rural development research focus

• Knowledge for Change

Agriculture and Rural Development

• WEBSITE World Bank Development Research Programs

Hanan Jacoby

Klaus Deininger

Thea Hilhorst

• GHAZALA MANSURI Lead Economist

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Rural Development

Related sdgs, end hunger, achieve food security and improve ....

Description

Publications.

As the United Nations Secretary-General, Mr Ban Ki – Moon noted in the Millennium Development Goals Report 2015 , “ disparities between rural and urban areas remain pronounced ” and big gaps persist in different sectors:

• It is estimated that in 2015 still roughly 2.8 billion people worldwide lack access to modern energy services and more than 1 billion do not have access to electricity. For the most part this grave development burden falls on rural areas, where a lack of access to modern energy services negatively affects productivity, educational attainment and even health and ultimately exacerbates the poverty trap.
• In rural areas, only 56 per cent of births are attended by skilled health personnel, compared with 87 per cent in urban areas.
• About 16 per cent of the rural population do not use improved drinking water sources, compared to 4 per cent of the urban population.
• About 50 per cent of people living in rural areas lack improved sanitation facilities, compared to only 18 per cent of people in urban areas.

Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 2 of the Post-2015 Development Agenda calls to “ end hunger, achieve food security and improved nutrition and promote sustainable agriculture ”. In particular, target 2.a devotes a specific attention to “ Increase investment, including through enhanced international cooperation, in rural infrastructure, agricultural research and extension services, technology development and plant and livestock gene banks in order to enhance agricultural productive capacity in developing countries, in particular least developed countries ".

Background information

Promoting sustainable agriculture and rural development (SARD) is the subject of chapter 14 of Agenda 21 .

The major objective of SARD is to increase food production in a sustainable way and enhance food security. This will involve education initiatives, utilization of economic incentives and the development of appropriate and new technologies, thus ensuring stable supplies of nutritionally adequate food, access to those supplies by vulnerable groups, and production for markets; employment and income generation to alleviate poverty; and natural resource management and environmental protection.

The Commission on Sustainable Development (CSD) first reviewed Rural Development at its third session in 1995, when it noted with concern that, even though some progress had been reported, disappointment is widely expressed at the slow progress in moving towards sustainable agriculture and rural development in many countries.

Sustainable agriculture was also considered at the five-year review of implementation of Agenda 21 in 1997, at which time Governments were urged to attach high priority to implementing the commitments agreed at the World Food Summit , especially the call for at least halving the number of undernourished people in the world by the year 2015. This goal was reinforced by the Millennium Declaration adopted by Heads of State and Government in September 2000, which resolved to halve by 2015 the proportion of the world's people who suffer from hunger.

In accordance with its multi-year programme of work, agriculture with a rural development perspective was a major focus of CSD-8 in 2000, along with integrated planning and management of land resources as the sectoral theme. The supporting documentation and the discussions highlighted the linkages between the economic, social and environmental objectives of sustainable agriculture. The Commission adopted decision 8/4 which identified 12 priorities for action. It reaffirmed that the major objectives of SARD are to increase food production and enhance food security in an environmentally sound way so as to contribute to sustainable natural resource management. It noted that food security-although a policy priority for all countries-remains an unfulfilled goal. It also noted that agriculture has a special and important place in society and helps to sustain rural life and land.

Rural Development was included as one of the thematic areas along with Agriculture, Land, Drought, Desertification and Africa in the third implementation cycle CSD-16/CSD-17 .

A growing emphasis is being placed on the Nexus approach to sustainable rural development, seeking to realize synergies from the links between development factors such as energy, health, education, water, food, gender, and economic growth.

In this regard and as part of the follow up to the 2012 Conference on Sustainable Development or Rio+20 , the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UN-DESA) , in collaboration with SE4All , UN-Energy and the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) , organized Global Conference on Rural Energy Access: A Nexus Approach to Sustainable Development and Poverty Eradication , in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Dec 4 – 6, 2013.

For more information and documents on this topic,  please visit this link

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Multistakeholder Dialogue on Implementing Sustainable Development

• January 2015 SDG 2 SDG2 focuses on ending hunger, achieving food security and improved nutrition and promoting sustainable agriculture. In particular, its targets aims to: end hunger and ensure access by all people, in particular the poor and people in vulnerable situations, including infants, to safe, nutritious and sufficient food all year round by 2030 (2.1); end all forms of malnutrition by 2030, including achieving, by 2025, the internationally agreed targets on stunting and wasting in children under 5 years of age, and address the nutritional needs of adolescent girls, pregnant and lactating women and older persons (2.2.); double,by 2030, double the agricultural productivity and incomes of small-scale food producers, in particular women, indigenous peoples, family farmers, pastoralists and fishers, including through secure and equal access to land, other productive resources and inputs, knowledge, financial services, markets and opportunities for value addition and non-farm employment (2.3); ensure sustainable food production systems and implement resilient agricultural practices that increase productivity and production, that help maintain ecosystems, that strengthen capacity for adaptation to climate change, extreme weather, drought, flooding and other disasters and that progressively improve land and soil quality (2.4); by 2020, maintain the genetic diversity of seeds, cultivated plants and farmed and domesticated animals and their related wild species, including through soundly managed and diversified seed and plant banks at the national, regional and international levels, and promote access to and fair and equitable sharing of benefits arising from the utilization of genetic resources and associated traditional knowledge, as internationally agreed (2.5); The alphabetical goals aim to: increase investment in rural infrastructure, agricultural research and extension services, technology development and plant and livestock gene banks , correct and prevent trade restrictions and distortions in world agricultural markets as well as adopt measures to ensure the proper functioning of food commodity markets and their derivatives and facilitate timely access to market information, including on food reserves, in order to help limit extreme food price volatility.
• January 2009 CSD-17(Chap.2B) CSD-17 negotiated policy recommendations for most of the issues under discussion. Delegates adopted by acclamation a “Text as prepared by the Chair,” including all negotiated text as well as proposed language from the Chair for policy options and practical measures to expedite implementation of the issues under the cluster. The text included rising food prices, ongoing negotiations in the World Trade Organization (WTO) on the Doha Development Round, and an international focus on the climate change negotiations under the auspices of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change.
• January 2008 CSD-16 (Chap. 2B) CSD-16 and CSD-17 focused on the thematic cluster of agriculture, rural development, land, drought, desertification and Africa. As far as CSD-16 is concerned, on this occasion delegates were called to review implementation of the Mauritius Strategy for Implementation and the Barbados Programme of Action for the Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing States and the CSD-13 decisions on water and sanitation. A High-level Segment was also held from 14-16 May, with nearly 60 ministers in attendance.
• January 2000 MDG 1 MDG 1 aims at eradicating extreme poverty and hunger. Its three targets respectively read: halve, between 1990 and 2015, the proportion of people whose income is less than $1.25 a day (1.A), achieve full and productive employment and decent work for all, including women and young people (1.B), halve, between 1990 and 2015, the proportion of people who suffer from hunger (1.C).
• January 2000 CSD-8 As decided at UNGASS, the economic, sectoral and cross-sectoral themes under consideration for CSD-8 were sustainable agriculture and land management, integrating planning and management of land resources and financial resources, trade and investment and economic growth. CSD-6 to CSD-9 annually gathered at the UN Headquarters for spring meetings. Discussions at each session opened with multi-stakeholder dialogues, in which major groups were invited to make opening statements on selected themes followed by a dialogue with government representatives.
• January 1996 Rome Decl. on World Food Security The Summit aimed to reaffirm global commitment, at the highest political level, to eliminate hunger and malnutrition, and to achieve sustainable food security for all. Thank to its high visibility, the Summit contributed to raise further awareness on agriculture capacity, food insecurity and malnutrition among decision-makers in the public and private sectors, in the media and with the public at large. It also set the political, conceptual and technical blueprint for an ongoing effort to eradicate hunger at global level with the target of reducing by half the number of undernourished people by no later than the year 2015. The Rome Declaration defined seven commitments as main pillars for the achievement of sustainable food security for all whereas its Plan of Action identified the objectives and actions relevant for practical implementation of these seven commitments.
• January 1995 CSD-3 The Commission on Sustainable Development (CSD) first reviewed Rural Development at its third session, when it noted with concern that, even though some progress had been reported, disappointment is widely expressed at the slow progress in moving towards sustainable agriculture and rural development in many countries.
• January 1992 Agenda 21 (Chap.14) Agenda 21 – Chapter 14 is devoted to the promotion of sustainable agriculture and rural development and the need for agricultural to satisfy the demands for food from a growing population. It acknowledges that major adjustments are needed in agricultural, environmental and macroeconomic policy, at both national and international levels, in developed as well as developing countries, to create the conditions for sustainable agriculture and rural development (SARD). It also identifies as priority the need for maintaining and improving the capacity of the higher potential agricultural lands to support an expanding population.

Rural development and digital technologies: a collaborative framework for policy-making

Transforming Government: People, Process and Policy

ISSN : 1750-6166

Article publication date: 18 August 2023

Issue publication date: 30 October 2023

The paper aims to define a model for rural development, able to stimulate collaborations between actors involved in the agrifood chain and based on digital technologies as enabling factors for such collaborations.

Design/methodology/approach

An exploratory research, based on a qualitative approach, is conducted, using both constructivist grounded theory and Gioia methodology. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews and roundtables administered to Italian key players.

The authors identify five actions (definition of territorial identity, involvement of internal and external supply chain actors, definition of quality standards, cooperation intra and infra supply chains, communication through technology) for collaboration in the development of rural areas that policymakers should encourage and actors in the supply chains must implement. The paper also entails both theoretical and practical implications. From the theoretical point of view, this study contributes to the literature on the relationship between agrifood, local development and the role of technologies. From the managerial point of view, this paper provides insights for policymakers to define strategies and actions aimed at developing collaborations between actors involved in the agrifood chain and leveraging digital technologies to support rural development.

Originality/value

The paper proposes a framework for the collaboration of the actors of the agrifood sector and related food tourism that could be the basis for the development of a digital platform able to connect all the subjects involved in rural development.

• Rural development
• Digital technologies

Monda, A. , Feola, R. , Parente, R. , Vesci, M. and Botti, A. (2023), "Rural development and digital technologies: a collaborative framework for policy-making", Transforming Government: People, Process and Policy , Vol. 17 No. 3, pp. 328-343. https://doi.org/10.1108/TG-12-2022-0162

Emerald Publishing Limited

Copyright © 2023, Antonella Monda, Rosangela Feola, Roberto Parente, Massimiliano Vesci and Antonio Botti.

Published by Emerald Publishing Limited. This article is published under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY 4.0) licence. Anyone may reproduce, distribute, translate and create derivative works of this article (for both commercial & non-commercial purposes), subject to full attribution to the original publication and authors. The full terms of this licence may be seen at http://creativecommons.org/licences/by/4.0/legalcode

1. Introduction

Rural development initiatives are often based on strengthening and diversifying the agrifood sector as a mean to stimulate economic growth, generate employment opportunities and improve livelihoods in rural areas. In fact, the agrifood chain, encompassing agricultural production, processing, distribution and marketing, is an integral part of economy of a territory and plays a vital role in rural economies ( Everett and Aitchison, 2008 ). In addition, rural development initiatives often leverage the potential of tourism as a catalyst for economic growth and diversification by attracting visitors to rural areas, creating employment opportunities and stimulating local economies. In sum, synergies among agrifood sector and tourism are well known in literature ( Cafiero et al. , 2020 ): by showcasing unique agrifood products, culinary traditions and rural landscapes, tourism can generate demand for local products, services and experiences, thus contributing to the overall development of the rural communities. The potential contribution of localized agrifood systems to rural development has been emphasized and has also increased its political relevance ( Calenda Conference, 2016 ). In this context, the role of digital technologies in transforming the agrifood system has been emphasized ( Parente, 2020 ; Passarelli et al. , 2023 ). Some recent studies have analyzed the relationship between agrifood, tourism and digitalization ( Parente, 2020 ; Kumar and Shekhar, 2020 ) for the development of rural territories. More specifically, the role of digital technologies as new tools to promote local agrifood sector in the perspective of developing local tourism and rural territory, has been analyzed ( Kumar and Shekhar, 2020 ). In this research area, digital technologies are considered as an ideal tool for putting into practice collaboration strategies and represent an enabler for the development of collaborations between all actors involved in rural development ( Beckmann et al. , 2021 ).

Some studies have focused on the role of digital technologies in promoting collaboration between actors involved in both agrifood and food tourism businesses ( Horng and Tsai, 2010 ; Ashish and Shelley, 2015 ). However, to the best of the authors’ knowledge, a collaboration model that puts at its center digital technologies has never been proposed and discussed.

Starting from this premise and with the goal to fill this gap, the paper aims to define a model for the development of rural territory, characterized by collaborative aspects between all actors involved in agrifood chain and related food tourism and based on digital technologies as enabling factor for such collaboration.

The paper is organized as follows. In the paragraph 2, the main literature on the connection between rural development, agrifood and tourism is analyzed. In the paragraph 3, the role of digital technologies for the rural development is discussed. The paragraph 4 discusses the main literature about the role of collaborative approaches. The paragraphs 5 and 6 present the empirical research and its results. Then, in paragraphs 7 and 8, we discuss the main results of our study and its theoretical and practical implications.

2. Rural development, agrifood and tourism

Rural development refers to the process of improving the economic, social and environmental conditions in rural areas ( Elands and Wiersum, 2001 ). It encompasses various strategies and initiatives aimed at enhancing the quality of life for rural communities, promoting economic growth and reducing disparities between rural and urban areas.

Rural development requires collaboration between governments, local authorities, civil society organizations and the private sector ( Neumeier, 2012 ). Integrated approaches that consider the unique characteristics and needs of each rural area are key to achieving sustainable and inclusive development outcomes.

In this sense, key approaches to rural development are linked to rural entrepreneurship and employment. It refers to encouraging entrepreneurship and creating employment opportunities in rural areas, vital for sustainable development. This can be achieved through supporting small- and medium-sized enterprises, promoting local industries and fostering entrepreneurship skills and training. In addition, rural development initiatives can focus on sectors beyond agriculture, such as tourism, to create a diverse range of employment opportunities. Along this vein synergies between agrifood and tourism are related to the availability of restaurants, bars, hotels, B&B and so on that leverage local food and promote the new field of food tourism ( Cafiero et al. , 2020 ; Meneguel et al. , 2022 ; Sidali et al. , 2011 ).

In recent years, researchers and policymakers have devoted great attention to agrifood sector as a key driver of rural development ( Medina et al. , 2018 ; Rachão et al. , 2019 ). More specifically, many studies emphasize the relationship between the agrifood sector and tourism in developing a competitive advantage for rural destinations ( Tsai and Wang, 2017 ; Andersson et al. , 2017 ; Vesci and Botti, 2019 ; Botti et al. , 2018 ).

When rural areas lack flagship attractions such as natural or artistic heritage, they have to focus on other assets to build a destination brand identity and attract travelers. Local food can represent an expression of place identity ( Hernández-Mogollon et al. , 2015 ) becoming a cultural identity marker that provides tourists with an opportunity to get in touch with a part of the intangible heritage of the places they visit ( Björk and Kauppinen-Räisänen, 2014 ).

The potential contribution of agrifood sector to rural development has been emphasized in the context of new rurality approach ( Pita-Morales et al. , 2015 ). New rurality approach is expression of a recent transition in the field of rural development theory from an agricultural sector approach to one which adopts broader territorial vision ( Pisani and Franceschetti, 2018 ; Ramírez-Miranda, 2014 ; Rytkönen, 2014 ), and it has also increased its political relevance ( Calenda Conference, 2016 ). The basic idea of new rurality is the interaction and integration among society, economy, institutions and environment in rural areas as key factors of rural development ( Pisani and Franceschetti, 2018 ).

In this approach, the territory is seen as a socially constructed area where interactions and collaborations between different actors and stakeholders (such as firms, educational institutions, public authorities and consumers) are key elements for rural development ( Pisani and Franceschetti, 2018 ). Thus, another fundamental aspect to consider in rural development is capacity building and participation ( Koopmans et al. , 2018 ) that go also through the awareness of local value ( Rocchi and Romano, 2006 ). Empowering rural communities through capacity building and participatory approaches is crucial for successful rural development. Engaging local communities in decision-making processes and project implementation fosters a sense of ownership and ensures that development initiatives address their specific needs and priorities. To do this, the adoption and integration of information and communication technology in rural areas that can bridge the digital divide and promote inclusive development is needed. Access to internet connectivity, digital literacy programs and e-governance initiatives can facilitate knowledge sharing, access to markets and the delivery of essential services in remote rural regions.

3. Digital technologies and rural development

In the past years, digital technologies have been playing a very important role in transforming territories ( Visvizi and Lytras, 2018 ; Troisi et al. , 2022 ; Visvizi and Pérez-delHoyo, 2021 ; Visvizi et al. , 2019 ; Troisi et al. , 2019a , 2019b ) and producing relevant impact in the rural domain ( Rolandi et al. , 2021 ). Some studies ( Zaballos et al. , 2019 ) suggested that the digitalization process can impact both agriculture (e.g. contributing to efficient use of resources) and rural sectors at all (e.g. defining new and enriched services).

The impact of the digital revolution concerns the production side of the agrifood sector, where new technologies allow customers to have complete traceability and visibility of the production process, producing significant changes in the business models of companies and the behavior of consumers of agricultural products ( Parente, 2020 ; Passarelli et al. , 2023 ).

Digital technologies offer novel instruments to foster real time adaptation of strategies and actions ( D′Aniello et al. , 2016 ) of local agrifood industries and rural territories ( Kumar and Shekhar, 2020 ).

Moreover, they allow the development of collaboration between different actors involved in agrifood tourism and rural development ( Beckmann et al. , 2021 ), acting as enabling factors for the creation of relationship in places where the social fabric is not conducive to the spontaneous creation of networks ( Cafiero et al. , 2020 ). The role of digital technologies can be supportive of rural areas, where often there are numerous small-sized producers with limited coordination or rare cooperation among each other resulting in ineffective development of the rural tourism industry ( Berjan et al. , 2020 ).

In this perspective, the challenge of rural development building on both the agrifood and food-tourism field is represented by the need to connect the actors that populate the value chain focusing on the skills and traditions that each of them use to create the identity dimension of the territory. Digital technologies could provide tools capable of responding to the growing need for interaction between all the stakeholders involved in rural development.

4. The role of collaboration for rural development

The European Union, starting from the 2020 Strategy and the 2014–2020 Cohesion Policy, invites local communities to think from a network perspective to generate territorial development processes. In line with EU dispositions, territorial development processes involve the generation, mobilization and enhancement of endogenous resources, as well as an intense activity aimed at establishing relationships and alliances with different subjects ( Brunori, 2007 ). These processes are increasingly studied through network theory which has now established itself as one of the great models of reference for the social sciences ( Castells and Blackwell, 1998 ).

awareness of territorial value by actors, referring to the recognition among local stakeholders of the inherent value of distinct qualitative attributes of the products and the potential benefits that can be gained through collaborative actions;

collaboration development among actors, referring to the gradual engagement of additional actors who align with the shared understanding of quality and the overarching objectives of the collective initiative;

consolidation of the network, referring to the reinforcement of the network's unity and cohesion around the shared notion of quality, leading to individual actors aligning their behaviors with the collective goals; and

the effective external communication of the unique quality attributes achieved through the collaborative efforts, whereby the network functions as a unified entity to convey the message.

A specific declination of network theory [represented by service theories, that is, service dominant logic ( Vargo and Lusch, 2006 ) and service science ( Maglio and Spohrer, 2008 )] deepens the role of knowledge and technology as essential factors in accomplishing value co-creation among stakeholders belonging to the same system. Service theories argue that the most suitable organizational model to support the emergence of value is the service ecosystem. It is composed by elements whose combination facilitates value co-creation between the actors of the same ecosystem. These elements are ( Polese et al. , 2018 ; Botti and Monda, 2020 ) actors, resource integration, technology and institutions. In particular, actors are all the stakeholders involved in the service exchange; resource integration occurs during actor interactions allowing for the co-learning of the actors which can turn into value co-creation; technology accelerates the passage of shared resources and the creation of new institutions ( Koskela-Huotari et al. , 2016 ); institutions are social rules, norms, shared practices regulating exchanges and acting as prerequisites for resource integration.

Combining the phases of the process of construction and enhancement of a local network according to the actor-network approach ( Rocchi and Romano, 2006 ) and the service ecosystem elements ( Polese et al. , 2018 ; Botti and Monda, 2020 ), we can identify some theoretical macro-areas of investigation that represent the key elements of a local enhancement initiative. In particular, this study assumes five basic investigation areas: (1) awareness of local value, (2) collaboration development among actors, (3) the consolidation of the network, (4) the resource integration and (5) the technology tool.

5. Methodology

5.1 research design.

To develop a proposal for a collaborative model, an exploratory research, based on a qualitative approach, is conducted, using both constructivist grounded theory ( Mills et al. , 2006 ; Glaser, 2007 ) and Gioia methodology ( Gioia et al. , 2013 ; Gioia, 2021 ). The grounded theory involves constant data comparison to develop new classifications and conceptualizations, while the Gioia methodology involves a continuous cycle of interpreting data and connecting it to existing theories and knowledge ( Magnani and Gioia, 2023 ). To achieve this, several stages of data analysis, interpretation and re-elaboration are required, which can lead to the establishment of new valid relationships between concepts and constructs. In particular, the goal is to understand how each theoretical macro-area – awareness of local value; collaboration development among actors; consolidation of the network, resource integration; technology tool – identified in Section 4, worked in the territorial context under investigation achieving the conceptualization of the collaborative model through different investigation steps (see Section 5.2 for the description of each step).

