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Essays on American Revolution

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Revolutionary Mothers Chapter Summaries

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The History of American Revolution - Timeline, Facts & Causes

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How Did The War Between Britain and America Benefit Others

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22 March 1765 – 14 January 1784

Thirteen Colonies (United States)

Dutch Republic, France, Loyalist, Spain, United Kingdom, United States, American colonies

The Boston Tea Party (1773), The Battles of Lexington and Concord (1775), The Declaration of Independence (1776), The Battle of Saratoga (1777), The Siege of Yorktown (1781)

George Washington: As the commander-in-chief of the Continental Army, George Washington emerged as a central figure in the revolution. His strategic brilliance, perseverance, and moral character helped inspire and lead the troops through challenging times, ultimately leading to victory. Thomas Jefferson: Known for his eloquence and intellect, Thomas Jefferson was the principal author of the Declaration of Independence. His ideas and ideals, including the belief in natural rights and self-governance, greatly influenced the revolutionary cause. Benjamin Franklin: A polymath and influential statesman, Benjamin Franklin played a vital role in rallying support for the revolution. He traveled to Europe as a diplomat, securing crucial aid from France and other countries, and his scientific discoveries further enhanced his reputation. John Adams: A passionate advocate for independence, John Adams was instrumental in driving the revolutionary movement forward. He served as a diplomat, including as a representative to France and as the second President of the United States, and his contributions to shaping the nation were significant. Abigail Adams: Abigail Adams, wife of John Adams, was an influential figure in her own right. Her letters to her husband and other prominent figures provided valuable insights and perspectives on the revolution, and she became an early advocate for women's rights and equality.

In the 18th century, the thirteen American colonies were under British rule. Over time, tensions began to rise as the colonists developed a distinct identity and desired greater autonomy. Several key factors contributed to the buildup of resentment and ultimately led to the revolution. One crucial prerequisite was the concept of colonial self-government. The colonists enjoyed a degree of self-rule, which allowed them to develop their own institutions and local governments. However, as British policies, such as the Stamp Act and Townshend Acts, imposed new taxes and regulations on the colonies, the sense of self-government and individual liberties were threatened. Another significant factor was the Enlightenment era, which spread ideas of natural rights, individual freedoms, and representative government. Influential thinkers like John Locke and Thomas Paine advocated for the rights of the people and challenged the legitimacy of monarchy. The causes of the American Revolution were diverse and multifaceted. The colonists' grievances included taxation without representation, restrictions on trade, and the presence of British troops in the colonies. The Boston Massacre in 1770 and the Boston Tea Party in 1773 further heightened tensions and solidified the resolve for independence. Ultimately, the outbreak of armed conflict in 1775 at Lexington and Concord marked the beginning of the Revolutionary War. The Declaration of Independence, adopted on July 4, 1776, served as a powerful statement of the colonists' grievances and their determination to establish a free and sovereign nation. The historical context of the American Revolution reflects the culmination of colonial aspirations for self-government, Enlightenment ideas of individual rights, and a series of grievances against British rule.

Establishment of the United States as a sovereign nation; the creation of a new form of government based on democratic principles; adoption of the United States Constitution; redefinition of citizenship; abolition of feudalism; expansion of territorial boundaries, etc.

One of the major effects of the American Revolution was the establishment of a new form of government based on the principles of democracy and individual rights. The United States Constitution, born out of the revolution, served as a model for constitutional governments around the world. The idea of a government by the people and for the people spread, inspiring future revolutions and movements for independence. The revolution also challenged the existing colonial powers, particularly the British Empire, and set in motion a wave of decolonization throughout the world. The success of the American colonies in breaking free from British rule demonstrated that colonies could successfully achieve independence, fueling nationalist movements in other parts of the world and ultimately leading to the dissolution of empires. The American Revolution also had significant economic effects. It established the United States as a new economic power and opened up opportunities for trade and commerce. The revolution encouraged the development of industry and innovation, setting the stage for the industrial revolution that would follow. Furthermore, the American Revolution had a profound impact on the institution of slavery. While the revolution did not immediately abolish slavery, it planted the seeds of abolitionism and sparked debates on the issue of human rights and equality. Lastly, the American Revolution inspired and influenced subsequent revolutions and movements for independence, such as the French Revolution, which drew inspiration from the ideals of liberty, equality, and popular sovereignty championed by the American colonists.

Public opinion on the American Revolution varied greatly during the time period and continues to be interpreted differently today. In the 18th century, support for the revolution was not unanimous. Some colonists were loyal to the British Crown and opposed the revolutionary movement, while others actively supported the cause of independence. Public opinion shifted over time as events unfolded and more people became aware of the grievances and aspirations of the revolutionaries. Many colonists, especially those who felt oppressed by British policies, embraced the ideals of liberty, self-determination, and representation. They saw the revolution as a necessary step towards achieving these principles and securing their rights as free individuals. Others were motivated by economic factors, such as trade restrictions and taxation without representation, which fueled their support for independence. However, there were also segments of the population that remained loyal to Britain. Some believed in the benefits of British rule, such as protection and stability, while others feared the potential chaos and uncertainty that could result from a revolution. In modern times, public opinion on the American Revolution tends to be positive, with many viewing it as a pivotal moment in history that laid the foundation for democratic governance and individual freedoms. The ideals and principles that emerged from the revolution continue to shape American identity and influence public discourse on issues of liberty, equality, and self-governance.

1. The American Revolution lasted for eight years, from 1775 to 1783, making it one of the longest and most significant conflicts in American history. 2. The American Revolution had a profound impact on the world stage. It inspired other countries and movements seeking independence and democracy, such as the French Revolution that followed in 1789. 3. While often overlooked, women made significant contributions to the American Revolution. They served as spies, messengers, nurses, and even soldiers. Some notable examples include Deborah Sampson, who disguised herself as a man to join the Continental Army, and Abigail Adams, who advocated for women's rights.

The topic of the American Revolution holds immense importance for academic exploration and essay writing due to its profound impact on the world and the enduring legacy it left behind. Firstly, the American Revolution marked a pivotal moment in history where thirteen colonies fought for their independence from British rule, leading to the formation of the United States of America. It represents a significant event in the development of democracy and self-governance, serving as an inspiration for subsequent revolutions worldwide. Studying the American Revolution allows us to understand the principles and ideals that shaped the nation's foundation, such as liberty, equality, and the pursuit of happiness. It sheds light on the struggles and sacrifices made by individuals who fought for their rights and paved the way for the establishment of a democratic government. Furthermore, exploring this topic provides insights into the complexities of colonial society, the causes of the revolution, the role of key figures, and the social, economic, and political consequences of the conflict.

1. Bailyn, B. (1992). The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution. Belknap Press. 2. Ellis, J. J. (2013). American Creation: Triumphs and Tragedies at the Founding of the Republic. Vintage. 3. Ferling, J. E. (2015). Whirlwind: The American Revolution and the War That Won It. Bloomsbury Publishing. 4. Fischer, D. H. (2006). Washington's Crossing. Oxford University Press. 5. Maier, P. (1997). American Scripture: Making the Declaration of Independence. Vintage. 6. Middlekauff, R. (2005). The Glorious Cause: The American Revolution, 1763-1789. Oxford University Press. 7. Middlekauff, R. (2007). The Glorious Cause: The American Revolution, 1763-1789. Oxford University Press. 8. Nash, G. B. (2006). The Unknown American Revolution: The Unruly Birth of Democracy and the Struggle to Create America. Penguin Books. 9. Tuchman, B. W. (1989). The First Salute: A View of the American Revolution. Random House. 10. Wood, G. S. (1992). The Radicalism of the American Revolution. Vintage.

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Essays on the American Revolution

Edited by stephen g. kurtz , james h. hutson.

336 pp., 6.125 x 9.25

Paperback ISBN: 978-0-8078-6835-5 Published: November 2011
E-book EPUB ISBN: 978-0-8078-3994-2 Published: June 2013
E-book PDF ISBN: 979-8-8908-7266-1 Published: June 2013

Published by the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture and the University of North Carolina Press

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Essays on the American Revolution

In this Book

Stephen G. Kurtz
Published by: The University of North Carolina Press
Series: Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia

Title page, Copyright
pp. vii-viii
Introduction
1. The Central Themes of the American Revolution: An Interpretation
BERNARD BAILYN
2. An Uneasy Connection: An Analysis of the Preconditions of the American Revolution
JACK P. GREENE
3. Violence and the American Revolution
RICHARD MAXWELL BROWN
4. The American Revolution: The Military Conflict Considered as a Revolutionary War
pp. 121-156
5. The Structure of Politics in the Continental Congress
H. JAMES HENDERSON
pp. 157-196
6. The Role of Religion in the Revolution: Liberty of Conscience and Cultural Cohesion in the New Nation
WILLIAM G. McLOUGHLIN
pp. 197-255
7. Feudalism, Communalism, and the Yeoman Freeholder: The American Revolution Considered as a Social Accident
ROWLAND BERTHOFF AND JOHN M. MURRIN
pp. 256-288
8. Conflict and Consensus in the American Revolution
EDMUND S. MORGAN
pp. 289-310
pp. 311-318
Notes on the Contributors
pp. 319-320

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American Revolution - List of Essay Samples And Topic Ideas

The American Revolution, a pivotal period from 1765 to 1783, led to the thirteen American colonies’ independence from British rule. Essays could delve into the various factors that contributed to the revolution, the key battles, and notable figures who played significant roles. They might also explore the ideological underpinnings of the revolutionaries, the impact of Enlightenment thought, and the subsequent formulation of a new governmental system. Discussions might further extend to the revolution’s global repercussions, its effect on American society, and the enduring legacy of the values and institutions established during this period. A vast selection of complimentary essay illustrations pertaining to American Revolution you can find in Papersowl database. You can use our samples for inspiration to write your own essay, research paper, or just to explore a new topic for yourself.

