research paper about youth culture

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The Oxford Handbook of the History of Youth Culture

The author, editor, or co-editor of more than twenty books, James Marten taught at Marquette University for thirty-six years, where he is now Professor of History Emeritus. He was a founder of the Society for the History of Children and Youth (SHCY) and served as the Society’s president from 2013 until 2015. He is a former editor of the Journal of the History of Childhood and Youth.

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Youth culture is not an invention of twentieth-century movies and television; youth have been forming their own cultures from the moment they were given space to invent their own ways of relating to one another and to their parents and communities. Taking a global approach and beginning in early modern Europe, the essays in the Oxford Handbook of the History of Youth Culture provide broadly contextualized case studies of the ways in which the meanings and expressions of both “youth” and “culture” have evolved through time and space. The authors show that youth culture has been shaped by geography, ethnicity, class, gender, faith, technology, and myriad other factors. Examining subjects ranging from monastic schools to online communities, from enslaved youth in the Caribbean to Indigenous students at government-sanctioned boarding schools, from youthful entrepreneurs to youthful activists, from war to sexuality, and from art to literature, the essays show that there have been many youth cultures. Throughout, authors emphasize the ways in which the idea of youth culture could become contested terrain—between youth and their families, their communities, and the culture at large—as well as the importance of youth agency in carving out separate lives. Among the tensions explored are the struggle between control and independence, as well as the explicit and implicit differences between male and female constructions of youth culture.

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In This Article Expand or collapse the "in this article" section Youth Culture

Introduction, theoretical interventions.

• Life-Cycle Shifts
• Socialization
• Language Use and Identity
• Subcultures
• Linguistic Style and Slang
• Schooling and Education
• Class and Labor
• Gender, Sex, and Sexuality
• Race and Racialization
• Modernity and Globalization
• Migration, Immigration, and Transnationalism
• Activism and Politics
• Violence and the Law
• Commodities
• Visual and Digital Culture

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Youth Culture by Shalini Shankar LAST REVIEWED: 13 August 2018 LAST MODIFIED: 28 May 2013 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199766567-0081

The anthropological study of youth began as part of broader inquiries about life cycle, ritual, personhood, and generation (e.g., Margaret Mead’s 1952 classic Coming of Age in Samoa ). Such early studies were generally interested in childhood and adolescence insofar as they offered further insight about a society and adult notions of personhood. “Youth culture,” the term widely used in academic and popular circles today, emerged in the 1950s and 1960s as a post–World War II phenomenon in the United States, Canada, and western Europe. A product of extended secondary schooling, delayed entry into the workforce, and the proliferation of consumer culture, youth culture has taken multiple forms with unique trajectories. Youth culture studies now include children, teenagers, and young people in their twenties, and have placed these individuals at the center of the inquiry, rather than as a liminal period before adulthood. This shift has led to productive understandings of broader anthropological questions of interest—such as race, gender, sexuality, class, globalization, modernity, education, and cultural production—while it also shows how youth action is a site of agency, resistance, identity construction, and social change. Scholarship examining style, adornment, and identity construction has made excellent use of the concept of subculture, while practice-based models have further considered the significance of leisure activity, such as consumption of media, commodities, and digital technologies, in young lives. Several other prominent areas have emerged, including childhood and socialization; psychologically informed approaches to child development; schooling as a lens to dynamics of race, gender, and class formation; and language use, identity, and subjectivity. In the past two decades or so, increased emphasis on the ways in which youth mediate globalization, modernity, migration, and transnationalism have come to the fore, as have studies that foreground issues of activism and politics. The potential of youth to be the initiators of social change, however measured, has been productively explored; so too have the struggles of youth as they cope with racism, poverty, abuse, violence, armed conflict, and other social ills. Methodologically, anthropological work on youth is marked by long-term, rigorous fieldwork using ethnographic and sometimes sociolinguistic approaches, and this in situ fieldwork has led to substantive insights about identity and subjectivity, while also attending to history and political economy. Such research has enabled youth to be regarded as significant contributors to the social worlds in which they operate, as well as how they may be poised to inherit and transform these worlds.

The shift to move youth from the margins to the center of anthropological inquiry has been a slow process. Still somewhat sidelined in the discipline overall, as Hirschfeld 2002 notes, theoretical interventions via review articles that define youth as a field of study help give it more of a presence. For instance, Bucholtz 2002 looks at youth culture with a practice-based approach that also considers language use. Korbin 2003 considers childhoods with violence, and Levine 2007 covers numerous contours and debates of this field. Revising approaches to theorizing youth, such as Durham 2004 , and considering issues of methodology and representation as shown in Best 2007 , keep critical focus on this field of inquiry. Sloan 2007 turns a focus on minority youth in particular (see also Shankar 2011 cited under Linguistic Style and Slang ). Undoing misconceptions about the ways that youth have been assessed in schools is also of major concern, especially to those working on the anthropology of education (see McDermott and Hall 2007 , as well as the citations under Schooling and Education ).

Best, Amy, ed. 2007. Representing youth: Methodological issues in critical youth studies . New York: New York Univ. Press.

A thoughtful collection of essays that examine the benefits and challenges of doing ethnographic fieldwork with children and youth.

Bucholtz, Mary. 2002. Youth and cultural practice. Annual Review of Anthropology 31:525–552.

DOI: 10.1146/annurev.anthro.31.040402.085443

This review article offers in-depth coverage of about three decades of youth culture studies. It establishes the work of the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies in the 1970s as setting the stage for a practice-based approach, and draws in more recent work from anthropology and related fields.

Durham, Deborah. 2004. Disappearing youth: Youth as a social shifter in Botswana. American Ethnologist 31.4: 589–605.

DOI: 10.1525/ae.2004.31.4.589

Argues that youth should be considered less as a fixed category and more as a set of shifting relationships, and thus as a “shifter” in the indexical sense of indirectly pointing to broader social meanings.

Hirschfeld, Lawrence A. 2002. Why don’t anthropologists like children? American Anthropologist 104.2: 611–627.

DOI: 10.1525/aa.2002.104.2.611

Those working on youth culture may find the title question to ring true, as anthropology has largely marginalized youth as a legitimate field of inquiry and instead considered them primarily as a precursor to adulthood. This article offers reasons for these theoretical and ethnographic gaps and critiques anthropology’s overwhelming emphasis on adults.

Korbin, Jill E. 2003. Children, childhoods, and violence. Annual Review of Anthropology 32:431–446.

DOI: 10.1146/annurev.anthro.32.061002.093345

An overview of numerous types of violence children face and are recruited into, including armed conflict, bullying, abuse, violent rituals, and neglect. Also considers the violent behavior of youth as a form of agency.

Levine, Robert A. 2007. Ethnographic studies of childhood: A historical overview. American Anthropologist 109.2: 247–260.

DOI: 10.1525/aa.2007.109.2.247

A survey of approaches from Mead and Malinowski to twenty-first contemporary ethnography of children, with an emphasis on developmental and psychological perspectives.

McDermott, Ray, and Kathleen D. Hall. 2007. Scientifically debased research on learning, 1854–2006. Anthropology & Education Quarterly 38.1: 9–19.

This intervention documents problematic classroom practices, testing, and teacher training brought about by the No Child Left Behind Act, and calls for less standardized testing and more individual case studies.

Sloan, Kris. 2007. High-stakes accountability, minority youth, and ethnography: Assessing the multiple effects. Anthropology & Education Quarterly 38.1: 24–41.

DOI: 10.1525/aeq.2007.38.1.24

Illustrates the value of ethnography in offering a counterpoint to dominant perspectives on minority youth schooling, including curriculum, pedagogy, and student experiences.

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Youth Cultures, Transitions, and Generations

Bridging the Gap in Youth Research

• © 2015
• Dan Woodman 0 ,
• Andy Bennett 1

University of Melbourne, Australia

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Table of contents (14 chapters)

Front matter, cultures, transitions, and generations: the case for a new youth studies.

• Dan Woodman, Andy Bennett

Transitions, Cultures, and Identities: What Is Youth Studies?

• Andy Furlong

Complex Worlds, Complex Identities: Complexity in Youth Studies

• Johanna Wyn, Rob White

‘Speaking of Youth Culture’: A Critical Analysis of Contemporary Youth Cultural Practice

Andy Bennett

Generations, Transitions, and Culture as Practice: A Temporal Approach to Youth Studies

• Dan Woodman, Carmen Leccardi

Waiting for the Weekend? Nightlife Studies and the Convergence of Youth Transition and Youth Cultural Analyses

• Robert Hollands

Transitions, Cultures, and Citizenship: Interrogating and Integrating Youth Studies in New Times

• Anita Harris

Bourdieurian Cultural Transitions: Young People Negotiating ‘Fields’ in Their Pathways into and Out of Crime

• Dorothy Bottrell, Alan France

Sexy Selfies of the Transitioning Self

• Airi-Alina Allaste, Katrin Tiidenberg

Transitioning to a New Manhood: Subcultures as Sites of Inclusive Masculinity

• Ross Haenfler

Youth Political Subjectivity in the Global South: Crossing Conceptual Boundaries in Less Examined Contexts

• Darcie Vandegrift

Applying Theoretical Paradigms to Indonesian Youth in Reflexive Modernity

• Steven Threadgold, Pam Nilan

Toward a Different Youth Studies: Youth-and-Researchers as Affective Assemblages

• Susan Talburt, Nancy Lesko

Transitions, Cultures, and the Future of Youth Research

Back matter.

• Young Adulthood
• Consumption
• Social Change

About this book

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Dan Woodman

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Book Title : Youth Cultures, Transitions, and Generations

Book Subtitle : Bridging the Gap in Youth Research

Editors : Dan Woodman, Andy Bennett

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137377234

Publisher : Palgrave Macmillan London

eBook Packages : Palgrave Social Sciences Collection , Social Sciences (R0)

Copyright Information : The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2015

Hardcover ISBN : 978-1-137-37722-7 Published: 28 July 2015

eBook ISBN : 978-1-137-37723-4 Published: 29 April 2016

Edition Number : 1

Number of Pages : XV, 195

Topics : Childhood, Adolescence and Society , Youth Offending and Juvenile Justice , Social Work , Sociology, general , Youth Culture , Sociology of Family, Youth and Aging

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Systematic review article, a systematic review of factors that influence youths career choices—the role of culture.

• 1 College of Medicine and Dentistry, James Cook University, Townsville, QLD, Australia
• 2 College of Public Health, Medical and Veterinary Sciences, James Cook University, Townsville, QLD, Australia
• 3 College of Arts, Society and Education, James Cook University, Cairns, QLD, Australia

Good career planning leads to life fulfillment however; cultural heritage can conflict with youths' personal interests. This systematic review examined existing literature on factors that influence youths' career choices in both collectivist and individualistic cultural settings from around the globe with the aim of identifying knowledge gaps and providing direction for future research. A systematic review strategy using the Joana Briggs Institute's format was conducted. The ERIC, PsychInfo, Scopus, and Informit Platform databases were searched for articles published between January 1997 and May 2018. A total of 30 articles were included in the review, findings revealed that youth from collectivist cultures were mainly influenced by family expectations, whereby higher career congruence with parents increased career confidence and self-efficacy. Personal interest was highlighted as the major factor that influenced career choice in individualistic settings, and the youth were more independent in their career decision making. Bicultural youth who were more acculturated to their host countries were more intrinsically motivated in their career decision making. Further research is imperative to guide the understanding of parental influence and diversity, particularly for bicultural youths' career prospects and their ability to use the resources available in their new environments to attain meaningful future career goals.