The territorial context chosen as the survey area is Irpinia, a historical-geographical district of southern Italy in the Campania Region. We chose Irpinia as it is a territory with an agricultural vocation, which lacks a cultural identity, with development lag for the tourist identity and industrial areas only in the most important urban centers.

Data were collected through semi-structured interviews and roundtables conducted over 12 months, from November 2021 to November 2022, with local entrepreneurs in the agrifood and hospitality sectors, local actors, policymakers, institutional actors and citizens in the Irpinia region. In line with the adopted methodology, the subjects of the sample are selected based on their direct experience and knowledge of the studied phenomenon. Therefore, we chose purposive sampling, preferred over random sampling ( Yin, 2018 ). Each actor was considered a peculiar individual, influenced by the context in which he lives; for this reason, we tried to preserve the previous experiences, knowledge and attitudes of the interviewees in the transcription of the interviews ( Turner, 2010 ; Addeo and Montesperelli, 2007 ).

5.2 Data collection and analysis

Following the methodological principles of semi-structured interviews ( Corbetta, 2003 ), an interview outline was developed using a thematic approach instead of relying solely on structured questions. The use of thematic categories allowed for flexibility and a deeper exploration of relevant topics during the interview process and roundtables. The interview outline and topics covered in the roundtables are based on the five theoretical macro-areas of investigation identified through the literature (awareness of territorial value; collaboration development among actors; consolidation of the network, resource integration; technology tool). Both interviews and roundtables allow the extraction of raw data, recorded and transcribed.

First, we collected six direct interviews with local entrepreneurs and key players in Irpinia. Interviews were conducted both in person and by phone and lasted between 30 and 40 min. Afterward, three roundtables involving 15 key players were organized. Each of the three roundtables lasted about 2 h. Each researcher read the transcriptions autonomously and then shared the results with the others, to reach a common interpretation. To preserve the identity of the interviewees, their names are not revealed in the paper, but the subjects investigated are renamed to their roles in the agrifood chain.

We looked at information we gathered and tried to understand it using the technique of qualitative content analysis, in line with the precepts of the method proposed by Gioia (2021) . The interpretative process required to fulfill this kind of content analysis is neither structured nor codified through specific parameters. Hence, the need to integrate this technique with the criteria laid down in the Gioia methodology. The collected data (raw data) have been analyzed in three steps. The first step of data analysis involved coding the raw data obtained from the interviews to systematize the recurring elements underlying the data corpus. Researchers coded independently to derive first-order concepts and connected them inductively to the dimensions and triggers of data-driven orientation and innovation. The theoretical dimensions were revised and enriched to include novel empirical data.

The second stage of categorization involved classifying the results of the coding into second-order themes, which are more specific topics obtained from the semantic aggregation of first-order concepts. Second-order themes were identified based on the weaknesses of agrifood chains that emerged from the interviews and were connected to the key dimensions of the macro-areas of the research.

The final stage of conceptualization involved aggregating the second-order themes into practical actions aimed at solving the weaknesses identified in the interviews. The final conceptual categories were derived through the re-aggregation of the second-order themes and the results of the roundtables. The three roundtables with the main stakeholders of the sector aim to collect information and suggestions about the role of technologies in the development of collaboration. The roundtables have involved altogether 15 key players: policymakers, entrepreneurs, other institutional actors and citizens. The labels of final conceptual categories were identified through deduction processes that detected the underlying conceptual cores and reconnected them to macro-categories.

Starting from the five theoretical macro-areas of investigation emerging from the literature (awareness of territorial value; collaboration development among actors; consolidation of the network, resource integration; technology tool), raw data were collected and analyzed in three steps: coding, categorization and conceptualization. The following results arise from data collection and analysis process (see Figure 1 ).

6.1 Awareness of the value

Concerning the first investigation area, the most important aspect that emerges from the research is the lack of a territorial brand: many companies operate under their brand, and this represents an element of weakness especially from an international perspective because it does not allow to fully exploit the potential deriving from the quality of local productions offered by the territory.

The lack of a unitary brand is accompanied by limited awareness of the identity of the territory in the local community itself. This is well expressed by the following sentences:

We must activate the local community to increase their knowledge and awareness about their territory. (Local expert in planning, management and reporting of a project financed by European funds)

We need markets and external subjects to be aware of our territory, but this awareness must belong first to the local community. (Olive oil producer)

6.2 Collaboration development among actors

Regarding the second investigation area, the most important theme that emerges from the research is the presence of many small agricultural entrepreneurs and a large fragmentation of production. A fragmentation that does not only concern the production chain in the strict sense but also the broader one including all the other subjects involved internally and externally in the chain.

This aspect has been highlighted by most of the stakeholders interviewed and participating during the roundtables and can be well summarized by the following sentences:

The Irpinia agri-food chain is characterized by many small agricultural entrepreneurs who have highly parceled out their properties so the income is not very high. The goal must be to aggregate several producers to have a unified vision and move compactly on national markets. (Dean of Agricultural Educational Institute)

We must know how to dig into our identity. From the great complexity that emerges from it, we must know how to draw boundaries [..] to do this, we need to get help from external agents. (Anthropologist)

6.3 Network consolidation

The most important aspect that emerges with specific reference to network consolidation, relates to the role of policymaker and the necessity to define a long-term strategy and a vision for the development of the local territory. The role of policymakers also emerges in the need to define a set of common rules that could represent a guide for all actors of the territory. This element is well expressed by the following sentences:

There is a great need for a plan with precise indications of actions and activities to be carried out (this can also guide individuals) which serves to give a vision to the territory. The first task falls to the institution which must have a clear plan. (Local tourism councilor)

We need a forward-looking administration capable of investing and equipping itself in time and be ready when opportunities arise. (Architect)

6.4 Resource integration

Related to resource integration, emerges the low propensity to collaborate between the actors of the value chain.

This aspect has been emphasized by the actors directly involved in the chain and by most of the stakeholders indirectly participating the same.

The collaborations currently developed between the supply chains are collaborations that are the result of a need for individuals but are not systemic and systematic. A model should be built to make connections stable and systematic that in other realities have been going on for years. (Representative of local slow food association)

The level of interaction among firms is very limited and many companies do not collaborate due to cultural and mentality issues. (Dean of Agricultural Educational Institute)

Relations between operators in the supply chain are practically absent and limited to the presence of the Consortium, a body recognized by the Ministry with activities coordination functions. There is no real network between the companies and there is an absence of a cooperation policy between the wineries. (Wine producer)

There is strong individualism that is part of an alas atavistic cultural heritage. There is no consortium spirit also because there is a lack of economic impulses, there is a little predisposition to network. (Founder of a farmhouse)

If the weakness of the Irpinia agri-food chains is the “disconnection” between them, a possible solution is to integrate the elements and resources from several actors: tourist offer, intangible heritage and cultural offer, agri-food and food and wine offer. (Coordinator of first roundtable)

6.5 Technology

What emerges with specific reference to the technology investigation area, is the limited use of digital technology both as a tool to support production and commercial processes and as a tool to accelerate the knowledge exchange.

support in making customers better aware of the original values and quality of products offered;

create synergies between one’s activity, the events and cultural assets present in one's territory which are directly or indirectly connected with the products offered; and

act as a bridge with the development of collateral activities to the agricultural and primary processing ones, which are particularly important in the perspective of tourism development.

These three aspects are well summed up by the following testimonies.

Digital technologies could play a very important role as a place of aggregation and comparison between the players in the supply chain. (Wine producer)

The new digital technologies could represent an enabling factor for the development of the sector through the Application of agriculture 4.0 whose effectiveness moves along two main directions: improve productivity and respect the environment. (Dean of educational institute)

Often, in Irpinia, we have small companies that make products of absolute excellence. They cannot increase production, but they need, precisely because of this quality, that the product on the shelf can cost more to be perceived as added value. A major positioning that applies to wine, oil, beer, cheese, all those agricultural products that can be transformed. Digital technology could provide a tool to communicate products and territory contributing to increase their visibility and their value. (Coordinator of the third roundtable)

The Figure 1 synthesizes the findings discussed above by highlighting the transition from first-order concepts to second-order themes and aggregate dimensions that represent actions that need to be implemented to activate collaborations between actors involved in rural development and that will be discussed in the following paragraphs.

7. Discussion: a proposal for a collaborative framework for policymaking

Starting from the analysis of the literature and from the results of the empirical research, we elaborated a proposal for a collaborative model able to stimulate collaboration and connect all actors that populate the agrifood sectors, through the proposition of a set of actions that policymakers should encourage and actors in the supply chains should implement.

The model, shown in Figure 2 , considers the five elements emerging from the investigation of the agrifood supply chain of Irpinia.

Each of the five elements identified emerges from the literature and from the themes derived from the empirical research. The identified elements represent five practical actions to solve the weaknesses of a local supply chain. The five actions are (1) definition of territorial identity, (2) involvement of internal and external actors, (3) definition of quality standards, (4) cooperation intra and infra supply chains and (5) communication through technology.

In addition, the five elements of the proposed collaborative framework describe the trajectories to run in implementing a digital platform that can represent a collective communication space to give voice to all the actors of the territory in a perspective of enhancement of the agrifood sectors and related tourism.

7.1 Definition of territorial identity

To define a unitary identity of the territory, the genius loci that refer to the specificities and values of the territory must be considered ( Becattini, 2004 ; Vecco, 2020 ).

The concept of identity must refer first of all to the territory as a whole and secondly to typical products. In fact, it is necessary that all actors become aware of the value of the territory ( Rocchi and Romano, 2006 ), of the typical productions and of the specific qualitative attributes of the products. It is essential to have a clear understanding of the richness of the territory, to know which are the food and wine levers, which are the actors involved and the local resources.

7.2 Involvement of internal and external actors

The development of a sense of identity and a common representation of local specificities is the fundamental premise for the development of collaborations and for the implementation of initiatives to enhance local products and services. The awareness of local value is also fundamental for the development of a participatory and collaborative process that starts from the bottom and that involves all the actors of the territory and the local community itself ( Rocchi and Romano, 2006 ). Voice must be given to all the internal and external actors of the single supply chain (producers, consumers, associations, public administrations, school system, civil society and public subjects). The solution to the problem of excessive business fragmentation is the involvement of internal and external actors in supply chains. The collaboration development among actors needs to include actors close to the supply chains which, by experiencing the territory and knowing its history and values, can help create a unified image of the territory. The territory should not be understood as a geographical space but as a “choral subject”, that is, human groups that have their own “productive bump”, matured over time, which shapes, at the same time, the territory and the mindset of the population ( Becattini, 2004 ).

7.3 Definition of quality standards

The definition and maintenance of high-quality levels is essential to promote the development of the tourism and agrifood related sectors. To guarantee high-quality levels, the network should establish rules to define common quality standards ( van der Vorst et al. , 2011 ). Attention to the quality of the offer is however a broad concept that involves three different levels ( Pencarelli and Forlani, 2002 ): the quality of the products, the quality of the hospitality structures and the quality of the context and territory.

Product quality means guaranteeing the quality and typicality of the productions. Cooperation with the agricultural sector is essential to achieve and maintain product quality standards.

Quality of hospitality means attention to the service component by the accommodation facilities, but it also means professionalism of the food tourism operators, which often involves operators who are not touristic and therefore must acquire the appropriate skills in the matter.

Quality assurance of the territorial context means definition of quality standards of the territories and of the structures it offers.

7.4 Cooperation intra and infra supply chains

Cooperation between the actors of the same supply chain (intra-supply chain) and between actors of different supply chains (infra-supply chains) ( Allaoui et al. , 2019 ) belonging to the same territory is the solution to limited propensity for cooperation and lack of synergies among individual producers.

Intra-supply chain and infra-supply chain collaboration lead to resource integration among actors of a network, that is the prerequisite for value co-creation ( Vargo and Lusch, 2016 ). Resource integration represents a joint value creation that benefits all actors of ecosystem.

7.5 Communication through technology

Communication is the necessary tool to promote externally the value of the territory. Digital technology is a leverage for knowledge exchange to reach all stakeholders and to systematically promote innovation ( Polese et al. , 2022 ). Knowledge exchange through technology concerns both the production side of the agrifood sector, where new technologies allow customers to have complete traceability and visibility of the production process, both the identity side, where technologies allow customers to have complete knowledge about territory identity. Therefore, it can represent the plot that brings together the contents of the territory, and it can act as enabling factor for the collaboration development among actors in places where the social fabric is not conducive to the spontaneous creation of networks ( Cafiero et al. , 2020 ).

8. Conclusions and implications

The paper proposes an innovative framework for the collaboration of the actors of the agrifood chain to stimulate rural development. The proposed collaborative model could represent the starting point for the construction of a digital platform that aims to represent a collective communication space to give voice to all the actors of the territory being a tool of support and enablement of enhancing and strengthening the local supply chain. The construction of a digital platform should be driven by the basic idea of the collaborative model according to which the entire agrifood sector will increase its visibility and transparency through increased interconnection and cooperation of resources and the actors who work there.

In other words, the digital platform does not aim to define from above, according to a top-down approach, the actions and activities to be carried out to promote collaboration relationships functional to the development of the supply chains and the territory on which they exist. Rather, it aims to support and empower a communication scheme between a plurality of actors that can stimulate the creation from below, according to a bottom-up approach, of intra-supply chain and between supply chain collaboration strategies.

Furthermore, the digital platform should be based on the assumption that the value creation process does not occur only thanks to the companies directly involved in the production processes but involves entire systems of value creation in a process of value co-creation ( Polese et al. , 2018 ). This happens because the various actors, with their specific and respective roles, contribute to co-create value and not simply add activities along their own chain.

promotion of local places and products;

increase in the visibility of agricultural and agrifood companies in the territory; and

value co-creation processes between broad sets of stakeholders that drive positive social change.

The research entails theoretical and practical implications.

First, the study contributes to the literature on the actor-network approach ( Rocchi and Romano, 2006 ) and the service ecosystem elements ( Polese et al. , 2018 ; Botti and Monda, 2020 ; Troisi et al. , 2019a , 2019b ), demonstrating their integration and identifying basic and supporting components for the development process of the rural area.

Second, it contributes to the rural development literature, expanding the body of knowledge and giving new evidence to the idea that agrifood chain and tourism are clear components of place identity ( Hernández-Mogollon et al. , 2015 ; Vesci and Botti, 2019 ) offering the opportunity to experience the intangible heritage of the visited place ( Björk and Kauppinen-Räisänen, 2014 ).

Third, it gives traction to the conceptualization of “new rurality” ( Pita-Morales et al. , 2015 ; Pisani and Franceschetti, 2018 ; Ramírez-Miranda, 2014 ; Rytkönen, 2014 ) demonstrating how this approach works in real society describing the interactions and the collaborations that can transform a rural area in a socially constructed area.

Fourth, the study proposes an advancement in the local development literature ( Andersson et al. , 2017 ; Botti et al. , 2018 ), proposing a theoretical framework able to support local development. The identification of some actions for fostering effective rural development can improve present understanding of rural development itself and could offer some useful insights on the different kind of real activities and collaborations performed by actors’ network.

Fifth, from a practical point of view, the analysis provides relevant insights for policymakers to define adequate policies able to support rural development. In fact, having identified strategic elements (theoretical macro-areas: awareness of local value, collaboration development among actors, consolidation of the network, resource integration and using digital technology) for rural development and practical actions (definition of territorial identity, involvement of internal and external actors, definition of quality standards, cooperation intra- and infra-supply chains and communication through technology) necessary to solve the weaknesses of a local supply chain, the paper suggests the need for a differentiated use of policy instruments more targeted in relation to the specific objectives to be achieved.

Furthermore, our research suggests the necessity for policymakers to adopt a new approach aimed to create the conditions to develop collaborations between actors involved in rural development. In other terms, the role of institutions and policymakers should also include the capability to enable and to empower local actors and communities to make collaborative choices and actions. This kind of approach is important for two reasons: to create an enabling policy environment for initiatives promoted by local actors; and to allow new institutions and groups to emerge in less active places.

In more general terms, the role of policymakers in the development of a collaborative approach requires a sort of bottom-up approach in which local actors are active subjects and policymakers have to provide the supportive environment for community initiatives.

Finally, by pinpointing the main role of technology, the study highlights the constantly evolving of technology, and how it has a growing importance in rural development. This phenomenon concerns not only the actors involved in the agrifood chain process but also the territories where the agrifood companies operate.

Methodology steps

Conceptual framework for collaboration development of rural areas

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Rural Development: A Scan of Field Practice and Trends

August 9, 2021  • Brian Dabson & Chitra Kumar

What must happen for economic development to foster a more prosperous, healthier, equitable and environmentally sustainable rural America? This scan of field practice begins with an overview of the main economic theories and policy frameworks that guide and influence the practice of economic development, particularly in a rural context. This leads to a presentation of the results of qualitative research on economic development practice and how it is evolving, based on a series of interviews with over 40 experts representing a range of perspectives on economic development. It concludes with a commentary on how economic development can foster a more prosperous, healthier, equitable and environmentally sustainable rural America.

A publication of THRIVE RURAL – an effort of the Aspen Institute Community Strategies Group in partnership with the University of Wisconsin Population Health Institute with initial support from the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation – aims to create a shared framework and understanding about what it will take for communities and Native nations across the rural United States to be healthy places where everyone belongs, lives with dignity, and thrives. Thrive Rural intentionally brings into focus the convergence of racial, economic and geographic inequity in rural America. Thrive Rural elevates what works and what’s needed to bridge health with community and economic development, and connects the shared aims, reality and prospects of rural America with all of America.

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Rural rising: Economic development strategies for America’s heartland

In downtown Clarksdale, Mississippi, in a repurposed freight depot built in 1918 for the Yazoo and Mississippi Valley Railroad, sits the Delta Blues Museum. The state’s oldest music museum, it is central to the growing tourism industry in the Mississippi Delta, “the land where the blues began”—once home to John Lee Hooker and Muddy Waters. Yet on March 18, 2020, as the COVID-19 crisis escalated across the United States, the museum was forced to temporarily close its doors. Tourism across the country slowed to a trickle, and Clarksdale’s Coahoma County—85 miles from Memphis, 77 percent Black, and with 35 percent of its population living in poverty as of 2019—suddenly lost one of its main sources of income and employment. 1 “S1701: Poverty status in the past 12 months,” American Community Survey, US Census Bureau, 2019. By April 2020, the county’s unemployment rate had reached about 20 percent. 2 “Unemployment rate in Coahoma County, MS,” retrieved from Federal Reserve Economic Data (FRED), Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, March 8, 2022.

Meanwhile, about 1,000 miles northwest, in rural Chase County, Nebraska, the unemployment rate in April 2020 was only 2.2 percent. Businesses struggled to fill positions and attract workers; the poverty rate in Chase County was lower than the US average and remains so today. 3 “Unemployment rate in Coahoma County, MS,” retrieved from Federal Reserve Economic Data (FRED), Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, March 8, 2022.

As these stories show, rural America is not one geographical unit but a mosaic of different landscapes, people, and economic realities. 4 America at work: A national mosaic and roadmap for tomorrow , Walmart, February 2019. It includes agricultural powerhouses, postindustrial towns, and popular tourism enclaves. Some rural communities are relatively close to major cities, while others are hundreds of miles from the nearest urban hub. Some have thriving workforces and a handful of economic anchors, while others face declining populations and some of the lowest living standards in the country. Some benefit from endowments such as energy resources and beautiful landscapes, while others have few natural amenities.

Rural America is not one geographical unit but a mosaic of different landscapes, people, and economic realities.

Below, we examine the types of rural communities in the United States and suggest that attention to three foundational elements—sectors, workforce, and community and connectivity—can promote economic success. We then outline a data-driven approach to economic development that can be tailored to meet the needs of different communities and share examples of initiatives that have led to positive outcomes in rural communities throughout North America.

Tracking growth across rural America’s five community archetypes

In collaboration with Walmart, we’ve identified five archetypes of rural American communities (Exhibit 1). 5 America at work: A national mosaic and roadmap for tomorrow , Walmart, February 2019.

Americana.  The largest rural community archetype, comprising 879 counties and 40 million Americans, Americana counties have slightly lower GDP and educational outcomes than urban areas. They are relatively close to major cities and often include several major employers.

Distressed Americana.  Distressed Americana communities comprise 18 million people living in 973 counties (many in the South) facing high levels of poverty, low labor force participation, and low educational attainment. Historically, these communities have been hubs for agriculture, extractive industries, and manufacturing. Their decline has mirrored the struggles in these sectors.

Rural Service Hubs.  Rural Service Hubs are so named because the areas (often close to highways or railways) are home to manufacturing and service industries. Because these hub communities typically serve surrounding counties that are more rural, they tend to specialize in industries such as retail and healthcare.

Great Escapes.   Great Escapes are the smallest but most well off of the rural archetypes, home to wealthy enclaves and tourist destinations. They comprise 14 counties and 300,000 people. While the focus on tourism in Great Escapes communities results in many low-paying service jobs, their GDP, household income, and educational attainment outpace their rural peers.

Resource-Rich Regions.  This category comprises 177 counties that are home to almost one million people. As the name suggests, these communities are defined by economic reliance on oil and gas or mining, often alongside high rates of agricultural production. Due in part to the value of the resources, household income, GDP per capita, and educational attainment in Resource-Rich Regions tend to be higher than average.

Over the past ten years, the populations of all archetypes except for Distressed Americana have grown (Exhibit 2). Resource-Rich Regions in places such as West Texas and North Dakota have seen some of the fastest growth. For example, since 2010, the populations of McKenzie County, North Dakota, and Loving County, Texas, have grown by 134 percent and 104 percent respectively, while median household incomes have increased by nearly half in nominal terms. 6 Data Buffet, Moody’s Analytics.