Women after the American Revolution

Although the Revolutionary War provided a new perspective of women’s roles in politics and the household, there was not lasting change after the end of the war. Coverture is the status that a woman is essentially property of her husband, and is to remain under his command. During the post-revolutionary era, ideas of coverture still existed in America, even if new rights given to women began to spark their want for equality. Before the American Revolution, women had a very […]

Was the American Revolution Really Revolutionary?

During the Age of Revolution (1774-1849), many revolutionary movements occurred in Europe and the Americas. One of the most revolutionary revolutions was the French Revolution, a period of social and political upheaval in France that resulted in an upswing of nationalism, as well as the decline of monarchies and the rise of Democracy. The entire political and social structure of France was overthrown as a result of The French Revolution, making it one of the most radical revolutions of its […]

Was the Revolutionary War Actually Revolutionary?

The Revolutionary War could perhaps be called the greatest thing to ever happen to us. But, was it really? Just how revolutionary was the Revolutionary War? Some may say it was extremely revolutionary but, was it even revolutionary at all? This subject is very contradictory to various groups of people . To some it was very revolutionary but to others at just a glance it was revolutionary but, once you take a deeper look you'd find it was not very […]

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Why was the American Revolution a Conservative Movement?

The American Revolution is often analyzed by historians as a conservative movement to maintain the status quo. However, the American Revolution was partially conservative and partially liberal, contributing to the nuance of the issue. Politically, the revolution was revolutionary because the governmental institutions that resulted from it were radically different than the inherited governmental systems of Great Britain. These governmental establishments amplified Enlightenment ideas and divided sovereignty (federalism), notably different from Britain’s political system. Additionally, the Bill of Rights was […]

Role of Women in the American Revolutionary War

The achievements of men usually overshadow the role of women in the history of America. However, women have been very important in establishing liberal America that people live in today. The accomplishments of women in the American revolutionary war is hardly reported in historical books. During the American Revolution (1775-1783), women played a role in a variety of ways, including the creation of organizations, becoming camp followers, and by gathering intelligence for the Patriot cause. One of the roles of […]

Nation-state Building in the United States

Nation-state Building in the United States from the American Revolution to the Civil War Era A major component of Nation-state building in the U.S included and started with westward expansion. There was a collective belief that God had foreordained the United States to cover the entire continent, thus began the territorial expansion of the U.S.; which was pursued under the doctrine of manifest destiny. The initial westward expansion conquest, beyond the original thirteen colonies, was the Ohio River Valley, but […]

Three Phases of American Revolution

What were the three phases of American revolution? What were the developments in the three phases of American revolution during the seventeenth century? How did the three phases of American revolution evolve? In 1754, war erupted on the North American continent which was known as the French and Indian War. The fighting lasted until 1763, when Britain and its colonists emerged victorious and seized nearly all French land in North America. The victory, however, only led to growing tensions between […]

Is the American Revolution Radical?

Radical is a word that means change. If something is radical it means a change has occurred. The American Revolution was a war that broke that began in 1775. There was conflict between the colonies and Great Britain. War broke out when the 13 colonies revolted against the Britain rulers. There were many events that made up the revolution. There was chaos all over the 13 colonies. The American revolution brought a lot of change and shaped a new nation. […]

A War of the Thirteen Colonies against Great Britain

Parliament's passage of the Intolerable Acts in 1774 intensified the conflict between the colonies and Great Britain. Americans came to the conclusion that the only solution to their dilemma with the British government was to sever all ties with it. The American Revolution was the radical breakthrough in which the thirteen colonies fought a war against Great Britain in order to become independent. The initiation that caused the American Revolution was the Lexington and Concord in which British troops and […]

The Major Trigger for the American Revolution

The French-Indian War was the major trigger for the American Revolution for independence also referred to as the Seven Years War', the conflict was between France and Great Britain with both countries believing they were the inhibitors of Ohio River Valley. Subsequent to the seven years of disputes and fights over the ownership, Britain won and took victory over the land (Thompson, 2017). Over the next 15 years, the French government yearned for revenge and recovery of its former colonies. […]

How the American Revolution had Influenced on France

The American Revolution had surfaced from the adversary between the British and the American colonists in the New World who were fighting desperately for their independence. The French and Indian War contributed greatly to this fight for independence, as the cost of the war was abundant and prompted the British to initiate harsh taxes on the American colonists, such as the Sugar Act. Along with the high costs, what additionally resulted from the French and Indian War was the French […]

MYP Individuals in Society

The American Revolution was a war that took place between 1775-1783. During this period of time, the British and the 13 colonies fought. Many soldiers and militiamen died either because of diseases, lack of supplies, natural disasters, or battles. The battle of Lexington and Concord was the battle that started the American Revolution. It all started on April 18 when British troops arrived at Boston. They proceeded to take the militia's goods. Luckily, Paul Revere, a patriot, warned the colonists […]

The American Revolution and the United States of America

The American Revolution was the true beginning of the United States of America. The colonists fought the British long and hard for seven years and gained their independence. Many people doubted the colonists, but they persevered and defeated one of the greatest armies in the world. This allowed the colonists to build a nation based off of four main principles: religious tolerance, economic opportunity, self-government, and individual liberty. In the early 1600's, many people began to migrate to the Americas […]

What Lead to the American Revolution

The American Revolution is a major part of our history today. Without the revolution, we would not be where we are today. The reason our country is what it is today is because of the American Revolution. America is its own country because of the revolution. The first settlers came over here in the name of England, but years after, we were fighting against them to become a separate nation. But it all had to start somewhere. What lead up […]

About Women in American Revolution

In our well-developed, better-than-ever society, we are still fighting for women's rights and equality between genders. Waiting for a police officer or a neurologist to arrive, we are usually surprised when we see a woman approaching. While reading an article about the death toll in the Syrian Civil War, we easily assume all late soldiers were males. Does this approach differ from the one that was two hundred and fifty years ago? The role of women was crucial during the […]

American Revolution in United States History

A profound turning point in United States history between the period of 1754-1800 was the American Revolution. It elevated recognition of social inequality, which drove some people and groups to call for the abolition of slavery and greater political democracy in the new state and national governments. This war can be understood in the historical context of Britain's threats to assert stricter authority over the North American colonies, through the imposition of taxes without representation in the British Parliament. This […]

An Eventful Time in American History

An eventful time in American History, full of pride, bloodshed, self-realization, and building of an independent nation. A nation was fought for and built, created things, the very things that make America the great country it is today. A rebellion would change the world, in a matter of nearly a decade of unrest and hostility. The rejection of the British Parliament's authority due to taxation, rising prices of many things needed to sustain life under British rule. Brought about a […]

The American People and the American Revolution

This essay will talk about the main point and details of the American Revolution and American People. Which is where the Americans get Independence from the British. The main topics that it will inform in this essay is the Second Continental Army, the Declaration of Independence, and the Surrender of Yorktown which were important events that lead to Independence of the Americans. Also what the British did to the Americans like taxation with the products they used a lot back […]

American Revolution: Series of Crisis

American Revolution was brought about by a series of crisis between the British colonizers and the Americans. The crisis was caused by various acts made by the colonizers to get taxes from the colonies. This was after the British government was involved in a war between French and Indians which took seven years. The war caused the government to be in a debt because of the soldiers who were employed to fight together with the British government. Imposition of sugar […]

The American Revolution

Role of slaves and Native Americans in the RevolutionThousands of African slaves and the Native American involvement in the fight for independence against the British colonial masters. Most of them were actively involved in the forefront of the war. They refused to stand aside and took the side of the war that they felt had an upper arm in winning and of course the one that offered better terms of their freedom when the war is won. The war was […]

The American Revolution and a Political and Social Partition

It would be agreed that for the British Colonists, the year of 1763 was seen as a great watershed in American History. On that note, throughout the years of 1756-1763, was a time period of salutary neglect that lead to the French and Indian war, in which the British called it the Seven Years War. At first it began as a local war in North America battled by the Colonists against the coalition of the French and Indians, however it […]

Western Constitutionalism and his Influence in the USA

One of the short stories of the West (the American one) appears before us as an exemplary, intense and exalting adventure. In an area of about nine and a half million square kilometers, a handful of men of disparate origins could make their new homeland, the first economic and political power of the planet by dint of determination, heroism and strength. The year 1607 was the year in which the first expeditions were made in Virginia, which did not find […]

About American Revolutionary War

More than two million people lived in the new thirteen original American colonies during the mid-1700s. Some were born naturally in the New World, while others moved to America to create a new home. Many immigrants left Great Britain to come to America. People left for various reasons like religious persecution, war, disease, famine, and some just wanted a fresh start. Many less than fortunate people sold themselves as indentured servants to the wealthy and in return they would receive […]

Many Reasons for the American Revolution

The American Revolution was a very interesting event in American History. It caused many great changes to the way we live. In my opinion, this topic is one of the most fascinating topics in American history because of the many complex pieces that come together to form the story of the revolution and the way that it has affected the way we live our lives today. Although there were many reasons for the American Revolution, a few of the major […]