Introduction

Career choice is a significant issue in the developmental live of youths because it is reported to be associated with positive as well as harmful psychological, physical and socio-economic inequalities that persist well beyond the youthful age into an individual's adult life ( Robertson, 2014 ; Bubić and Ivanišević, 2016 ). The term “youth” is described by the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) as a more fluid category than a fixed age group and it refers to young people within the period of transitioning from the dependence of childhood to adulthood independence and awareness of their interdependence as members of a community ( UNESCO, 2017 ).

The complexity of career decision-making increases as age increases ( Gati and Saka, 2001 ). Younger children are more likely to offer answers about their ideal career which may represent their envisioned utopia and phenomenal perceptions about what they want to do when they grow up ( Howard and Walsh, 2011 ). As children get older, they are more likely to describe their career choice as a dynamic interplay of their developmental stages and the prevailing environmental circumstances ( Howard and Walsh, 2011 ). Youth career decision-making is required to go through a process of understanding by defining what they want to do and exploring a variety of career options with the aid of guidance and planning ( Porfeli and Lee, 2012 ). Proper handling of the process affirms individual identity and fosters wellbeing, job satisfaction and stability ( Kunnen, 2013 ).

Many theoretical models have been proposed to explain the process of career development and decision-making, one of which is the Social Cognitive Career Theory (SCCT) by Lent et al. (1994) . According to the SCCT, career development behaviors are affected by three social cognitive processes - self-efficacy beliefs, outcome expectations and career goals and intentions which interplay with ethnicity, culture, gender, socio-economic status, social support, and any perceived barriers to shape a person's educational and career trajectories ( Lent et al., 2000 ; Blanco, 2011 ). This emphasizes the complex interplay between the personal aspirations of youths in their career choices and decision-making and the external influences which act upon them. Carpenter and Foster (1977) postulated that the earlier experiences and influences which individuals are exposed to form the bedrock of how they conceive their career aspirations ( Carpenter and Foster, 1977 ). These authors' assertion lends support to the tenets of SCCT and they have developed a three-dimensional framework to classify the factors that influence career choice. Carpenter and Foster proposed that all career-influencing factors derive from either intrinsic, extrinsic, or interpersonal dimensions. They referred to the intrinsic dimension as a set of interests related to a profession and its role in society. Extrinsic refers to the desire for social recognition and security meanwhile the interpersonal dimension is connected to the influence of others such as family, friends, and teachers ( Carpenter and Foster, 1977 ).

Further exploration by other researchers reveal that youth who are motivated by intrinsic factors are driven by their interests in certain professions, and employments that are personally satisfying ( Gokuladas, 2010 ; Kunnen, 2013 ). Therefore, intrinsic factors relate to decisions emanating from self, and the actions that follow are stimulated by interest, enjoyment, curiosity or pleasure and they include personality traits, job satisfaction, advancement in career, and learning experiences ( Ryan and Deci, 2000 ; Kunnen, 2013 ; Nyamwange, 2016 ). Extrinsic factors revolve around external regulations and the benefits associated with certain occupations ( Shoffner et al., 2015 ). Prestigious occupations, availability of jobs and well-paying employments have also been reported to motivate youth career decision-making ( Ryan and Deci, 2000 ). Consequently, extrinsically motivated youth may choose their career based on the fringe benefits associated with a particular profession such as financial remuneration, job security, job accessibility, and satisfaction ( Ryan and Deci, 2000 ; Edwards and Quinter, 2011 ; Bakar et al., 2014 ). Interpersonal factors encompass the activities of agents of socialization in one's life and these include the influence of family members, teachers/educators, peers, and societal responsibilities ( Gokuladas, 2010 ; Bossman, 2014 ; Wu et al., 2015 ). Beynon et al. reported that Chinese-Canadian students' focus in selecting a career was to bring honor to the family ( Beynon et al., 1998 ). Students who are influenced by interpersonal factors highly value the opinions of family members and significant others; they therefore consult with and depend on these people and are willing to compromise their personal interest ( Guan et al., 2015 ).

Studies have shown that cultural values have an impact on the factors that influence the career choices of youths ( Mau, 2000 ; Caldera et al., 2003 ; Wambu et al., 2017 ; Hui and Lent, 2018 ; Tao et al., 2018 ). Culture is the collective programming of the mind that distinguishes one group of people from another ( Hofstede, 2001 , p.9) ( Hofstede, 2001 ). Hofstede (1980) seminal work on culture dimensions identified four major cultural dimensions in his forty-country comparative research ( Hofstede, 1980 ). The first dimension is known as “individualism-collectivism.” In individualistic cultures, an individual is perceived as an “independent entity,” whilst in collectivistic cultures he/she is perceived as an “interdependent entity.” That said, decision-making in individualistic cultures are based on individuals ‘own wishes and desires, whilst in collectivistic cultures, decisions are made jointly with the “in-group” (such as family, significant others and peers), and the primary objective is to optimize the group's benefit. The second dimension is power distance. In high power distant cultures; power inequality in society and its organizations exist and is accepted. The third dimension - uncertainty avoidance denotes the extent to which uncertainty and ambiguity is tolerated in society. In high uncertainty avoidant cultures, it is less tolerated, whereas in low uncertainty avoidant cultures it is more tolerated. Lastly, masculinity and femininity dimension deals with the prevailing values and priorities. In masculine cultures, achievement and accumulation of wealth is valued and strongly encouraged; in feminine cultures, maintaining good interpersonal relationships is the priority.

In his later work on “Cultural Dimension Scores,” Hofstede suggested that countries' score on power distance, individualism, masculinity, uncertainty avoidance, long-term orientation, and indulgence depicts whether they are collectivist inclined or individualistic-oriented ( Hofstede, 2011 ). Countries that espoused collectivist values may score low and countries that are entrenched in individualistic values may score high on the above-mentioned six cultural dimension score models ( Hofstede, 1980 , 2001 , 2011 ). This model aids the characterization of countries into either individualistic or collectivist cultural settings.

On this basis, western countries like Australia, United Kingdom (UK) and the United States of America (USA) have been shown to align with individualism and such cultures are oriented around independence, self-reliance, freedom and individual autonomy; while African and Asian nations align more closely with collectivism in which people identify with societal interdependence and communal benefits ( Hofstede, 1980 ; Sinha, 2014 ). Research indicates that basing cultures on individualistic versus collectivist dimensions may explain the classical differences in career decision-making among youths ( Mau, 2004 ; Amit and Gati, 2013 ; Sinha, 2014 ). The normative practice in individualistic societies is for the youth to be encouraged to choose their own careers and develop competency in establishing a career path for themselves, while youths from collectivist societies may be required to conform to familial and societal standards and they are often expected to follow a pre-determined career track ( Oettingen and Zosuls, 2006 ).

The interaction between individualistic and collectivist cultures has increased in frequency over the last 20 years due to global migration. Given that different standards are prescribed for the youths' career selection from the two cultures (collectivist—relatedness, and individualistic—autonomy), making a personal career decision could be quite daunting in situations where migrant families have moved from their heritage cultures into a host country. Friction may arise between the adapting youths and their often traditionally focused and opinionated parents as the families resettle in the host countries.

According to a report by the United Nations (UN), the world counted 173–258 million international migrants from 2000 to 2017, representing 3.4 percent of the global population. Migration is defined by the International Organisation of Migration (IOM) as the movement of a person or a group of persons, either across an international border, or within a state ( IOM, 2018 ). In this era of mass migration, migrant students who accompanied their parents to another country and are still discerning their career pathways could be exposed to the unfamiliar cultural values in general and the school/educational system in particular ( Zhang et al., 2014 ). On this note, migrant students might face a daunting task in negotiating their career needs both within host countries' school systems and perhaps within their own family setups. These migrant youth undoubtedly face uncertainties and complexities as career decision-making trajectory could be different in their heritage cultures compared to the prevailing status quo of the host country's culture ( Sawitri and Creed, 2017 ; Tao et al., 2018 ). As youth plan and make career decisions, in the face of both expected and unexpected interests, goals, expectations, personal experiences as well as obligations and responsibilities, cultural undercurrents underpin what the youth can do, and how they are required to think. Some studies have examined cross-cultural variations in factors influencing the career choice of youth from both similar and dissimilar cultural settings ( Mau, 2000 ; Lee, 2001 ; Fan et al., 2012 , 2014 ; Tao et al., 2018 ). However, there may be large differences between different migrant populations.

Given the influence of cultural heritage on career choice and with the increasing numbers of transitions between cultures, it is important to examine the scope and range of research activities available in the area of youths' career choice, particularly in relation to how movements across cultures affect the youth in their career decision making. To the best of our knowledge, there is no comprehensive review of existing literature available in this area. Using the three-dimensional framework proposed by Carpenter and Foster (1977) , this systematic review aims to examine the factors influencing youths' career choices, with particular reference to cultural impact. It will also identify any gaps in the existing literature and make recommendations that will help guide future research and aid policy makers and educational counselors in developing adequately equipped and well-integrated career choice support systems that will foster a more effective workforce.

Literature Search

A systematic review strategy was devised and the literature search was conducted using the Joana Briggs Institute's (JBI) format. The search was conducted between December 2016 and May 2018, utilizing James Cook University's subscription to access the following databases: Education Resources Information Centre (ERIC), PsycINFO, Scopus and Informit. The subject and keyword searches were conducted in three parts.

1. Career and its cognate terms:

“Career development” OR “Career decision” OR “career choice” OR “Career choices” OR “Career planning” OR “Career guidance” OR Career OR Careers OR “Career advancement” OR “Career exploration” OR Vocation OR Vocations OR Vocational OR “Occupational aspiration” OR Job OR Jobs OR Occupations OR Occupation OR Occupational” AND

2. Youth and its cognate terms:

“Youth OR Youths” OR “Young adults” OR adolescent* OR teenage* OR student” AND

3. Factors and variables:

“Intrinsic OR Extrinsic OR Interpersonal OR Individualistic OR Collectivist OR Culture OR Cultures OR Cultural OR “Cross Cultural.”

The Boolean operators (OR/AND) and search filters were applied to obtain more focused results. The articles included in the final search were peer-reviewed and the references of publications sourced from these searches were hand searched to obtain additional abstracts. Searches of reference and citation lists commenced in December 2016, repeated in March, July and November 2017 and finally May 2018 to identify and include any new, relevant articles.

Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria

Only peer-reviewed articles published in English within the last 20 years (1997-2018) and with full text available were included. Studies included in the final analysis were original research articles that focused on career choices of youth from all cultures including migrant youth who are also known as bicultural (those who accompanied their parents to another country). The rationale for using the cultural concepts of collectivist and individualistic cultural settings was inspired by Hofstede's Cultural Dimensional Scores Model ( Hofstede, 2011 ). Abstracts were excluded if they focused on students below secondary school level and those already in the workforce as the study mainly focused on youth discerning their career choices and not those already in the workforce.

Data Extraction

Two of the researchers (PAT and BMA) independently assessed data for extraction, using coding sheets. Study variables compared were author and year of publication, country and continent of participant enrolment, cultural setting, study design, participant numbers, and educational level, factors influencing career choice and major outcomes. Data were crosschecked in a consensus meeting and discrepancies resolved through discussion and mutual agreement between the two reviewers. The third and fourth authors (T.I.E and D.L) were available to adjudicate if required.