Yet while the population of Loving County soared, Concho County, Texas, another Resource-Rich Region, witnessed a 33 percent decline in population over the past decade. Approximately two-thirds of Resource-Rich Region counties faced similar, though often less precipitous, declines. 7 Data Buffet, Moody’s Analytics.

Counties where residents typically have access to world-class natural amenities, which are often among the Great Escapes, have been among the most uniformly successful since 2010. The appropriately named Summit County, Colorado, is home to one of the greatest concentrations of ski resorts in the world, featuring Breckenridge, Copper Mountain, Keystone, and Arapahoe Basin. Over the past decade, the county’s population has grown by 11 percent and median household income has increased by 54 percent. 8 Data Buffet, Moody’s Analytics.

Gallatin County, Montana, home to Bozeman, is a Rural Service Hub, though it also features the world-class natural amenities common to Great Escapes. It contains Big Sky Resort and is one of the gateways to Yellowstone National Park. The county, particularly the city of Bozeman, has seen a significant influx of remote workers during the pandemic, which may have contributed to a jump in housing prices of more than one-third since the beginning of 2020. 9 “Gallatin County home values,” Zillow, updated on January 31, 2022.

Meanwhile, Pender County, an Americana region on the southern coast of North Carolina, achieved 22 percent population growth from 2010 to 2020 while positioning itself as a logistics hub. Pender Commerce Park, a 450-acre industrial center developed as part of a partnership between Pender County and Wilmington Business Development, attracted FedEx Freight in 2018. 10 “FedEx Freight coming to Pender Commerce Park,” Pender County, North Carolina, February 5, 2018.

Rural counties’ wide range of economic performance over the past decade reinforces that there is no one-size-fits-all playbook for growth. Instead, we have identified some of the fundamental characteristics that thriving counties tend to share, even as the appearance or impact of the characteristics varies from place to place.

Elements of a thriving rural community

Rural communities require three interconnected, baseline elements to thrive: sectors, workforce, and community and connectivity (Exhibit 3). Rural economic development initiatives typically tie into one or more of these key elements.

Sectors.   Sectors refer to stable or growing tradable industries that bring wealth into communities, create employment opportunities, and carry strong multiplier effects that support the overall economy. Thriving rural communities play to their region’s strengths, supporting sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, energy, tourism, and postsecondary education.

Workforce.   People are the lifeblood of any community. A healthy, skilled workforce is the most important factor in attracting and retaining employers in key sectors. 11 Ron Starner, “More than some like it hot,” Site Selection , January 2018. In addition, workers spread wealth and create additional jobs by buying goods and services within their communities.

Community and connectivity.  The most intangible element, community and connectivity includes services and amenities critical to quality of life, such as transportation infrastructure and access to broadband, healthcare, childcare, and arts and culture. Because these assets support the workforce, they are essential to developing thriving sectors.

While thriving communities are succeeding across all three elements, more narrow or focused efforts can still catalyze economic growth. For example, even if job creation is low or GDP growth has plateaued in a community, improving residents’ quality of life can slow outmigration and attract thriving sectors in the future.

Creating an economic development strategy

Creating an economic development strategy for a rural area is similar to doing so in other places. It is a multistep process that requires assessing the current state of the region, identifying the value proposition, evaluating existing programs, and establishing partnerships and rural hubs. When those steps have been taken, communities will be in a position to prioritize specific initiatives.

Assess the current state of the region

Before engaging in an economic development strategy, it is important to understand the current state of a region, its competitive position, and its strengths and challenges. This requires using quantitative data from sources such as the US Census Bureau, the Bureau of Labor Statistics, as well as the National Center for Education Statistics and qualitative data from sources such as stakeholder interviews to assess regional performance across a variety of metrics. The framework in Exhibit 3 provides a starting point. Regions can be assessed by sector, including factors such as employment rate, GDP, specialization, and growth by industry; workforce, including a demographic breakdown, employment by occupation, and educational attainment; and community and connectivity, including factors such as transportation infrastructure and access to broadband, childcare, and healthcare.

With these data, policy makers can understand their region’s strengths and challenges relative to other regions and begin to focus on assets, or competitive advantage, and potential barriers to development.

Identify the value proposition

After the diagnostic phase has resulted in a picture of a region’s strengths and challenges, the next step is formulating the value proposition, which is part of a strengths-based approach to economic development. The value proposition is about creating a regional story line that answers questions such as: Why would someone live here? Why would a company locate here? Why would someone visit? The value proposition can take many forms across sectors, the workforce, and community and connectivity. For instance, it may be a high-performing local talent pool, a knack for retaining and growing local businesses, an ability to build partnerships to attract investment, or distinctive industry clusters. The value proposition for residents might include a strong local community, a high quality of life, or access to natural amenities. The most effective economic development strategies leverage and develop a region’s strengths and reinforce its value proposition.

Evaluate existing programs and initiatives

Any one region can be affected by multiple programs and initiatives, including those from federal, state, and local governments and from groups such as chambers of commerce and business improvement districts. Policy makers may want to take stock of existing programs before developing new initiatives to avoid reinventing the wheel. Key questions to ask include: What does this program cover? What are its strengths and weaknesses? Can it be improved? Is it possible to increase engagement? Successful economic development strategies often leverage existing efforts or improve them incrementally by updating programs or increasing participation. An analysis of a region’s current programs also reveals genuine gaps that can be addressed with new initiatives.

Establish partnerships and rural hubs

Rural regions often include multiple stakeholders, such as governments, nonprofits, and educational institutions, that have a—sometimes overlapping—hand in the three foundational elements of economic development noted above. In addition, multiple communities within a broader region may have shared economic needs. Partnerships in rural areas can therefore allow communities to direct limited resources and expertise to shared initiatives. When regions and institutions band together, they create economies of scale, also called rural hubs.

Designing rural economic development initiatives

Rural regions are not monoliths, so rural economic development strategies will vary. The approach outlined above will help leaders identify their region’s unique strengths, challenges, and assets that can be formed into cohesive value propositions. That said, many broad economic development initiatives can be tailored to meet the needs of different regions. Below is a nonexhaustive list of initiatives that may apply to rural regions, based on their specific assets and needs.

Launch ‘big push’ investment

The idea of the “big push” is to funnel a significant amount of investment into a particular area of need to create a sustainable, long-term, virtuous cycle of economic growth. This can take many forms but is most frequently associated with the attraction of a major employer or the construction of large-scale infrastructure. Due to its size, big-push investment usually requires involvement and funding from an overarching government body, such as the state or federal government.

An example of big-push investment in electric vehicles can be found in Tennessee. The state has offered Ford Motors and its partner, South Korea–based SK Innovation, hundreds of millions of dollars in incentives to develop BlueOval City, a site for the production of electric pickup trucks and advanced batteries. Leaders expect the project to create nearly 6,000 jobs in Stanton, Tennessee, a town within Distressed Americana Haywood County. 12 Morgan Watkins, “Here are the incentives Kentucky and Tennessee used to lure Ford’s new factories,” Louisville Courier Journal , October 11, 2021; “Ford to lead America’s shift to electric vehicles with new mega campus in Tennessee and twin battery plants in Kentucky; $11.4B investment to create 11,000 new jobs and power new lineup of advanced EVs,” Ford Motor Company, September 27, 2021.

Embrace placemaking

Residents want to live in communities that are safe, interesting, and attractive. Placemaking means creating those environments. It is, by one definition, “the process of creating quality places that people want to live, work, play, and learn in.” 13 Robert Steuteville, “Four types of placemaking,” Better Cities & Towns, October 2014.

Funding for placemaking efforts can come from a variety of sources, including private groups and local, state, or federal governments. For instance, the US Department of Agriculture’s Rural Placemaking Innovation Challenge made available $3 million (with a maximum grant of $250,000) to rural areas for technical assistance related to placemaking. 14 “Rural Placemaking Innovation Challenge,” US Department of Agriculture, updated on July 26, 2021. Like their urban counterparts, many rural cities and towns have seen success in creating business improvement districts (BIDs), small-scale economic development organizations often funded by local stakeholders, such as businesses. BIDs deliver services in a particular area, often at the neighborhood or “Main Street” level. The services might include street cleaning, public safety, beautification, or events.

One example of placemaking comes from Douglas, Georgia, a city of roughly 12,000 people about 115 miles northwest of Jacksonville, Florida. It is the county seat of Coffee County, characterized as Distressed Americana. 15 How small towns and cities can use local assets to rebuild their economies: Lessons from successful places , US Environmental Protection Agency, May 2015. In the late 1980s, Douglas faced downtown vacancy rates of about 25 percent. In response, the city restored historic facades (funded by an initial $10,000 from the city and the local industrial development authority), replaced sidewalks, and added lighting. Today, Douglas’s downtown is a community gathering place where festivals take place regularly. Walking paths connect the downtown area to local community colleges. By 2012, the vacancy rate had dropped to 6 percent, thanks in part to 12 newly opened businesses downtown. Surrounding areas of the county gained nearly 8,000 new residents between 1990 and 2000, increasing the county’s growth rate to 26 percent—up from 11 percent between 1980 and 1990. 16 US Census Bureau, “Resident population in Coffee County, GA,” retrieved from Federal Reserve Economic Data (FRED), Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, updated on May 5, 2021.

Develop tourism infrastructure

Tourism is technically an export sector—it draws in spending from outside the region to generate economic growth. Some rural communities can leverage existing assets, such as state or national parks, to capture tourism value. Others can use their environment or location to create a reason for tourists to visit.

Crosby, Minnesota, is 125 miles north of Minneapolis and home to just shy of 3,000 people. The town was a hub for iron ore mining until the industry collapsed a half-century ago. In the 1980s, leaders from Cuyuna Range Economic Development Inc., a regional economic development organization, and other stakeholders petitioned the state to create a recreation area on the former mine sites and surrounding land. 17 Dan Kraker, “From mining to biking: How Minnesota’s Cuyuna Range became an off-road cycling destination,” Minnesota Public Radio, October 7, 2016. The Cuyuna Country State Recreation Area was officially established in 1993. In 2011, it became the state’s first mountain bike park, featuring 25 miles of trails. Since 2011, 15 new businesses—including a brewery, a yoga studio, and a farm-to-table restaurant—have opened in Crosby, largely serving the tens of thousands of annual visitors to the trail system. Once the trails reach completion at 75 miles, leaders anticipate a local economic impact of $21 million. 18 Nicholas Hunt, “How biking is saving small-town USA,” Outside , May 15, 2017.

Attract, retain, and expand small and medium-size businesses

Sixty-five percent of workers in nonmetropolitan areas are employed by small and medium-size enterprises (SMEs), a higher share than in the nation as a whole. 19 Hanna Love and Mike Powe, “Rural small businesses need local solutions to survive,” Brookings Institution, December 1, 2020. These companies provide benefits to communities beyond direct employment. SMEs generate local wealth, because profits go to the owner, who is more likely to live and spend locally than shareholders of a large corporation. 20 Devra Gartenstein, “Reasons why small businesses are important,” Houston Chronicle , January 28, 2019. Rural communities with a relatively high share of SMEs also tend to have better health outcomes. 21 Troy Blanchard, Carson Mencken, and Charles Tolbert, “The health and wealth of US counties: How the small business environment impacts alternative measures of development,” Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society , March 2012, Volume 5, Number 1.

While attracting new businesses generates local excitement, expanding and retaining SMEs has a higher return on investment, in part because existing businesses do not require tax incentives to move to the area. Local businesses are stalwarts of the community, paying economic dividends through local taxes and job creation. Leaders can initiate a business retention and expansion strategy by collecting qualitative data from interviews with entrepreneurs about expansion plans and business challenges. In addition, economic development practitioners can support SMEs by helping them access loans and grants, navigate regulatory requirements, write business plans, plan for succession, and connect to large companies doing procurement in the region.

Local businesses are stalwarts of the community, paying economic dividends through local taxes and job creation.

Northern Development Initiative Trust, an economic development agency representing rural Northern British Columbia, has made SME support a core part of its mission. The agency offers programs such as the Competitiveness Consulting Rebate, which helps SMEs recover up to 50 percent of costs (to a yearly maximum of CA $30,000 [US $23,400]) 22 Converted on March 7, 2022; “Competitiveness Consulting Rebate,” Northern Development Initiative Trust, accessed December 15, 2021. for external business consulting on services such as website creation, marketing strategy, and workplace health and safety plans. Thus far, the program has allotted more than CA $5.5 million (US $4.3 million) to SMEs across 552 projects. A complementary program, the Northern Industries Innovation Fund, supports regional SMEs’ innovation projects, such as providing funds to develop a technical process to adapt forestry equipment for drilling. 23 “Northern Industries Innovation Fund,” Northern Development Initiative Trust, accessed December 15, 2021.

Attract remote workers

Many companies have adopted long-term remote work strategies prompted by the COVID-19 pandemic and employees’ desire for flexibility. These strategies primarily affect knowledge workers, who tend to be highly educated and high earning. Historically, remote workers have flocked to smaller communities with natural amenities. A 2018 Gallup poll showed that 27 percent of Americans would prefer to live in a rural area. 24 Frank Newport, “Americans big on idea of living in the country,” Gallup News, December 7, 2018. This presents an opportunity for rural communities to make strategic investments to attract remote workers. Some investments, such as strong broadband infrastructure, may be a requirement. Others, such as assets related to quality of life or outdoor recreation, may carry varying weight depending on the region.

Some regions offer direct financial incentives to remote workers who relocate. For example, the Shoals region includes Lauderdale and Colbert Counties in rural Northwest Alabama. Remote Shoals, a partnership launched in 2019 between the Shoals Chamber of Commerce and the Shoals Economic Development Authority, offers participants a stipend of up to $10,000 to move to the region and work remotely for at least 12 months. 25 “Work remotely? Get $10,000 to do your job from the Shoals,” Shoals Economic Development Authority, accessed December 15, 2021. The program received more than 200 applications from 33 states in 2019 and 500 applications in 2020. 26 Jared Lindzon, “Cities offer cash as they compete for new residents amid remote work boom,” Fast Company , June 22, 2020; Anna Eubanks, “Remote work possibilities draw traffic to the Shoals,” Shoals Chamber of Commerce, January 22, 2021. By March 2021, the total payroll of those in the program was $1.8 million. 27 DeAndria Turner, “Remote Shoals thriving in the midst of COVID-19,” WAFF 48 News, March 24, 2021.

Increase access to healthcare

According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, significant disparities in health outcomes exist between urban and rural America, with residents of rural communities more likely to die from ailments such as heart disease and cancer. 28 “About Rural Health,” Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, updated on August 2, 2017. Limited access to healthcare in rural regions is one of the drivers of this imbalance. 29 “Rural health disparities,” Rural Health Information Hub, updated on April 22, 2019. However, many rural regions are working to address this challenge by making it easier for patients to access care—virtually or in person—and by training the next generation of rural healthcare workers.

Project ECHO, based at the University of New Mexico, uses a combination of telemedicine, case-based learning, and web-based disease management tools to offer treatment for people with chronic diseases at more than 250 sites across the state. 30 Martha Hostetter, “Case study: Project ECHO expands access to specialty care for rural patients,” Commonwealth Fund, accessed December 15, 2021. The program saves many rural residents from long trips to hospitals in more urban areas to receive specialized care. In Alabama, the University of Alabama at Birmingham and Tuskegee University, in partnership with rural community clinics, train registered nurses in three identified areas of health professional shortages. The effort became particularly relevant during the COVID-19 crisis. 31 Jennifer Lollar, “$2.8M grant will establish primary care RN workforce,” University of Alabama at Birmingham, August 29, 2018.

Rural America is indeed a mosaic. From a distance, it is often idealized but misrepresented. Upon closer examination, it reveals a diversity of colors and images. It is not one place but thousands—each community with its own identity, culture, strengths, and challenges. Some rural regions are thriving, while others have yet to fully capture their potential value. But all rural areas could benefit from an economic development plan that strengthens sectors, the workforce, and community and connectivity.

Mike Kerlin is a partner in McKinsey’s Philadelphia office; Neil O’Farrell is a specialist in the New York office; Rachel Riley is an associate partner in the Washington, DC, office; and Rachel Schaff is a client capabilities manager in the Waltham office.

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Not All About Farming: Understanding Aspirations Can Challenge Assumptions About Rural Development

• Special Issue Article
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• Published: 15 April 2021
• Volume 33 , pages 861–884, ( 2021 )

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• Kai Mausch   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-2962-7646 1 ,
• Dave Harris 2 , 3 ,
• Luke Dilley 1 , 4 ,
• Mary Crossland   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-3887-2480 3 ,
• Tim Pagella 3 ,
• Jules Yim 5 &
• Emma Jones 5  

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Rural development is a political topic in which debate has been more focussed on externally identified needs than on demands or aspirations of the rural population and polarised between the attractions of urban income earning opportunities and the importance of rural farming communities for national food provision. The heterogeneity of local aspirations and their implications for development have barely been considered. We explore the aspirations of residents of three contrasting regions in Kenya that vary in their agricultural and off-farm potential. We argue that opportunities are a major framing influence on aspirations but there is important, and routinely overlooked, diversity within the communities which could inform future options for effective development. We outline how development initiatives could be redesigned to align more closely with aspirations. However, aspirations are a complex concept and, while our approach offered novel insights, these would be enriched when combined with household survey data.

Le développement rural est un sujet politique dont le débat s’est plus focalisé sur les besoins identifiés de l’extérieur, plutôt que sur les demandes ou aspirations de la population rurale. Ce débat s’est polarisé entre les attraits d’opportunités de revenus urbains et l’importance des communautés rurales agricoles pour nourrir la nation. L’hétérogénéité des aspirations locales et ce que cela implique pour le développement ont été peu considérés. Nous explorons les aspirations des habitants de trois régions contrastées du Kenya, qui varient de par leur potentiel agricole et hors agriculture. Nous estimons que les opportunités de revenus ont une influence majeure sur les aspirations des individus, mais il y a une importante diversité, et souvent négligée, entre les communautés, qui pourrait guider les options futures de développement. Nous soulignons comment les initiatives de développement pourraient être redéfinies pour mieux s’aligner sur ces aspirations locales. Cependant, les aspirations sont un concept complexe et, alors que notre approche a révélé de nouvelles idées sur la question, ces conclusions seraient plus complètes si l'étude combinait des données d'enquêtes sur les ménages.

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Introduction

Most of the global poor live in rural areas that have been a substantial focus of development efforts over the last 70 years. While there have been significant shifts in the discourse and practice of rural development since the 1950s, Ellis and Biggs ( 2001 ) note the emergence of the concept of ‘sustainable livelihoods’ as a central motif in more recent development approaches. For Ellis and Biggs ( 2001 , p. 445), the concept of sustainable livelihoods potentially enables a move away from the previous ‘farming first’ mentality as it “embodies no prior requirement for the poor rural individual or family to be a ‘small farmer’” (see also Scoones 2009 ). The importance of recognising the diversity of livelihood strategies in rural areas has been underscored by evidence of the increasing income diversification among those who farm (Barrett et al. 2001 ) and the importance of migration to urban centres by rural residents (Mercandalli et al. 2020 ). Such evidence has raised questions about whether traditional rural development approaches that primarily seek to improve agricultural production are suitable for rural populations whose non-farm activities are becoming increasingly important for their livelihoods and potentially reduce their commitment to farming (Kihoro et al. 2021 ; Rigg 2006 ). This leads to further questions about what those living in rural areas, if they are not committed to farming, might want to do. However, while a recognition of the diversity of livelihood strategies within rural development approaches may be an important step, the policy and practice of rural development still often fails to engage with what rural residents want to do, or rather what they aspire to do.

The increasing importance of non-farm activities for rural livelihoods has already led to questions over the attractiveness of technological agricultural solutions (e.g. Llewellyn and Brown 2020 ). A growing concern over the potential for rural smallholder farmers to ‘farm themselves out of poverty’ (Gassner et al. 2019 ; Harris and Orr 2014 ) also suggests the need to re-think the agricultural focus of many development efforts. It is in this context that we see aspirations playing a potentially significant role in the redesign of rural development efforts. In this study, we define aspirations as envisioned future livelihood strategies and their associated income components (Mausch et al. 2018 ). This includes a recognition that sometimes income streams may be based on necessity rather than choice and thereby aspirations are not necessarily visions of likely future states but rather “an orientation towards a desired future” (Huijsmans et al. 2020 , p. 3). Arguably, supporting the aspirations of rural people, enabling them to take a step closer to doing what they want to do (be it agricultural or not), will lead to more efficient development efforts. Those who want to move out of agriculture could do so, leaving others to benefit from agricultural intervention and so produce the food required to feed the population. It is the distinct recognition that it is not purely outside forces that push people out of agriculture or force them to remain but rather agricultural and non-agricultural aspirations need to be understood as desired shifts in livelihoods (Bennike et al. 2020 ). We build on recent studies (Mausch et al. 2018 ; Verkaart et al. 2018 ) that began to investigate aspirations and their implications for the design of support mechanisms and explored aspirations against potential entry points for agricultural development efforts.

In contrast to recent studies that use an aspiration index (Bernard and Taffesse 2014 ), we aim to capture the full scope of aspirations in a way that does not restrict the expression of respondents. While the aspiration index captures ambitions, it focuses on the relative status of respondents within the community today and in the future; it does not capture the direction of any change with respect to income sources and thereby cannot support new approaches to rural development and targeting of interventions.

In this paper we explore the diversity of farm and non-farm related aspirations across a cross-section of rural Kenyan communities. We use a narrative-based approach in which respondents interpret their own aspirational stories using predefined livelihood-based assessment questions. We highlight implications and potential strategies for agricultural support mechanisms and incorporation of these into broader development efforts. Furthermore, we focus on differences between contrasting regions to explore the degree to which context informs aspirations. Finally, we discuss implications for the redesign of development approaches.