The American Revolution and Society History

The American Revolution was the thirteen colonies fight for independence from Great Britain that began in 1775 in Lexington and Concord, Massachusetts. It is considered a revolution because it was the first successful economic and political reformation in a society that served to inspire worldwide revolutions. It occured after the French and Indian War (1745-1763) when a profound feeling of disunity and betrayal was felt among the colonies. During this time the British empire's expansion and large financial debt caused […]

How the American Revolution Led to the French Revolution

In the American Revolution, the thirteen colonies were able to gain independence from Great Britain and an important cause of the victory was the help of the French who made a major impact on the war and were allies of the colonists. They fought together closely and exchanged several ideas, which included thinking that led to the start of the American Revolution. After the war of almost eight years, there were many parts of French culture that had been affected […]

The American and the French Revolutions

The right of revolution was an idea proposed by Enlightenment Philosopher John Locke, which inspired and challenged the colonies in America and the people of France to revolt. Displeased with their current positions with their governments, they mustered up the courage and strength to challenge authority. Through their battles and hardships, both revolutions sought a government that mirrored the Enlightenment beliefs of natural rights, power of the people, and equality. With those goals in mind, they demonstrated the idea that […]

The American Patriots and the American Revolution

Throughout history, many revolutions have occurred and the reasonings behind them are many. Some of these revolutions occur because people want freedom. An example of this type of revolution would be the American Revolution. The American Revolution was a colonial revolt that took place in 1775 through 1783. The American Patriots in the Thirteen Colonies won independence from Great Britain, becoming the United States of America. They defeated the British in the American Revolutionary War which took place between 1775-1783 […]

American Revolution and Nathanael Greene

Nathanael Greene - Nathanael Greene was a Patriot Major General who had extreme military potential from a young age. He was born into a very faithful and determind Quaker family in Rhode Island. Nathanael Greene's family did not believe or agree with military goals. However he ended up choosing the milatary before his family's beliefs. He became the youngest Patriot brigadier general at the age of 34 and reached that rank in one year. Greene was in command of Boston […]

The Effect that the Enlightenment had on the American Revolution

The Declaration of independence, document declaring the US to be independent of the British Crown, signed by the congressional representatives of the Thirteen Colonies, including Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, and John Adams, and ratified on July 4, 1776. This was just one of the first set of foundation to the united states. Second came the constitution. The Constitution of the United States is a document that embodies the fundamental laws and principles by which the United States is governed. It […]

How To Write an Essay About American Revolution

Understanding the american revolution.

Before writing an essay about the American Revolution, it is crucial to understand its historical context and significance. The American Revolution, occurring from 1765 to 1783, was a pivotal event in which the Thirteen Colonies in North America won independence from Great Britain and formed the United States. Start by outlining the key events that led to the revolution, including the French and Indian War, the Stamp Act, the Boston Tea Party, and the Battles of Lexington and Concord. Familiarize yourself with the major figures involved, such as George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and King George III, and understand the ideological underpinnings of the revolution, including concepts of liberty, democracy, and taxation without representation. This foundational knowledge will provide a solid basis for your essay.

Developing a Focused Thesis Statement

A strong essay on the American Revolution should be centered around a clear, concise thesis statement. This statement should present a specific viewpoint or argument about the revolution. For example, you might argue that the American Revolution was primarily a political and ideological revolution rather than just a military conflict, or analyze the impact of the revolution on the development of American political thought. Your thesis will guide the direction of your essay and ensure a structured and coherent analysis.

Gathering Historical Evidence

To support your thesis, gather historical evidence from credible sources. This might include primary sources like letters, speeches, and contemporary accounts, as well as secondary sources like scholarly articles and history books. Analyze this evidence critically, considering the reliability and perspective of each source. Use this evidence to build your argument and provide depth to your analysis of the American Revolution.

Analyzing Key Events and Figures

Dedicate a section of your essay to analyzing key events and figures of the American Revolution. Discuss how these events were pivotal in the progress of the revolution and examine the roles and contributions of significant figures. For example, explore how the Declaration of Independence encapsulated the revolutionary ideals or how diplomatic efforts with foreign nations were crucial to the colonial victory. This analysis will help readers understand the complexities and nuances of the revolution.

Concluding the Essay

Conclude your essay by summarizing the main points of your discussion and restating your thesis in light of the evidence presented. Your conclusion should tie together your analysis and emphasize the significance of the American Revolution in shaping American history and identity. You might also want to reflect on the broader implications of the revolution, such as its impact on global politics or its legacy in contemporary America.

Reviewing and Refining Your Essay

After completing your essay, review and edit it for clarity and coherence. Ensure that your arguments are well-structured and supported by historical evidence. Check for grammatical accuracy and ensure that your essay flows logically from one point to the next. Consider seeking feedback from peers or instructors to further refine your essay. A well-crafted essay on the American Revolution will not only demonstrate your understanding of this pivotal event in history but also your ability to engage critically with historical narratives.

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An Extraordinary Revolution: The Creation of the Catholic Church in America

In making a case for the property rights of the American clergy, Bishop John Carroll made a revolutionary case for the nature of the American Church’s relationship with Rome.

In these United States our Religious system has undergone a revolution, if possible, more extraordinary than our political one. —John Carroll, 1783

But in making his case for the property rights of the American clergy, Carroll did make a revolutionary case for the nature of the American Church’s relationship with Rome. In the matter of the Jesuit estates, Carroll drew an important distinction between the spiritual power of the Church “and the common rights of the missioners to their temporal possessions, to which as the Bishop, or Pope himself have no just claim, so neither can they invest any persons with the administration of them.”[3] The “Constitution of the Clergy” ratified by the American priests in 1784 explicitly stipulated that “the Person invested with Spiritual Jurisdiction in this Country, shall not in that quality have any power over or in the temporal property of the Clergy.”[4]

There was a tradition in English Catholic thought, echoed in the apologetic writings of American Catholics, that denied the Pope’s temporal authority.[5] But this theory generally defined the Pope’s temporal power as his power to interfere in the civil concerns of countries—to depose kings, for example. By arguing that that the Pope had no legitimate power over the property of priests, Carroll was giving the traditional theory a new rendering and making a bold claim. The suggestion was that the Church hierarchy wielded no power over Americans in non-ecclesiastical matters, especially in the area of property rights.[6]

In his eagerness to assuage Protestant fears, Carroll tried to downplay the spiritual authority of the Pope. He was aware that not a few Protestants held the false notion “that our faith demands a subjection to His Holiness incompatible with the independence of a sovereign state.”[7] The Papacy itself was perhaps the most important issue that divided Catholics and Protestants. Opposition to the office had been at the heart of the Reformation of the sixteenth century, and American Protestants had imbibed the European Protestant prejudices. To many non-Roman Christians, the Papacy was at best an illegitimate, unbiblical station held at any particular time by a misguided man. At worst, it was an abomination, and the Pope was the Antichrist himself, wielding mystical powers over the mind-numbed rank-and-file of the Catholic Church. Whether fraud or fiend, Protestants believed that the loyalty of American Catholics to such a foreign potentate made them unfit citizens in a free republic. “The Spiritual supremacy of the Pope,” Carroll believed, “is the only reason why in some of the United States, the full participation of all civil rights is not granted to the R.C.”[8]

American Protestants were particularly alarmed by the notion of Papal infallibility, which they took to mean that Catholics believed themselves obliged to accept every assertion of the Pope as true and to obey him in all matters, temporal as well as spiritual. But papal infallibility was not an official doctrine of the Catholic Church at the time, and few Catholics at the time adhered to the broad formulation given to it by Protestants.[9] John Carroll certainly believed in a watered-down version of the doctrine. In his Address to the Roman Catholics of the United States , an apologetic work, Carroll asserted that it was the teaching of the great fathers of the Church that infallibility resides “in the body of bishops united and agreeing with their head, the bishop of Rome.” The idea that the Pope was infallible independent of the episcopate, Carroll claimed, was an “opinion” which every Catholic was “at liberty to adopt or reject.”[10] Though he may eventually have come to believe that the Holy Father could not—independent of the agreement of the bishops—err in matters of faith and morals, Carroll was certainly careful not to advertise his views to the general populace.[11]

Whatever his exact position, Carroll clearly rejected Papal authority in temporal matters and de-emphasized the spiritual authority of the pontiff. In a 1784 letter, Carroll proclaimed that the American clergy desired only “that spiritual connexion with the holy See, which shall be an evidence of our sincere attachment to & union with it.”[12] Earlier that year Carroll had beseeched the English theologian-bishop, Joseph Berington, to compose a work on the limits of the Holy See’s spiritual jurisdiction.[13] When Berington obliged, Carroll even found some merit in the English prelate’s controversial ecclesiastical version of popular sovereignty, though the American priest warned that it should be made clear that the Pope was de jure divino the head of the Church.[14] To Father John Thorpe, Carroll declared that “we neither must request or admit any other foreign interference than such, as being essential to our religion, is implied in the acknowledgement of the Bishop of Rome being, by divine appointment, head of the universal Church; and the See of S. Peter being the center of ecclesiastical unity.”[15] Yet Carroll never contemplated spiritual independence from Rome; soon after his consecration as bishop, he fretted that the size of the country posed the danger of “a disunion with the Holy See” and suggested that his diocese be divided so as to guard against the danger of a “schismatical separation from the centre of unity.”[16]