Quality of Methods Assessment

In this study, two reviewers (PAT and TIE) ascertained the quality and validity of the articles using JBI Critical Appraisal (CA) tools for qualitative and cross-sectional studies ( Aromataris and Munn, 2017 ). In any event of disagreement, a third reviewer (BMA) interceded to make a judgement. Both JBI CA tools assess the methodological quality of the included studies to derive a score ranging from 0 (low quality) to 8 or 10 (high quality). Using these tools, studies with a total score between 0 and 3 were deemed of low quality, studies with a score between 4 and 6 were classed as of moderate quality and studies with scores from 7 were deemed to be of high quality (sound methodology).

Study Selection

Articles retrieved from the initial database search totaled 5,201. An additional 38 articles were retrieved from direct journal search by bibliographic search. A total of 597 records remained after duplicates and unrelated articles were removed. Of this number, 521 were excluded after abstract review mainly for not meeting the inclusion criteria, leaving 76 full text articles for eligibility check. A further 46 were excluded because they focused on career difficulties, counseling, retention, working adolescents, or the cultural setting was not stated. Applying this screening process resulted in 30 studies for inclusion in the qualitative review synthesis (see Figure 1 ).

Figure 1 . Search strategy. The figure shows the search strategy including databases assessed for this study.

Study Characteristics

All three factors (Intrinsic, Extrinsic, and Interpersonal) affecting adolescents' career choices were identified in this review (Figure 2 ). Out of the 30 articles, five (17%) explored interpersonal factors exclusively ( Cheung et al., 2013 ; Gunkel et al., 2013 ; Fan et al., 2014 ; Zhang et al., 2014 ; Fouad et al., 2016 ). Majority of the studies, 16 out of 30 (53%) explored interpersonal and intrinsic factors solely ( Mau, 2000 ; Lee, 2001 ; Caldera et al., 2003 ; Howard et al., 2009 ; Lent et al., 2010 ; Shin and Kelly, 2013 ; Cheung and Arnold, 2014 ; Sawitri et al., 2014 , 2015 ; Guan et al., 2015 ; Li et al., 2015 ; Sawitri and Creed, 2015 , 2017 ; Kim et al, 2016 ; Hui and Lent, 2018 ; Polenova et al., 2018 ).

Figure 2 . Diagrammatic illustration of the included studies highlighting the factors that influence youth career choices. The figure shows the number of studies focusing on each of the three factors (intrinsic, extrinsic and interpersonal).

No articles focused solely on extrinsic or intrinsic factors. Two studies each explored the relationship between intrinsic and extrinsic ( Choi and Kim, 2013 ; Atitsogbe et al., 2018 ) as well as extrinsic and interpersonal factors ( Yamashita et al., 1999 ; Wüst and Leko Šimić, 2017 ). The remaining five articles (17%) explored all three factors (intrinsic, extrinsic, and interpersonal, ( Bojuwoye and Mbanjwa, 2006 ; Agarwala, 2008 ; Gokuladas, 2010 ; Fan et al., 2012 ; Tao et al., 2018 ). Table 1 summarizes the 30 articles included in this review. Intrinsic factors explored in the literature include self-interest, job satisfaction, and learning experiences. Extrinsic factors include job security, guaranteed job opportunities, high salaries, prestigious professions and future benefits. Meanwhile, interpersonal factors include parental support, family cohesion, peer influence, and interaction with educators.

Table 1 . Summary of studies included in the review.

The collectivist cultural settings examined in the reviewed articles included Argentina, Burkina Faso, Bulgaria, China, Croatia, Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Japan, Mexico, Portugal, South Africa, South Korea, Taiwan and Ukraine; while the individualistic ones were Canada, Finland, Germany, Spain, Switzerland and United States of America. Italy was considered as partly individualistic and collectivist. Fourteen studies included participants from both collectivist and individualistic cultural settings ( Mau, 2000 ; Lee, 2001 ; Caldera et al., 2003 ; Howard et al., 2009 ; Fan et al., 2012 , 2014 ; Cheung et al., 2013 ; Choi and Kim, 2013 ; Gunkel et al., 2013 ; Shin and Kelly, 2013 ; Zhang et al., 2014 ; Guan et al., 2015 ; Fouad et al., 2016 ; Wüst and Leko Šimić, 2017 ; Atitsogbe et al., 2018 ; Hui and Lent, 2018 ; Polenova et al., 2018 ; Tao et al., 2018 ). Twelve studies focused on collectivist cultural settings ( Yamashita et al., 1999 ; Bojuwoye and Mbanjwa, 2006 ; Agarwala, 2008 ; Gokuladas, 2010 ; Lent et al., 2010 ; Cheung and Arnold, 2014 ; Sawitri et al., 2014 , 2015 ; Li et al., 2015 ; Kim et al, 2016 ; Sawitri and Creed, 2017 ). Three studies examined participants who moved from collectivist to individualistic settings ( Hui and Lent, 2018 ; Polenova et al., 2018 ; Tao et al., 2018 ) and one study considered both cultural dimensions within a single setting ( Howard et al., 2009 ). Twenty-nine of the included studies used a range of quantitative designs. Participant numbers in these ranged from 80 to 2087. One study used qualitative design with 12 participants.

Quality of Methods of Included Studies

The quality assessment of methods employed in the 30 studies included in this review are outlined in Table 2 . The qualitative study was assessed using the JBI qualitative CA tool and was of sound methodology (Table 2A ). Using the JBI cross-sectional CA tool, 9 of the 29 quantitative studies (31 %) were of sound methodology (score of 6.5–7). The other 20 studies (69 %) were of moderate quality (Table 2B ).

Table 2 . Quality assessment of included articles.

Synthesis of Study Results

Table 1 and Figure 3 details the study setting and the underlying factors influencing youth career choices. Analysis of the reviewed articles revealed four major themes namely: extrinsic, intrinsic and interpersonal factors and emergent bicultural influence on career choice. These four major themes had several subthemes and are reported below.

Figure 3 . Career influencing factors. The figures shows identified career influencing factors and their distribution in cultural settings.

Extrinsic Factors

Extrinsic factors examined in the reviewed articles included financial remuneration, job security, professional prestige and job accessibility.

Financial Remuneration

Financial remuneration was identified as the most influential extrinsic factor in career choice decision. Income was considered as an important component of life, particularly among youth who had a higher level of individualism ( Agarwala, 2008 ; Wüst and Leko Šimić, 2017 ). Wüst and Leko Šimić reported that German students ranked “a high income” highest with a 3.7 out of 5 and regarded it as the most important feature of their future job in comparison to Croatian students who gave it a lower ranking of 3 out of 5 ( Wüst and Leko Šimić, 2017 ). While amongst Indian management students, it was rated as the third most important factor influencing career choice ( Agarwala, 2008 ). Financial reward was also a high motivator for career decision among Chinese migrant students in Canada ( Tao et al., 2018 ), and Korean students ( Choi and Kim, 2013 ). In contrast, the need for higher remuneration did not influence career decision making among engineering students in India ( Gokuladas, 2010 ), and Japanese senior college students ( Yamashita et al., 1999 ).

Professional Prestige

Professional prestige was identified as an important deciding factor for youth career decision making in India ( Agarwala, 2008 ), South Africa ( Bojuwoye and Mbanjwa, 2006 ), Croatia ( Wüst and Leko Šimić, 2017 ), Japan and Korea ( Yamashita et al., 1999 ), which are all collectivist settings. Prestige statuses attached to some occupations were strong incentives to career choices; was ranked as the second most important positive influence in career decision making by over half of the respondents in a South African study, indicating that these youth wanted prestigious jobs so that they could live good lives and be respected in the society ( Bojuwoye and Mbanjwa, 2006 ). Japanese and Korean students were also highly influenced by occupational prestige ( Yamashita et al., 1999 ); however, the Korean students considered it of higher importance than their Japanese counterparts.

Job Accessibility

Job accessibility was also considered as a deciding factor for youth's career decision in a collectivist Burkina Faso society where nearness to employment locations prevented students from choosing careers related to their preferred fields of endeavor ( Atitsogbe et al., 2018 ). Another study explored the perceptions of hospitality and tourism career among college students and demonstrated that Korean students are more likely to focus on current market trends such as job accessibility in comparison to their American counterparts ( Choi and Kim, 2013 ), implying that they are less flexible with their choices. However, job accessibility and vocational interest were less predictive of career explorations than personality traits in both cultural settings in a different study ( Fan et al., 2012 ).

Job Security

Job security was reported as influential in only one study where it was identified as highly important by German youth in comparison to their Croatian counterparts ( Wüst and Leko Šimić, 2017 ). They suggested that their finding are in line with the uncertainty avoidance index proposed by Hofstede (2011) which also takes on a relatively high value for Germans. They provided two major reasons for the findings—(1) “secure jobs” has a tradition for young Germans and (2) change in employment contracts in Germany; with fewer employees under 25 having permanent contracts ( Wüst and Leko Šimić, 2017 ).

Intrinsic Factors

The literature explored intrinsic factors such as personal interests, self-efficacy, outcome expectations and professional development opportunities.

Personal Interests

Personal interests in career decision-making appeared to be an important factor in the selection of a life career ( Caldera et al., 2003 ; Bojuwoye and Mbanjwa, 2006 ; Gokuladas, 2010 ; Lent et al., 2010 ; Choi and Kim, 2013 ; Atitsogbe et al., 2018 ). Bojuwoye and Mbanjwa ascertained that about fifty per cent of youth career decisions are based on their personal interests ( Bojuwoye and Mbanjwa, 2006 ), and Gokuladas maintained that students from urban areas are most likely to consider their personal interests before societal interests when making career decisions ( Gokuladas, 2010 ). Lent et al., reported that personal interest predict youth's career outcome expectations ( Lent et al., 2010 ) while Li et al., indicated that in collectivist Chinese culture, personal interests matter significantly however individual preferences are strongly influenced by social comparison ( Li et al., 2015 ). Atitsogbe et al., observed that Swiss students are more influenced by personal interests ( Atitsogbe et al., 2018 ). They reported that in Switzerland, interest differentiation was significantly associated with self-identity. This scenario was compared to the situation in the collectivist Burkina Faso culture where interest differentiation and consistency were less associated self-identity ( Atitsogbe et al., 2018 ). Similarly, Korean students were reported to focus on the prevailing market trends such as salary, job positions, and promotion opportunities in contrast to American student who were more future oriented and interested in setting individual desired goals in their reality oriented-perceptions ( Choi and Kim, 2013 ). Personal interest was also linked to career aspirations in Mexican American women ( Caldera et al., 2003 ).

Self-Efficacy

Self-efficacy was considered a vital intrinsic factor in the career decision-making process of youth ( Howard et al., 2009 ; Fan et al., 2012 ; Guan et al., 2015 ; Hui and Lent, 2018 ). Howard et al. reported individualistic and collectivist dimensions in two different regions within the same country due to economic factors ( Howard et al., 2009 ). In collectivist cultures, students' self-efficacy was linked to their level of congruence with their parents. Whereas in individualistic cultural settings, like America, families encourage students to become self-sufficient and independent ( Mau, 2000 ; Fan et al., 2012 ; Shin and Kelly, 2013 ; Guan et al., 2015 ; Hui and Lent, 2018 ).

