaza this month in a March report by the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification, a global initiative that includes WFP as a partner. It said nearly a third of Gaza’s population was experiencing the highest level of catastrophic hunger, and that could rise to nearly half by July.

The next IPC report is expected in July. Israel strongly rejects any claims of famine in Gaza, and its humanitarian agency called McCain’s assertion incorrect. A formal declaration could be used as evidence at the International Criminal Court as well as at the International Court of Justice, where Israel faces allegations of genocide in a case brought by South Africa.

Here’s what we know about famine and the hunger crisis in Gaza.

WHAT A FAMINE MEANS

According to the IPC, an area is considered to be in famine when three things occur: 20% of households have an extreme lack of food, or essentially starving; at least 30% of children suffer from acute malnutrition or wasting, meaning they’re too thin for their height; and two adults or four children per every 10,000 people are dying daily of hunger and its complications.

In northern Gaza, the first condition of extreme lack of food has been met, senior WFP spokesman Steve Taravella told The Associated Press. The second condition of child acute malnutrition is nearly met, he said. But the death rate could not be verified.

Doing so is difficult. Aid groups note that Israeli airstrikes and raids have devastated medical facilities in northern Gaza and displaced much of the population. Along with restrictions on access, they complicate the ability to formally collect data on deaths.

A document explaining famine published in March by the IPC noted, however, that an area can be classified as “famine with reasonable evidence” if two of the three thresholds have been reached and analysts believe from available evidence that the third likely has been reached.

“The bottom line is that people are practically dying from a lack of food, water and medicines. If we are waiting for the moment when all the facts are in hand to verify the final conditions to scientifically declare a famine, it would be after thousands of people have perished,” Taravella said.

THE CAUSES OF CATASTROPHIC HUNGER

Shortly after Hamas attacked Israel on Oct. 7 , Israel sealed its borders with Gaza and for weeks prevented aid from entering. Aid groups have said assistance since then has been restricted to a trickle far below the 500 trucks of aid that entered before the war. Since March, as Israel has pointed to progress, an average of 171 trucks per day have entered Gaza, according to the U.S.-established Famine Early Warning Systems Network.

Once inside Gaza, food and other aid doesn’t always reach the most vulnerable. Aid groups say access is limited, particularly in the north, due to ongoing fighting and a chaotic security situation.

Northern Gaza, including Gaza City, was the first target of Israel’s invasion and became the epicenter of the hunger crisis, with many residents reduced to eating animal feed and foraging for weeds. The IPC report in March said around 210,000 people in the north were in catastrophic levels of hunger.

The very young, the very old and those with health problems are the most affected. On Sunday, a 6-year-old from northern Gaza with cystic fibrosis was taken to the United States on a humanitarian flight after his mother made a video pleading for help. Fadi Al-Zant’s jutting ribs and thin arms showed advanced malnutrition.

HOW TO AVERT A FAMINE

Humanitarian groups say it will be difficult to deliver life-saving aid without a cease-fire. Even with a pause in fighting, some experts say the situation in northern Gaza will have life-lasting consequences, especially for newborns and pregnant women.

While Israel has allowed more aid in recent weeks under international pressure, a humanitarian official for the U.S. Agency for International Development told the AP that since March, northern Gaza has not received anything like the aid needed to stave off famine. USAID made the official available on condition of the official’s anonymity, citing security concerns over his work in conflict.

Secretary of State Antony Blinken has welcomed Israel’s recent steps to increase deliveries but stressed such moves must be sustained. That’s not easy. Israel on Sunday closed its main crossing point for delivering aid after a Hamas attack killed soldiers.

VOICES FROM GAZA

Some Palestinians say the increase in aid has eased things slightly, especially by lowering the cost of food.

Gaza City resident Said Siam said prices have dropped in recent weeks. Still, the 18-year-old said he and family members have each lost at least 10 kilograms (22 pounds) since the start of the war, mostly eating one meal of pumpkin soup each day. Fruits, vegetables and fresh meat are still scarce.

Knickmeyer reported from Washington.

Follow AP’s coverage of the war at https://apnews.com/hub/israel-hamas-war

The Depths of Thalassaphobia: the Fear of Vast Waters

This essay about Thalassophobia explores the profound fear of the ocean’s depths. It examines the origins of this fear, which may be linked to ancient survival instincts or traumatic personal experiences, and discusses how it manifests in various forms, such as dread of open waters or fear of unseen marine creatures. The piece reflects on the human condition of feeling insignificant and powerless against the vast forces of nature, and it invites readers to confront and appreciate the complex emotions and beauty inherent in such fears.