Carroll’s distinction between the spiritual and temporal authority of the Pope mirrored his thought about the wider issue of the separation of church and state. Marylanders in the colonial and early national period were drawing on a distinctively English tradition of separation of church and state, dating back to Thomas More and ultimately to St. Augustine, in which the two realms were deemed as distinct sovereignties that ought to refrain from encroaching on each other’s authority.[17] Carroll expressed this idea clearly in 1797: “To our country we owe allegiance, and the tender of our best services and property, when they are necessary for its defence: to the Vicar of Christ we owe obedience in things purely spiritual . Happily, there is no competition in their respective claims on us, nor any difficulty in rendering to both the submission, which they have a right to claim.”[18]

The suppression of the Jesuit order by the French government in 1762 must have played a role in Carroll’s thought about the separation of church and state.[19] The suppression was a result of political intrigue, and Carroll drew the conclusion that the mixing of politics and religion would corrupt the church. Carroll therefore feared religious establishments of any kind. In a letter to Charles Plowden, Carroll praised a recent work on church-state relations by Plowden’s brother that challenged the idea of religious establishment promoted by a certain William Warburton. “I am very glad to see his triumphant overthrow of Warburton’s fanciful alliance of church & state,” Carroll exclaimed, “in which that author, followed in this by the generality of the English clergy, builds the edifice of their religious establishment on a surrender made by the Church to the State of the independence, it derives from God, & the nature of its destination.”[20] Carroll’s goal in advocating the separation of church and state was the protection of the Church from political interference.

The great reward of separation of church and state was toleration, which would ensure the religious freedom of Catholics in a Protestant land. Like his cousin Charles, John Carroll worried that Protestants would whip up anti-Catholic prejudice in an attempt to exclude Catholics “from the honors and emoluments of society.”[21] Urging his cousin, then serving in the Maryland legislature, to oppose a state law that discriminated against Catholics, the bishop added that Charles ought to work “to obtain a general repeal of this and all other laws and clauses of laws enacting any partial regards to one denomination to the prejudice of others.”[22]

It ought to be noted that Carroll’s advocacy of the separation of church and state corresponds little to the modern version of this theory, which seeks to confine religious belief to the private sphere. To the contrary, Carroll was an enthusiastic proponent of the Christian state set up in Maryland by its new constitution of 1776. This document proclaimed that “all persons professing the Christian religion are equally entitled to protection in their religious liberty” and required a declaration of Christian belief as a qualification for holding office. The constitution also allowed the legislature to “lay a general and equal tax for the support of the christian religion,” though it permitted taxpayers to designate their money to help the poor rather than any particular church. Though it guaranteed non-Christians the right to vote and provided for the protection of their persons and property, the constitution clearly was designed to foster the principles of Christianity, which many of its architects deemed as essential to the promotion of virtue and republican government.[23]

By making all Christian denominations equal before the law, the Maryland constitution effectively disestablished the Episcopal Church and placed Catholicism on a par with Protestantism. For John Carroll and other Catholics, this was the great promise of separation of church and state. At last treated by law as religious equals, Maryland Catholics were jealous of any action by the legislature which they perceived to favor Protestantism at their expense. “We have all smarted heretofore under the lash of an established church,” Carroll declared, “and shall therefore [be] on our guard against every approach towards it.”[24] In 1785, when the Maryland Assembly considered a bill pursuant to the constitution that would have required Christians to pay a tax for the support of the clergy of the denomination that they preferred, Carroll vehemently opposed the plan, believing “that it is calculated to create a predominant and irresistible influence in favour of the Protestant Episcopal Church.”[25] The Catholic clergy had little need of state financing, supported as it was by the incomes of its estates, and besides, Carroll, as noted above, was skeptical of any measure that made the Catholic Church dependent upon the state. He did, however, believe that such state-sanctioned support of Christianity was not only constitutional but salutary if the bill were properly crafted to ensure that no denomination was favored above others. Indeed, the clergy bill of 1785 alarmed Carroll not only because it seemed to prefer the Episcopal Church but also because it exempted Jews, Muslims, and non-believers from paying the tax. “A bill for the encouragement of Infidelity, Judaism, and Mahometism,” Carroll harrumphed.[26]

Carroll hoped to extend the principle of religious freedom for Catholics beyond the borders of Maryland. Writing in 1789 as “Pacificus” in the Gazette of the United States , he maintained that freedom of religious belief was one of “the common rights of nature.” Of toleration, Carroll proclaimed, “no one has a fuller persuasion than myself of its consonancy with the laws of God.”[27] Religious liberty, moreover, was a positive right in addition to being a natural one; because it had been enshrined in the First Amendment to the Constitution it was one of “the stipulated rights of the political society.”[28] Moreover, religious freedom for Catholics was a matter of justice. “Freedom and independence,” Carroll declared in an editorial in The Columbian Magazine , “acquired by the united efforts, and cemented with the mingled blood of protestant and catholic fellow-citizens, should be equally enjoyed by all.”[29] Catholics had proven themselves to be loyal republicans; to exclude them from the equal enjoyment of civil liberty was demonstrably unfair.

Carroll added a utilitarian argument to his exegesis. Toleration, he pointed out, could also promote civil peace and national harmony. In his Address to the Roman Catholics , Carroll encouraged America to be a shining example to other nations of the blessings of toleration. “America may come to exhibit a proof to the world,” the American priest opined, “that general and equal toleration, by giving a free circulation to fair argument, is the most effectual method to bring all denominations of christians to a unity of faith.”[30] Toleration, Carroll told Joseph Berington, would establish “a reasonable system of universal Forbearance, and Charity amongst Christians of every Denomination” and “greatly contribute to bring mankind to an unity of Opinion on matters of Religious Concern.”[31]

In rejecting the temporal power of the papacy, advocating the separation of church and state, and referring to religious belief as “opinion,” Carroll revealed his intellectual debt to Enlightenment liberalism as interpreted and modified by the English Catholic thinkers of the so-called “Cisalpine” school. These men, including Joseph Berington and John Fletcher—both of whom Carroll admired—advocated reasonable religious belief, toleration, and a contractual theory of ecclesiastical government. Enlightenment Catholicism opposed the traditionalist “Ultramontanism,” which held that church and state should of necessity be joined and emphasized papal power.[32] From the Jesuits at St. Omer’s and the seminary at Watten, Carroll had received an education shaped by Enlightenment ideals, and he continued to read the writings of English Enlightenment theologians after his ordination.[33] Like the Protestant founders of the nation, Carroll relegated religious truth to the realm of conjecture in an attempt to promote civil harmony in a nation composed of various Christian denominations.[34]

Though the effect of viewing religious belief as opinion may be to mitigate the intensity of one’s own faith, this was not the case with John Carroll. He was innocent of the charge of religious indifferentism so often hurled at the Cisalpines by the traditionalists. To the contrary, Carroll clearly believed that the Roman Catholic Church was the one true church and that all others were in error. His library contained several apologetic works that proclaimed the unique truth of the Roman Catholic Church.[35] In private he often sounded like the most ardent triumphalist, frequently referring to Protestants as “heretics.”[36] In the journal he kept of his European tour of 1771-1772, which was perhaps intended for the private use of a student under his tutelage, Carroll referred to the “pernicious tenets” of Protestantism and praised the Council of Trent’s attempt to combat “the progress of errors” and “new heresies” that grew out of the Reformation.[37] In a private letter of 1801, Bishop Carroll refused to grant a request to allow a Catholic church in Mississippi to be used by a Protestant minister. “Would not those holy places be profaned,” he asked the petitioner, “& the character of sanctity acquired by their consecration be effaced, by their becoming the seminaries of error & false doctrines?”[38] In his public sermons, too, Carroll contrasted the verities of the Catholic faith with the errors of the Reformed church. In his first sermon as bishop, he declared to the Catholics under his care that one of his duties was “to preserve their faith untainted amidst the contagion of error, surrounding them on all sides” and to save them “from that fatal & prevailing indifference, which views all religions as equally acceptable to God & Salutary to men.”[39] This was not the language of indifferentism.

Carroll’s belief in the exclusive truth of his Church was demonstrated by his willingness to defend the faith publicly. Though initially fearing that he “would disturb the harmony now subsisting amongst all Christians in this country,” the Maryland priest became an outspoken apologist for the Catholic faith in America’s newspapers.[40] He entered into open disputes on at least four occasions, always in response to what he deemed an unwarranted attack. His Address to the Roman Catholics was written in response to an attack on the faith by Charles Wharton, a Marylander and former Jesuit priest who had left the Church a few years earlier. Though Wharton in turn responded to the American superior’s essay, Carroll retired from the contest, fearing that he would inflame anti-Roman prejudice.[41] Three years later, however, he re-entered the fray by composing a short reply to a hostile article about the Church in The Columbian Magazine .[42] In 1789, shortly after his election as bishop, Carroll submitted a letter to the Gazette of the United States , in which he criticized a recent editorial in that paper proposing the establishment of Protestantism as the national religion.[43] And in 1792, in response to a Protestant’s outlandish criticism of Carroll’s use of the appellation “Bishop of Baltimore,” Carroll composed a brief and skillful defense of his episcopal title.[44] In spite of his fear of inflaming religious strife, Carroll simply could not allow attacks to go unanswered.[45]