Outcome Expectations

Two studies carried out in collectivist cultural settings reported that youth's outcome expectation are contingent/dependent on the degree of perceived congruence with parents ( Cheung and Arnold, 2014 ; Sawitri et al., 2015 ). One article that studied the outcome expectations of youth in individualistic cultural setting reported that among students in the United States, strong career maturity, confidence, and outcome expectations were culturally based ( Lee, 2001 ).

Professional Development Opportunities

The opportunity for professional development is also a major intrinsic career-influencing factor ( Lee, 2001 ; Cheung and Arnold, 2014 ; Guan et al., 2015 ). University students in China were individually matured and influenced by career development opportunities ( Cheung and Arnold, 2014 ). While American students were shown to score higher for ideal occupations ( Guan et al., 2015 ), and influenced by goal motivation and strong career maturity ( Lee, 2001 ). This is similar to high school students in Indonesia, although dependent on congruence with parents ( Sawitri and Creed, 2015 ).

Interpersonal Factors

The literature discussed the extent to which family members, teachers/educators, peers, and social responsibilities influence youth's career decision-making.

Influence of Family Members

Agarwala suggested the father was seen as the most significant individual influencing the career choice of Indian management students ( Agarwala, 2008 ). This could be understood in the context of a reasonably patriarchal society. According to the study, most of the participants' fathers were mainly professionals, which may have motivated their career selection. In another study, mothers (52.50%) were regarded as the most significant family member that impacted positively on students' career choices ( Bojuwoye and Mbanjwa, 2006 ). Fathers (18.75%) were the second most significant individual, followed by siblings or guardians (16.25%) ( Bojuwoye and Mbanjwa, 2006 ). Good rapport among family members culminating in an effective communication within the family set up is crucial for laying sound foundation for career decision making. Higher career congruence with parents also increased career confidence and self-efficacy ( Sawitri et al., 2014 , 2015 ; Sawitri and Creed, 2015 , 2017 ; Kim et al, 2016 ). Furthermore, parents' profession influences career choice as children from agricultural backgrounds tend to take on their parents' job, while those from industrialized settings have more autonomy and career decidedness ( Howard et al., 2009 ).

Other familial influence on career decision-making according to the results of the only qualitative study in our review, include parental values, parental pressure, cultural capital and family obligations ( Polenova et al., 2018 ). The study indicated the apparent Asian American cultural preference for certain professions/careers. Students indicated that, parental opinion sometimes put an emphasis on a specific career. In that study, several participants emphasized that they were not forced, but “strongly encouraged” ( Polenova et al., 2018 ).

It's not like your parents are going to put a gun to your head and say “You're going to be a doctor” but from a young age, they say things like, “You're going to be a great doctor, I can't wait until you have that stethoscope around your neck.”

Polenova et al., 2018

Teachers and Educators

Teachers and educators are significant figures in the process of youth's career decision-making ( Yamashita et al., 1999 ; Howard et al., 2009 ; Gokuladas, 2010 ; Cheung et al., 2013 ; Cheung and Arnold, 2014 ). Cheung et al. and Howard et al. reported that in both collectivist and individualistic cultures, teacher are seen as significant figures who are agents of development and could have influence on students' career decision making ( Howard et al., 2009 ; Cheung et al., 2013 ). Cheung et al. further reported that students in Hong Kong rated perceived efficacy of teachers higher than parents due to lower level of parental education ( Cheung et al., 2013 ). In addition, Cheung and Arnold demonstrated a strong student dependence on teachers followed by peers and less of parents ( Cheung and Arnold, 2014 ).

Peer Influence

Two studies carried out in both cultural settings showed peer influence as a third potent force (after parents and teachers) that can significantly impact on the career decisions of youth, especially girls ( Howard et al., 2009 ; Cheung et al., 2013 ). Other studies reported that peers are a branch of the significant others and as social agents, they influence their kinds through social comparisons and acceptance ( Yamashita et al., 1999 ; Lee, 2001 ; Bojuwoye and Mbanjwa, 2006 ; Gokuladas, 2010 ; Cheung and Arnold, 2014 ).

Social Responsibilities

The impact of social responsibility as a driving force in youth career decision-making was identified by Fouad et al. (2016) , who noted that the career decision-making of South Korean youth is influenced by societal expectations. This is supported by another research, which suggested that societal expectations influenced youth career choices in both collectivist and individualistic cultures ( Lee, 2001 ; Mau, 2004 ; Polenova et al., 2018 ; Tao et al., 2018 ).

Emergent Bicultural Influence on Youth Career Choices

Of the 30 articles, only three explored the career decision making of bicultural youths ( Hui and Lent, 2018 ; Polenova et al., 2018 ; Tao et al., 2018 ). Strong family support influenced US-born and Asian-born students as shown by a recent study ( Hui and Lent, 2018 ). Hui and Lent found that students with stronger adherence to Asian values were more likely to perceive family support to pursue science related careers ( Hui and Lent, 2018 ). High sense of obligation to parents (filial piety), internal locus of control, and personal interests were identified as factors that influenced bi-cultural Asian American students' career decision making ( Polenova et al., 2018 ). Bicultural Chinese students who were acculturated to Canada were highly intrinsically motivated (internal locus of control and self-efficacy) in their career decision-making, while those who had stronger Chinese acculturations were influenced by extrinsic (financial stability) and interpersonal (family) factors ( Tao et al., 2018 ).

This systematic review examined the existent factors influencing the career choices of the youths from different countries around the globe, from either or both collectivist and individualistic cultural settings. Intrinsic and interpersonal factors were more investigated than extrinsic factors in the reviewed articles. In these articles, intrinsic factors included personal interests, professional advancement, and personality traits. Extrinsic factors included guaranteed employment opportunities, job security, high salaries, prestigious professions and future benefits. Meanwhile, interpersonal factors are the activities of agents of socialization in one's life, such as parental support, family cohesion, status, peer influence as well as interaction with other social agents such as school counsellors, teachers and other educators ( Lent et al., 2010 ; Shin and Kelly, 2013 ; Cheung and Arnold, 2014 ; Guan et al., 2015 ; Kim et al, 2016 ).

The three factors (intrinsic, extrinsic and interpersonal) relating to career choices are pervasive in both cultures. Their level of influence on the youth differs from culture to culture and appear to be dependent on perceived parental congruence leading to self-efficacy and better career choice outcomes. The studies carried out in Canada, Finland, Germany, Spain, Switzerland and United States of America showed a high level of individualism, which typifies intrinsic motivation for career choice. Youths in individualistic cultural settings were influenced by the combinations of intrinsic (personal interest, personality trait, self-efficacy), extrinsic (job security, high salaries) and to a lesser extent, interpersonal (parental guidance) factors and are encouraged to make their own career decisions ( Mau, 2004 ; Gunkel et al., 2013 ). In contrast, studies carried out in Argentina, Burkina Faso, Bulgaria, China, Croatia, Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Japan, Mexico, Portugal, South Africa, South Korea, Taiwan, and Ukraine showed a high level of collectivism. Youths in collectivist cultures were mainly influenced by interpersonal (honoring parental and societal expectations and parental requirements to follow a prescribed career path) and extrinsic (prestigious professions) ( Mau, 2000 ; Gunkel et al., 2013 ). The opinions of significant others matter significantly to youths from collectivist cultural settings. Whereas, in individualistic cultures, youths tend to focus on professions that offer higher income and satisfy their personal interests ( Wüst and Leko Šimić, 2017 ; Polenova et al., 2018 ).

Parental influences were found to be significant in collectivist cultural settings ( Agarwala, 2008 ; Sawitri et al., 2014 ), implying that youths from this culture value the involvement of significant others, especially parents, and other family members, during their career decision-making processes. The activities of parents and significant others are very pivotal in the lives of the youth as they navigate their career paths. Cheung et al. reported the role of significant others (teachers) in influencing youth career choices when parents are unable to suitably play such role ( Cheung et al., 2013 ). Interestingly, one article focused on two different cultural orientations within one country and reported that parents' profession influence career choice as children from agricultural backgrounds tend to take on their parents' job, while those from industrialized settings have more autonomy and career decidedness ( Howard et al., 2009 ). This finding emphasizes the complex interplay of cultural context and the environment in the career aspirations of youths ( Fouad et al., 2016 ).

The review suggests that youths of collectivist orientations, tend to subordinate personal interests to group goals, emphasizing the standards and importance of relatedness and family cohesion ( Kim et al, 2016 ). However, such patterns of behavior may be conflicted, particularly during cross-cultural transitions. Parental influence have been reported to generate difficulties within the family and discrepancies over career choice decisions are not uncommon within both cultures ( Myburgh, 2005 ; Keller and Whiston, 2008 ; Dietrich and Kracke, 2009 ; Sawitri et al., 2014 ). The conundrum is will adolescents of collectivist orientation be comfortable with their cultural ethos after resettling in a different environment with individualistic cultural beliefs and practices?

Our study revealed that when youth transfer from their heritage culture to a different cultural setting, their cultural values are challenged and their career decision-making patterns may be affected. For instance, Tao et al. reported that students of Chinese descent who were acculturated to Canada primed personal interests, self-efficacy and financial stability instead of honoring parental and societal expectations in their career decision-making ( Tao et al., 2018 ). Similarly, Asian American students with stronger adherence to Asian values had a high sense of obligation to parents ( Polenova et al., 2018 ) and were more likely to perceive family support than their counterparts who were more acculturated to American values ( Hui and Lent, 2018 ). Our data also suggest a strong interplay of individualist and collectivist cultural values coexisting in harmony and jointly influencing how the youth in the current global environment define themselves, relate to others, and decide priorities in conforming to social/societal norms. Movement across cultures (migration) leads to several changes and adjustments in an individual's life. The internal and psychological changes the youth may encounter, otherwise known as psychological acculturation, also affect their career identity ( Berry, 1997 ). Given that only three out of the 30 reviewed studies were conducted in bicultural settings ( Hui and Lent, 2018 ; Polenova et al., 2018 ; Tao et al., 2018 ), further studies are recommended to examine the career choice practices of youths who have transferred from collectivistic to individualistic cultures and vice versa.

Practical Implications for Counsellors and Policy Makers

Social Learning Theory proposes that the role of a career counselor is to help clients expand their career choices and help clarify beliefs that can interfere or promote their career plans ( Krumboltz, 1996 ). Culture has a major influence on people's beliefs therefore, it is integral that career counselors are able to provide culturally responsive career directions to guide the youth in the pursuit of their career aspirations. Providing accessible sources of support and empowering youths to openly discuss their concerns relating to career decision-making will broaden the youths' understanding and this could have a significant impact on their academic and career pathways. Family support is important for all youths as they navigate their career explorations, especially for migrants. The role of counselors is not only limited to the youths, it can also benefit the entire family. Essentially, counselors can attempt to engage not just the youths in exploring academic and vocational opportunities, but also offer avenues for families to become involved and connected to the career decision-making processes.

Cultural identities combined with the varied expectations for achievement can be an overwhelming experience for the youth. Counselors can seize this opportunity to provide companionship and direction as the youth figure out their career pathways ( Gushue et al., 2006 ; Risco and Duffy, 2011 ).

The significance of a school environment that is conducive and embraces the racial and academic identity of its students can be a huge asset to boost youth morale. Gonzalez et al. reported that students who feel culturally validated by others at school and experience positive ethnic regard, have more confidence in their career aspirations ( Gonzalez et al., 2013 ). Career counselors together with other educators and service providers hold influential positions as they can furnish academic, cultural and social support that family members alone cannot provide.