Theoretical framework

The livelihood concept (Scoones 2009 ) outlines how a household’s assets and political and institutional factors shape their options for taking decisions about their livelihood strategies and income structure. The concept is, therefore, well suited to the assessment of peoples’ aspirations. Rural households that farm in sub-Saharan Africa mostly operate on small land parcels which limits their potential to earn substantial incomes from agriculture (Gassner et al. 2019 ; Harris 2019 ; Harris and Orr 2014 ). Consequently, their livelihood portfolios have become increasingly diverse (Ellis and Freeman 2004 ; Haggblade et al. 2010 ) and it is unclear which actual and potential income streams drive household choices. In practice, livelihood strategies are often fluid and have rather ‘fuzzy’ boundaries between different income streams, yet explicit consideration of the preferred means and direction of travel towards prosperity is seldom included in surveys.

Better understanding of households’ aspirations could offer a solution. It is argued that aspirations moderate responses to incentive structures and thereby influence choices among potential options (Mausch et al. 2018 ; Verkaart et al. 2018 ). Yet, aspirations are not purely shaped by individual desires (Huijsmans et al. 2020 ). Social pressures, norms and expectations also play a role in their formation and expression (Bennike et al. 2020 ; Crossland et al. 2021 ). For example, in many communities ‘farming’ is not only an income generation activity but is also perceived as a lifestyle. This is despite the fact that income portfolios are increasingly dominated by sources outside farming (Borras et al. 2008 ; Verkaart et al. 2018 ). It is therefore important to capture the full scope of aspirations and not to restrict the respondents to aspirations related to any particular income stream—even when the goal is to identify potential entry points for agricultural development. Footnote 1

Figure  1 summarises the framework at the core of this study. Besides the recognition of the context within which aspirations are formed (here light grey), there are further limits and biases that need to be considered. Galiani et al. ( 2018 ) highlight that aspirations beyond achievable outcomes can lead to adverse outcomes as people become discouraged. Therefore, considering the ‘adjacent possible’ Footnote 2 (here mid grey) by providing options that recognise viable aspirations should be more likely to improve development outcomes. Theoretically, the adjacent possible narrows the context (here light grey) within which aspirations are formed. In the longer term, aspirations could, however, go beyond the adjacent possible when multiple intermediate steps are envisioned towards the aspired future.

Aspirational pursuit and influences

In addition to the contextual conditions and the adjacent possible that shape the options people can pursue, human behaviour and the resulting limitation of information processing and choice-making (World Bank 2015 ) shape aspiration formation and the ‘aspiration window’. The aspiration window (here dark grey) can be described as imaginable futures based on observations of peers and evolves through social interactions (Appadurai 2004 ; Dilley et al. 2021 ; Ray 2006 ) and through this interaction it can change or widen (Macours and Vakis 2014 ). The aspiration window does not necessarily align with real options as biases and imagination influence its size and shapes “what individuals perceive as desirable, possible, or even ‘thinkable’ for their lives” (World Bank 2015 , p. 3). It may even be smaller than the adjacent possible based on biases in perception.

Despite a growing recognition of the importance of considering aspirations in the recent literature, there is no consensus on how to assess, measure and interpret them. Bennike et al. ( 2020 ), for example, highlight the need to analyse aspirations beyond the individualised view. They critique the implicit blaming of people’s lack of aspirations by focussing on the factors that influence or hinder aspirational pursuit. Explicit consideration of people's and communities’ aspirations provides both an entry point as well as a mechanism to evaluate outcomes of development interventions.

Research sites and sampling

We selected three research sites in rural Kenya with different levels of agricultural potential and off-farm employment opportunities—Turkana, Meru and Makueni counties (Fig.  2 ).

Study sites and survey locations

These three counties were purposively selected as they represent the range of diversity within the country and vary in their distance and connectivity to urban centres and in their agro-ecological potential. Turkana is a remote region of Kenya with low rainfall, limited agricultural potential and a predominantly migratory, pastoral lifestyle. Food insecurity episodes are frequent and there are few non-agricultural opportunities (Turkana County Government, n.d). Makueni is characterised by small-scale, rainfed farming with frequent crop failures due to unreliable rainfall (Makueni County Government, 2013). Livestock keeping alongside food crop production are common agricultural activities in Makueni and there is some wage employment (GOK and FAO, 2014). Meru is relatively well connected to urban centres and has better potential for both agricultural production and opportunities for wage employment (Ministry of Agriculture Livestock and Fisheries, 2016). Besides the main food crops and livestock production, cash crops such as tea or coffee are produced (GOK & IFAD, 2014). Within each county one sub-county was selected to represent the conditions outlined above. For Turkana, the sub-county included an irrigation scheme, so ensuring that farming was at least one option. In Meru, the sub-county was chosen based on its proximity to a secondary urban centre and the presence of large farms. In Makueni, the sub-counties were chosen to represent the medium distance to the capital city while being semi-arid.

During a second stage of sampling, ten villages were randomly selected within each county and from each village, ten households were randomly selected. Within each household the household head was interviewed. Additionally, we randomly selected either his/her spouse(s) or one of his/her children. This led to a total sample of 600 and, without replacement of unavailable respondents, this process led to 233 household heads, 204 spouses, 99 youths (age 16–35). Youth were underrepresented as not all households included children and several selected children were in school during the time of the interview. A sample overview by category is shown in Table 1 .

Survey Design

As proposed in Mausch et al. ( 2018 ) we used a mixed qualitative/quantitative survey tool called SenseMaker®, whereby respondents share a short narrative in response to an initial prompting question and then interpret their own story using a set of quantitative assessment questions (Cognitive Edge 2014 ; Jenal 2016 ; Mausch et al. 2018 ; Polk 2017 ). An advantage of this methodology is that it does not restrict the respondent to categories of interest to the researcher and allows for a more open conversation about people’s aspired future. Unlike more traditional qualitative methods, the respondent gives meaning to their narrative through ‘self-signification’, and is less prone to researcher bias. The tool has been used to explore drivers of child marriage (Bartels et al. 2018 ) and understand drivers of business relations (Deprez, n.d.), but the application to rural aspirations and agriculture is novel and therefore exploratory in nature.

To start our survey, respondents were asked “Imagine your life in 10 years’ time, tell a story about how you got to that point from this present day?”. This prompting question was purposefully open-ended, emotionally neutral and without reference to agriculture, to elicit an unrestricted response (Kay 2011 ). Additionally, we did not mention our interest in farming so as to further reduce bias and the potential for gaming. Footnote 3 Respondents were then asked to interpret or ‘signify’ the meaning of their narrative using a set of assessment questions. These self-signification questions Footnote 4 were developed from our theoretical framework (Fig.  1 ) to explore the main theoretical influences on livelihood strategies and aspirations, including community values, identity, motives and goals, support mechanisms, perceived risks and opportunities, and attitudes towards farming.

The self-signification process employed three basic types of questions, answerable as triads, dyads and stones. In triads, respondents are asked to interpret their narrative based on how it is balanced between three interrelated concepts. Each triad is displayed as a triangle where each apex represents one concept. Using a digital interface, respondents are asked place a ball within the triangle in the position that best represents their narrative. The closer the ball to any one corner, the stronger their story relates to the associated concept. This position within the triad yields three numerical values in relation to each apex (i.e. a three-part ratio). The sum of these three values is therefore equal to the whole (100% or 1). For dyads, respondents are asked to rate their story along a sliding-scale between two opposing statements. Respondents can position their marker anywhere between these two labels to indicate their answer, leading to a 0–100 scale. For stones, respondents are asked to place aspects of their story along two axes (i.e. a positive cartesian plane) allowing them to simultaneously rate two characteristics at the same time. The numeric values are standard x–y coordinates that range from 0 to 100 for each category. The final section of the survey included several demographic questions to identify patterns across sub-populations such as men and women; young and old; and across different geographical locations.

Development of the survey instrument along the components outlined above followed a structured workshop approach involving several facilitated discussions between the research team, whose collective experience and expertise includes agricultural research, anthropology and the application of the SenseMaker® methodology and survey tool. The resulting survey instrument was then tested and refined with the team of enumerators recruited from the locations. The survey training and refinement was implemented with all teams jointly to ensure common understanding of the questionnaire, the approach and the concepts. Teams interviewed each other in their local languages to further refine the translation and ensure comparability within as well as across teams. Footnote 5

Data collection was conducted in September 2018 using handheld tablets and the SenseMaker® data collection app. Each respondent was surveyed individually, and their story translated and transcribed into English by the enumerator before proceeding with the self-signification and demographic questions. Data analysis involved the visualisation of quantitative responses to examine emerging patterns in respondent perspectives and across sub-groups. Triad results were visualised as density plots and geometric means calculated using the “ggtern” package (Hamilton and Ferry 2018 ) in the R software environment (R Core Team 2020 ). Dyad and stones results were visualised as violin plots generated using the “vioplots” package (Hintze and Nelson 1998 ) in Stata (Winter and Nichols 2008 ). Narratives were then explored to help contextualise and facilitate interpretation of the quantitative results. For the topical analysis, all stories were reviewed and deductively coded into various categories based on their content (e.g. farming-related, non-farming-related or both). Finally, a simple linear regression analysis was conducted in Stata to assess how the various concepts captured using the self-signification questions interact and relate to aspirations.

Aspirations: Directions, Drivers and Implications

Livelihood strategies.

The narratives shared are short summaries of respondents’ aspirational state 10 years from the interview. The most commonly mentioned topics are ‘farming’, ‘business’, ‘family’ and ‘livestock’ (Table 2 ), reflecting three main emerging themes from the narratives: investment in agricultural production, self-owned businesses and children’s education. The terms ‘farming’ and ‘livestock’ are the main terms relating to agriculture. ‘Business’, however, is often used about multiple sectoral foci. For instance, many stories mention business in relation to non-agricultural enterprises, such as hair salons and rental houses, while others use this term in relation to agriculture, where people aspire to ‘farming as a business’. Terms associated with children and education are mentioned in more than one third of the stories, indicating a strong focus on investment in children’s futures. Positive forward-looking terms, such as ‘achieve’, ‘better’ or ‘improve’, also appear in many of the narratives, suggesting a degree of ambition among respondents.

The prevalence of these themes and the types of farm and non-farm livelihood activities mentioned varies across the three locations and likely reflects differences in their local agro-ecological context and off-farm opportunities. Box 1 provides a few exemplar narratives from across the three locations. In Meru, stories tend to focus on improving mixed farming, often involving investment in commercial dairy farming. Many stories also include non-agricultural aspirations such as running shops and rental houses. In Makueni, stories focus primarily on farming and activities such as planting fruit trees, digging farm ponds, buying water tanks, and growing higher-value crops such as vegetables. Some stories, however, mention non-agricultural activities such as owning hotels, shops and transportation businesses. In Turkana, far fewer stories mention farming compared to the other locations, and those that do tend to focus on livestock production. Non-farming-related aspirations include livestock trading, running small shops, weaving baskets, making mats and brooms and selling charcoal.

Box 1: Exemplar narratives

The variation in agricultural focus across the three locations is also evident in the respondents’ self-signification results. The assessment of the time spent farming in the future in Turkana is just under 40% (median). The other two counties are similar with median values just under 70% for Meru and just over 70% for Makueni. These reflect the current situation of agricultural focus in Meru and Makueni and pastoral lifestyles in Turkana. However, the median values hide large distributional differences of the answers. Figure  3 highlights that the relatively low median of the envisioned time spent farming in Turkana masks a bimodal distribution whereby substantial parts of the population would spend around 80% of their time with farming activities, while another large part assumes they would only spend 20% of their time farming. Similarly, a relatively big share of respondents in Meru anticipate spending relatively little time farming as indicated by the fat tail of the distribution towards the bottom of the time shares. Makueni is the only county in which most people see themselves farming more than half of their time. This may be, at least partially, explained by the high number of female respondents in this site (64% women) and the feminised nature of farm management in the county amid increasing male-outmigration (see Crossland et al. 2021 ).

Future share of time spent farming across locations

The above observations may echo current income portfolios or signify new directions in income portfolios. We further analysed the narratives across categories that indicate directionality between e.g. intensifying current efforts or changing directions. Overall, most (53%) of the narratives include a reference to continuation and/or improvements to current activities, while 46% of the narratives include distinct references to starting new endeavours. Footnote 6 These trends are similar across all three locations with slightly fewer aspiring to start something new in Turkana (37%) and slightly more in Meru (55%) compared to Makueni (44%).

Overall, within these rural communities most people have some relation to agriculture, but their aspirations are not all about farming.

Aspiration Window

In theory, the aspiration window is, to some degree, shaped by the opportunities people are aware of or encounter through community interactions. We thus expect that in places with more diverse opportunities the aspired future portfolios should also be more diverse. Figure  4 (a) shows the perceived level of opportunities available to the respondents.

( a ) Perceived level of opportunities across the three locations. ( b ) Stated level of confidence in achieving goals across the three locations

Across the three locations distinct patterns do emerge that align with prior expectation. The remote region of Turkana is dominated by traditional pastoral lifestyles and few opportunities are perceived by the respondents. Aside from a few governmental efforts and donor projects the economy is not very diverse or dynamic. In contrast, Meru county is more dynamic with some urban centres offering employment and business opportunities. Therefore, more opportunities are perceived by the respondents. Yet, most of them are still farming on small plots of land. Finally, Makueni county is intermediate with proximity to Nairobi but fewer options for agricultural production. These two drivers may be represented by the two-tailed distribution of the perceived opportunity space.

We further assumed that more opportunities would result in higher levels of confidence in achieving goals. Most respondents were confident that they would achieve their stated aspirations (Fig.  4 (b)). The overall median was 81% and the county medians ranged from 61 to 89. However, a strong cluster at the bottom end of the distribution in Turkana highlighted many people with little confidence in achieving their aspirations. Such diversity would be left out of many political processes when the majority is catered for and targeted but could be an important entry point to change the lives of a sub-section of the population. This might reflect some level of fatalism in Turkana where narratives reflecting low aspirations were relatively common.

The (perceived) level of opportunities appeared to have a strong influence on the direction of aspirations and the confidence in achieving them.

Limits to Aspirational Pursuit

To explore drivers of choices, respondents were asked to assess their narratives according to the basis for decisions made between the concepts of ‘immediate needs’, ‘aspirations’ and ‘social obligations’—see Fig.  5 . Overall, ‘immediate needs’ was the most important driver with a mean of 44.9/100. In the absence of social security and state provision of basic necessities, people are likely to be unable to move beyond the emergency mode of decision-making and pursue their aspirations. As expected, in Turkana immediate needs were even more important and very few people saw their choices being based on aspirations and, instead, immediate needs and social obligations were the main drivers. Responses from Meru were more balanced and highlight the strong diversity that can appear within a more complex context. Makueni county responses show yet another pattern with a big cluster forming around aspirations as the main driver for their choices but an almost equally strong group around immediate needs.

Drivers of aspirational states

Similarly, most people emphasised money and fulfilment as the main factors behind their future narratives (Table 3 ). Social status was only considered important by a few respondents. For respondents from Turkana, the focus on money likely reflects the pressure of immediate needs.

Immediate needs and the importance of money suggest that choices are constrained and override the pursuit of aspirations – especially in Turkana. When basic needs are not fulfilled and people do not have sufficient income to pay for such things as school fees, they are forced to prioritise those needs over their aspirations. Especially in Turkana there was a sense or feeling of being trapped with few options except to ‘muddle along’ trying to survive. Yet there are also some people with clear aspirations and ambition. These observations suggest that in situations where income levels are very low, before developing programmes guided by aspirations, it may be important first to lift such constraints to allow people more freedom to follow their aspired future pathways.

Preconditions influence aspirations in more than one way. They determine the opportunity space, but they also limit the ability to pursue aspirations when immediate (monetary) needs are perceived as a more important decision-making criterion.

Framing Aspirations

Previous research has shown that Kenyan farmers’ choices are driven by income but only as a means of achieving deeply held life goals (Okello et al. 2019 ) and framed and embedded in context and social dynamics (Dilley et al. 2021 ). Exploring these broader and less tangible factors that influence aspirations, people were asked to balance what they identify most with across ‘where they live’, ‘what they do’ and ‘their role in the community’. This aimed to account for social drivers of aspirations and indicate whether farming could be a source of identity rather than solely an occupation (Verkaart et al. 2018 ). For people who base their identity on their occupation, the financial returns may be less important, and they would respond to support offerings in line with that occupation (Okello et al. 2019 ). Overall, occupation (what people do) appeared to provide identity for most people, although location and community still played a role (Table 4 ). Farming was not perceived purely as an occupation or simply a necessity but rather as a lifestyle for many.

Path Dependency

A clear shift in aspirations is seen across age categories (Fig.  6 ). The older the respondent, the more farming-focused the future becomes. The age group under 24 envisions spending little time farming and focuses on other income opportunities. Some differentiation appears within the groups from 24 to 44 where the median focus moves towards agricultural futures but there is more diversity with high numbers still focused on non-agricultural aspirations. The agricultural focus becomes dominant in the groups above 45 years of age. This observation is in line with previous results on youth aspirations that are mostly outside agriculture (Bezu and Holden 2014 ; Elias et al. 2018 ; Giuliani et al. 2017 ; Sumberg et al. 2017 ; Yeboah et al. 2020 ).

Future share of time spent farming across age groups

This observation may not only be driven by generational differences; older respondents are further along their life pathway and are therefore less likely or able to move away from agriculture albeit that circumstances may have been an important determinant of the outcome. Additionally, the sample was drawn from rural areas and so did not include older people who may have already moved out of agriculture and migrated to urban areas to pursue non-agricultural careers.

Furthermore, path dependency theory states that farmers tend to be locked into modes of operation until a trigger event forces or allows them to consider alternate pathways (Sutherland et al. 2012 ) which may be linked to their aspirations, hitherto constrained by context. This has temporal implications because younger people are less likely to have committed to pathways but then, throughout life, encounter points, such as the end of school/university, getting married or becoming parents, or in response to system shocks, where they re-evaluate their current trajectory against their aspirations and potentially move down different paths. While the farming focus generally increases with age, this may partly be attributed to path dependency, although to fully assess this, a broader sample across rural and urban areas would be required.

Relative Importance of Influences

Finally, to assess how the various factors investigated above interact and relate to aspirations, we use three simple regression models to explore how the various concepts outlined above interact and associate with farming-related aspirations (1), aspirations to start something new (2) and decision-making being driven by aspirations (3). The three regressions combine the factors outlined above into three key variables that could provide entry points for policy and projects. They explore which factors are associated with (3) the stated pursuit of aspirations, which would explain (1) the aspiration to continue agriculture and which factors would hint at (2) the willingness to change and pursue new avenues. This analysis is exploratory and intended to shed light on potential starting points for more rigorous quantitative follow-up research and to generate testable hypotheses. The results (Table 5 ) are in line with the theoretical framework (Fig.  1 ).

For instance, needs-based decisions, as compared to aspiration-driven decisions, and general identification with people’s community role, as compared to their occupation, were more likely associated with farming-related aspirations and less likely associated with aspiring to start something new. This supports the notion that resource constraints and a general sense of ‘being a farmer’ keep people on their current farming track and reduce the drive towards change. Older people were more likely to aspire to farming-based futures and less likely to start something new or make choices based on their aspirations. Instead, they develop aspirations for their children. This may reflect some degree of path dependency. Similarly, as expected, more time spent farming is associated with having farming-based future aspirations. Lastly, study site has a strong influence on both aspirational focus and self-assessment responses. Makueni respondents were more, and Turkana residents less likely to aspire to farming-based futures as compared to respondents from Meru. In addition, Makueni- and Turkana-based respondents were less likely to start something new which was possibly driven by a proximity to broader non-farm opportunities in Meru. Finally, compared to Meru, Turkana was less likely to share narratives based on aspirations, while Makueni was more likely to be driven by their aspirations.

Aspirations as Potential Levers for Change

The rural development debate has been discussed and theorised from various vantage points. Our approach of combining unrestricted aspiration narratives and respondents’ interpretations offered novel insights into the diversity of aspirations in rural areas and thereby potential levers for change. While highlighting the need for more integrated strategies across sectors, agricultural support especially could benefit from a more detailed consideration of aspirations in the development and delivery of innovations. Explicit understanding of aspirations and the direction of envisioned change also has implications for information gathering and processing that could improve the relevance of support mechanisms for rural populations. Advances in the methodological approach and the resulting understanding of aspirations would lend further depth to the indicative implications of our results as outlined below.

Challenging Target Group Assumptions

One key insight from the aspirational narratives is that while all households were involved in farming, only 65.8% (354) of the respondents shared farming-related narratives. These households would be the primary target group for projects attempting to support rural development through agricultural support. Within this sub-group, another 65.3% (231) aspire to continue or improve their current activity and do not aspire to start new activities. Therefore, in our sample, interventions that target optimization of current farming systems would meet a naturally receptive population of 231 out of 538. Attempting to introduce a new activity in a location to improve peoples’ livelihoods would have a naturally receptive target population of only 123 of 538 people – those that focus on agriculture and plan to start new activities. In line with Kihoro et al. ( 2021 ) for the case of Tanzanian dairy producers, this changes potential targets for dissemination efforts significantly from the current mainstream assumption that all households are farming-focussed and are therefore interested in farming innovations. It should also be recognised that aspirations are likely to vary within the household and that some members may wish to engage and invest in farming even when others look to step out (Crossland et al. 2021 ). Improving the understanding of aspirations within target locations and their inter- and intra-household variation would influence project design approaches as well as assessments of success.