Indeed, Carroll would never compromise his Catholicism in the service of ecumenical accord. To the contrary, he believed that a free search for religious truth would inevitably bring Protestants to recognize the truth of the Roman Catholic faith. The concept of ecumenism is by its nature an idea that is more amenable to Catholic than Protestant theology. The Protestant Reformation was primarily responsible for the fragmentation of the Christian Church.[46] Protestantism by definition chooses a separate, pure church as superior to one unified in error. But Catholics see the division of Christianity as a great tragedy that runs counter to the wishes of God. Protestants, in Catholic eyes, are less in error than they are deficient in the full splendor of truth. The goal for all sincere Catholics, therefore, is to bring wayward Protestants back into the loving arms of Holy Mother Church. Protestants, on the other hand, constrained by their own history, must see Catholicism as corrupt and its adherents as irreconcilables. Carroll himself perceived this difference between the attitudes of the Roman and Reformed churches. In one of his published apologetic tracts, the bishop asserted that whereas it was a tenet of Catholicism to view Protestants as brothers in Christ, “some pretended reformers” reject a similar attitude toward Catholics.[47]

But Carroll’s belief in the truth of his faith did not lead him to adopt a narrow, sectarian view. Declaring that he made “an allowance to every denominn. freely to pursue their mode of worship,” Carroll sought to foster a spirit of toleration among his co-religionists.[48] In his inaugural sermon as bishop, Carroll averred that he was charged with instilling in the hearts of his flock “a warm charity & forbearance towards every other denomination of Christians.”[49] Indeed, one of the goals of his apologetic works was to bridge the gulf between the Roman and Reformed churches. In his Address to the Roman Catholics , for example, Carroll narrowed the definition of a heretic to include only those who stubbornly clung to a mistaken belief. “He is no heretic,” the Marylander opined, “who, though he hold false opinions in matters of faith, yet remains in an habitual disposition to renounce these opinions, whenever he discovers them to be contrary to the doctrines of Jesus Christ.”[50]

Carroll’s ecumenism, his promotion of a toleration for all Christian denominations, and his espousal of the separation of church and state were consistent with the “Maryland tradition” of religious liberty that dated to the settlement of the colony by the Calverts. His example in championing these principles made it possible for American Catholics of later times, such as William Gaston of North Carolina, to espouse toleration without worrying that such a policy involved a compromise of their religious beliefs.

Soon after the final approval of the Constitution of the Clergy in 1784, word reached Carroll that Rome had named him “Superior of the Mission in the thirteen United States of North America.” Carroll was dismayed rather than flattered by the news, for he worried that the appointment established an ominous precedent for Roman control.[51] Less than a year earlier, Carroll had advised Rome of the Americans’ preference for John Lewis as Superior, but Rome had seemingly discounted the American clergy’s wishes.[52] Carroll also objected to Rome’s designation of the United States as mission territory, for this presumed the new Superior’s complete dependence upon Propaganda. “Perhaps this denomination was heretofore proper enough: but it cannot now be so deemed,” Carroll opined in a letter to Ferdinand Farmer shortly after receiving word of the appointment. “By the Constitution, our Religion has acquired equal rights & privileges with that of other Christians: we form not a fluctuating body of labourers in Christ’s vineyard, sent hither, & removeable [ sic ] at the will of a Superior; but a permanent body of national Clergy, with sufficient powers to form our own system of internal government, &, I think, to chuse our own Superior.”[53] Propaganda’s action, moreover, put Carroll in an awkward spot; a few months earlier, he had assured Charles Plowden “that no authority derived from the Propag[an]da will ever be admitted here.”[54]

Carroll also feared the reaction of American Protestants to Rome’s unilateral action. “I consider powers issued from the Propaganda not only as improper, but dangerous here,” he told Farmer. Americans would be suspicious of a Church leader whose strings were seemingly pulled by Roman officials. “The appointment therefore by the Propaganda of a Superior for this Country appears to be a dangerous step, &, by exciting the jealousy of the governments here may lend much to the prejudice of Religion.” In the end, Carroll accepted the appointment with the most serious reservations. “Nothing but the present extreme necessity of some spiritual powers here could induce me to act under such a commission,” he told Farmer, “which may produce, if long continued, & it should become public, the most dangerous jealousy.”[55]

Carroll was also informed that his appointment as Prefect Apostolic was only a temporary measure, a prelude to Rome’s establishment in America of a Vicar-Apostolic with full espiscopal powers. This alarmed Carroll. “A Bishop Vicar Apostolic,” he told Farmer, “would give great umbrage here, on acc[oun]t of his entire dependance, both for his station and conduct, on a foreign jurisdiction.”[56] The consequence, Carroll feared, would be “that some malicious or jealous-minded person would raise a spirit against us, & under pretense of rescuing the state from foreign influence, & dependance [ sic ], strip us perhaps of our common civil rights.”[57] At the time Carroll believed that any kind of bishop in America was unnecessary.[58] He preferred instead that he, as Prefect-Apostolic, be empowered with certain episcopal powers. But if Rome were determined to set up episcopal government in America, Carroll urged that she create an ordinary, diocesan bishop, “in whose appointment Rome shall have no share.”[59] The nation’s first bishop, Carroll insisted, “should be chosen by the Catholic Clergy themselves.”[60] The distinction between a Vicar Apostolic and an ordinary bishop was a crucial one for Carroll. The former, receiving his authority from Propaganda, was entirely dependent on that body, while the latter’s power derived from the nature of the office itself and could not be altered by the Holy See.

Carroll conveyed his concerns directly to Rome in a letter of February 1785 to Cardinal Antonelli. In choosing between a bishop and a Vicar Apostolic for the United States, Carroll asked that Rome consider the question: “What person will serve more for the betterment of the Catholic position, for the removal of hatred toward Catholics, for removing the alarm over foreign jurisdiction?” To make sure that his point was clear, Carroll provided the answer himself. “I know that alarm will certainly be increased,” he asserted, “if the people know that an ecclesiastical superior has been appointed in such wise that he may be removed from office at the will of the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith or of any other foreign tribunal.” Carroll also requested that the American clergy be permitted to nominate a bishop, or failing that, he implored the Roman authorities to “decide upon some way of nominating a bishop by which offense to our people both Catholic as well as sectarian may be averted.”[61]

On July 23, 1785, Antonelli informed Carroll that Rome had decided to create a Vicar Apostolic and intended to appoint Carroll himself to the post. “If, however,” the cardinal told Carroll, “you judge it more expedient and more consistent with the constitution of that Republic that the missionaries themselves, at least for the first time, recommend some individual to the Sacred Congregation to be promoted to the office of Vicar-Apostolic the Sacred Congregation will not hesitate to perform whatever you consider to be most expedient.”[62] But Carroll, reconciled to Rome’s decision to create some sort of episcopal leadership in the United States, refused to give up the fight for an ordinary bishop. In November 1786, he issued a call for his fellow priests to assemble for a Second General Chapter. The meeting produced a statement calling for the establishment of a diocesan bishop for America, elected by the representatives of the native clergy.[63]

There was, however, lingering opposition among the American clergy to the establishment of any type of bishop in the country. Led by Father Bernard Diderick, this anti-episcopal faction had written to the Holy See in 1784, claiming that a bishop was at the present unnecessary and that the creation of one would alarm American Protestants. An unspoken concern was that a bishop might confiscate Jesuit lands in America as had been the case in Europe. Indeed, this concern had long animated the American clergy’s wariness of Roman authority.[64] Carroll was aware of Diderick’s letter, but he was increasingly unsympathetic to its central claims. First, he judged Protestant opposition to a Catholic bishop in America to be on the wane.[65] Second, contrary to the assertion of Diderick’s faction, he had come to believe by 1787 that episcopal government had become a necessity in America. “Such an extensive Continent as this,” Carroll told his fellow priests, “can never be left long without a Bishop of some sort to superintend the Clergy.”[66]

But it was not just the sheer size of the country that necessitated apostolic leadership. Carroll tacitly worried that his authority as Superior was insufficient to overawe recalcitrant priests and unruly congregations imbued by the Revolution with an anti-authoritarian spirit. On a recent visitation to New York City, Carroll had encountered a congregation at St. Peter’s Church that had split into two factions on the question of who should be their pastor. The rightful pastor—confirmed by Carroll himself in April 1785—was Father Charles Whelan, an Irishman and member of the Capuchin order. But Whelan was an uninspiring preacher and a poor leader, and when another Capuchin, Father Andrew Nugent, appeared in New York, the trustees of St. Peter’s—the laymen who administered the temporal affairs of the church—attempted to remove Whelan in favor of the newcomer. Carroll refused to countenance the change, and soon the trustees were in open rebellion against Whelan. Carroll was infuriated at this outright defiance of his authority as Superior of the American Church. When the trustees threatened to bypass Church procedure and initiate a civil lawsuit to achieve their ends, Carroll shot back, cautioning that they could “take no step . . . more prejudicial to the Catholic cause,” and warning “that no Clergyman be he who he may, shall receive any spiritual powers from me who shall advise or countenance so unnecessary & prejudicial a procedure.”[67] The unruly trustees, however, succeeded in forcing Whelan to flee to upstate New York, and Carroll, realizing that Nugent was the only priest left in the city, admitted defeat and reluctantly granted him faculties in March of 1786.