Strengths and Limitations of This Study

The major strength of this review is that it has provided increased understanding of the cultural underpinnings of the factors that influence the career choices of youths. The study has also highlighted areas of knowledge gap in the literature, such as fewer studies exploring the impact of extrinsic factors on career choice and the need for more bicultural studies. However, the conclusions drawn from this review are limited to the data that were extracted from the studies identified. We acknowledge that there are caveats with the use of the concepts “collectivist and individualistic” to describe the cultural underpinnings of different countries as there are some fluidity around their usage as suggested by Hofstede (1991 , 2001) . However, the use of these concepts was helpful in classifying the cultural background of the participants included in this review. The findings of the studies reviewed within each country may not necessarily be representative of all the cultural orientations in those countries. Furthermore, researchers from different cultures (or studying different cultures) may have chosen to study only the variables that they believe will have relevance. Nevertheless, most of the studies reviewed had large sample sizes and were conducted in various countries across the globe.

Recommendations

• Of the 30 articles reviewed, only one involved qualitative study designs. Further qualitative studies on this topic are required to provide in-depth understanding of the influences on youth's career choices and to allow causal inferences to be made.

• There were only three articles that examined the career decision-making of the bicultural youths from the perspective of the mainstream and the heritage cultures. Better career choices for the bicultural youth will enhance their self-identity and lead to commitment to duty and eventual career satisfaction. Without harnessing the potentials of youths through career education and training, the bicultural and migrant youths' face uncertainties in the future in the host country. The rippling effects of such uncertainties in the future could have a detrimental effect on the country's economy. Therefore, there is the need for increased research activities in this area in host countries. Educational system planning should be developed to encourage youth to have self-efficacy and be more involved in job-related information seeking. This will be especially efficient in progressing bicultural youths who might have migrated with their parents into a new culture.

• Sound education at school can open ways for career decisions. Interventions designed to assist youth in strengthening their academic self-efficacy, internal motivation, and goal-setting strategies can foster improved career choice outcomes.

Conclusions

The three factors investigated in this study are pervasive in influencing the career decisions of youths in both individualistic and collectivist societies. In collectivist societies, parental intervention is understood as a requirement to support their children's efforts and equip them to be responsible and economically productive. Meanwhile, the standard practice in individualistic societies is for parents to endorse their children's opinions and encourage them to choose careers that make them happy. Overall, further research is imperative to guide the understanding of parental influence and diversity in bicultural and migrant youths' career prospects and their ability to use the resources available in their new environments to attain meaningful future career goals. Additional research, particularly qualitative, is required to explore the level of family involvement in youths' career choices among migrant families in different cultural settings.

Author Contributions

PA-T and BM-A extracted the data. BM-A, TE, and DL critically appraised and validated the study findings. PA-T developed the first draft of the manuscript. BM-A, TE, DL, and KT reviewed and edited the manuscript. All authors read and approved the final manuscript for submission.

Conflict of Interest Statement

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

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Keywords: career choice, youths, collectivist culture, individualistic culture, cross-cultures

Citation: Akosah-Twumasi P, Emeto TI, Lindsay D, Tsey K and Malau-Aduli BS (2018) A Systematic Review of Factors That Influence Youths Career Choices—the Role of Culture. Front. Educ . 3:58. doi: 10.3389/feduc.2018.00058

Received: 31 January 2018; Accepted: 28 June 2018; Published: 19 July 2018.

Reviewed by:

Copyright © 2018 Akosah-Twumasi, Emeto, Lindsay, Tsey and Malau-Aduli. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Peter Akosah-Twumasi, [email protected]

• Open access
• Published: 29 August 2022

Enhancing health and wellness by, for and with Indigenous youth in Canada: a scoping review

• Udoka Okpalauwaekwe 1 ,
• Clifford Ballantyne 2 ,
• Scott Tunison 3 &
• Vivian R. Ramsden 4  

BMC Public Health volume  22 , Article number:  1630 ( 2022 ) Cite this article

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Indigenous youth in Canada face profound health inequities which are shaped by the rippling effects of intergenerational trauma, caused by the historical and contemporary colonial policies that reinforce negative stereotypes regarding them. Moreover, wellness promotion strategies for these youth are replete with individualistic Western concepts that excludes avenues for them to access holistic practices grounded in their culture. Our scoping review explored strategies, approaches, and ways health and wellness can be enhanced by, for, and with Indigenous youth in Canada by identifying barriers/roadblocks and facilitators/strengths to enhancing wellness among Indigenous youth in Canada.

We applied a systematic approach to searching and critically reviewing peer-reviewed literature using the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses extension for Scoping Reviews [PRISMA-ScR] as a reporting guideline. Our search strategy focused on specific keywords and MeSH terms for three major areas: Indigenous youth, health, and Canada. We used these keywords, to systematically search the following electronic databases published in English between January 01, 2017, to May 22, 2021: Medline [Ovid], PubMed, ERIC, Web of Science, Scopus, and iportal. We also used hand-searching and snowballing methods to identify relevant articles. Data collected were analysed for contents and themes.

From an initial 1695 articles collated, 20 articles met inclusion criteria for this review. Key facilitators/strengths to enhancing health and wellness by, for, and with Indigenous youth that emerged from our review included: promoting culturally appropriate interventions to engage Indigenous youth; using strength-based approaches; reliance on the wisdom of community Elders; taking responsibility; and providing access to wellness supports. Key barriers/roadblocks included: lack of community support for wellness promotion activities among Indigenous youth; structural/organizational issues within Indigenous communities; discrimination and social exclusion; cultural illiteracy among youth; cultural discordance with mainstream health systems and services; and addictions and risky behaviours.

This scoping review extracted 20 relevant articles about ways to engage Indigenous youth in health and wellness enhancement. Our findings demonstrate the importance of promoting health by, and with Indigenous youth, by engaging them in activities reflexive of their cultural norms, rather than imposing control measures that are incompatible with their value systems.

Peer Review reports

Introduction

The term ‘Indigenous’ is internationally recognized to describe a distinct group of people that live within or are attached to geographically distinct ancestral territories [ 1 , 2 ]. In Canada, the term Indigenous is an inclusive term used to refer to the First Nations, Métis, and Inuit people, each of which has unique histories, cultural traditions, languages, and beliefs [ 3 , 4 , 5 ]. Indigenous peoples are the fastest-growing population in Canada, with a population estimated at 1.8 million, which is 5.1% of the Canadian population [ 6 , 7 ]. Within this population, 63% identify as First Nation, 33% as Métis, and 4% as Inuit [ 6 , 7 ]. Indigenous youth are the youngest population in Canada, with over 50% of Indigenous youth under 25 years [ 7 ]. Projections of Indigenous peoples in Canada have estimated a 33.3 to 78.7% increase in Indigenous populations, with the youth making up the largest proportion of the Indigenous population by 2041 [ 6 , 7 ].

Before European contact in North America, Indigenous peoples in Canada lived and thrived with their cultures, languages, and distinct ways of knowing [ 2 ]. However, Indigenous peoples in Canada rank lower in almost every health determinant when compared with non-Indigenous Canadians [ 8 , 9 , 10 ]. A report on health disparities in Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, described First Nations peoples to be “more likely to experience poor health outcomes in essentially every indicator possible” (page 27) [ 11 ]. This greater burden of ill health among Indigenous peoples in Canada has been attributed to systemic racism (associated with differences in power, resources, capacities, and opportunities) [ 9 , 10 , 12 , 13 ] and intergenerational trauma (stemming from the past and ongoing legacy of colonization such as experienced through the Indian residential and Day school systems, the Sixties Scoop, and the ongoing waves of Indigenous child and youth apprehensions seen in the foster and child care structures that remove Indigenous children from their family, community and traditional lands) [ 3 , 9 , 10 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 ]. These traumatic historical events, along with ongoing inequities, such as: socioeconomic and environmental dispossession; loss of language; disruption of ties to Indigenous families, community, land and cultural traditions; have been reported to exacerbate drastically and cumulatively the physical, mental, social and spiritual health of Indigenous peoples in Canada, creating “soul wounds” (3 p.208) that require interventions beyond the Westernized biomedical models of health and healing [ 3 , 9 , 10 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 ].

In the same way, Indigenous youth in Canada face some of the most profound health inequities when compared with non-Indigenous youth which can be further shaped by the rippling effects of intergenerational trauma caused by the historical and contemporary colonial policies that reinforce or legitimize negative stereotypes regarding Indigenous youth in Canada [ 2 , 10 , 14 , 20 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 ]. When compared with their non-Indigenous peers, Indigenous youth in Canada have been reported to be more likely to have higher rates of chronic conditions [e.g., diabetes, obesity, chronic respiratory diseases, heart diseases, etc.] [ 14 ], discrimination [ 28 , 29 ], youth incarceration and state care [ 12 , 20 , 30 ], poverty [ 31 ], homelessness [ 32 ], higher adverse mental health conditions [ 20 , 33 , 34 , 35 , 36 , 37 ], higher suicide rates [ 33 , 38 , 39 ], and lower overall life expectancies [ 24 , 40 , 41 , 42 ].

Indigenous peoples’ perception of health and wellness is shaped by their worldview and traditional knowledge [ 43 , 44 ]. While the Western concept of health broadly defines health as the state of complete physical, mental, social well-being, and not merely the absence of disease [ 45 ], Indigenous peoples understand health in a holistic way [ 26 ] that seeks balance between the physical, mental, emotional, and spiritual aspects of an Indigenous person in reciprocal relationships with their families, communities, the land, the environment, their ancestors, and future generations [ 46 , 47 , 48 ]. Unfortunately, this holistic concept of health and wellness opposes the individualistic and biomedically focused Western worldview of health, which is a dominant lens commonly used in health research, projects, and programs involving Indigenous communities [ 46 ]. This practice further perpetuates the legacy of colonization and excludes avenues for Indigenous communities to access holistic healing practices “grounded in their culture” [ 43 , 49 , 50 ]. For example, health research involving Indigenous peoples in Canada tends to focus on Indigenous health deficits and identified social determinants in the communities, more often and without proper representation [ 43 ]. Additionally, there is the imposition of research on rather than with youth [ 43 , 44 ]; and the failure to acknowledge Indigenous worldviews in research, to ensure in benefits them [ 43 ].

Authentically engaging with Indigenous youth has been cited by Indigenous scholars as one of the ways of achieving and enhancing wellness by, for, and with youth [ 51 , 52 ]. This is characterized by meaningful and sustained involvement of the youth in program planning, development, and decision-making to promote self-confidence and positive relationships [ 53 ]. Authentic engagement involves working with rather than on youth as research partners or program planning participants [ 54 ]. This shift to working with rather than on implies respect for the knowledge of the lived experiences of the youth involved [ 54 , 55 , 56 ] and is based on meaningful relationships built over time among all involved [ 53 , 57 , 58 ]. Research has shown that engaging youth (Indigenous or non-Indigenous) as partners in a project/program fosters a sense of belonging, self-determination, and self-actualization within their community; thus, enhancing community wellness [ 54 , 56 , 58 , 59 ].