Re-defining Success

Rural development could benefit from the consideration of aspirations by providing a grounded and localised framing of success. Predefined notions of what is achievable or desirable from an outside perspective or based on politically defined global targets are unlikely to match people’s visions and desires and thereby are likely to be met with less enthusiasm. Our results and experiences with SenseMaker® highlight the many influences and complexities of interactions that enmesh with people’s envisioned futures. This complexity means that engaging with aspirations and locally defined notions of success would require in-depth background work and robust theorization of foundations, entry points and pathways. Subsequently, theories of change are likely to become more complex and less static.

Dynamics of Aspirations

According to path dependency theory, people are more receptive to changes in their pathways when trigger events force them to re-evaluate their activities. These trigger events can be both acute (e.g. end of school) and chronic (i.e. adjustment of practice over time in response to climate change) and do not only have negative implications. These events could offer opportunities to stimulate contemplation of a broader set of options that people may have but do not normally consider. It is at these moments that farmers focus on their options. The start of a conversation about aspirations and future states could constitute a positive shock event and trigger new thoughts about strategies and trajectories. Testing this hypothesis could offer novel entry points for rural development that might overcome the inertia of the daily struggle to meet immediate needs.

Opportunities to Aspire

Farming related aspirations are associated with a greater perception of opportunities and a greater confidence in achieving goals. Widening opportunity space as well as better identification and dissemination of available opportunities could be a key leverage point for rural development initiatives and projects. Widening possibilities and highlighting options has the potential to change perceptions and inspire people to re-think their current strategies. However, efforts along these lines would have to be cognisant of recent findings which suggest that aspirations beyond the adjacent possible can lead to adverse outcomes and fatalistic behaviour (Galiani et al. 2018 ; Genicot and Ray 2020 ). Facilitating broader opportunities spanning agricultural and non-agricultural options would require coordination across a wider range of agencies to be successful. In line with Woltering et al. ( 2019 ), this points to the need to design programmes and support channels that are integrated across multiple agencies in order to offer a wide range of options across different crops, farming systems, business support services and others. Within the agricultural portfolio, this has been conceptualised as “options by context” (Sinclair and Coe 2019 ) which could be expanded to account for a wider range of income streams.

New Approaches to Targeting

Where immediate needs are no longer restricting the ability to pursue aspirations, what could offer promise is a change in the approaches to targeting. What we mean here is letting rural people choose their preferred support mechanisms from a much wider range of options. This implies changes to the focus of, and research on, rural development approaches. Jointly assessing agricultural and non-agricultural aspirations could generate ‘scoping’ insights prior to project design and could be integrated into existing survey tools. The integration of aspiration assessments with a more detailed household survey could prove especially insightful regarding the interactions between current context and strategy with future aspirations – accounting for those at individual, household and community level.

Refining Methods

To be more cognisant of aspirations, our work has highlighted some promising entry points for future rural development strategies and initiates. However, our work has its limitations. The various influences on the formation of aspirations that our study has highlighted suggests that any resulting rural development initiative and strategies which sought to draw on aspiration in order to allow individuals to develop a broader view of livelihood options would require more targeted and detailed research and methods. Future research would benefit from a more nuanced consideration of cultural backgrounds that may influence aspirations. For instance, our attempts to sample regions with limited opportunities might have confounded remoteness with culture e.g. in Turkana where pastoralism is widespread. However, given that our prompt question was non-specific, any biases towards livestock would have shown up in the narratives—which was not the case. Use of SenseMaker® has allowed us to explore, in a preliminary way, people’s aspirations and their drivers. Nevertheless, for a more nuanced understanding of these different levels of aspirations, more explicit prompting questions either in surveys or interviews could be useful in eliciting descriptions of the current state, the aspirations themselves, the pathway towards them as well as the reasons for them.

Conclusions

We argue that understanding the degree to which farming features in the aspirations of rural households has the potential to help explain (non)adoption of agricultural technologies. Both farming and off-farm opportunities could be actively showcased and brought into community narratives to allow people to broaden their aspiration window. What our work suggests is that—before we arrive on the scene—everyone's options are mediated by their context. The narrative we have developed here is that people are born into livelihood systems where agriculture plays an important role. One may not be 100% a farmer, but it is unlikely that one lives a life untouched by agriculture (e.g. LaRue et al. 2021 ; Verkaart et al. 2018 ). Agriculture is probably the default option or the fallback position in many instances. Where and how people grow up shapes the default opportunity space, defines options and thus affects aspirations. Any narratives around future aspirations are grounded in current realities and tend to represent a negotiated ground between individual, household and community drivers (Bennike et al. 2020 ). In contexts where agriculture is (perceived to be) both viable and profitable it is more likely to remain the majority aspiration. In situations where this is not the case, aspirations play out in more complicated ways and the pull of non-agricultural options is counteracted by limited capital and a sense of being forced into agriculture. It is not yet clear if the indicated shift towards agriculture for older people reflects a shift in an individual’s aspiration as they age and as their opportunity space evolves (e.g. inherit land) or narrows (e.g. restricted by previous life events or being “trapped” in agriculture); or whether young people who aspire to move out of farming migrate, and are therefore not captured in our sample, while those who aspire to farm, stay and are surveyed.

The main conclusion is that aspirations are a highly complex concept. They differ widely across locations and people, they are framed and shaped by context, their pursuit depends on current status and resources. Better knowledge of aspirations does offer entry points for better rural development but their influence on people’s choices will have to be investigated in more detail. The mixed method approach and SenseMaker® as a tool offers novel insights but likely needs to be complemented with more detailed quantitative data to make insights more rigorous and actionable. At the more strategic and practical level, agricultural and non-agricultural strategies and entry point considerations need to be jointly assessed and analysed in the context of, and based on, a strong voice of rural people who are ultimately affected and expected to benefit from any interventions.

Therefore, we do not explicitly focus on any distinct pathway or strategy but aim to capture any strategy be it agriculture, off-farm employment or self-employed businesses. It is only in our interpretation where we focus on the agricultural contributions and its role in supporting the pursuit of aspirations.

The “adjacent possible consists of all things that are one step away from what already exists” (Monechi et al. 2017 , p. 3). The concept highlights the limitations as well as the creative potential to change by describing potential future states in relation to current conditions (Kauffman 1996 ).

To further reduce the potential for bias, the survey team was introduced under the label of Bangor University which has, unlike the CGIAR or World Agroforestry (ICRAF), no local associations with agriculture.

The full survey instrument was implemented using the SenseMaker app and can be found in the Online Annex.

We recognise the conceptual and linguistic uncertainties surrounding the local understanding of the concept of aspirations (for a discussion see Huijsmans et al. (2021)). However, the prompt question and subsequent follow-ups were couched in general terms only (see above). ‘Aspiration’ or other similar terms were not mentioned.

Note that narratives can be in both categories if they mention intensification of some efforts as well as starting new endeavours.

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Acknowledgements

This work was undertaken as part of, and funded by, the CGIAR Research Program on Grain Legumes and Dryland Cereals (GLDC); initial parts of this work were undertaken as part of, and funded by, the CGIAR Research Program on Policy, Markets and Institutions (PIM) and supported by CGIAR Fund Donors.

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Mausch, K., Harris, D., Dilley, L. et al. Not All About Farming: Understanding Aspirations Can Challenge Assumptions About Rural Development. Eur J Dev Res 33 , 861–884 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41287-021-00398-w

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Goal 2. End hunger, achieve food security and improved nutrition and promote sustainable agriculture 2.a Increase investment, including through enhanced international cooperation, in rural infrastructure, agricultural research and extension services, technology development and plant and livestock gene banks in order to enhance agricultural productive capacity in developing countries, in particular least developed countries Goal 11. Make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable 11.a Support positive economic, social and environmental links between urban, peri-urban and rural areas by strengthening national and regional development planning

7. The achievement of the Millennium Development Goals is at the centre of sustainable development. Sustainable rural development is vital to the economic, social and environmental viability of nations. It is essential for poverty eradication since global poverty is overwhelmingly rural. The manifestation of poverty goes beyond the urban-rural divide, it has subregional and regional contexts. It is therefore critical, and there is great value to be gained, by coordinating rural development initiatives that contribute to sustainable livelihoods through efforts at the global, regional, national and local levels, as appropriate. Strategies to deal with rural development should take into consideration the remoteness and potentials in rural areas and provide targeted differentiated approaches. 8. A healthy and dynamic agricultural sector is an important foundation of rural development, generating strong linkages to other economic sectors. Rural livelihoods are enhanced through effective participation of rural people and rural communities in the management of their own social, economic and environmental objectives by empowering people in rural areas, particularly women and youth, including through organizations such as local cooperatives and by applying the bottom-up approach. Close economic integration of rural areas with neighbouring urban areas and the creation of rural off-farm employment can narrow rural-urban disparities, expand opportunities and encourage the retention of skilled people, including youth, in rural areas. There is considerable potential for rural job creation not only in farming, agro processing and rural industry but also in building rural infrastructure, in the sustainable management of natural resources, waste and residues. Rural communities in developing countries are still faced with challenges related to access to basic services, economic opportunities and some degree of incoherence with regard to planning related to rural-urban divide. Investments in environmental protection, rural infrastructure and in rural health and education are critical to sustainable rural development and can enhance national well-being. Beyond meeting basic needs, investments must be linked to the potential to raise productivity and income. The vulnerabilities of the rural poor to the economic and financial crisis and to climate change and water shortage must be addressed. The success of sustainable rural development depends on, inter alia, developing and implementing comprehensive strategies for dealing with climate change, drought, desertification and natural disaster. Related actions include: (a) Promoting poverty eradication in rural areas; (b) Promoting pro-poor planning and budgeting at the national and local levels; (c) Addressing basic needs and enhancing provision of and access to services as a precursor to improve livelihoods and as an enabling factor of people?s engagement in productive activities; (d) Providing social protection programmes to benefit, inter alia, the vulnerable households, in particular the aged, persons with disabilities and unemployed many of whom are in rural areas. Actions are needed to: (a) Build social capital and resilience in rural communities. In that context: (i) Empower women and small-scale farmers, and indigenous peoples, including through securing equitable land tenure supported by appropriate legal frameworks; (ii) Promote equitable access to land, water, financial resources and technologies by women, indigenous peoples and other vulnerable groups; (iii) Support and promote efforts to harmonize modern technologies with traditional and indigenous knowledge for sustainable rural development; (iv) Provide access to credit and other mechanisms as well as resources for farm-based activities, especially for small-scale farmers, including women in particular, in developing countries to better manage the various risks they face, including price, weather, climate, water shortages, land degradation and natural disasters, including by providing aid and promoting the development of agricultural insurance markets; (v) Protect and ensure sustainable use of traditional knowledge, including indigenous knowledge in accordance with article 8 (j) of the Convention on Biological Diversity, for the management of natural resources to address the challenges of sustainable development; (vi) Facilitate the active participation of vulnerable groups, including women, youth and indigenous peoples and rural communities, in the elaboration of local and national planning of rural development, taking into account national legislation; (vii) Build the resilience of rural communities to cope with and recover from natural disasters; (viii) Promote and scale up labour-intensive recovery activities in addition to capital-intensive programmes; (ix) Support training and capacity-building of rural communities to effectively implement adaptation programmes to climate change at the local level; (x) Invest resources to enhance research aimed at adapting to the challenges of climate change; (xi) Foster and strengthen capacities of rural communities for self-organization for building social capital, taking into account national legislation; (b) Strengthen the human capacities of rural people. In that context: (i) Strengthen rural health-care facilities and capacities, train and increase the number of health and nutrition professionals and sustain and expand access to primary health-care systems, including through promoting equitable and improved access to affordable and efficient health-care services, including provision of basic health-care services for the poor in rural areas, in particular in Africa, for effective disease prevention and treatment; (ii) Create and develop educational programmes for rural communities aimed at disease prevention; (iii) Eliminate old and new forms of illiteracy in rural communities and ensure provision of primary education and access to secondary and tertiary educational opportunities as well as vocational and entrepreneurship training including proactive and market-related elements to build capacities within rural communities, in particular for youth, young girls, women and indigenous people; (iv) Encourage rural communities? participation in decision-making, promote rural communities? empowerment and rural leadership; (v) Improve access by rural people and communities to information, education, extension services and learning resources, knowledge and training to support sustainable development planning and decision-making; (c) Invest in essential infrastructure and services for rural communities. In that context: (i) Increase public and private investments in infrastructure in rural areas, including roads, waterways and transport systems, storage and market facilities, livestock facilities, irrigation systems, affordable housing, water supply and sanitation services, electrification facilities, and information and communications networks; (ii) Improve access to reliable and affordable energy services, including renewable and alternative sources of energy for sustainable rural development; (iii) Enhance access of rural populations to safe drinking water and adequate sanitation; (iv) Develop and improve access of rural populations to information and communications technologies, inter alia, to support Internet access and build capacities for an effective use of these technologies; (v) Develop rural public and private services that realize the potential of those technologies, including cellular banking and e extension services; (vi) Promote the development of rural organizations such as community-driven cooperatives to enhance investment in essential infrastructure and services, and recognize the role of urban areas in fostering rural development; (vii) Support improved access for all to strengthened rural health-care services and facilities; (d) Stimulate the creation of new jobs and income opportunities in rural areas. In that context: (i) Support rural diversification, including on-farm diversification towards non-agricultural and other non-primary production activities; (ii) Provide appropriate land-use frameworks in order to support the establishment of agricultural activities and both agricultural and non agricultural services related to sustainable rural development, while respecting the rights of rural communities and indigenous people; (iii) Provide entrepreneurial training, credit and other support to off-farm and other non-primary production activities; (iv) Strengthen the links between agriculture and other sectors of the rural economy; (v) Develop sustainable ways to add value to agricultural products locally, subregionally and regionally to generate additional income; (vi) Support the development, transfer and use of safe and environmentally sound construction technologies and practices, in particular for housing, to improve living standards and to create employment in rural areas; (vii) Support as appropriate, sustainable tourism as a valuable source of employment and income supplement to farming and other primary production activities, as well as sustainable natural resource management; (viii) Actively promote sustainable forest management; (ix) Increase access of rural populations, particularly women, youth, indigenous people and other vulnerable groups, especially in disadvantaged areas, to markets as well as affordable financial and business advisory services, such as market literacy, microcredit, loan guarantees and venture capital; (x) Expand access to markets by assisting rural producers, associations and firms, especially those from developing countries, to respond to market demand; (xi) Increase employment opportunities through labour-intensive approaches including green jobs and development of rural infrastructure, taking into account the decent work agenda of the International Labour Organization as an important instrument to achieve the objective of full and productive employment and decent work for all; (xii) Develop the necessary infrastructure and encourage data collection, including disaggregated population data, synthesis and analysis, to enhance the understanding of the contribution of non farming activities to poverty reduction and income generation in rural areas; (xiii) Support the development of integration into market of smallholder family agriculture and sharing of experiences and best practices; (xiv) Promote non-agricultural industries such as mining, service industries, construction and commerce, in a sustainable manner, as a source of employment and income for rural populations; (e) Ensure environmental sustainability in rural areas. In that context: (i) Encourage the use of land resources in a sustainable manner to prevent land degradation that is caused by unsustainable exploitation of land resources; (ii) Encourage the use of environmentally friendly practices; (iii) Promote sustainable natural resources use and management, including ecosystem conservation through community-based programmes; (iv) Promote safe and environmentally sound waste management practices; (f) Promote women?s empowerment and gender equality. In that context: (i) Involve women in decision-making in all activities related to rural development; (ii) Take measures that promote access to and ownership of means of production, including land, capital, entrepreneurship, by women; (iii) Promote gender equality as well as take measures to achieve equal opportunities for women and men in all aspects of rural development; (iv) Carry out extensive education, and awareness-raising on the rights of women and the concept of empowerment and gender equality in rural areas.

Regional clusters and rural development: To what extent does EDA’s Build Back Better Regional Challenge include rural areas?

Subscribe to the sustainable development bulletin, anthony f. pipa and anthony f. pipa senior fellow - global economy and development , center for sustainable development @anthonypipa zoe swarzenski zoe swarzenski project manager - global economy and development , center for sustainable development.

August 4, 2023

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Introduction

The divergence in economic outcomes across different geographic regions in the U.S. over the past two decades has spurred new interest among policymakers in pursuing place-based policies. The effects of that divergence have been especially acute in rural America: Employment and labor force participation rates in rural areas have still not recovered to pre-Great Recession levels. From most indications, rural America’s economic fortunes continue to diverge from the rest of the country.

These dynamics set forward a strong rationale for the inclusion of rural places in place-based economic programs like the $1 billion Build Back Better Regional Challenge (BBBRC), which was funded through the American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) to boost economic recovery. A competitive grant program administered by the Economic Development Administration (EDA) in the U.S. Department of Commerce, the BBBRC awarded five-year grants between $25 million to $65 million to 21 regional coalitions in September 2022, choosing from 60 finalists and 529 initial applications.

The potential for rural places in the BBBRC

The BBBRC focuses on strengthening or growing industry clusters to broaden economic opportunities throughout a region, especially for underserved populations. In its guidance to applicants, the EDA explicitly highlighted the key role of rural areas in achieving regional success. 1 This is in keeping with how the EDA articulates its Investment Priorities , stressing the importance of equity and reaching underserved communities, including rural and tribal communities. It reflects a similar recognition among rural practitioners that regional collaboration offers advantages for creating opportunities in rural places.

Yet formulating a regional cluster approach that is effective in benefiting rural places requires sensitivity to a complex set of dynamics. Almost by definition, a focus on industry clusters puts metropolitan areas at the center. In its guidance, EDA acknowledged that clusters are likely to follow a traditional hub-and-spoke model, where a metro area acts as a central hub for a coalition that reaches into or engages other communities. 2

Such a model generates an inherent tension in effectively reaching and serving rural areas, since simply including them as part of a service area does not guarantee successful economic impacts there. Rural places are often less than full partners in regional coalitions; intentional interventions to meet their unique challenges related to governance capacity , distance, workforce, and access to capital are frequently necessary to enable them to receive proportionate benefits. Program parameters can also play a role. Matching funds requirements , for example, immediately place a substantial burden on rural and tribal places, which often have less fiscal buffer and less access to outside resources. Authentic engagement and trusting relationships among urban and rural leaders—cornerstones for successful inclusion—necessitate investments of time and the building of beneficial partnerships.

The BBBRC offered a unique opportunity for the applying coalitions to meaningfully include and center rural areas as they sought to strengthen economic recovery and develop new industrial clusters. An analysis of the 60 finalists helps assess the extent to which a regional placed-based competition can position rural places as implementing partners and possible beneficiaries, providing important insights as the EDA implements future programs, including the Recompete Pilot Program and Tech Hubs program .

Is rural really included?

The BBBRC Notice of Funding Opportunity explicitly named the inclusion of rural places as a consideration in its scoring criteria under the “equity” category. Applicants also presumably received some positive consideration in other scoring categories, such as “regional assets” and “levels of distress,” by including rural areas. The EDA elected to allow coalitions to self-identify their rural populations and relied upon qualitative assessments of their inclusion through conversations and virtual site visits. This honored the challenge of defining rural in America and provided a welcome platform for self-determination. At the same time, the EDA did not communicate how standards related to rural places might affect its decision-making during the competitive process.

To better understand the extent to which rural areas were included among the 60 finalists that received $500,000 planning awards, we experimented with different quantitative approaches, which yielded very different impressions of the level of rurality.

Rural County Share: The EDA required each applicant to define the geographic service area that would benefit from the proposed strategy. Measuring the proportion of rural counties within the service areas—self-identified by coalitions—provides one crude metric. When separating the coverage areas of the 60 finalists into metro and non-metro counties, 3 25 finalists (42 percent of the total pool) had a geographic share that was at least 50 percent non-metro. 4 Eleven became awardees—more than half of the final set of successful applicants.

Rural Population Share: Measuring the proportion of rural people served changes this dramatically. Only seven finalists, 12 percent of the total pool, had a population share that was at least half rural. 5 Only two became awardees, less than 10 percent of the final set of awardees.

The difficulty of balancing multiple dimensions demonstrates the pitfalls of relying solely upon quantitative metrics to determine the rurality of an application. For applicant regions centered around a metropolitan hub, successfully reaching and serving the rural areas named as part of the coalition implies countering the strong position of the hub and taking an approach that requires intentional investment of political and human capital. Assessing the extent of such intentionality toward rural inclusion is very difficult to capture quantitatively.

While a laudable number of applicants cast a wide net and included rural places in their geographic service areas, the density of population in the urban areas serving as hubs for their regional coalitions suggests a strong magnetic pull that creates a nexus of political attention, leadership, decisionmaking, and beneficiaries.

Qualitative review: To glean further insights, we conducted a qualitative review. The first part of the review focused on the extent to which rural areas were included in the clusters and were a meaningful part of the intended outcomes for the regional coalition. Key elements that proved valuable included the depth and geographic breadth of the market failure to be addressed; inclusion of rural representation in the governance structure of the applying coalition; the extent of the coalition’s projects and resources to be distributed in rural places; and concrete employment and business opportunities to be created in, or proximate to, rural places.

A robust framework for evaluating rurality should also include—to the degree possible—the likelihood of meaningful impact in those rural areas. Considerations that helped assess the extent to which the benefits might actually reach their rural areas included the physical presence of staff and leadership as well as the strength of relationships to leaders, organizations, and residents in the named rural areas; past experience and track record of success of those partners in working in those communities; and demonstrated sensitivity to their unique challenges, opportunities, and level of capacity. We also attempted to determine the extent to which economic value and wealth were intentionally being built, located in, or owned by entities or people in the named rural communities.