The controversy did not end there. Some parishioners of St. Peter’s soon became disillusioned with Nugent, brought charges of misconduct and initiated a civil suit to have him removed. Carroll also learned that the clergyman had been suspended in his priestly duties by the Archbishop of Dublin before coming to America. Carroll thereupon removed Nugent, and, cognizant of his obstinacy, traveled to New York in order to inform the Capuchin personally that his faculties in America were to be suspended. At St. Peter’s Church, an irate Nugent burst into the sanctuary as Carroll was preparing to say Mass on Sunday morning. The Capuchin berated Carroll and his own accusers who were present in the church. “A tumult ensued,” Carroll recalled, and “abusive language, most unbecoming the sacredness of the place, was exchanged between him and others.” Nugent and his supporters then denied to Carroll’s face his right to suspend the priest’s faculties, claiming that “since my jurisdiction comes from the Holy See it was foreign, and for this reason in conflict with the law.” Incensed, Carroll suspended the fractious priest’s faculties on the spot and stormed out of the church. This was not the only time that the spirit of ecclesiastical democracy would cause trouble for Carroll.[68]

The Nugent schism erased any remaining doubt in Carroll’s mind about the need for episcopal authority in America.[69] Still, it failed to persuade the anti-episcopal faction to alter its stand. Knowing that internal dissension would weaken the case with Rome, Carroll attempted to rally his fellow ex-Jesuits to the cause. He reminded them, first, that in the wake of the suppression of their order, they had signed an oath, vowing obedience to the bishop and thereby to episcopal government. Consequently, they had no philosophical grounds for opposition to an American bishop. Carroll also pointed out that diocesan bishops in Europe had historically been friends of the Society of Jesus; they “were the means of its getting footing & flourishing in all Catholic Countries, and were the most strenuous in the support of its existence in its last period.”[70] Perhaps such a bishop in America could help to realize the dream of reconstituting the Society. Besides, Rome had already made its decision, and an American bishop was basically a fait accompli . “The only question therefore between us,” Carroll stated flatly, “is this: Are you for a Bishop of your own choosing, & who in the nature of things will be well affected to us & the reestablishment of the Society? Or are you for leaving it to the Propaganda to appoint one over you, who in the ordinary course of things will be inimical to both?”[71]

Carroll’s arguments succeeded in uniting the body of the clergy behind his call for an ordinary bishop. He and two fellow priests—Robert Molyneaux and John Ashton—wrote directly to the Pope, declaring “that in our opinion the time has come” for “the dignity and authority” of episcopal government to be established over the American Church. The letter cleverly cited the recent challenges to Carroll’s authority in New York as the catalyst for the request. Insubordinate priests, Carroll and his co-authors claimed, “offer as the reason for their unruliness and disobedience that they are bound to obey a bishop who wields personal authority, but not a simple priest who has only delegated authority, such as is forbidden by our laws.” Carroll pointed out that the Nugent faction justified its disobedience by claiming “that the authority of the ecclesiastical superior put over us by the Sacred Congregation was illegal, because it was set up by a foreign tribunal and was dependent on this tribunal both as regards its exercise and its duration.” The implication was, of course, that a Vicar-Apostolic would meet with similar opposition, whereas an ordinary bishop, whose independent authority stemmed from his office, would command the respect of his flock. It is doubtful that the Nugent faction ever expressed a willingness to obey even a bishop; nevertheless, Carroll had deftly turned the Nugent schism to his advantage.[72]

Carroll, Molyneaux, and Ashton then attached to their request for a bishop the two essential conditions. Expressing their desire to “arouse the least suspicion and opposition among those with whom we live,” the priests asked that the Pope “establish an episcopal see in the United States of America, one immediately under the Holy See; and, secondly, that the choice of a bishop, at least in this first instance, be left to the priests here who have the care of souls.”[73] By indicating that they would settle for the right to elect only their first bishop, the petitioners provided Rome with a way to placate the Americans and yet avoid setting a precedent. Pope Pius VI took advantage of this opening and granted the request; in July 1788, Cardinal Antonelli informed the American clergy that “his Holiness as a special favour and for this first time, permits the priests who at the present time duly exercise the ministry of the Catholic religion and have care of souls to elect as bishop a person eminent in piety, prudence, and zeal for the faith, from the said clergy, and present him to the Apostolic See to obtain confirmation.”[74]

Carroll had won his victory: America would have an ordinary bishop elected by the American clergy. Accordingly, the American clergy chose electors who assembled at Whitemarsh Plantation in May 1788 and elected Carroll their first bishop. The choice was confirmed by Rome on September 14, 1789, and two months later, the Pope created the first Apostolic See in the United States at Baltimore, which encompassed the entire territory of the United States. On August 15, 1790, Carroll was consecrated bishop in the chapel of Lulworth Castle in England.[75]

Having won Rome’s permission to elect their first bishop, Carroll and his fellow priests then pushed for the right of the American clergy to elect future bishops as well. At the meeting of the General Chapter that culminated with Carroll’s election, the clergy passed a series of resolutions designed to enshrine a permanent system of episcopal election in which the body of the clergy would first choose electors who would then assemble and select a bishop.[76] Carroll ardently hoped that his election had established a precedent—in spite of Rome’s stipulation that it was a unique procedure—and that Rome would acquiesce in the American clergy’s right of election from then on. “Otherwise,” Carroll confided to Charles Plowden, “we shall never be viewed kindly by our government here, and discontents, even amongst our own Clergy, will break out.”[77]

But Carroll’s hopes were dashed. In 1792, citing the great burden of his office, he requested that Rome divide the Baltimore See into two dioceses or at least appoint a bishop-coadjutor to assist him. Carroll proposed that “the election of a new bishop be left to fifteen priests, ten of whom have labored a good while in the vineyard of the Lord—are veterans in fact,—and the others chosen by me as bishop from among the priests whose prudence is well known.” Carroll did not push Rome too far; he added that this election take place “with the proviso that the Holy See retain the right to reject candidates until someone is chosen who meets the full approval of the Pope.”[78] But, though Pius VI wished to avoid an open clash with the American clergy over the sensitive question, he was determined not to concede the right of election. He therefore shrewdly skirted the issue by choosing the option of a coadjutor for Carroll. “While on the one hand His Holiness could never agree that a new bishop be freely chosen from among the members of your clergy,” Antonelli informed Carroll, “on the other, as you yourself fear, an unwelcome choice by the Roman Pontiff would arouse great opposition among them. Therefore, with the designation of a simple coadjutor, this difficulty will be removed and will even disappear since no one can complain if a bishop requests the Holy See to grant him a coadjutor.” Antonelli directed Carroll to “consult with the older and more experienced members of your clergy and then to propose a suitable and experienced American missionary whom the Holy Father will designate as your coadjutor.”[79] Thus, Rome allowed the American clergy another election while making it clear that this was again an exceptional case and would in no way establish a principle.

Carroll would never win Rome’s recognition of the American Church’s right to have a say in the selection of its bishops. In 1808, when the Holy See reorganized the United States into six dioceses, the Roman authorities explicitly proclaimed that they had the right to choose bishops “now and hereafter whenever a vacancy occurs” in any of the dioceses.[80] Nevertheless, Rome had accepted Carroll’s recommendations for four of the five new sees created in 1808, and this had encouraged him to try to salvage some remnant of the plan of native consultation by offering to Rome a less democratic plan. In 1810, he and his fellow bishops petitioned the Holy See “to allow the nomination for the vacant Dioceses to proceed solely from the Archbishop and Bishops of this Ecclesiastical Province.”[81] But even this degree of consultation would not be granted to the American clergy. John Carroll would be the only bishop in the history of the United States to be chosen by his fellow Americans.

Next: A Church of Their Own: American Catholics and Rome

This essay was first published here in May 2011.

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1. Carroll to Pope Pius VI, September 27, 1790, Hanley, John Carroll Papers , 1:470.

2. Carroll to Giuseppe Doria-Pamphili, November 26, 1784, ibid., 1:153.

3. Carroll, “Plan of Clergy Organization,” 1782, ibid., 1:62.

4. “Constitution of the Clergy,” 1783-1784, ibid., 1:73.

5. See Joseph P. Chinnici, The English Catholic Enlightenment: John Lingard and the Cisalpine Movement, 1780-1850 (Shepherdstown, Maryland, 1980), 36, 55-56; Agonito, Building of an American Catholic Church , 60-63. As early as the sixteenth century, Thomas More had declared that Catholics were bound to defend their country against the Pope’s armies in any temporal conflict. See Hanley, Their Rights and Liberties , 33.

6. The bishop’s oath sanctioned by Carroll acknowledged the Pope as possessing at least some degree of temporal authority. In the oath, the bishop swore not to alienate any church property in his diocese “without consulting the Roman Pontiff.” Of course, Carroll approved this oath in 1794 after he had been consecrated bishop and had somewhat moderated his anti-Roman views. See “Oath for Episcopal Consecration,” August 1794, Hanley, John Carroll Papers , 2:125.

7. Carroll to Giuseppe Doria-Pamphili, November 26, 1784, ibid., 1:152.

8. Carroll to Plowden, September 26, 1783, ibid., 1:78. On this subject, see Mary Augustina Ray, American Opinion of Roman Catholicism in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1936; reprint, 1974), passim.

9. The doctrine of papal infallibility would be proclaimed as an article of faith at the Vatican Council of 1870. The Council declared that the Pope was infallible only when he spoke officially ( ex cathedra ) on issues of faith and morals. Those who favored the doctrine met stiff opposition from a bloc of American bishops. See James Hennesey, American Catholics: A History of the Roman Catholic Community in the United States (New York, 1981), 168-171. John Carroll claimed that no Catholic believed that the Pope was infallible in factual matters. See Carroll to Plowden, February 3, 1791, Hanley, John Carroll Papers , 1:491. For statements by other contemporary American Catholics on papal infallibility, see Agonito , Building of an American Catholic Church , 68-69.