This paper explores what is known in the peer-reviewed literature about strategies, approaches, and ways to engage Indigenous youth in health and wellness enhancement. Our main objective is to use information gathered from this review to inform youth engagement strategies, by considering the facilitators/strengths and barriers/roadblocks to enhancing wellness with Indigenous youth. We define facilitators in this context as factors that improve, enhance, strengthen, or motivate a journey to health, wellness, and self-determination. These are considered ‘strengths’ in the language of Indigenous peoples as they support equitable strength-based pathways towards reconciliation. Conversely, barriers are roadblocks, and demotivating factors or processes that limit and challenge Indigenous peoples’ access to achieving health and wellness. Our overarching research question was, in what ways can Indigenous youth enhance health and wellness for themselves, their family, and the Indigenous communities where they live?

Sub-questions included:

What factors do Indigenous youth in Canada identify as facilitators/strengths to enhancing health and wellness?

What factors do Indigenous youth in Canada identify as barriers/roadblocks to enhancing health and wellness?

Methodology and methods

Scoping reviews help provide an overview of the research available on a given area of interest where evidence is emerging [ 60 ]. While there are several accepted approaches to such reviews, this scoping review was undertaken using the Joanna Briggs Institute (JBI) Guideline for scoping reviews [ 61 ]. This approach was based on the Arksey and O’Malley methodological framework [ 62 ], which was further advanced by Levac et al. [ 60 ], and Peter et al. [ 61 ]. Our search strategy focused on primary sources that elucidated youth-driven, youth-led, or youth-engaged strategies carried out by, for, and with Indigenous youth to enhance health and wellness. We chose to explore all health programs and research inquiry that explore health challenges on the physical, mental, emotional, and spiritual aspects of an Indigenous person to encompass the definition of health and wellness as defined and understood from an Indigenous perspective. This scoping review is reported in accordance with the guidelines provided in the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) extension for Scoping Reviews (PRISMA-ScR) [ 63 ]. See Supplementary material file 1 for PRISMA-SCR checklist.

Protocol registration and reporting information

There was no pre-published or registered protocol before the commencement of this study.

Eligibility criteria

Types of studies.

A priori inclusion criteria for articles in this study included: 1] peer-reviewed journal articles reporting health and wellness programs, initiatives, and/or strategies among Indigenous youth in Canada, and 2] peer-reviewed journal articles published between January 01, 2017, to May 22, 2021. We chose a 5-year time frame to limit our findings to the most updated peer-reviewed literature which could provide implications for the growing body of work done in the field of Indigenous research among youth. Systematic reviews, meta-analyses, study protocols, opinion pieces, and narrative reviews were excluded.

Participants

Peer-reviewed studies involving Indigenous youth (First Nations, Métis, and Inuit) in Canada were eligible for inclusion. We considered the fluidity of definitions for youth by age range as literature sources generally defined youth in stages between adolescence to early adulthood [ 6 , 64 , 65 ]. In Canada, the Government of Canada uses several age brackets to identify youth depending on context, program, or policies in question. For example, Statistics Canada defines youth as between 15 to 29 years [ 6 ], Health Canada in the first State of Youth Report defined youth as between 12 to 30 years [ 65 ] when referring to statistical reports, and as between 13 to 36 years when referring to youth-led programs and policies [ 65 ]. However, for the purposes of this review we defined and referred to Indigenous youth or young people as between 10 to 24 years to be more representative of a broader definition of youth which is in keeping with Indigenous peoples’ worldviews, languages, and cultures and more representative of a broader definition of youth as offered by Sawyer et al. [ 64 ].

Information sources and search strategy

With the assistance of an Academic Reference Librarian, search terms were identified, which were categorized and combined into three conceptual MeSH terms that we adapted for the database-specific search strategy. These terms included: Indigenous youth (including synonyms and MeSH terms), health (including synonyms and MeSH terms) and Canada. Thus, studies were then identified for this scoping review by searching electronic databases and hand-searching reference lists of included articles.

Initially, the following databases (Medline (Ovid), PubMed, ERIC, Web of Science and Scopus) were used to identify relevant articles published between January 1, 2017, and April 30, 2021. This constituted our first search. We then carried out a second search (updated search) on May 22, 2021, using the same search queries on the same library databases; in addition, we included the University of Saskatchewan’s Indigenous Studies Portal (iPortal) [ 66 ] to ensure we had as many hits as possible for our search query on focused studies with Indigenous communities. To ensure exhaustiveness, we employed hand-searching techniques and snowballing methods to identify articles relevant to the research questions by reviewing reference lists of relevant articles that met the eligibility criteria. Following this, all the identified articles were collated in Endnote Reference Manager version X9.3 [ 67 ] and exported, after removing duplicates, into Distiller SR [ 68 ], a web-based systematic review and meta-analysis software. The syntax used on electronic databases and the University of Saskatchewan’s iPortal to identify potentially relevant articles for inclusion into this review study is outlined in Table  1 .

Selection of sources of evidence

Two iterative stages were employed to select sources of evidence for this review study. First, we created screening, coding, and data extraction forms using Distiller SR [ 68 ] for each stage. In the first stage, UO screened titles and abstracts of all articles using the following keywords: Indigenous youth; health; wellness; engagement and Canada. In the second stage, UO independently screened and reviewed the full-text articles (FTAs) of citations included from the first stage. The questions in Table  2 were used to screen the eligibility for inclusion of the article for data extraction. A second reviewer (ST) also independently reviewed and screened every 10th FTA citation from the first phase to check inter-rater reliability.

Data charting process and data items

Data were extracted using a pre-designed data extraction form on DistillerSR [ 68 ]. All extracted data were exported into Microsoft Excel [ 69 ] for data cleaning and analysis. The title fields used to extract data from included articles are shown in Table  3 .

Critical appraisal of individual sources of evidence

Conjointly, UO and CB appraised each article included considering characteristics and methodological quality using the JBI Critical Appraisal Tool for qualitative and quantitative studies [ 70 ]. The JBI Critical Appraisal Tool was designed to evaluate the rigour, trustworthiness, relevance, and potential for bias in study designs, conduct, and analysis [ 70 ]. Results on the critical appraisals are summarized in Supplementary material file  2 .

Synthesis of results

We categorized findings in this review as facilitators/strengths and barriers/roadblocks to enhancing wellness by, for, and with Indigenous youth, further describing how youth described wellness promotion. We met weekly via videoconference to discuss, review, and revisit our study evaluation protocol to ensure we adhered strictly to the scoping review guidelines.

As a result of our literature search, 1671 articles from five library databases and 24 articles through hand-search and snowball methods were identified. Of the 1695 articles, 253 were excluded as duplicates on EndNote vX9.3 using the ‘remove duplicates’ function on the software. Another 1227 articles were excluded following screening of title and abstracts on Distiller SR which we had fed with a series of screening questions (see Table 2 ) that were reviewed independently by two reviewers (UO and ST). Inter-rater reliability (Cohen’s kappa) calculated was 0.886, standard error = 0.147, p -value = 0.001. Where there were conflicts in article inclusion ratings, a third reviewer (CB), was brought in to discuss and provide a resolution. This left 215 articles for full-text article (FTA) screening. After reviewing 215 FTAs, a further 195 articles were excluded, leaving 20 articles for inclusion into the final review. Articles were excluded in the eligibility stage for the following reasons, 1) articles not focused on Indigenous youth or Indigenous communities, 2) articles not focused on Indigenous health and/or wellness, 3) articles not primarily focused in Canadian settings, 4) articles not written in English, 5) articles considered irrelevant or not applicable to addressing the research objectives or research questions of our study, 6) articles other than original research (i.e., we excluded review studies, opinion papers, and conference abstracts). A flowchart of article selection can be found in Fig.  1 .

PRISMA flowchart showing selection of articles for scoping review

Characteristics of sources of evidence

The general and methodological characteristics of all 20 included articles are summarized in Table  4 . Of these, one study was published in 2017, two in 2018, eleven in 2019, four in 2020 and two in 2021. Five (25%) studies that were included were set in the province of Ontario, four (20%) in the province of Saskatchewan, three (15%) in the Northwest Territories and two in the province of Alberta. Fifty percent (10/20) of the studies recruited or focused on Indigenous (First Nations, Métis, and Inuit) people as study participants, seven (35%) studies recruited or concentrated on First Nations peoples only, and three (15%), on Inuit peoples only. Sixteen (80%) articles were qualitative studies, three (15%) used mixed methods, and one (5%) was a quantitative study. Eleven (55%) studies used participatory research approaches (which included photovoice, community-based participatory research (CBPR) or participatory action research (PAR)) in their study designs, seven (35%) integrated Indigenous research methods (e.g., the two-eyed seeing approach) into their study design, and five (25%) studies used descriptive or inferential evaluation strategies in their study design. Interviews, focus-group discussions, and discussion circles were the most common data collection methodology used in 17 (85%) of the studies included. Youth were commonly engaged in non-cultural activities in twelve (60%) of the studies and employed a youth-adult co-led strategy in 16 (80%) of the included studies.

Results of individual sources of evidence

All included studies provided answers relevant to one or more of the research questions with the potential for changing practice and strategies for engagement. All the included studies explored, investigated, or evaluated issues addressing health and wellness among Indigenous youth in Canada. The age range of youth involved in included studies ranged between 11 to 24 years. All studies utilized fun and interactive strategies to engage youth in their respective studies with the outcomes aimed at promoting health, developing capacity in youth participants and engaging youth in collaborating on sustainable outcomes for and with their communities [ 5 , 8 , 40 , 44 , 57 , 71 , 72 , 73 , 74 , 75 , 76 , 77 , 78 , 79 , 80 , 81 , 82 , 83 , 84 ], save for one [ 16 ]. The summary of individual sources of evidence is described in Table  5 .

The key facilitators/strengths and barriers/roadblocks to enhancing health and wellness by, for, and with Indigenous youth that emerged from the included studies are described in Table  6 , in descending order of major themes for the frequency of citation by included articles per theme. The facilitators/strengths and barriers/roadblocks have also been categorized into sub-themes under five major themes for facilitators/strengths and six major themes for barriers/roadblocks. Health outcomes/programs examined by included studies included suicide prevention [ 40 ], mental health promotion [ 71 , 74 ], HIV prevention [ 75 ], wellness promotion through youth empowerment and cultural activism [5, 8, 16, 57, 72,,76, 77, 78,79, 80], social health [ 76 , 83 ], land-based healing and wellness [ 77 , 82 ], art-media based therapy and wellness [ 44 , 73 , 81 , 84 ]. An overview of the facilitators/strengths and barriers/roadblocks to enhancing health and wellness by, for, and with Indigenous youth is presented in Fig.  2 .