While completing the qualitative review, the pool of applicants fell into three major categories, defined as:

• Rural-Led, Rural-Centered: The lead applicant is either located in a rural community or has an explicit mission and/or proven track record of success working in rural communities. Significant cluster activities are located in rural places and are meant to benefit rural communities specifically, even through local ownership and/or wealth creation.
• Metro-Led, Rural-Relevant: The lead applicant is not located in a rural community nor has an explicit rural mission. However, while the hub may be located in a metro (with significant cluster activities in the metro), there are also a meaningful number of cluster activities and economic benefits located in rural places or intended to benefit rural places.
• Metro-Led, Metro-Centered: Lead applicant is not located in a rural community. The bulk of the cluster activities and the economic benefits are located in the central metro area, though rural areas may be included in the identified service area.

Rural-Led, Rural-Centered: Through this review, three awardee coalitions—or 14 percent of the awardees—were identified as rural-led and rural-centered, with rural places the major focus of their proposed outcomes: the Alaska Mariculture Center , the Mountain|Plains Regional Native CDFI Coalition , and Appalachian Climate Technologies (ACT Now) . Three other finalists 6 were also rural-led and rural-centered, meaning 10 percent of all finalists fit this category.

While both the Alaska Mariculture Center and the Mountain | Plains Regional Native CDFI Coalition scored very highly on all the quantitative scales for rurality, ACT Now ranked behind several other awardees on rural county share and rural population share. However, while local businesses, associations, and two major universities are members of its regional coalition, its coalition leads are nonprofits with proven track records of impact in rural places, with strong trusting relationships and physical presence there. Our confidence level in the coalition’s ability to have a positive impact in its 21 rural counties is high. This highlights the hazards of relying solely upon quantitative metrics as a measure of rural relevance.

Given the project design, experiences, and existing relationships of the lead coalition partners, all the rural-led and rural-centered awardees and finalists indicated a high likelihood of meaningful engagement and potential impact in their rural places. They intentionally center rural inclusion through accountability measures, governance, and trusted community partnerships, building relationships through tribal connections (where relevant), community advisory boards, and regional growth plans designed to authentically facilitate community engagement and build local leadership.

Metro-led, Rural-Relevant: The lead partners for the rest of the coalitions that include rural areas as an important segment of their clusters are located in a metro area. The majority of the lead partners for these metro-led coalitions are institutions of higher education or state agencies. This set of clusters includes eight additional awardees and seven additional finalists. Thus, on the face of it, about one-third of the finalists focus a meaningful segment of their coalition on rural places, and almost half of the ultimate awardees.

Yet further examination raises important questions about the ability of these coalitions to generate the envisioned economic impacts in the rural places that are part of their clusters within the specified five-year implementation period. Many of these metro-led coalitions will depend upon new partnerships, relationships, or programs to reach the rural places named as part of their coverage areas. The extent to which rural partners have decisionmaking power within the governance of these coalitions varies—in some cases it is fairly limited—and the track record of success of the coalition’s participants in meeting the unique needs of these rural areas is less apparent. The level of rural impact is likely to vary considerably among this set of awardees and seems less certain compared to the rural-led coalitions.

Finding regional models that cross rural and urban boundaries, yet result in significant positive impact in rural places, will be crucial to bringing economic opportunity to rural places at scale. This group of metro-led, rural-relevant BBBRC grantees offer an important learning opportunity for understanding the types of governance, decisionmaking, and collaborative structures that can result in high-performing regional coalitions with effective distributional impact.

Metro-led, Metro-Centered: The rest of the awardees and finalists are metro-led, and most of the meaningful cluster activity will be concentrated in metro areas. While the activities may have intended benefits for people in surrounding rural areas, most of the sustainable employment and the generated wealth will geographically remain outside of rural places.

Key takeaways and recommendations

EDA’s recognition and commitment to ensuring that rural communities are included in new approaches to supporting regional economic development are commendable. Applying several insights from the BBBRC process will help advance the equitable participation and integration of rural places into future efforts to incentivize and support regional strategies:

• Incorporate rural expertise and qualitative analysis to assess rural relevance. EDA can offer more specificity on how it intends to measure rurality, and the level of consideration rurality will receive during program decisions, to sharpen rural impact strategies within regional coalitions. While a reasonable starting point, quantitative metrics are limited in describing the true breadth and depth of rural inclusion. Incorporating qualitative dimensions such as the level of rural participation in governance; the track records of participants’ success in rural places, the strength of existing relationships with local rural leaders, the physical presence of partners, and the portion of resources targeted to rural areas offer a much more robust picture, both of rural inclusion and potential rural impact. Including reviewers who are acknowledged experts in rural development and having them participate in in-person site visits that are conducted in the named rural areas will significantly increase the ability to evaluate the level of trust built with local rural officials and assess the coalition’s sensitivity to their capacity constraints. As EDA resources grow, adding staff positions with specialized rural development expertise is highly recommended.
• Establish rural set-asides or preferences. The BBBRC proves that targeting can result in powerfully effective rural-led coalitions, evidenced by the strength of the clusters and the high quality of the projects of the three rural-led awardees, which fit either a stated preference (reaching underserved tribal populations) or a special consideration ($100 million targeted to coal-affected communities). Given constraints in staffing, institutional capacity, and level of project readiness, intentional targeting is a strong tool to enable proportionate and adequate access for underserved rural communities. Many rural communities generally have less governing capacity than metro areas, with volunteer elected officials, thinly staffed city halls, and fiscally tight budgets. They do not have the existing resources or staffing to immediately mobilize and take advantage of opportunities such as BBBRC, so stated preferences, targeted outreach, and increased time to respond during the initial application process can help level the playing field.

Since rural-led coalitions are well-positioned to ensure rural areas will be well-served within their regional cluster, EDA may consider a programmatic design that incentivizes or supports regional models with rural hubs at the center. Even the rural-led coalitions that received awards are having to stretch limited resources during early implementation, given EDA’s policy to reimburse expenses.

A two-step application process such as the one used for the BBBRC, in which finalists were provided resources and technical assistance to strengthen their proposed clusters, could also be further leveraged. The additional time and assistance can strengthen a coalition’s ability to facilitate stronger rural participation, especially if the technical assistance is focused on refining programmatic strategies that respond to the unique challenges facing those rural areas. This could be especially useful for helping metro-led coalitions improve the likelihood of impact in their rural coverage areas, especially if incentives and programmatic considerations are encouraged by EDA, and these coalitions are supported with state-of-the-art thinking on inclusive processes.

• Modify program design to promote innovative practices incorporating rural places. Signaling openness to new models of regionalism and flexibility within existing approaches such as the hub-and-spoke model may facilitate innovation that will serve rural places well. The BBBRC offered flexibility regarding the composition of the coalitions and the institutional type of lead applicants; at the same time, following the traditional hub-and-spoke model did not easily facilitate rural-to-rural cooperation or result in many finalists with rural institutions serving in the lead role. Anticipating these constraints might have enabled EDA to adapt programmatic considerations to facilitate greater rural leadership.

Other federal programs may have less flexibility in working with certain types of institutions or may be less constrained in focusing on a particular industry within a regional coalition; nonetheless, authentic rural participation will be strengthened by a sensitivity to rural characteristics as well as the power dynamics across different levels of governance. For example, networked models or coalitions based on common characteristics or organizing principles, such as the Mountain | Plains CDFI Coalition, may enable greater and deeper participation of rural areas than strictly geographically proximate coalitions. Creativity and innovation in defining a region can help reach less densely populated places that are often left out of regional programs.

• Increase transparency about the participation of rural places. Ensuring that outcome targets, indicators of progress, and impact measures are disaggregated by geography and location will increase the equity, accountability, and transparency of whether underserved rural populations are being reached and the extent to which benefits are being widely shared throughout the clusters. Given that the BBBRC is, by its very design, a place-based policy, including location in addition to other important demographic characteristics will enable a learning agenda and make an important contribution to general knowledge about the kinds of interventions that are most effective in balancing impact along a rural-urban continuum.

The BBBRC represents a bold innovation in place-based industrial policy, incentivizing proximate jurisdictions and partners to work together as a regional cluster to leverage unique local assets and accelerate economic and social development. EDA’s approach also incentivized applicants to seriously consider rural inclusion and provided flexibility to facilitate this. BBBRC implementation offers an enormous opportunity to advance the knowledge base of how regional approaches can benefit—or disadvantage—rural places. Remaining sensitive to the power dynamics, capacity constraints, and the unique value of rural partners will be important as projects are executed—and acting upon lessons learned and insights will inform future program design and regional models that successfully expand economic opportunity and community development in rural places.

This report was prepared by Brookings Metro using federal funds under award ED22HDQ3070081 from the Economic Development Administration, U.S. Department of Commerce. The statements, findings, conclusions, and recommendations are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Economic Development Administration or the U.S. Department of Commerce.

• EDA Build Back Better Notice of Funding Opportunity, pg. 7.
• EDA Build Back Better Notice of Funding Opportunity, pg. 5.
• Non-metro counties, as defined by the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), are often used as a proxy for rural.
• Including the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico, there are 2015 non-metro counties as of 2020, representing 62.6 percent of counties nationally.
• As of 2020, 46 million people lived in non-metro counties, representing approximately 13.9 percent of the total U.S. population.
• Hawai’i Build Back Better Coalition, PA Wilds Outdoor Recreation Industry Cluster Development, and Southeast Alaska Sustainable Forest Products Cluster

Economic Development Municipal Government

Brookings Metro Global Economy and Development

Center for Sustainable Development

Anthony F. Pipa

May 14, 2024

May 8, 2024

Also in This Issue:

• The Rural Nursing Shortage

Growing Rural America Through Startups

• Revisiting the Community Reinvestment Act
• Housing the Workforce in the Rural Fifth District
• Back to Table of Contents

Entrepreneurship creates many local benefits, but starting a new business in rural places can be challenging

Rural places, by many measures, have tended to be less vibrant economically than metro areas, on average. Some small towns looking to create more job opportunities have tried to attract large businesses, while others have leaned on their natural amenities to draw residents and tourists. But another, less obvious, approach is in the running: entrepreneurship. New businesses contribute disproportionately to job and productivity growth, providing numerous benefits to a local community.

Entrepreneurship in America has become increasingly concentrated in cities. In a 2020 paper for the American Enterprise Institute, Mark Partridge, a professor of economics at Ohio State University, documented that the self-employment share of personal income was 12.3 percent in nonmetro areas and 7.7 percent in metro areas in 1969. By 2017, it had fallen to 7.2 percent in nonmetro areas and risen to 8.9 percent in metro areas. Likewise, job creation as a percentage of employment has fallen faster in rural places than urban areas since the 1970s. In the Fifth District, the number of rural startups created each year fell noticeably during the Great Recession and remained depressed through 2019. (See chart below.)

One silver lining is that the nationwide startup slump seems to be reversing. Beginning in the summer of 2020, applications for new businesses soared to record highs. (See " A Pandemic-Era Startup Boom ," Econ Focus , Fourth Quarter 2021.) Can rural communities and small towns capitalize on this surge to build more dynamic and resilient economies?

A Challenging Environment

When researchers and policymakers talk about promoting entrepreneurship, their focus has tended to be on the fast-growing success stories — the Apples, Googles, and Amazons that started in a garage or basement and grew into huge enterprises.

While there is no question that such firms have tremendous impact in terms of job creation, innovation, and productivity growth, it's also true that small, locally owned businesses contribute a lot to economic health. In a 2013 Atlanta Fed discussion paper , Anil Rupasingha, now at the USDA's Economic Research Service, found evidence that having a higher share of employment at small businesses with two to 99 employees was positively associated with local income and employment growth and poverty reduction. The impact of greater employment at larger firms was more mixed.

Historically, rural towns have had higher concentrations of self-employment than cities, owing largely to differences in population density. "If you have a business that fixes air conditioners and furnaces in a rural place, it's not going to employ 1,000 people like it might in a major city," explains Partridge. "So you tend to see more small businesses in rural areas."

But rural entrepreneurs face significant hurdles when it comes to getting their businesses off the ground. The first is the low population density that traditionally encouraged self-employment. More residents in a community means a bigger market for new businesses to serve, a deeper labor pool to draw from, and more opportunities to interact with and learn from other business owners — and fewer residents means the opposite.

"Entrepreneurial ecosystems are much thinner in rural areas than they are in urban areas," says Stephan Goetz, an agricultural economist and director of the Northeast Regional Center for Rural Development at Pennsylvania State University. This means that rural entrepreneurs may struggle to find local support businesses, such as accountants or marketers, to help get their ventures started.

The drag of low population density on startup activity can become a self-reinforcing cycle. Would-be rural entrepreneurs may move to a bigger city to start their business or give up on their venture entirely. Each person who moves away makes it harder for the next new business to emerge.

As the 2020 census revealed, most rural places have lost people over the last decade. In the Fifth District, only rural counties in Virginia grew between 2010-2020, and then only slightly — increasing their population by just 1 percent in that time. In every other state in the District, rural areas lost population .

Another key ingredient for startups is access to capital. Historically, rural entrepreneurs have had some advantages in this area. The 2016 small business credit survey conducted by the Richmond and Atlanta Feds found that rural small businesses faced fewer financing constraints and were more financially stable than urban small businesses. The researchers concluded that this was partly because small community banks, which are more prevalent in rural areas, are more likely to approve requests for loans from local small businesses.

That advantage may be eroding, however. The number of banks in the United States has fallen by more than half since the 1980s, the result of both rapid industry consolidation and a drought in new banks being formed. (See " Who Wants to Start a Bank ?" Econ Focus , First Quarter 2016.)

Large banks may still have branches in rural places, but they don't necessarily serve the same function as local community banks, Partridge explains. Community bank managers may be more inclined to lend to entrepreneurs in their community because they have local knowledge that enables them to better assess the risks of local business ventures. Managers of bank branches whose headquarters are in large cities may be less willing to lend to rural businesses because they lack that specialized knowledge. "That makes it even harder for rural businesses to get working capital," he says.

For entrepreneurs in small towns hoping to build the next Apple or Google, access to large-scale venture capital is even harder to come by. Venture capital investing, angel investing, and other startup investing has long been tied heavily to geography. A 2020 National Bureau of Economic Research working paper looked at data from social networks on Facebook and found that institutional investors were more likely to invest in firms from regions where they had the strongest social ties. This has tended to concentrate investors and startups in big cities, like New York.

"If you're in Silicon Valley and you walk into an investor's office with a great idea, they are going to lavish you with a mountain of cash long before you even produce anything," says Russ Seagle. "In rural America, you've got to prove yourself." Seagle is a lifelong entrepreneur who, for the past dozen years, has managed the Sequoyah Fund, a community development financial institution that makes loans primarily to Cherokee-owned businesses in western North Carolina. (The fund takes its name from the creator of the Cherokee system of writing and isn't related to Sequoia Capital, a prominent Silicon Valley venture capital firm.)

" The Employment Recovery of Small and Large Employers ,” Economic Impact of COVID-19 special report, November 2020

" Cognitive Hubs and Spatial Redistribution, ” Working Paper No. 19-16, September 2019

" An Estimated Structural Model of Entrepreneurial Behavior, ” Working Paper No. 17-07, May 2017

Laying the Groundwork

For rural communities hoping to encourage more local businesses, overcoming these and other barriers is a challenge. One way that both rural and urban places have tried to build their own entrepreneurial ecosystems is by first attracting large firms to the area through various incentives. In theory, those firms both create jobs in the community and spur the creation of other local support businesses.

But a  2020 article  in  Economic Development Quarterly  by Partridge and co-authors Alexandra Tsvetokova of the OECD Trento Centre for Local Development, Sydney Schreiner Wertz of the U.S. Treasury Department's Office of Economic Policy, and Carlianne Patrick of Georgia State University called into question the effectiveness of this approach. They found that providing incentives to attract firms to an area has a negative effect on local startup rates. Based on these results, Partridge argues that localities hoping to spur business growth shouldn't focus on providing tax incentives to attract big firms at the expense of small ones.

"Instead, lower taxes for all businesses a little bit and encourage startups that way," says Partridge.

Every town is different, and there is no secret recipe to building an innovative economy. But researchers have identified some key ingredients to creating an environment where startups can thrive.

Broadband is increasingly crucial to the success of businesses, and it can be hard to come by in parts of rural America. Geography, both distance and terrain, has made it difficult to bring fast and reliable wired internet to many rural places. (See " Closing the Digital Divide ,"  Econ Focus , Second/Third Quarter 2020.) Seagle notes that in some rural places, it can be expensive and time consuming to connect a new business to local water and sewer systems, let alone get broadband access or even a phone line.

"You don't have to be at the confluence of major rivers or highways anymore," Seagle says. "But if you're not digitally connected to the rest of the world, it's a tough row to hoe."

Digital connections may also open doors to new funding opportunities for rural entrepreneurs. In a  2021 article  in Research Policy, Sandy Yu of the University of Minnesota and Lee Fleming of the University of California, Berkeley found that crowdfunding through platforms like Kickstarter enables entrepreneurs across regions to gain early funding, support and advice, and inexpensive market feedback. While more crowdfunding campaigns per capita happen in big cities, Yu and Fleming estimated that the impact per campaign was greatest in poorer, more rural regions.

Seagle says that the Sequoyah Fund worked with a client who developed an educational video game that taught players how to speak Cherokee. The game developer started a Kickstarter campaign to fund the project. When it became apparent that he needed more time to reach his crowdfunding goal, Sequoyah Fund loaned him the money to get started, telling him that he could repay the loan once the Kickstarter campaign ended.

"Before Kickstarter, he wouldn't have had a whole lot of other options," says Seagle. "It's possible to do these kinds of things in rural America now."

Duane Childers, SiMT Social Media Listening Center

Incubator clients attend a workshop at Gould Business Incubator in Florence, S.C. in September 2021.

While building out broadband to every rural home and business to connect entrepreneurs to the web is a continuing process, some communities have found a solution in the form of business incubators, which can provide rentable office space with internet and phone access already set up. The Gould Business Incubator, which launched in 2013, grew out of the Southeastern Institute of Manufacturing and Technology  (SiMT), a division of Florence-Darlington Technical College in Florence, S.C. The incubator offers fully equipped office facilities for rent to both established and new businesses, raising money for the college while also supporting local entrepreneurs. While it took a little while to win locals over to the concept of an incubator, says Tressa Gardner, associate vice president of SiMT, now the incubator is completely full, housing 35 businesses that range from sole proprietorships to the local baseball team — the Florence Flamingos.

"We used to say that it was worth coming into the incubator because the Wi-Fi was already set up," says Gardner. Now, entrepreneurs come in to take classes, access the 3D printing facility at SiMT to make product prototypes, and just be around other small-business owners.

Building a Community

In addition to providing access to crucial infrastructure, business incubators and similar organizations help foster a culture of entrepreneurship in places where people may never have thought about starting a business.

The WV Hive Network, headquartered in Beckley, W.Va., supports startups across 12 counties in the southern part of the state, an area that has historically been economically reliant on the coal industry. That kind of industry concentration can prove detrimental to entrepreneurship. A 2015 Energy Economics article by Partridge, Michael Betz and Linda Lobao of Ohio State University, and Michael Farren of the Mercatus Center at George Mason University found that coal mining in Appalachia reduced population growth and entrepreneurship.

"When we started, many entrepreneurs and small-business owners weren't aware that there were organizations that could support them in their entrepreneurial journeys," says Judy Moore, executive director of the WV Hive. "One of the first things we did was to help create that mindset and then layer in the other educational opportunities and workshops we offer now."

Building a support community may be an important component of keeping local startups local. Connectivity with broader markets, whether through physical or digital highways, can help rural businesses grow, but it can also be a double-edged sword.

"If you bring broadband into a community, it can help the local businesses sell their products elsewhere, but it also helps local consumers find alternative products elsewhere in the country," says Goetz.

Having an environment that supports local businesses means that entrepreneurs don't necessarily have to look elsewhere to succeed. It may even help bring back some who left. Dan Cox's grandfather grew up in West Virginia but moved to Pennsylvania after returning from the Korean War. Cox grew up in Pennsylvania, but his grandparents ended up moving back to West Virginia, and he visited often. He also grew familiar with the area through his work doing cellular service upgrades. Seeing the need for better telecom service in the region, he decided to move to Oak Hill, W.Va., and start his own business, Cox Telecom, with help from WV Hive.

Once a community starts supporting entrepreneurs, it can become a self-reinforcing process. In a 2013 article in the Journal of Regional Science , Partridge, Heather Stephens of West Virginia University, and Alessandra Faggian of Gran Sasso Science Institute found that having more entrepreneurs in a region was associated with even greater levels of self-employment 20 years later. Additionally, they concluded that entrepreneurship was one of the best ways to boost wages and jobs in places that were lagging economically.

One way to cultivate an entrepreneurial environment is through education. That includes investments in general education. Evidence suggests that a town doesn't need a top-tier university to become a startup hub — just having higher levels of high school completion is associated with more entrepreneurship. Teaching entrepreneurship in schools can also get students thinking from an early age about running their own business as a career option and equip them with the skills to succeed. For instance, a 2017 article in Teaching and Teacher Education examined a program in Mexico in which fifth and sixth graders created their own small businesses with the help of teachers; the authors found that the experience enhanced entrepreneurial knowledge, values, and skills in the students.

In 2015, Seagle led the Sequoyah Fund to take over REAL (Rural Entrepreneurship through Action Learning), an entrepreneurship education program that started in North Carolina high schools in the 1980s. The program is now taught around the world to students from kindergarten to college as well as new business owners. Students learn how to think like entrepreneurs and acquire the skills needed to run their own business. Seagle became a certified teacher of REAL in 1999, and when the organization behind it ran into financial difficulties, he knew he had to step in to keep the program alive.

"I've seen people come into the program who had to take over a family business but didn't know how to do it. By the end of the program, they had a skillset they never imagined they could have," says Seagle. "It's important for us to teach people how to create jobs rather than just seek jobs. And if they decide that starting a business isn't for them, this training still makes them better employees, because now they understand their boss's mindset and how their work affects the bottom line."