10. An Address to the Roman Catholics of the United States of America By a Catholic Clergyman , 1784, Hanley, John Carroll Papers , 1:105-106.

11. See Carroll to Plowden, September 2, 1790, ibid., 1:453-454.

12. Carroll to Ferdinand Farmer, a fellow ex-Jesuit, [Dec. 1784], ibid., 1:157.

13. Carroll to Joseph Berington, July 10, 1784, ibid., 1:148.

14. Carroll to Berington, September 29, 1786, ibid., 1:218.

15. Carroll to John Thorpe, February 17, 1785, ibid., 1:162.

16. Carroll to Charles Plowden, October 12, 1791, ibid., 1:524.

17. This has been argued most forcefully by Thomas O’Brien Hanley. “The church and state were viewed, not so much in terms of union or separation, but as two sovereignties . . . . This tradition demanded reserve in the exercise of authority by each sovereignty in mixed temporal and spiritual matters.” See Hanley, Their Rights and Liberties: The Beginnings of Religious and Political Freedom in Maryland (Westminster, Maryland, 1959), 120.

18. Carroll, “Disciplinary Decree to the Holy Trinity Congregation,” February 27, 1797, Hanley, John Carroll Papers , 2:202.

19. On Carroll’s mindset in the wake of the French government’s suppression of the Society, see Carroll to Daniel Carroll, May 24, 1764, ibid., 1:3-5. See also Melville, John Carroll , 16.

20. Carroll to Plowden, September 3, 1800, Hanley, John Carroll Papers , 2:319-320.

21. Carroll to John Fenno of the Gazette of the United States , June 10, 1789, ibid., 1:365.

22. Carroll to Charles Carroll of Carrollton, November 11, 1783, ibid., 1:82.

23. For the provisions of the Maryland Constitution of 1776, see H.H. Walker Lewis, ed., The Maryland Constitution 1776 (Baltimore, MD, 1976), 57-90, quotations on 62-63. For the idea of the Christian state, see Thomas O’ Brien Hanley, The American Revolution and Religion: Maryland, 1770-1800 (Washington, D.C., 1971), chap. 3. The Maryland Constitution was hardly unique in its endorsement of Christianity. Nearly all the other new state constitutions promoted Christianity or at least belief in a Deity. Also, the federal constitution of 1789 tacitly acknowledged the legitimacy of religious tests for voting. Though it precluded Congress’ erection of a religious establishment in the First Amendment and explicitly dispensed with religious tests for federal offices in Article Six, it mandated in Article I, Section 2, that the electors in each state for the federal House of Representatives “shall have the Qualifications requisite for Electors of the most numerous Branch of the State Legislature.” At that time, of course, several state constitutions still required a religious test for voting.

24. Carroll to Plowden, February 27, 1785, Hanley, John Carroll Papers , 1:168.

25. Carroll to Plowden, February 27, 1785, ibid., 1:168.

26. Carroll quoted in Agonito, Building of an American Catholic Church , 263; see also Carroll to Plowden, February 27, 1785, Hanley, John Carroll Papers , 1:168.

27. Carroll to William Vousdan, September 10, 1801, ibid., 2:362.

28. Carroll to John Fenno of the Gazette of the United States , June 10, 1789, ibid., 1:366.

29. Carroll to the Editor of The Columbian Magazine , September 1, 1787, ibid., 1:259.

30. Carroll, An Address to the Roman Catholics of the United States of America by a Catholic Clergyman , 1784, ibid., 1:140.

31. Carroll to Joseph Berington, July 10, 1784, ibid., 1:148.

32. On Carroll’s initial admiration for Berington, see, for example, his letter to the Englishman of July 10, 1784, in Hanley, John Carroll Papers , 1:147-149. Carroll borrowed from Berington’s work in his Address to the Roman Catholics . To Plowden, Carroll claimed that he had read Fletcher’s Reflections on the Spirit of Religious Controversy “at least four times” and that he had it reprinted in America; see Carroll to Plowden, December 5, 1808; to Plowden, February 21, 1809, in Hanley, John Carroll Papers , 3:73; 3:82. The Cisalpines were especially appealing to Americans because they fused Whig political principles with their theory of ecclesiastical government. The Ultramontanes, on the other hand, were sympathetic to Toryism; the conservative bishop and theologian, John Milner, equated republicanism with infidelity. See Chinnici, The English Catholic Enlightenment , 36-38. In embracing some elements of Enlightenment thought, American Catholics were following the example of the Protestant majority, which had reconciled its faith with the principles of the Age of Reason through an intellectual development that historian Henry May has dubbed the “Moderate Enlightenment.” See Henry May, The Enlightenment in America (New York, 1976).

33. On the program of education at St. Omer’s, see Thomas E. Muir , Stonyhurst College, 1593-1992 (London, 1991); Thomas O’ Brien Hanley, Charles Carroll of Carrollton: The Making of a Revolutionary Gentleman (Washington, D.C., 1970), chap. 2; Chinnici, The English Catholic Enlightenment , 6-7. Carroll’s library, which is housed at Georgetown University and The Catholic University of America, contained numerous books that emphasized the reasonableness of Christianity in general and the Catholic faith in particular. Examples include Robert Manning’s A Plain and Rational Account of the Catholic Faith , Andrew Baxter’s An Enquiry into the Nature of the Human Soul, wherein the immateriality of the soul is evinced from the principles of reason and philosophy , George Hay’s The Scripture Doctrine of Miracles Displayed: in which their nature, their different kinds, their possibility, their ends, instruments, authority, criterion, and continuation are impartially examined and explained, according to the light of revelation, and the principles of sound reason . Carroll even flirted with the thought of Voltaire; he owned Marie Maximilien Harel’s The History of the Life and Writings of Mr. Arruet de Voltaire .

34. In his letter to John Fenno’s Gazette , Carroll argued that it was unjust to deny men their rights “merely on account of their religious opinions.” See Carroll to John Fenno of the Gazette of the United States , June 10, 1789, Hanley, John Carroll Papers , 1:365. The twentieth-century classicist, Allan Bloom, argues that the American founders sought “to palliate extreme beliefs, particularly religious beliefs, which lead to civil strife.” In order to attain civil harmony, “there was a conscious, if covert, effort to weaken religious beliefs, partly by assigning—as a result of a great epistemological effort—religion to the realm of opinion as opposed to knowledge.” See Bloom, The Closing of the American Mind (New York, 1987), 28. Martin Marty suggests that the diversity of religious belief in the United States led Americans to forge a tacit settlement in which religion was legally disestablished while a Christian ethos was retained. See Marty, Righteous Empire (New York, 1970), chap. 4.

35. An example is Henry Turberville’s A Manual of Controversies: clearly demonstrating the truth of the Catholic Religion by texts of Holy Scripture, Councils of All Ages, Fathers for the first 500 years, Common sense and reason .

36. See, for example, Carroll to Antonelli, July 2, 1787, Hanley, John Carroll Papers , 1:255.

37. Carroll, “Journal of European Tour,” [1771-1772], ibid., 1:21-23. Hanley, citing Leonard Brent’s early biography of Carroll, speculates on the use made of this journal. See ibid., 25.

38. Carroll to William Vousdan, September 10, 1801, ibid., 2:362.

39. Carroll, “Sermon on Occasion of Possessing his Pro-Cathedral,” December 12, 1790, ibid., 1:477.

40. Carroll, An Address to the Roman Catholics of the United States of America by a Catholic Clergyman , 1784, ibid., 1:140.

41. An Address to the Roman Catholics of the United States of America by a Catholic Clergyman , 1784, in Hanley, John Carroll Papers , 1:82-141. On Carroll’s reluctance to continue the controversy, see Carroll to Plowden, June 29, 1785, ibid., 1:191.

42. Carroll to the Editor of The Columbian Magazine , September 1, 1787, ibid., 1:259-261.

43. Carroll to John Fenno of the Gazette of the United States , June 10, 1789, ibid., 1:365-368.

44. Carroll, “An Answer to Strictures on an Extraordinary Signature,” November 21, 1792, ibid., 2:69-71.

45. Carroll’s anxiety about antagonizing Protestants is perhaps most clearly expressed in his letter suspending a French priest’s faculties on account on his seemingly deliberate attempts to annoy Protestants. Among other things, the Frenchman prayed for the King of France at every Mass. Carroll told the priest that “more caution is required in the ministers of our Religion, than perhaps in any other Country.” See Carroll to Claudius de La Poterie, April 3, 1789, ibid., 1:354.

46. The first major break in the universal Church, of course, was that between the Orthodox East and the Roman West in 1054.

47. Carroll, An Answer to Strictures on an Extraordinary Signature , November 21, 1792, Hanley, John Carroll Papers , 2:71. Robert Gorman states that this apology was later reprinted in The Metropolitan in 1830. See Gorman, Catholic Apologetical Literature in the United States, 1784-1858 (Washington, D.C., 1939), 10.

48. Carroll to William Vousdan, September 10, 1801, Hanley , John Carroll Papers , 2:362.

49. Carroll, “Sermon on Occasion of Possessing his Pro-Cathedral,” December 12, 1790, ibid., 1:477.

50. Carroll, An Address to the Roman Catholics of the United States of America By a Catholic Clergyman , ibid., 1:89.

51. Carroll was probably heartened by one aspect of the letter, for Antonelli indicated Propaganda’s “wish not to meddle with temporal things.” Antonelli to Carroll, June 9, 1784; quoted in Guilday, John Carroll , 203-204.