Summary of facilitators/strengths and barriers/roadblocks to enhancing wellness by, for and with Indigenous youth

Facilitators/strengths to enhancing health and wellness by, for, and with indigenous youth

Five major themes emerged and were identified as facilitators/strengths to enhancing health and wellness by, for, and with Indigenous youth in Canada. The most identified facilitator/strength of health and wellness among Indigenous youth in Canada, identified in 19 [95%] of the included studies, was the promotion of strength-based approaches to engaging with youth in the community [ 5 , 8 , 16 , 44 , 57 , 71 , 72 , 73 , 74 , 75 , 76 , 77 , 78 , 79 , 80 , 81 , 82 , 83 , 84 ]. A number of sub-themes also emerged from this major theme to include: peer-mentoring [ 5 , 8 , 44 , 57 , 71 , 73 , 74 , 75 , 76 , 79 , 80 , 81 , 82 , 83 , 84 ]; engaging youth in programs that developed and promoted self-determination, capacity building and empowerment [ 5 , 8 , 44 , 57 , 72 , 73 , 74 , 76 , 77 , 78 , 79 , 80 , 82 , 83 , 84 ]; building positive relationships and social connections with others, nature and the environment [ 5 , 8 , 44 , 57 , 72 , 73 , 76 , 77 , 79 , 80 , 81 , 82 , 83 , 84 ]; showing kindness to one another [ 5 , 16 , 44 , 57 , 77 , 79 , 80 , 81 , 83 ]; and engaging youth in cultural activities [ 57 , 76 , 82 , 83 ] that stimulate or encourage mutual learning, enhance critical consciousness and cause transformative change [ 5 , 8 , 75 , 76 , 79 , 81 ]. The next most common facilitator identified in 16 [80%] of included studies was enhancing cultural identity and connectedness through youth engagement in cultural activities [ 8 , 16 , 40 , 44 , 57 , 71 , 72 , 75 , 76 , 77 , 79 , 80 , 81 , 82 , 83 , 84 ]. Other facilitators included: reliance on the wisdom, skills, and teachings of community Elders, Traditional Knowledge Keepers and community leaders in the pursuit of health and wellness promotion with Indigenous youth [ 5 , 16 , 44 , 72 , 77 , 79 , 80 , 81 , 83 , 84 ]; taking responsibility for one’s journey to wellness [ 44 , 57 , 72 , 74 , 79 , 80 , 82 , 83 ]; and providing access to health services and other wellness supports (including traditional health services) for youth in Indigenous communities [ 76 , 78 ]. A summary of the facilitators/strengths is provided in Fig. 2 .

Barriers/roadblocks to enhancing health and wellness by, for, and with indigenous youth

Six major themes emerged and identified as barriers/roadblocks to enhancing health and wellness by, for and with Indigenous youth in Canada. The most identified barrier/roadblock to enhancing health and wellness identified in 55% (11/20) of the included articles was a lack of community support [including social, financial, and organizational support] for wellness promotion strategies among Indigenous youth [ 5 , 44 , 57 , 72 , 74 , 75 , 76 , 77 , 78 , 80 , 81 ]. Structural and organizational issues within Indigenous communities regarding wellness promotion strategies were identified as the second most common barrier/roadblock to enhancing wellness in 50% [10/20] of included studies [ 5 , 8 , 72 , 73 , 76 , 77 , 78 , 81 , 82 , 83 ]. These structural and organizational issues included: Indigenous community problems or concerns affecting the sustainability of instituted wellness programs/strategies [ 5 , 8 , 78 , 81 ]; dogmatism and debates about definitions regarding traditions of health among Indigenous communities [ 72 , 77 , 82 , 83 ]; social and structural instability within communities (e.g., leadership concerns) [ 8 , 76 , 83 ]; modest to low capacity of service providers (e.g. vendors, health service centers, social service centers, etc.) to meet the demands of communities [ 73 , 78 , 81 ]; and the misperception of a lack of control for self-governance in Indigenous communities [ 81 ]. Discrimination and social exclusion of Indigenous youth were also identified as a barrier/roadblock to enhancing wellness in eight (40%) studies included [ 5 , 8 , 44 , 57 , 74 , 76 , 80 , 83 ]. Forms of discrimination and social exclusion identified as subthemes included: Racism (e.g., personal, interpersonal, structural and systemic racism) [ 5 , 8 , 76 , 80 , 83 ]; low self-esteem and a low view of self-identity leading to self-deprecation and self-exclusion from engaging in youth activities [ 8 , 44 , 76 , 80 , 83 ]; mental health stigmatization [ 73 , 74 , 76 ]; lack of inclusivity of traditional Indigenous activities into Canadian teaching institutions [ 76 , 77 ]; and all forms of bullying, abuse and hunger [ 57 , 80 ]. Other barriers/roadblocks included: cultural illiteracy among Indigenous youth [ 44 , 57 , 73 , 74 , 75 , 83 , 84 ]; friction between Western and Traditional methods of promoting health and wellness [ 5 , 74 , 76 , 77 ]; and risky behaviours such as gang activity, substance use/abuse and addictions [ 44 , 57 , 75 , 76 , 80 ]. A summary of the barriers/roadblocks is provided in Fig. 2 .

Scoping reviews determine the extent, range, and quality of evidence on any chosen topic [ 60 , 61 , 62 , 63 ]. In addition, they can be used to map and describe what is known about an identified topic to identify existing gaps in the literature regarding the chosen topic [ 60 , 61 , 62 , 63 ]. In this scoping review, the peer-reviewed evidence regarding facilitators/strengths and barriers/roadblocks to enhancing health and wellness by, for and with Indigenous youth in Canada were mapped and synthesized. Key facilitators/strengths highlighted included: promoting culturally appropriate interventions [ 8 , 16 , 40 , 44 , 57 , 71 , 72 , 75 , 76 , 77 , 79 , 80 , 81 , 82 , 83 , 84 ] using strength-based approaches [ 5 , 8 , 16 , 44 , 57 , 71 , 72 , 73 , 74 , 75 , 76 , 77 , 78 , 79 , 80 , 81 , 82 , 83 , 84 ]. Key barriers to enhancing health and wellness by, for and with Indigenous youth identified in this review were the lack of community support for wellness promotion activities among Indigenous youth [ 5 , 44 , 57 , 72 , 74 , 75 , 76 , 77 , 78 , 80 , 81 ] and structural/organizational issues within Indigenous communities [ 5 , 8 , 72 , 73 , 76 , 77 , 78 , 81 , 82 , 83 ].

Strength-based approaches empower community members, academic researchers, and policymakers to effect community change while focusing on what has worked in the past and the community vision for success in the future [ 79 ]. This is contrasted with the common narrative in most studies exploring Indigenous health and wellness that focused on why and where the community has failed to thrive [ 79 ]. Promoting strength-based interventions by, for, and with Indigenous youth works in parallel with ensuring that health interventions are culturally appropriate [ 44 , 79 ] because Indigenous epistemologies or ways of knowing see reality as intricate processes of interdependent relationships between humans, nature, and the spirit world [ 44 , 77 ]. As such, wellness promotion in Indigenous communities should emphasize support for their traditional values such as respect, trust, non-judgement, and relationality, all of which support cultural revitalization [ 26 , 71 ].

Conversely, wellness promotion in Indigenous communities should disavow the use of Western-based epistemologies that embrace and emphasize control over risk factors and health [ 44 , 79 ]. The definition and perception of health and wellness by Indigenous peoples are starkly different from the Western perspective of health promotion [ 44 , 79 ] which was found in our study to be a barrier/roadblock to enhancing health and wellness by, for and with Indigenous youth [ 8 , 43 , 44 , 76 ]. Because of these contrasting and conflicting views on health and wellness, research carried out with Indigenous communities must be grounded in their culture. Elder Jim Dumont – a professor of Native Studies and a member of the Shawanaga First Nation on Eastern Georgian Bay, when describing the role of Indigenous culture in facilitating wellness among Indigenous peoples, defined Indigenous culture as a “ facilitator to spiritual expression” [ 85 p.11]. He described Indigenous culture as “an expression of the life-ways, the spiritual, psychological, social, and material practice of the Indigenous worldview, which attends to the whole person’s spiritual desire to live life to the fullest” [ 85 p.9]. This was the way of life for Indigenous peoples before colonization [ 2 ]. Back then, Indigenous peoples honoured and utilized traditional methods and practices connected to their respective unceded homelands to promote and sustain health and wellness by themselves within their respective communities [ 2 , 16 , 86 ]. These cultural practices provided and promoted health and wellness for the community, the peoples, the lands, and the environment [ 2 ].

Furthermore, Indigenous wellness promotion by, for and with Indigenous youth should go beyond making mainstream health promotion strategies more culturally appropriate. Indigenous wellness promotion should also invite youth as partners and co-researchers to authentically engage with the community, acknowledging their needs while working together with them to identify opportunities for change (which should include shared power and responsibilities in the relationship dynamic). This must be the fundamental principle for any work done by, for, or with Indigenous communities (i.e., authentic engagement) [ 54 , 55 , 59 ]. Authentic engagement is working and walking with rather than on communities [ 54 ] in a way that encourages respectful, compassionate, and genuine interest in the work undertaken by all partners involved [ 54 , 55 , 57 , 87 , 88 ]. In authentically engaging with Indigenous communities, emphasis should be placed on connecting with , rather than controlling, community members [ 44 , 89 ]. By doing so, enhances a community’s ability to answer their issues by identifying their community strengths and assets, considering opportunities for change, and co-creating meaningful solutions to mitigate them.

The Tri-Council Policy Statement (TCPS) on Ethical Conduct for Research involving Humans indicates in Chapter 9 that, where research involves First Nations, Métis, and Inuit peoples and their communities, they are to have a role in shaping and co-creating research that affects them; with respect being given to the autonomy of these communities and the individuals within them to decide to participate [ 90 ]. Our study showed that where youth were engaged as partners and co-researchers, promoted self-determination, capacity building and ultimately enhanced wellness [ 8 , 40 , 44 , 57 , 72 , 74 , 75 , 76 , 77 , 79 , 84 ].

From the outcomes of this review, youth were engaged as partners or co-researcher in 55% of the included articles using research approaches such as community-based participatory research [CBPR], photovoice, visual voice, participatory videography, performative arts, participatory narrative, and storytelling methods [ 8 , 40 , 44 , 57 , 72 , 74 , 75 , 76 , 77 , 79 , 84 ]. This review demonstrated that these methods helped foster an environment for transformative learning, reciprocal transfer of expertise, shared decision-making, and co-ownership of the research processes [ 8 , 40 , 44 , 57 , 72 , 74 , 75 , 76 , 77 , 79 , 84 ]. For example, Goodman et al. identified that through photovoice, youth identified how racism negatively influenced the types of social supports and relationships formed in their community, leading to improved access to mental health-promoting social programs [ 76 ]. Anang et al. reported that engaging Indigenous youth as co-researchers in exploring ways to promote suicide prevention revitalized awareness of their cultural identity, which was identified as a protective factor to youth suicide [ 40 ]. A group of First Nation girls involved in the Girl Power Program designed to build and foster empowerment using youth participatory action research approach indicated that working as co-researchers/co-creators in the program empowered them to find healing from wounded spirits, which helped enhance positive changes towards wellness through āhkamēyimowin (perseverance) [ 57 ]. Thus, we can conclude from our study that engaging youth as partners in research processes optimizes their personal experiences and gives them a voice which can stimulate action.

Engaging Indigenous youth in the co-creation of wellness strategies should also involve community Elders, Traditional Knowledge Keepers, and other Indigenous community leaders. This review demonstrated that reliance on the wisdom of Elders, Traditional Knowledge Keepers and Indigenous community leaders facilitated and enhanced wellness among Indigenous youth [ 5 , 16 , 44 , 72 , 77 , 79 , 80 , 81 , 83 , 84 , 91 ]. Elders, Traditional Knowledge Keepers, and Indigenous community leaders play a central role in increasing awareness related to the community’s histories, languages, knowledge, and ways of knowing [ 91 , 92 ]. For non-Indigenous researchers and allies, Elders and Traditional Knowledge Keepers can provide formal and informal teachings on: histories of the Indigenous community in question, their world views, languages in the community, arts, crafts and songs, value systems in the nation/community; knowledge of traditional plants and medicines; clan teachings in the nation/community; ceremonial knowledge or protocols; and understanding of wellness in the community that can increase cultural awareness and build Indigenous research competencies for non-Indigenous researchers and allies [ 91 , 92 , 93 ]. Hence, engaging Elders, Knowledge Keepers and Indigenous community leaders in youth wellness programs can provide an avenue for mutual learning, guiding non-Indigenous researchers/allies towards cultural appropriateness in co-developing youth-driven wellness strategies.