How it works

In the vast and uncharted territories of the world’s oceans, a profound fear known as Thalassophobia exists—a primal terror of the ocean depths that grips some individuals with an unrelenting force. It transcends simple discomfort with large bodies of water, evolving into a deep-seated dread that captures the mind and emotions as darkness descends and the horizon extends infinitely into shadow.

The origins of Thalassophobia are as mysterious as the oceanic trenches it pertains to. It might stem from an ancient, instinctual fear, a remnant of our ancestors’ battles for survival against the wild, untamable sea.

Alternatively, it could originate from personal trauma, such as a childhood incident that left one feeling overwhelmed by the ocean’s vastness. Regardless of where it begins, Thalassophobia vividly illustrates the fragility of the human psyche when faced with the sublime enormity of nature.

Thalassophobia manifests in various ways. For some, the fear centers on the overwhelming feeling of being lost at sea, far from land and surrounded by a relentless sea. For others, it’s the terror of what might be hiding beneath the waves—sinister, unseen entities that move stealthily through dark waters, stirring the imagination and chilling the spine.

This fear involves more than the trepidation of the unknown; it’s also about feeling utterly powerless. Out in the ocean, humans are merely insignificant entities against the vast power of nature. The overwhelming sense of being at the mercy of the sea, unable to influence one’s fate, can be immobilizing. This reminder of our mortality and vulnerability starkly contrasts with our daily experiences of control and safety.

Despite the strong hold Thalassophobia may have on individuals, it is a complex phenomenon. Some see it as a challenge to be met, an obstacle to be overcome in the journey of personal development. These individuals face the ocean bravely, seeking to conquer their fears through direct confrontation. Others prefer to avoid maritime environments altogether, keeping a safe distance from the haunting depths of the seas.

Understanding Thalassophobia requires an exploration into the human mind, to untangle the complex emotions and responses that contribute to this fear. It is shaped by a combination of evolutionary biology, personal experiences, cultural influences, and individual temperament. Like the ocean itself, Thalassophobia is deep, enigmatic, and not fully understood.

The fascination with Thalassophobia lies in its ability to remind us of our humanity—our capacity for awe as well as fear when confronting the unknown. It highlights the powerful emotional responses nature can elicit, transcending logic and speech. In essence, it mirrors our position in the cosmos—a modest recognition of our limited power in the presence of forces much greater than us.

The next time you find yourself on the shore, looking out over the boundless ocean, think about the depths of Thalassophobia within us all. Accept the fear, challenge the unknown, and appreciate the immense beauty of the world. Within the depths of this fear, there is a profound truth: amidst terror, there is splendor, and in the embrace of the unknown, there lies discovery.

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PapersOwl.com. (2024). The Depths of Thalassaphobia: the Fear of Vast Waters . [Online]. Available at: https://papersowl.com/examples/the-depths-of-thalassaphobia-the-fear-of-vast-waters/ [Accessed: 13-May-2024]

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Parts of Gaza Are in Famine, World Food Program Chief Says

The remarks by Cindy McCain do not constitute an official declaration of famine, but she said the assessment was based on “what we have seen” on the ground.

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By Liam Stack

• May 4, 2024

The director of the World Food Program, Cindy McCain, says that parts of the Gaza Strip are experiencing a “full-blown famine” that is rapidly spreading throughout the territory after almost seven months of war.

Ms. McCain is the second high-profile American leading a U.S. government or U.N. aid effort who has said that there is famine in northern Gaza, although her remarks do not constitute an official declaration, which is a complex bureaucratic process.

“There is famine — full-blown famine in the north, and it’s moving its way south,” Ms. McCain said in excerpts released on Friday of an interview with “Meet the Press .” The interviewer, Kristen Welker, asked Ms. McCain to repeat herself.

“What you are saying is significant,” Ms. Welker said. “You are saying there is full-blown famine in northern Gaza?”

“Yes, I am,” Ms. McCain replied. “Yes, I am.”

The first American official to say there was famine in Gaza during the conflict was Samantha Power, the director of the U.S. Agency for International Development, who made her remarks in congressional testimony last month.

Ms. McCain was appointed by President Biden as the American ambassador to the U.N. Agencies for Food and Agriculture in 2021 and became head of the W.F.P., a U.N. agency, last year.

An official declaration of famine typically involves both the United Nations and the government of the country where the famine is taking place, and it is unclear what local authority might have the power to do that in Gaza.

In the interview, Ms. McCain did not explain why an official famine declaration has not been made. But she said her assessment was “based on what we have seen and what we have experienced on the ground.”

“It is horror,” she said. “It is so hard to look at, and it is so hard to hear, also. I am so hoping we can get a cease-fire and begin to feed these people, especially in the north, in a much faster fashion.”