52. Lewis was passed over because of concerns about his age (sixty-three). In addition, Benjamin Franklin, the United States’ minister to France, had recommended his friend Carroll for the post to Cardinal Doria-Pamphili, the Papal Nuncio in Paris. The Pope apparently took Franklin’s endorsement as an indication that the American government would be amenable to Carroll’s appointment. See letter of Cardinal Antonelli to Carroll, June 9, 1784, in Shea, John Carroll , 243-244; Agonito, Building of an American Catholic Church , p. 18, footnote 13.

53. Carroll to Farmer, [Dec. 1784], Hanley, John Carroll Papers , 1:156-157.

54. Carroll to Plowden, April 10, 1784, ibid., 1:146.

55. Carroll to Farmer, [Dec. 1784], ibid., 1:156-157.

56. Carroll to Farmer, [Dec. 1784], ibid., 1:157.

57. Carroll to John Thorpe, February 17, 1785, ibid., 1:163.

58. As late as February 1785, Carroll wrote to Charles Plowden: “The want of a Bishop will not be felt amongst us, for some few years.” See Carroll to Plowden, February 27, 1785, ibid., 1:167.

59. Carroll to Plowden, April 10, 1784, ibid., 1:146.

60. Carroll to Farmer, [Dec. 1784], ibid., 1:157.

61. Carroll to Antonelli, February 27, 1785, ibid., 1:173.

62. Antonelli to Carroll, July 23, 1785; quoted in Agonito, Building of an American Catholic Church , 30-31.

63. Minutes of the Second General Chapter of the Clergy, November 13-22, 1786, quoted ibid., 31-32.

64. Clergy’s Memorial to Rome, December, 1784; quoted in Agonito, Building of an American Church , 29, footnote 27. The American Jesuits’ concern about the fate of their estates under a bishop was not without foundation. Guilday points out that upon the suppression of the Jesuit order in 1773, Rome had instructed the Vicar-Apostolic of London, Richard Challoner, to appropriate the Jesuits’ property; Challoner, however, had ignored the order as impractical in the case of the American Jesuits. See Guilday, John Carroll , 51-52.

65. Carroll to Antonelli, February 27, 1785, Hanley, John Carroll Papers , 1:173. The fact that the Episcopal church in America had just appointed bishops probably influenced Carroll’s gauging of anti-episcopal sentiment in general.

66. Carroll et al. to “The Gentlemen of the Southern District,” [1787], ibid., 1:228.

67. Carroll to Dominick Lynch and Thomas Stoughton, January 24, 1786, ibid., 1:205-206.

68. Carroll to Antonelli, March 18, 1788, ibid., 1:283. For more on the Nugent controversy, see Melville, John Carroll , 77-83; Shea , John Carroll , 323-326; Patrick Carey, People, Priests, and Prelates: Ecclesiastical Democracy and the Tensions of Trusteeism (Notre Dame, Indiana 1987), chap. 1; Agonito, Building of an American Catholic Church , 77-82. Nugent refused to vacate the church despite Carroll’s decree and the opposition of the majority of St. Peter’s lay trustees. The matter eventually ended up in a New York state court, which ruled in the trustees’ favor. Though banished from St. Peter’s, Nugent defiantly continued to say Mass in a private house for a handful of his supporters. See Carroll to Antonelli, April 19, 1788; April 14, 1789, Hanley, John Carroll Papers , 1:301; 1:356.

69. See Carroll to William O’Brien, May 10, 1788, in Hanley, John Carroll Papers , 1:309.

70. Carroll et al. to “The Gentlemen of the Southern District,” [1787], ibid., 1:227.

71. Carroll et al. to “The Gentlemen of the Southern District,” [1787], ibid., 1:233.

72. Carroll, Robert Molyneaux, and John Ashton to Pope Pius VI, March 12, 1788, ibid., 1:279.

73. Carroll, Molyneaux, and Ashton to Pope Pius VI, March 12, 1788, ibid., 1:280.

74. Antonelli to Carroll, Molyneaux, and Ashton, July 12, 1788; quoted in Guilday, John Carroll , 352.

75. See ibid., 352-362 and chap. 21. Guilday speculates as to why Carroll chose England as the site of his consecration. See 361-362.

76. See ibid., 354-355. Carroll was probably the driving force behind the idea of electors, which he seemed to favor more for philosophical than practical reasons. To Plowden, Carroll declared that the right of electing a bishop “I hope will never be vested in the whole body of officiating clergy; but only certain select persons.” Carroll also expressed his opposition more than once to “ecclesiastical democracy.” Carroll perhaps was influenced by the example of the electoral college system created by the United States Constitution. See Carroll to Plowden, November 12, 1788; December [?] 22, [1791-1792]; to John Troy, July 12, 1794, Hanley, John Carroll Papers , 1:332, 1:548, 2:120.

77. December [?] 22, [1791-1792], Hanley, John Carroll Papers , 1:332, 1:548. See also Carroll to John Ashton, April 18, 1790, ibid., 1:436. In the Papal Bull that officially announced Carroll’s appointment, the Holy See indicated that Carroll’s election was a one-time occurrence and that in the future Rome would appoint American bishops; Carroll was so concerned about Protestant reaction to this that he attempted to remove or alter this clause when the Bull was published in the United States. See Carroll to Plowden, September 2, 1790, ibid., 1:454-455.

78. Carroll to Antonelli, April 23, 1792, ibid., 2:32-33.

79. Antonelli to Carroll, September 29, 1792; quoted in Agonito, Building of an American Catholic Church , 43.

80. Papal Bull Ex debito pastoralis officii , Records , quoted ibid., 48. Regulations, Bishop’s Meeting, November 1810, quoted ibid., 49.

81. Regulations, Bishop’s Meeting, November 1810, quoted ibid., 49.

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Causes of the American Revolution Essay

1775 was the year that saw disagreements explode amid the United States’ colonized states, and the colonizer Great Britain. The phrase “no taxation without representation” is very familiar. The colonies succeeded in getting their independence by the signing of the Treaty of Paris that brought the war to stop. Whereas we cannot point to one particular action as the real cause of the American Revolution, the war was ignited by the way Great Britain treated the thirteen united colonies in comparison to the treatment that the colonies anticipated from Great Britain. The Americans had a feeling that they were equal to the Englishmen, and thus entitled to the same rights (Wood, 2002, p 123-125). On their part, the British had it that the Americans existed to be used according to the stipulation of the parliament, as well as the crown. This disagreement is carried in the American slogan, “no taxation without representation.”

We can look at the independent way of thinking by the American founding fathers. Firstly, geographically, the distance between the colonies and Great Britain made independence that could rarely be overcome. The colonizers were searching for new fertile lands as well as exploring new opportunities, and also being in the free world. Secondly, the presence of colonial legislators implied that the colonies were variously crown independent. Passing of laws, the mustering of the soldier troops, and levying of taxes was under the mandate of legislators. With time, these powers were considered rights. When they were denied by the British, disagreements set in between the groups. The leaders to be in the United States came out of their mothers’ wombs during this era of legislatures.

Thirdly, it was the issue of salutary neglect. Despite the belief strongly held by the British with regard to the leader then (Prime Minister Robert Walpole) favored the “salutary neglect.” This is a structure that promoted negligence in the actual enforcement of the relation to the outside or international trade. He had at the back of his mind that with this liberalism, trade would be triggered even more. Finally, there was the issue of enlightenment. The exposure of a large number of the revolutionary leaders to writings that consisted of works by prominent writers ( John Locke, Baron de Montesquieu) was an eye-opener to the Americans. The writings equipped the founders with concepts relating to limited government, separation of powers, the acceptance of the people governed not forgetting the social contract as well (Bancroft, 2007 pp 162-168).

Some of the main events that resulted in the revolution include the following:

1763 proclamation, which barred settlement past the Appalachian Mountains; the sugar act of 1764 which raised revenue via increased duties on sugar imported from West Indies; Quartering Act of 1765 where Britain did order that the colonists, where necessary were supposed to house as well feed the British soldiers; and the Stamp Act of 1765 which affected many items including licenses for marriage, but was repealed nine years later (Bancroft, 2007 pp 172-175). Further, the revolution at this point was due to increased hard life impositions from the British side (Bancroft, 2007 pp 1176).

There was the great awakening which was a period of heightened religious activity in all the colonies in America. The enthusiasm that resulted was characterized by disagreements among the competing divisions of churches as well as opposing the existing churches. These religious movements reignited the older customs relating to protestant dissent and resulted in the popular, as well as individualistic means of religiosity which disagreed with the alleges of the instated authorities, and respected chains of command- first within the churches and, after some time, around the 1760s to 1770s, in regal politics. It is argued that the first awaking that involved religious upheavals acted to set the stage for creating colonies that gave a hand to a political revolution. It is thus evident that American Revolution resulted from putting together the customs of republicanism and those relating to the radical protestant dissent (Wood, 2002, pp 178-190).

Works Cited

Bancroft, George. History of the United States-From the Discovery of the American Continent , Volume 4. New York: Read Books Publishers, 2007. Print.

Wood, Gordon S. The American Revolution: Volume 9 of Modern Library Chronicles. New York: Modern Library Publishers, 2002. Print.

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