Seizing New Opportunities

The pandemic seems to have prompted many people to rethink their relationship with their job, a movement that pundits have called the "Great Resignation." Some have been forced out of work by the disruptions of the pandemic while others are reevaluating what they want to do with their careers.

Gardner recently visited a tenant at the Gould Business Incubator who runs an insurance company. His office had become a makeshift playroom for his grandchildren after their day care sent the children home because of a staffing shortage.

"Everybody's life is in flux right now," says Gardner. "If you can't provide flexibility, you're going to lose your employees. I think a lot of people are deciding that if they are going to work this hard, they're going to work for themselves."

Can rural places attract some of these new entrepreneurs to their communities? For many places, it may be an uphill battle. In their research, both Goetz and Partridge note that the worsening picture of rural America painted by the data is partly an artifact of how researchers define rural and urban — by population density. Rural towns that succeed and grow "graduate" to metro status, leaving behind communities that are still struggling. In a recent interview, Edward Glaeser of Harvard University suggested that small towns with desirable natural amenities may benefit from a pandemic-induced migration away from cities, but the ability of small towns without those attractive amenities to benefit from this reshuffling is less clear. (See " Interview: Edward Glaeser ," Econ Focus , Fourth Quarter 2021.)

Still, there are rural places that have managed to build a thriving entrepreneurial climate seemingly in the middle of nowhere. Partridge cites the example of Holmes County, Ohio, a predominantly Amish region about halfway between Columbus and Cleveland. Out of necessity, locals cultivated a thriving small-business environment where entrepreneurs support one another.

"Having good public schools or a nearby medical center can help retain population," he says. "But just having the right attitude really makes a difference."

Goetz, Stephan J., Mark D. Partridge, and Heather M. Stephens. "The Economic Status of Rural America in the President Trump Era and Beyond." Applied Economic Perspectives and Policy , March 2018, vol. 40, no. 1, pp. 97-118. ( Article available with subscription.)

Kuchler, Theresa, Yan Li, Lin Peng, Johannes Stroebel, and Dexin Zhou. "Social Proximity to Capital: Implications for Investors and Firms." National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 27299, June 2020. ( Article available with subscription.)

Partridge, Mark D. " Rural America's Stagnant Economic Performance: What's the Role of Declining Dynamism ." American Enterprise Institute, February 2020.

Stephens, Heather M., Mark D. Partridge, and Alessandra Faggian. "Innovation, Entrepreneurship, and Economic Growth in Lagging Regions." Journal of Regional Science , 2013, vol. 53, no. 5, pp. 778-812. ( Article available with subscription.)

Yu, Sandy, and Lee Fleming. " Regional Crowdfunding and High Tech Entrepreneurship ." Research Policy , September 2021 (forthcoming).

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Cultural Relativity and Acceptance of Embryonic Stem Cell Research

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There is a debate about the ethical implications of using human embryos in stem cell research, which can be influenced by cultural, moral, and social values. This paper argues for an adaptable framework to accommodate diverse cultural and religious perspectives. By using an adaptive ethics model, research protections can reflect various populations and foster growth in stem cell research possibilities.

INTRODUCTION

Stem cell research combines biology, medicine, and technology, promising to alter health care and the understanding of human development. Yet, ethical contention exists because of individuals’ perceptions of using human embryos based on their various cultural, moral, and social values. While these disagreements concerning policy, use, and general acceptance have prompted the development of an international ethics policy, such a uniform approach can overlook the nuanced ethical landscapes between cultures. With diverse viewpoints in public health, a single global policy, especially one reflecting Western ethics or the ethics prevalent in high-income countries, is impractical. This paper argues for a culturally sensitive, adaptable framework for the use of embryonic stem cells. Stem cell policy should accommodate varying ethical viewpoints and promote an effective global dialogue. With an extension of an ethics model that can adapt to various cultures, we recommend localized guidelines that reflect the moral views of the people those guidelines serve.

Stem cells, characterized by their unique ability to differentiate into various cell types, enable the repair or replacement of damaged tissues. Two primary types of stem cells are somatic stem cells (adult stem cells) and embryonic stem cells. Adult stem cells exist in developed tissues and maintain the body’s repair processes. [1] Embryonic stem cells (ESC) are remarkably pluripotent or versatile, making them valuable in research. [2] However, the use of ESCs has sparked ethics debates. Considering the potential of embryonic stem cells, research guidelines are essential. The International Society for Stem Cell Research (ISSCR) provides international stem cell research guidelines. They call for “public conversations touching on the scientific significance as well as the societal and ethical issues raised by ESC research.” [3] The ISSCR also publishes updates about culturing human embryos 14 days post fertilization, suggesting local policies and regulations should continue to evolve as ESC research develops. [4]  Like the ISSCR, which calls for local law and policy to adapt to developing stem cell research given cultural acceptance, this paper highlights the importance of local social factors such as religion and culture.

I.     Global Cultural Perspective of Embryonic Stem Cells

Views on ESCs vary throughout the world. Some countries readily embrace stem cell research and therapies, while others have stricter regulations due to ethical concerns surrounding embryonic stem cells and when an embryo becomes entitled to moral consideration. The philosophical issue of when the “someone” begins to be a human after fertilization, in the morally relevant sense, [5] impacts when an embryo becomes not just worthy of protection but morally entitled to it. The process of creating embryonic stem cell lines involves the destruction of the embryos for research. [6] Consequently, global engagement in ESC research depends on social-cultural acceptability.

a.     US and Rights-Based Cultures

In the United States, attitudes toward stem cell therapies are diverse. The ethics and social approaches, which value individualism, [7] trigger debates regarding the destruction of human embryos, creating a complex regulatory environment. For example, the 1996 Dickey-Wicker Amendment prohibited federal funding for the creation of embryos for research and the destruction of embryos for “more than allowed for research on fetuses in utero.” [8] Following suit, in 2001, the Bush Administration heavily restricted stem cell lines for research. However, the Stem Cell Research Enhancement Act of 2005 was proposed to help develop ESC research but was ultimately vetoed. [9] Under the Obama administration, in 2009, an executive order lifted restrictions allowing for more development in this field. [10] The flux of research capacity and funding parallels the different cultural perceptions of human dignity of the embryo and how it is socially presented within the country’s research culture. [11]

b.     Ubuntu and Collective Cultures

African bioethics differs from Western individualism because of the different traditions and values. African traditions, as described by individuals from South Africa and supported by some studies in other African countries, including Ghana and Kenya, follow the African moral philosophies of Ubuntu or Botho and Ukama , which “advocates for a form of wholeness that comes through one’s relationship and connectedness with other people in the society,” [12] making autonomy a socially collective concept. In this context, for the community to act autonomously, individuals would come together to decide what is best for the collective. Thus, stem cell research would require examining the value of the research to society as a whole and the use of the embryos as a collective societal resource. If society views the source as part of the collective whole, and opposes using stem cells, compromising the cultural values to pursue research may cause social detachment and stunt research growth. [13] Based on local culture and moral philosophy, the permissibility of stem cell research depends on how embryo, stem cell, and cell line therapies relate to the community as a whole. Ubuntu is the expression of humanness, with the person’s identity drawn from the “’I am because we are’” value. [14] The decision in a collectivistic culture becomes one born of cultural context, and individual decisions give deference to others in the society.

Consent differs in cultures where thought and moral philosophy are based on a collective paradigm. So, applying Western bioethical concepts is unrealistic. For one, Africa is a diverse continent with many countries with different belief systems, access to health care, and reliance on traditional or Western medicines. Where traditional medicine is the primary treatment, the “’restrictive focus on biomedically-related bioethics’” [is] problematic in African contexts because it neglects bioethical issues raised by traditional systems.” [15] No single approach applies in all areas or contexts. Rather than evaluating the permissibility of ESC research according to Western concepts such as the four principles approach, different ethics approaches should prevail.

Another consideration is the socio-economic standing of countries. In parts of South Africa, researchers have not focused heavily on contributing to the stem cell discourse, either because it is not considered health care or a health science priority or because resources are unavailable. [16] Each country’s priorities differ given different social, political, and economic factors. In South Africa, for instance, areas such as maternal mortality, non-communicable diseases, telemedicine, and the strength of health systems need improvement and require more focus [17] Stem cell research could benefit the population, but it also could divert resources from basic medical care. Researchers in South Africa adhere to the National Health Act and Medicines Control Act in South Africa and international guidelines; however, the Act is not strictly enforced, and there is no clear legislation for research conduct or ethical guidelines. [18]

Some parts of Africa condemn stem cell research. For example, 98.2 percent of the Tunisian population is Muslim. [19] Tunisia does not permit stem cell research because of moral conflict with a Fatwa. Religion heavily saturates the regulation and direction of research. [20] Stem cell use became permissible for reproductive purposes only recently, with tight restrictions preventing cells from being used in any research other than procedures concerning ART/IVF.  Their use is conditioned on consent, and available only to married couples. [21] The community's receptiveness to stem cell research depends on including communitarian African ethics.

c.     Asia

Some Asian countries also have a collective model of ethics and decision making. [22] In China, the ethics model promotes a sincere respect for life or human dignity, [23] based on protective medicine. This model, influenced by Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM), [24] recognizes Qi as the vital energy delivered via the meridians of the body; it connects illness to body systems, the body’s entire constitution, and the universe for a holistic bond of nature, health, and quality of life. [25] Following a protective ethics model, and traditional customs of wholeness, investment in stem cell research is heavily desired for its applications in regenerative therapies, disease modeling, and protective medicines. In a survey of medical students and healthcare practitioners, 30.8 percent considered stem cell research morally unacceptable while 63.5 percent accepted medical research using human embryonic stem cells. Of these individuals, 89.9 percent supported increased funding for stem cell research. [26] The scientific community might not reflect the overall population. From 1997 to 2019, China spent a total of $576 million (USD) on stem cell research at 8,050 stem cell programs, increased published presence from 0.6 percent to 14.01 percent of total global stem cell publications as of 2014, and made significant strides in cell-based therapies for various medical conditions. [27] However, while China has made substantial investments in stem cell research and achieved notable progress in clinical applications, concerns linger regarding ethical oversight and transparency. [28] For example, the China Biosecurity Law, promoted by the National Health Commission and China Hospital Association, attempted to mitigate risks by introducing an institutional review board (IRB) in the regulatory bodies. 5800 IRBs registered with the Chinese Clinical Trial Registry since 2021. [29] However, issues still need to be addressed in implementing effective IRB review and approval procedures.

The substantial government funding and focus on scientific advancement have sometimes overshadowed considerations of regional cultures, ethnic minorities, and individual perspectives, particularly evident during the one-child policy era. As government policy adapts to promote public stability, such as the change from the one-child to the two-child policy, [30] research ethics should also adapt to ensure respect for the values of its represented peoples.

Japan is also relatively supportive of stem cell research and therapies. Japan has a more transparent regulatory framework, allowing for faster approval of regenerative medicine products, which has led to several advanced clinical trials and therapies. [31] South Korea is also actively engaged in stem cell research and has a history of breakthroughs in cloning and embryonic stem cells. [32] However, the field is controversial, and there are issues of scientific integrity. For example, the Korean FDA fast-tracked products for approval, [33] and in another instance, the oocyte source was unclear and possibly violated ethical standards. [34] Trust is important in research, as it builds collaborative foundations between colleagues, trial participant comfort, open-mindedness for complicated and sensitive discussions, and supports regulatory procedures for stakeholders. There is a need to respect the culture’s interest, engagement, and for research and clinical trials to be transparent and have ethical oversight to promote global research discourse and trust.

d.     Middle East

Countries in the Middle East have varying degrees of acceptance of or restrictions to policies related to using embryonic stem cells due to cultural and religious influences. Saudi Arabia has made significant contributions to stem cell research, and conducts research based on international guidelines for ethical conduct and under strict adherence to guidelines in accordance with Islamic principles. Specifically, the Saudi government and people require ESC research to adhere to Sharia law. In addition to umbilical and placental stem cells, [35] Saudi Arabia permits the use of embryonic stem cells as long as they come from miscarriages, therapeutic abortions permissible by Sharia law, or are left over from in vitro fertilization and donated to research. [36] Laws and ethical guidelines for stem cell research allow the development of research institutions such as the King Abdullah International Medical Research Center, which has a cord blood bank and a stem cell registry with nearly 10,000 donors. [37] Such volume and acceptance are due to the ethical ‘permissibility’ of the donor sources, which do not conflict with religious pillars. However, some researchers err on the side of caution, choosing not to use embryos or fetal tissue as they feel it is unethical to do so. [38]

Jordan has a positive research ethics culture. [39] However, there is a significant issue of lack of trust in researchers, with 45.23 percent (38.66 percent agreeing and 6.57 percent strongly agreeing) of Jordanians holding a low level of trust in researchers, compared to 81.34 percent of Jordanians agreeing that they feel safe to participate in a research trial. [40] Safety testifies to the feeling of confidence that adequate measures are in place to protect participants from harm, whereas trust in researchers could represent the confidence in researchers to act in the participants’ best interests, adhere to ethical guidelines, provide accurate information, and respect participants’ rights and dignity. One method to improve trust would be to address communication issues relevant to ESC. Legislation surrounding stem cell research has adopted specific language, especially concerning clarification “between ‘stem cells’ and ‘embryonic stem cells’” in translation. [41] Furthermore, legislation “mandates the creation of a national committee… laying out specific regulations for stem-cell banking in accordance with international standards.” [42] This broad regulation opens the door for future global engagement and maintains transparency. However, these regulations may also constrain the influence of research direction, pace, and accessibility of research outcomes.

e.     Europe

In the European Union (EU), ethics is also principle-based, but the principles of autonomy, dignity, integrity, and vulnerability are interconnected. [43] As such, the opportunity for cohesion and concessions between individuals’ thoughts and ideals allows for a more adaptable ethics model due to the flexible principles that relate to the human experience The EU has put forth a framework in its Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Dignity of the Human Being allowing member states to take different approaches. Each European state applies these principles to its specific conventions, leading to or reflecting different acceptance levels of stem cell research. [44]

For example, in Germany, Lebenzusammenhang , or the coherence of life, references integrity in the unity of human culture. Namely, the personal sphere “should not be subject to external intervention.” [45]  Stem cell interventions could affect this concept of bodily completeness, leading to heavy restrictions. Under the Grundgesetz, human dignity and the right to life with physical integrity are paramount. [46] The Embryo Protection Act of 1991 made producing cell lines illegal. Cell lines can be imported if approved by the Central Ethics Commission for Stem Cell Research only if they were derived before May 2007. [47] Stem cell research respects the integrity of life for the embryo with heavy specifications and intense oversight. This is vastly different in Finland, where the regulatory bodies find research more permissible in IVF excess, but only up to 14 days after fertilization. [48] Spain’s approach differs still, with a comprehensive regulatory framework. [49] Thus, research regulation can be culture-specific due to variations in applied principles. Diverse cultures call for various approaches to ethical permissibility. [50] Only an adaptive-deliberative model can address the cultural constructions of self and achieve positive, culturally sensitive stem cell research practices. [51]

II.     Religious Perspectives on ESC

Embryonic stem cell sources are the main consideration within religious contexts. While individuals may not regard their own religious texts as authoritative or factual, religion can shape their foundations or perspectives.

The Qur'an states:

“And indeed We created man from a quintessence of clay. Then We placed within him a small quantity of nutfa (sperm to fertilize) in a safe place. Then We have fashioned the nutfa into an ‘alaqa (clinging clot or cell cluster), then We developed the ‘alaqa into mudgha (a lump of flesh), and We made mudgha into bones, and clothed the bones with flesh, then We brought it into being as a new creation. So Blessed is Allah, the Best of Creators.” [52]

Many scholars of Islam estimate the time of soul installment, marked by the angel breathing in the soul to bring the individual into creation, as 120 days from conception. [53] Personhood begins at this point, and the value of life would prohibit research or experimentation that could harm the individual. If the fetus is more than 120 days old, the time ensoulment is interpreted to occur according to Islamic law, abortion is no longer permissible. [54] There are a few opposing opinions about early embryos in Islamic traditions. According to some Islamic theologians, there is no ensoulment of the early embryo, which is the source of stem cells for ESC research. [55]

In Buddhism, the stance on stem cell research is not settled. The main tenets, the prohibition against harming or destroying others (ahimsa) and the pursuit of knowledge (prajña) and compassion (karuna), leave Buddhist scholars and communities divided. [56] Some scholars argue stem cell research is in accordance with the Buddhist tenet of seeking knowledge and ending human suffering. Others feel it violates the principle of not harming others. Finding the balance between these two points relies on the karmic burden of Buddhist morality. In trying to prevent ahimsa towards the embryo, Buddhist scholars suggest that to comply with Buddhist tenets, research cannot be done as the embryo has personhood at the moment of conception and would reincarnate immediately, harming the individual's ability to build their karmic burden. [57] On the other hand, the Bodhisattvas, those considered to be on the path to enlightenment or Nirvana, have given organs and flesh to others to help alleviate grieving and to benefit all. [58] Acceptance varies on applied beliefs and interpretations.

Catholicism does not support embryonic stem cell research, as it entails creation or destruction of human embryos. This destruction conflicts with the belief in the sanctity of life. For example, in the Old Testament, Genesis describes humanity as being created in God’s image and multiplying on the Earth, referencing the sacred rights to human conception and the purpose of development and life. In the Ten Commandments, the tenet that one should not kill has numerous interpretations where killing could mean murder or shedding of the sanctity of life, demonstrating the high value of human personhood. In other books, the theological conception of when life begins is interpreted as in utero, [59] highlighting the inviolability of life and its formation in vivo to make a religious point for accepting such research as relatively limited, if at all. [60] The Vatican has released ethical directives to help apply a theological basis to modern-day conflicts. The Magisterium of the Church states that “unless there is a moral certainty of not causing harm,” experimentation on fetuses, fertilized cells, stem cells, or embryos constitutes a crime. [61] Such procedures would not respect the human person who exists at these stages, according to Catholicism. Damages to the embryo are considered gravely immoral and illicit. [62] Although the Catholic Church officially opposes abortion, surveys demonstrate that many Catholic people hold pro-choice views, whether due to the context of conception, stage of pregnancy, threat to the mother’s life, or for other reasons, demonstrating that practicing members can also accept some but not all tenets. [63]

Some major Jewish denominations, such as the Reform, Conservative, and Reconstructionist movements, are open to supporting ESC use or research as long as it is for saving a life. [64] Within Judaism, the Talmud, or study, gives personhood to the child at birth and emphasizes that life does not begin at conception: [65]

“If she is found pregnant, until the fortieth day it is mere fluid,” [66]

Whereas most religions prioritize the status of human embryos, the Halakah (Jewish religious law) states that to save one life, most other religious laws can be ignored because it is in pursuit of preservation. [67] Stem cell research is accepted due to application of these religious laws.

We recognize that all religions contain subsets and sects. The variety of environmental and cultural differences within religious groups requires further analysis to respect the flexibility of religious thoughts and practices. We make no presumptions that all cultures require notions of autonomy or morality as under the common morality theory , which asserts a set of universal moral norms that all individuals share provides moral reasoning and guides ethical decisions. [68] We only wish to show that the interaction with morality varies between cultures and countries.

III.     A Flexible Ethical Approach

The plurality of different moral approaches described above demonstrates that there can be no universally acceptable uniform law for ESC on a global scale. Instead of developing one standard, flexible ethical applications must be continued. We recommend local guidelines that incorporate important cultural and ethical priorities.

While the Declaration of Helsinki is more relevant to people in clinical trials receiving ESC products, in keeping with the tradition of protections for research subjects, consent of the donor is an ethical requirement for ESC donation in many jurisdictions including the US, Canada, and Europe. [69] The Declaration of Helsinki provides a reference point for regulatory standards and could potentially be used as a universal baseline for obtaining consent prior to gamete or embryo donation.

For instance, in Columbia University’s egg donor program for stem cell research, donors followed standard screening protocols and “underwent counseling sessions that included information as to the purpose of oocyte donation for research, what the oocytes would be used for, the risks and benefits of donation, and process of oocyte stimulation” to ensure transparency for consent. [70] The program helped advance stem cell research and provided clear and safe research methods with paid participants. Though paid participation or covering costs of incidental expenses may not be socially acceptable in every culture or context, [71] and creating embryos for ESC research is illegal in many jurisdictions, Columbia’s program was effective because of the clear and honest communications with donors, IRBs, and related stakeholders.  This example demonstrates that cultural acceptance of scientific research and of the idea that an egg or embryo does not have personhood is likely behind societal acceptance of donating eggs for ESC research. As noted, many countries do not permit the creation of embryos for research.

Proper communication and education regarding the process and purpose of stem cell research may bolster comprehension and garner more acceptance. “Given the sensitive subject material, a complete consent process can support voluntary participation through trust, understanding, and ethical norms from the cultures and morals participants value. This can be hard for researchers entering countries of different socioeconomic stability, with different languages and different societal values. [72]

An adequate moral foundation in medical ethics is derived from the cultural and religious basis that informs knowledge and actions. [73] Understanding local cultural and religious values and their impact on research could help researchers develop humility and promote inclusion.

IV.     Concerns

Some may argue that if researchers all adhere to one ethics standard, protection will be satisfied across all borders, and the global public will trust researchers. However, defining what needs to be protected and how to define such research standards is very specific to the people to which standards are applied. We suggest that applying one uniform guide cannot accurately protect each individual because we all possess our own perceptions and interpretations of social values. [74] Therefore, the issue of not adjusting to the moral pluralism between peoples in applying one standard of ethics can be resolved by building out ethics models that can be adapted to different cultures and religions.