Gaza has been gripped by what experts have called a severe human-made hunger crisis as a result of Israeli bombardment and restrictions that have made delivering aid to the territory extremely challenging. The amount of aid entering Gaza has increased recently, but aid groups say it is far from adequate.

For the first several weeks of the war, Israel maintained what it called a “complete siege” of Gaza, with Defense Minister Yoav Gallant saying that “no electricity, no food, no water, no fuel” would be allowed into the territory. The Israeli military also destroyed Gaza’s port , restricted fishing and bombed many of its farms.

Israel eventually loosened that siege but instituted a meticulous inspection process that it says is necessary to ensure that supplies do not fall into the hands of Hamas. Aid groups and foreign diplomats have said the inspections create bottlenecks , and have accused Israel of using them to turn away aid for spurious reasons , including water filters, solar lights and medical kits that contain scissors.

Volker Türk, the U.N. human rights chief, said in a statement last month that Israel’s policies regarding aid in Gaza could amount to a war crime.

Israel has faced increasing pressure in recent weeks to allow aid into Gaza after its military killed seven international aid workers from World Central Kitchen in an airstrike.

Liam Stack is a Times reporter covering the Israel-Hamas war from Jerusalem. More about Liam Stack

Our Coverage of the Israel-Hamas War

News and Analysis

Around 300,000 Palestinians in southern and northern Gaza were being forced to flee once again , the U.N. said, just as Israel issued new and expanded evacuation orders.

The flow of aid to Gaza through border crossings has come to a near-total stop , first closed off by Israel and then further restricted, officials say, by Egypt. Here is a look at the major routes for aid into Gaza and their status .

A White House spokesman told Israel that an assault on Rafah, the southernmost city in Gaza where more than one million people are sheltering, would not eradicate Hamas . For months, the United States has urged Israel to do more to protect Palestinian civilians .

A Key Weapon: When President Biden threatened to pause some weapons shipments to Israel if it invaded Rafah, the devastating effects of the 2,000-pound Mark 84 bomb  were of particular concern to him.

A Presidential Move: Ronald Reagan also used the power of American arms to influence  Israeli war policy. The comparison underscores how much the politics of Israel have changed in the United States since the 1980s.

Netanyahu’s Concerns: Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel, under pressure from all sides, is trying to reassure his many domestic, military and diplomatic critics. Here’s a look at what he is confronting .

Al Jazeera Shutdown: The influential Arab news network says it will continue reporting from Gaza and the West Bank, but its departure from Israel is a new low in its long-strained history with the country .

Israel’s offensive is destroying Gaza’s ability to grow its own food

This was the Gaza Strip in April 2023 . Before the war, farmers grew tomatoes, cucumbers, eggplants, peppers and more. Olive groves flourished.

This is the Gaza Strip in April 2024 . Satellite imagery shows how its green agricultural lands have turned brown from north to south.

More than six months into Israel’s invasion of Gaza, the Strip’s ability to produce food and clean water has been severely hampered .

Israeli airstrikes and bulldozers have razed farms and orchards. Crops abandoned by farmers seeking safety in southern Gaza have withered, and cattle have been left to die.

Ashraf Omar Alakhras had a family farm in Beit Lahia, in northern Gaza near the border with Israel. In late January, he said, Israeli bulldozers plowed it under, along with his greenhouses and solar energy projects, to clear space for a militarized buffer zone.

“We worked on our large farm that we inherited from our ancestors,” he told The Washington Post, sharing photos and videos of a life that is now gone. “We grew oranges, lemons, potatoes, eggplant, tomatoes and cucumbers.”

The fate of Alakhras’s farm has become the story of agriculture in Gaza.

A Post analysis of agricultural data, satellite imagery and interviews with experts and Palestinians in the Strip reveals how an already vulnerable agricultural system is on the brink of collapse.

Asked for comment on the level of destruction in Gaza’s agricultural sector, the Israel Defense Forces said, “Hamas and other terror organizations unlawfully embed their military assets in densely populated civilian areas.” The IDF added that its actions are “based on military necessity and in accordance [with] international law.”

Land east of Maghazi was

once covered in tree crops.

Only bare earth and vehicle

tracks remain.

Flattened tree crops

greenhouses

A structure listed as a water well on OpenStreetMap is destroyed.

Greenhouses, central to the propagation and production of crops, are damaged or completely destroyed.

Once used to grow crops, fields are now marked by impact craters and vehicle tracks.

Damaged crop fields

Land east of Maghazi was once covered in tree crops. Only bare earth and vehicle

Even before the war, most of Gaza’s fruits and vegetables were imported into the enclave. Gaza’s ability to feed its people has been limited for nearly two decades because of a punishing blockade by Israel and Egypt, which was put in place after Hamas seized power in 2007. Israel controlled all but one border crossing; limited electricity and water supplies; barred access to deeper fishing waters offshore; and restricted the import and export of goods.

As a result, agriculture and fishing were often small-scale but essential undertakings. Gazans farmed and fished where they could, building greenhouses on rooftops, harvesting rainwater for irrigation and jury-rigging boats to run on cooking oil or car engines. Small olive groves and fruit trees dotted the landscape.

Local produce — tomatoes, cucumbers, eggplants, herbs, and red and green chile peppers — went to markets or directly to kitchen tables. Households relied on local production for more than 40 percent of their fruits and vegetables as of 2022, according to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics.

Agriculture accounted for nearly half of Gaza’s total land area before the war, according to UNOSAT , the United Nations’ satellite center; 45 percent of that agricultural land has now been damaged.

Damaged agricultural land in Gaza

Source: UNOSAT, April 24

Oct. 8, 2023

March 20, 2024

Satellite imagery taken by Planet Labs shows damage to tree crops east of Maghazi.

March 20. 2024

Under international humanitarian law, civilians caught in conflict cannot be denied access to food or water by warring parties, legal experts said. This also extends to targeting food infrastructure.

“With very narrow exceptions, it’s prohibited to attack, destroy, remove or render useless those objects,” said Tom Dannenbaum, an associate professor of international law at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University.

Dannenbaum added that when civilians face starvation, water and food infrastructure — such as irrigation works and agricultural fields — they don’t lose their protected status just because combatants conduct operations from within a civilian population.

He Yin , a satellite imagery analyst and assistant professor at Kent State University, found that close to half of the Strip’s olive and fruit trees were damaged or destroyed as of April 3. In north Gaza, he said, the losses could be as high as 71 percent. He used machine learning — a type of artificial intelligence that identifies visual patterns in data — to detect damage to tree crops and greenhouses across satellite imagery.

Damaged tree crops in Gaza

Source: He Yin, April 3

Yin found that nearly a quarter of the enclave’s 7,000 greenhouses have been destroyed; 42 percent were damaged and are likely to be unusable.

Damage to greenhouses in Gaza

Percentage damaged

Source: He Yin, March 21

March 2, 2024

Satellite imagery taken by Planet Labs shows damage to greenhouses south of Gaza City.

March 2. 2024

Gazans — historically dependent on assistance from UNRWA, the U.N. agency for Palestinian refugees — now rely even more on the limited aid allowed in. Many forage for edible plants and some, according to the United Nations, have been reduced to eating grass and animal feed. In northern Gaza, residents told The Post they had been surviving on khoubiza , a leafy green that grows naturally in the winter. But when spring came, this source of sustenance disappeared.

Maximo Torero, chief economist at the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization, said the level of food insecurity is at a critical stage.

“This is completely man-made,” he said. “And there are thousands of lives, and potentially hundreds of thousands of lives, that are now at risk.”

Compounding the war’s impact, parts of Gaza have lost much of their water supply infrastructure . According to Torero, 50 percent is unusable in northern Gaza, 54 percent in central Gaza, 50 percent in Khan Younis and 33 percent in Rafah. In addition, according to the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, only two of the three desalination plants are partially functional, and many Gazans are surviving on brackish water.

Razed structures

Damage to building

Damage to plant roof and wall

A satellite image taken by Planet Labs on April 8 shows damage to a desalination plant in north Gaza, which has not been functional since the beginning of the conflict, according to UNICEF.

Undoing all this damage could take decades.

Georgina McAllister, an assistant professor at Coventry University in England, noted the unprecedented road ahead to rebuilding in Gaza.

“In 30 years of working as a specialist in food and farming systems under conflict, I have never dealt with this level of devastation and precarity.”

Methodology

To assess the extent of damage to Gaza’s food infrastructure, The Post reviewed photo and video evidence, analyzed satellite imagery and spoke with experts.

He Yin, a satellite imagery analyst and assistant professor at Kent State University, identified impact to tree crops and greenhouses with a machine-learning program to locate and assess damage visible in satellite imagery.

Yin manually checked 1,200 randomly distributed samples in high-resolution satellite images from Planet Labs; he estimates a confidence rate of 95 percent. To understand the levels of damage to agricultural land across Gaza, The Post mapped data from the U.N. Satellite Center (UNOSAT), which was acquired by performing a normalized difference vegetation index (NDVI) analysis on satellite imagery from April 24 of this year and comparing this against imagery from April in the preceding seven years.

Satellite imagery included in this story was provided by Planet Labs.

About this story

Design and development by Talia Trackim. Additional development by Frank Hulley-Jones. Editing by Reem Akkad, Leila Barghouty and Elyse Samuels. Design editing by Junne Alcantara. Photo editing by Olivier Laurent.