Other concerns include medical tourism, which may promote health inequities. [75] Some countries may develop and approve products derived from ESC research before others, compromising research ethics or drug approval processes. There are also concerns about the sale of unauthorized stem cell treatments, for example, those without FDA approval in the United States. Countries with robust research infrastructures may be tempted to attract medical tourists, and some customers will have false hopes based on aggressive publicity of unproven treatments. [76]

For example, in China, stem cell clinics can market to foreign clients who are not protected under the regulatory regimes. Companies employ a marketing strategy of “ethically friendly” therapies. Specifically, in the case of Beike, China’s leading stem cell tourism company and sprouting network, ethical oversight of administrators or health bureaus at one site has “the unintended consequence of shifting questionable activities to another node in Beike's diffuse network.” [77] In contrast, Jordan is aware of stem cell research’s potential abuse and its own status as a “health-care hub.” Jordan’s expanded regulations include preserving the interests of individuals in clinical trials and banning private companies from ESC research to preserve transparency and the integrity of research practices. [78]

The social priorities of the community are also a concern. The ISSCR explicitly states that guidelines “should be periodically revised to accommodate scientific advances, new challenges, and evolving social priorities.” [79] The adaptable ethics model extends this consideration further by addressing whether research is warranted given the varying degrees of socioeconomic conditions, political stability, and healthcare accessibilities and limitations. An ethical approach would require discussion about resource allocation and appropriate distribution of funds. [80]

While some religions emphasize the sanctity of life from conception, which may lead to public opposition to ESC research, others encourage ESC research due to its potential for healing and alleviating human pain. Many countries have special regulations that balance local views on embryonic personhood, the benefits of research as individual or societal goods, and the protection of human research subjects. To foster understanding and constructive dialogue, global policy frameworks should prioritize the protection of universal human rights, transparency, and informed consent. In addition to these foundational global policies, we recommend tailoring local guidelines to reflect the diverse cultural and religious perspectives of the populations they govern. Ethics models should be adapted to local populations to effectively establish research protections, growth, and possibilities of stem cell research.

For example, in countries with strong beliefs in the moral sanctity of embryos or heavy religious restrictions, an adaptive model can allow for discussion instead of immediate rejection. In countries with limited individual rights and voice in science policy, an adaptive model ensures cultural, moral, and religious views are taken into consideration, thereby building social inclusion. While this ethical consideration by the government may not give a complete voice to every individual, it will help balance policies and maintain the diverse perspectives of those it affects. Embracing an adaptive ethics model of ESC research promotes open-minded dialogue and respect for the importance of human belief and tradition. By actively engaging with cultural and religious values, researchers can better handle disagreements and promote ethical research practices that benefit each society.

This brief exploration of the religious and cultural differences that impact ESC research reveals the nuances of relative ethics and highlights a need for local policymakers to apply a more intense adaptive model.

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[5] Concerning the moral philosophies of stem cell research, our paper does not posit a personal moral stance nor delve into the “when” of human life begins. To read further about the philosophical debate, consider the following sources:

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[7] Socially, at its core, the Western approach to ethics is widely principle-based, autonomy being one of the key factors to ensure a fundamental respect for persons within research. For information regarding autonomy in research, see: Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, & National Commission for the Protection of Human Subjects of Biomedical and Behavioral Research (1978). The Belmont Report. Ethical principles and guidelines for the protection of human subjects of research.; For a more in-depth review of autonomy within the US, see: Beauchamp, T. L., & Childress, J. F. (1994). Principles of Biomedical Ethics . Oxford University Press.

[8] Sherley v. Sebelius , 644 F.3d 388 (D.C. Cir. 2011), citing 45 C.F.R. 46.204(b) and [42 U.S.C. § 289g(b)]. https://www.cadc.uscourts.gov/internet/opinions.nsf/6c690438a9b43dd685257a64004ebf99/$file/11-5241-1391178.pdf

[9] Stem Cell Research Enhancement Act of 2005, H. R. 810, 109 th Cong. (2001). https://www.govtrack.us/congress/bills/109/hr810/text ; Bush, G. W. (2006, July 19). Message to the House of Representatives . National Archives and Records Administration. https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2006/07/20060719-5.html

[10] National Archives and Records Administration. (2009, March 9). Executive order 13505 -- removing barriers to responsible scientific research involving human stem cells . National Archives and Records Administration. https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/removing-barriers-responsible-scientific-research-involving-human-stem-cells

[11] Hurlbut, W. B. (2006). Science, Religion, and the Politics of Stem Cells.  Social Research ,  73 (3), 819–834. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40971854

[12] Akpa-Inyang, Francis & Chima, Sylvester. (2021). South African traditional values and beliefs regarding informed consent and limitations of the principle of respect for autonomy in African communities: a cross-cultural qualitative study. BMC Medical Ethics . 22. 10.1186/s12910-021-00678-4.

[13] Source for further reading: Tangwa G. B. (2007). Moral status of embryonic stem cells: perspective of an African villager. Bioethics , 21(8), 449–457. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8519.2007.00582.x , see also Mnisi, F. M. (2020). An African analysis based on ethics of Ubuntu - are human embryonic stem cell patents morally justifiable? African Insight , 49 (4).

[14] Jecker, N. S., & Atuire, C. (2021). Bioethics in Africa: A contextually enlightened analysis of three cases. Developing World Bioethics , 22 (2), 112–122. https://doi.org/10.1111/dewb.12324

[15] Jecker, N. S., & Atuire, C. (2021). Bioethics in Africa: A contextually enlightened analysis of three cases. Developing World Bioethics, 22(2), 112–122. https://doi.org/10.1111/dewb.12324

[16] Jackson, C.S., Pepper, M.S. Opportunities and barriers to establishing a cell therapy programme in South Africa.  Stem Cell Res Ther   4 , 54 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1186/scrt204 ; Pew Research Center. (2014, May 1). Public health a major priority in African nations . Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project. https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2014/05/01/public-health-a-major-priority-in-african-nations/

[17] Department of Health Republic of South Africa. (2021). Health Research Priorities (revised) for South Africa 2021-2024 . National Health Research Strategy. https://www.health.gov.za/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/National-Health-Research-Priorities-2021-2024.pdf

[18] Oosthuizen, H. (2013). Legal and Ethical Issues in Stem Cell Research in South Africa. In: Beran, R. (eds) Legal and Forensic Medicine. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-32338-6_80 , see also: Gaobotse G (2018) Stem Cell Research in Africa: Legislation and Challenges. J Regen Med 7:1. doi: 10.4172/2325-9620.1000142

[19] United States Bureau of Citizenship and Immigration Services. (1998). Tunisia: Information on the status of Christian conversions in Tunisia . UNHCR Web Archive. https://webarchive.archive.unhcr.org/20230522142618/https://www.refworld.org/docid/3df0be9a2.html

[20] Gaobotse, G. (2018) Stem Cell Research in Africa: Legislation and Challenges. J Regen Med 7:1. doi: 10.4172/2325-9620.1000142

[21] Kooli, C. Review of assisted reproduction techniques, laws, and regulations in Muslim countries.  Middle East Fertil Soc J   24 , 8 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1186/s43043-019-0011-0 ; Gaobotse, G. (2018) Stem Cell Research in Africa: Legislation and Challenges. J Regen Med 7:1. doi: 10.4172/2325-9620.1000142

[22] Pang M. C. (1999). Protective truthfulness: the Chinese way of safeguarding patients in informed treatment decisions. Journal of medical ethics , 25(3), 247–253. https://doi.org/10.1136/jme.25.3.247

[23] Wang, L., Wang, F., & Zhang, W. (2021). Bioethics in China’s biosecurity law: Forms, effects, and unsettled issues. Journal of law and the biosciences , 8(1).  https://doi.org/10.1093/jlb/lsab019 https://academic.oup.com/jlb/article/8/1/lsab019/6299199

[24] Wang, Y., Xue, Y., & Guo, H. D. (2022). Intervention effects of traditional Chinese medicine on stem cell therapy of myocardial infarction.  Frontiers in pharmacology ,  13 , 1013740. https://doi.org/10.3389/fphar.2022.1013740

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[28] Zhang, J. Y. (2017). Lost in translation? accountability and governance of Clinical Stem Cell Research in China. Regenerative Medicine , 12 (6), 647–656. https://doi.org/10.2217/rme-2017-0035

[29] Wang, L., Wang, F., & Zhang, W. (2021). Bioethics in China’s biosecurity law: Forms, effects, and unsettled issues. Journal of law and the biosciences , 8(1).  https://doi.org/10.1093/jlb/lsab019 https://academic.oup.com/jlb/article/8/1/lsab019/6299199

[30] Chen, H., Wei, T., Wang, H.  et al.  Association of China’s two-child policy with changes in number of births and birth defects rate, 2008–2017.  BMC Public Health   22 , 434 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-022-12839-0

[31] Azuma, K. Regulatory Landscape of Regenerative Medicine in Japan.  Curr Stem Cell Rep   1 , 118–128 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1007/s40778-015-0012-6

[32] Harris, R. (2005, May 19). Researchers Report Advance in Stem Cell Production . NPR. https://www.npr.org/2005/05/19/4658967/researchers-report-advance-in-stem-cell-production

[33] Park, S. (2012). South Korea steps up stem-cell work.  Nature . https://doi.org/10.1038/nature.2012.10565

[34] Resnik, D. B., Shamoo, A. E., & Krimsky, S. (2006). Fraudulent human embryonic stem cell research in South Korea: lessons learned.  Accountability in research ,  13 (1), 101–109. https://doi.org/10.1080/08989620600634193 .

[35] Alahmad, G., Aljohani, S., & Najjar, M. F. (2020). Ethical challenges regarding the use of stem cells: interviews with researchers from Saudi Arabia. BMC medical ethics, 21(1), 35. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12910-020-00482-6

[36] Association for the Advancement of Blood and Biotherapies.  https://www.aabb.org/regulatory-and-advocacy/regulatory-affairs/regulatory-for-cellular-therapies/international-competent-authorities/saudi-arabia

[37] Alahmad, G., Aljohani, S., & Najjar, M. F. (2020). Ethical challenges regarding the use of stem cells: Interviews with researchers from Saudi Arabia.  BMC medical ethics ,  21 (1), 35. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12910-020-00482-6

[38] Alahmad, G., Aljohani, S., & Najjar, M. F. (2020). Ethical challenges regarding the use of stem cells: Interviews with researchers from Saudi Arabia. BMC medical ethics , 21(1), 35. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12910-020-00482-6

Culturally, autonomy practices follow a relational autonomy approach based on a paternalistic deontological health care model. The adherence to strict international research policies and religious pillars within the regulatory environment is a great foundation for research ethics. However, there is a need to develop locally targeted ethics approaches for research (as called for in Alahmad, G., Aljohani, S., & Najjar, M. F. (2020). Ethical challenges regarding the use of stem cells: interviews with researchers from Saudi Arabia. BMC medical ethics, 21(1), 35. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12910-020-00482-6), this decision-making approach may help advise a research decision model. For more on the clinical cultural autonomy approaches, see: Alabdullah, Y. Y., Alzaid, E., Alsaad, S., Alamri, T., Alolayan, S. W., Bah, S., & Aljoudi, A. S. (2022). Autonomy and paternalism in Shared decision‐making in a Saudi Arabian tertiary hospital: A cross‐sectional study. Developing World Bioethics , 23 (3), 260–268. https://doi.org/10.1111/dewb.12355 ; Bukhari, A. A. (2017). Universal Principles of Bioethics and Patient Rights in Saudi Arabia (Doctoral dissertation, Duquesne University). https://dsc.duq.edu/etd/124; Ladha, S., Nakshawani, S. A., Alzaidy, A., & Tarab, B. (2023, October 26). Islam and Bioethics: What We All Need to Know . Columbia University School of Professional Studies. https://sps.columbia.edu/events/islam-and-bioethics-what-we-all-need-know

[39] Ababneh, M. A., Al-Azzam, S. I., Alzoubi, K., Rababa’h, A., & Al Demour, S. (2021). Understanding and attitudes of the Jordanian public about clinical research ethics.  Research Ethics ,  17 (2), 228-241.  https://doi.org/10.1177/1747016120966779

[40] Ababneh, M. A., Al-Azzam, S. I., Alzoubi, K., Rababa’h, A., & Al Demour, S. (2021). Understanding and attitudes of the Jordanian public about clinical research ethics.  Research Ethics ,  17 (2), 228-241.  https://doi.org/10.1177/1747016120966779

[41] Dajani, R. (2014). Jordan’s stem-cell law can guide the Middle East.  Nature  510, 189. https://doi.org/10.1038/510189a

[42] Dajani, R. (2014). Jordan’s stem-cell law can guide the Middle East.  Nature  510, 189. https://doi.org/10.1038/510189a

[43] The EU’s definition of autonomy relates to the capacity for creating ideas, moral insight, decisions, and actions without constraint, personal responsibility, and informed consent. However, the EU views autonomy as not completely able to protect individuals and depends on other principles, such as dignity, which “expresses the intrinsic worth and fundamental equality of all human beings.” Rendtorff, J.D., Kemp, P. (2019). Four Ethical Principles in European Bioethics and Biolaw: Autonomy, Dignity, Integrity and Vulnerability. In: Valdés, E., Lecaros, J. (eds) Biolaw and Policy in the Twenty-First Century. International Library of Ethics, Law, and the New Medicine, vol 78. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05903-3_3

[44] Council of Europe. Convention for the protection of Human Rights and Dignity of the Human Being with regard to the Application of Biology and Medicine: Convention on Human Rights and Biomedicine (ETS No. 164) https://www.coe.int/en/web/conventions/full-list?module=treaty-detail&treatynum=164 (forbidding the creation of embryos for research purposes only, and suggests embryos in vitro have protections.); Also see Drabiak-Syed B. K. (2013). New President, New Human Embryonic Stem Cell Research Policy: Comparative International Perspectives and Embryonic Stem Cell Research Laws in France.  Biotechnology Law Report ,  32 (6), 349–356. https://doi.org/10.1089/blr.2013.9865

[45] Rendtorff, J.D., Kemp, P. (2019). Four Ethical Principles in European Bioethics and Biolaw: Autonomy, Dignity, Integrity and Vulnerability. In: Valdés, E., Lecaros, J. (eds) Biolaw and Policy in the Twenty-First Century. International Library of Ethics, Law, and the New Medicine, vol 78. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05903-3_3

[46] Tomuschat, C., Currie, D. P., Kommers, D. P., & Kerr, R. (Trans.). (1949, May 23). Basic law for the Federal Republic of Germany. https://www.btg-bestellservice.de/pdf/80201000.pdf

[47] Regulation of Stem Cell Research in Germany . Eurostemcell. (2017, April 26). https://www.eurostemcell.org/regulation-stem-cell-research-germany

[48] Regulation of Stem Cell Research in Finland . Eurostemcell. (2017, April 26). https://www.eurostemcell.org/regulation-stem-cell-research-finland

[49] Regulation of Stem Cell Research in Spain . Eurostemcell. (2017, April 26). https://www.eurostemcell.org/regulation-stem-cell-research-spain

[50] Some sources to consider regarding ethics models or regulatory oversights of other cultures not covered:

Kara MA. Applicability of the principle of respect for autonomy: the perspective of Turkey. J Med Ethics. 2007 Nov;33(11):627-30. doi: 10.1136/jme.2006.017400. PMID: 17971462; PMCID: PMC2598110.

Ugarte, O. N., & Acioly, M. A. (2014). The principle of autonomy in Brazil: one needs to discuss it ...  Revista do Colegio Brasileiro de Cirurgioes ,  41 (5), 374–377. https://doi.org/10.1590/0100-69912014005013

Bharadwaj, A., & Glasner, P. E. (2012). Local cells, global science: The rise of embryonic stem cell research in India . Routledge.

For further research on specific European countries regarding ethical and regulatory framework, we recommend this database: Regulation of Stem Cell Research in Europe . Eurostemcell. (2017, April 26). https://www.eurostemcell.org/regulation-stem-cell-research-europe   

[51] Klitzman, R. (2006). Complications of culture in obtaining informed consent. The American Journal of Bioethics, 6(1), 20–21. https://doi.org/10.1080/15265160500394671 see also: Ekmekci, P. E., & Arda, B. (2017). Interculturalism and Informed Consent: Respecting Cultural Differences without Breaching Human Rights.  Cultura (Iasi, Romania) ,  14 (2), 159–172.; For why trust is important in research, see also: Gray, B., Hilder, J., Macdonald, L., Tester, R., Dowell, A., & Stubbe, M. (2017). Are research ethics guidelines culturally competent?  Research Ethics ,  13 (1), 23-41.  https://doi.org/10.1177/1747016116650235

[52] The Qur'an  (M. Khattab, Trans.). (1965). Al-Mu’minun, 23: 12-14. https://quran.com/23

[53] Lenfest, Y. (2017, December 8). Islam and the beginning of human life . Bill of Health. https://blog.petrieflom.law.harvard.edu/2017/12/08/islam-and-the-beginning-of-human-life/

[54] Aksoy, S. (2005). Making regulations and drawing up legislation in Islamic countries under conditions of uncertainty, with special reference to embryonic stem cell research. Journal of Medical Ethics , 31: 399-403.; see also: Mahmoud, Azza. "Islamic Bioethics: National Regulations and Guidelines of Human Stem Cell Research in the Muslim World." Master's thesis, Chapman University, 2022. https://doi.org/10.36837/ chapman.000386

[55] Rashid, R. (2022). When does Ensoulment occur in the Human Foetus. Journal of the British Islamic Medical Association , 12 (4). ISSN 2634 8071. https://www.jbima.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/2-Ethics-3_-Ensoulment_Rafaqat.pdf.

[56] Sivaraman, M. & Noor, S. (2017). Ethics of embryonic stem cell research according to Buddhist, Hindu, Catholic, and Islamic religions: perspective from Malaysia. Asian Biomedicine,8(1) 43-52.  https://doi.org/10.5372/1905-7415.0801.260

[57] Jafari, M., Elahi, F., Ozyurt, S. & Wrigley, T. (2007). 4. Religious Perspectives on Embryonic Stem Cell Research. In K. Monroe, R. Miller & J. Tobis (Ed.),  Fundamentals of the Stem Cell Debate: The Scientific, Religious, Ethical, and Political Issues  (pp. 79-94). Berkeley: University of California Press.  https://escholarship.org/content/qt9rj0k7s3/qt9rj0k7s3_noSplash_f9aca2e02c3777c7fb76ea768ba458f0.pdf https://doi.org/10.1525/9780520940994-005

[58] Lecso, P. A. (1991). The Bodhisattva Ideal and Organ Transplantation.  Journal of Religion and Health ,  30 (1), 35–41. http://www.jstor.org/stable/27510629 ; Bodhisattva, S. (n.d.). The Key of Becoming a Bodhisattva . A Guide to the Bodhisattva Way of Life. http://www.buddhism.org/Sutras/2/BodhisattvaWay.htm

[59] There is no explicit religious reference to when life begins or how to conduct research that interacts with the concept of life. However, these are relevant verses pertaining to how the fetus is viewed. (( King James Bible . (1999). Oxford University Press. (original work published 1769))

Jerimiah 1: 5 “Before I formed thee in the belly I knew thee; and before thou camest forth out of the womb I sanctified thee…”

In prophet Jerimiah’s insight, God set him apart as a person known before childbirth, a theme carried within the Psalm of David.

Psalm 139: 13-14 “…Thou hast covered me in my mother's womb. I will praise thee; for I am fearfully and wonderfully made…”

These verses demonstrate David’s respect for God as an entity that would know of all man’s thoughts and doings even before birth.

[60] It should be noted that abortion is not supported as well.

[61] The Vatican. (1987, February 22). Instruction on Respect for Human Life in Its Origin and on the Dignity of Procreation Replies to Certain Questions of the Day . Congregation For the Doctrine of the Faith. https://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/congregations/cfaith/documents/rc_con_cfaith_doc_19870222_respect-for-human-life_en.html

[62] The Vatican. (2000, August 25). Declaration On the Production and the Scientific and Therapeutic Use of Human Embryonic Stem Cells . Pontifical Academy for Life. https://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/pontifical_academies/acdlife/documents/rc_pa_acdlife_doc_20000824_cellule-staminali_en.html ; Ohara, N. (2003). Ethical Consideration of Experimentation Using Living Human Embryos: The Catholic Church’s Position on Human Embryonic Stem Cell Research and Human Cloning. Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology . Retrieved from https://article.imrpress.com/journal/CEOG/30/2-3/pii/2003018/77-81.pdf.

[63] Smith, G. A. (2022, May 23). Like Americans overall, Catholics vary in their abortion views, with regular mass attenders most opposed . Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2022/05/23/like-americans-overall-catholics-vary-in-their-abortion-views-with-regular-mass-attenders-most-opposed/

[64] Rosner, F., & Reichman, E. (2002). Embryonic stem cell research in Jewish law. Journal of halacha and contemporary society , (43), 49–68.; Jafari, M., Elahi, F., Ozyurt, S. & Wrigley, T. (2007). 4. Religious Perspectives on Embryonic Stem Cell Research. In K. Monroe, R. Miller & J. Tobis (Ed.),  Fundamentals of the Stem Cell Debate: The Scientific, Religious, Ethical, and Political Issues  (pp. 79-94). Berkeley: University of California Press.  https://escholarship.org/content/qt9rj0k7s3/qt9rj0k7s3_noSplash_f9aca2e02c3777c7fb76ea768ba458f0.pdf https://doi.org/10.1525/9780520940994-005

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Mifrah Hayath

SM Candidate Harvard Medical School, MS Biotechnology Johns Hopkins University

Olivia Bowers

MS Bioethics Columbia University (Disclosure: affiliated with Voices in Bioethics)

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