Practical implications

Overall, this review emphasized the importance of promoting wellness among Indigenous youth using ‘ culture as strength ’ rather than imposing control measures on Indigenous values. The historical experiences of Indigenous youth have revealed traumatic and distressful pasts propagated by the cumulative intergenerational impacts of colonization which evolved from Residential Schools, Day Schools, and the Sixties Scoop [ 15 , 16 , 33 , 94 , 95 ]. The 2015 Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada’s 96 Calls-to-Action stressed the need to decolonize mainstream health promotion strategies and embrace the promotion of self-determination in the use of and access to traditional knowledge, therapies, and healing practices Indigenous peoples [ 95 , 96 ]. This review provided a foundation for authentically engaging Indigenous youth in the co-creation of culturally appropriate wellness promotion strategies/programs driven and sustained by authentically engaged Indigenous youth in the community. Considering the number of qualitative studies we found in our review, a meta-synthesis of qualitative studies may guide future directions based on the findings in our study to further pursue to understand, appraise, summarize, and combine qualitative evidence to address the specific research questions particularly around the influences and experiences of cultural connectedness and wellness among Indigenous youth in Canada. Nonetheless, this review also contributes to the growing literature identifying strength-based approaches to enhancing health and wellness among Indigenous peoples in Canada.

Study limitations

This review aimed to provide an entire scope of all original studies published in peer-reviewed journals to allow for as broad a scope of literature synthesis as possible. However, this study is not without limitations. First, the search was limited to multiple library databases, including the University of Saskatchewan’s Indigenous Studies Portal (iPortal) [ 66 ]. Although this review produced many peer-reviewed and original studies, there is a potential that other relevant articles and reports were missed because we did not search the grey literature. Secondly, because this review was limited to peer-reviewed articles published in English, it is possible that potentially relevant studies in other languages were omitted. Moreover, the outcomes of this review are limited to the nature of the data reported in the articles included in the review. Additionally, we acknowledge the differences and nuances in Indigenous practices, values and culture which limits the generalizability of our review findings. Lastly, some of the studies in the scoping review utilized Indigenous study designs and methods that could not be appropriately evaluated using the JBI Critical Appraisal Tools [ 70 ].

This scoping review identified ways health and wellness can be enhanced by, for, and with Indigenous youth by identifying facilitators/strengths and barriers/roadblocks to enhancing health and wellness among Indigenous youth from identified studies published between January 1, 2017, and May 22, 2021. The outcomes of this review showed that promoting culturally based and appropriate interventions using strength-based approaches were key facilitators/strengths to enhancing health and wellness among Indigenous youth. Thus, the outcomes demonstrate the continued need to promote programs grounded in culture as a part of enhancing health and wellness while authentically engaging Indigenous youth in health and wellness strategies, interventions, and programs.

Availability of data and materials

Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no datasets were generated or analyzed during the current study.

Abbreviations

Community-based participatory research

First Nations

Full-Text Articles

University of Saskatchewan’s Indigenous Studies Portal

Joanna Briggs Institute

Medical Subject Headings

Participatory action research

Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta Analyses

Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses extension for Scoping Reviews

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Funding provided by the Saskatchewan Health Research Foundation (SHRF) and the Canadian Institute of Health Research (CIHR)/Saskatchewan Center for Patient-Oriented Research (SCPOR) as part of the SHRF Leader Award held by Dr. Ramsden.

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Okpalauwaekwe, U., Ballantyne, C., Tunison, S. et al. Enhancing health and wellness by, for and with Indigenous youth in Canada: a scoping review. BMC Public Health 22 , 1630 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-022-14047-2

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Anthropology of Youth Culture Research Paper

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The study of youth  has often hovered on the relative margins of more central anthropological preoccupations even as it has been inspired  by work  in such  disciplines  as  sociology  and  cultural   studies. During the late 1980s and over the course of the 1990s, research  on  this  subject,  both  within  anthropology and  cognate  disciplines, was catalyzed  by a growing interest in popular culture and globalization, fields in which youths  have often played pivotal  roles. In the process of this reanimation, the study of youth within anthropology has moved  away from  a concern  with adolescence  as  a  life course  stage  to  an  interest  in youths as cultural  producers  and consumers.

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Get 10% off with 24start discount code, 1.    defining youth.

The range  of persons  anthropologists include  in the category of youths has often varied depending on the cultural context in which this position is being defined and  on  what  question   the  researcher   is  asking  in respect to this field. In a rare early example of a systematic  ethnographic focus on youths,  during  the 1920s Margaret Mead  conducted  research  centering on a group of girls, ranging in age between 10 and 20 years,  who  were  residing  in  three  villages  on  the Samoan  island of Tau (Mead 1928  1968). In carrying out this research,  Mead was concerned  to answer the question of what ‘coming of age’ meant in Samoa and how this differed from the experience of growing up in the  USA.  She claimed  that  unlike  the  emphasis  on storm and stress which then (and has since) dominated American  characterizations of adolescence,  growing up  in  Samoa  was  a  simple,  easy  matter,  a  process which involved no special conflicts or dramatic  transitions.  Beyond  the obvious  signs of physical  maturation,  she suggested that  there  were few differences between Samoan girls still approaching puberty, those who  were  just  passing  through this  transition, and those already several years beyond it. Given this emphasis,  it is hardly  surprising  that  Mead  was not concerned with defining the boundaries of adolescence too  precisely or distinguishing  it sharply  from either childhood  or young adulthood.

In contrast, Alice Schlegel and Herbert  Barry’s (1991) much later survey of adolescence in ethnographic  accounts  of 186 nonindustrial societies was more expressly directed at delimiting this stage cross-culturally.  Schlegel and  Barry  argued  that  while the social duration of adolescence varied cross-culturally and between genders, it was universally recognized as a  social  stage  of  the  life  cycle  and  tended  to  fall between  the  ages of  11 and  17 or  so.  When  social adulthood was delayed far beyond puberty,  a further stage intervened between adolescence and adulthood, a stage which Schlegel and Barry called ‘youth.’ While adolescence was universal, the stage of youth was only recognized in a minority  of societies.

However, this distinction  between adolescence and youth  as two  distinct  social  stages  is not  otherwise common  in the  anthropological literature  on  youth culture. In part this reflects an ambiguity in the boundaries assigned to adolescence which is especially common  in the Western industrialized settings which have often been the locales for youth culture research but in part this also reflects a set of particular analytical priorities.  For  example, a cross-cultural collection of articles on youth cultures edited by Vered Amit-Talai and  Helena  Wulff (1995) included  groups  ranging  in age  between   10  and   30  years   with   considerable variation  in the scope of autonomy and social responsibilities represented among them. However, this collection,  unlike  Schlegel and  Barry’s  or  Margaret Mead’s studies, was not directed at defining youth (or adolescence) as a stage of human development. Rather it was concerned with the ways in which young people creatively  engage  with,  are  affected  by, and  in turn help  to  shape  the  statuses,  images,  products,  styles, and  orientations identified,  sometimes  very broadly, with youth. In short, it was concerned with the experiences  and  attributions  of  youth   rather   than when  and  how  youths  become  adults.   As  such  it reflects a reorientation of the study of youth which has been as much inspired  by influences outside  anthropology as within it.

2.    The Cross-Disciplinary Antecedents Of Youth Culture Studies

While Margaret Mead was very successful as a popularizer of anthropology, she was not equally successful  in  provoking   fellow  anthropologists to continue her focus on adolescents. For many years following Mead’s work in Samoa, youths largely remained   marginal   figures  in  the  anthropological record. Concerted  interest in this field was much more evident in other social science disciplines than it was in anthropology. During the 1930s, a little over a decade after Mead’s initial research in Samoa, the sociologist William Foote  Whtye began participant observation fieldwork   in  the  North  End   of  Boston.   Whyte’s (1943  1981) classic ethnographic study of the organization  of  peer  relations   among  second  generation young Italian  men in a ‘slum area’ exerted a seminal influence primarily  on the development  of US urban studies.  Yet  it  was  and  remains  one  of  the  most thorough and sympathetic portraits of youth street life ever  produced, effectively countering   the  notion  of social disorganization which had  dominated the US sociological literature  on inner cities until that  point. Not   long  after  Whyte’s  study  was  published,   the concept of youth culture appears to have been introduced by another American sociologist, Talcott Parsons  (1942  1964) and  was  later  taken  up  more systematically by James Coleman (1961) to denote the circumscription of American youth peer interaction. It was, however,  the work  of British  cultural  theorists during  the 1970s and  early 1980s which did most  to develop youth culture as a central field of research on class, subculture, and consumption.

During  this period,  the Centre  for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) at the University of Birmingham,      sometimes     referred     to     as     the ‘Birmingham  School,’ launched  an  ambitious  collaborative  study of British youth subcultures  (Hall and Jefferson  1976). For  the  CCCS  scholars,  youth  appeared to offer a special vantage point from which to consider  the more  general  dislocation  and  fragmentation  of the British working class as the structure  of Britain’s  system  of production, labor  force,  income distribution, and  lifestyles was transformed over the course of the post-World War II period.  The emergence of a variety of highly stylized British youth subcultures  (punks,  mods,  skinheads,  etc.) appeared to crystallize the growing importance of mass culture, consumption, and  leisure  practices  as  bases  for  increasingly  fragmented  working  class identities.  The gaze of the CCCS was self-consciously selective, focusing on young British nonconforming white working class males.  The larger  population of ‘ordinary’ working  class  youth  who  accommodated to  rather than visibly resisted institutional controls, middle class youth,  and girls, with some notable  exceptions,  were not accorded  similar attention, gaps which were well noted    by    later    critics.    The    members    of    the ‘Birmingham  School’ were also criticized for reading ideological  undertones of  class  resistance  and  consciousness into what sometimes appeared  to be fairly trivial instances of adolescent rebellion. In spite of an emphasis  on case studies,  the CCCS published  work was notably  slim in empirical  findings.  Here  again, there   was   a   notable    exception   in   Paul   Willis’ (1977  1981) ethnography, Learning to Labour, which followed a group of boys, the ‘lads,’ through their last year of high school and onto the industrial shop floor. Yet, in spite of these limitations, the Birmingham School’s focus on popular culture, consumption practices,  resistance  and  cultural   agency,  and  their  attention to youth as a nexus for broader social change, continue to resonate in research on youth culture both within anthropology as well as in other disciplines.

3.    Anthropology Of Youth Culture: Key Features

Current anthropological research  on  this  subject  is characterized by a determined  shift away from socialization  and  human  development  approaches,  which have often entailed less of a focus on youths than  on the adults  they will eventually  become  or the adults attempting to direct and socialize them. Instead, contemporary anthropologists are more likely to focus on young people in their own right. While much of this research pays heed to the marginality generally associated with youth, it does not assume that this social location  produces  a simple helplessness or passivity. Instead,  it often  features  an insistence on respecting the capacity of juveniles to be active agents creatively shaping their environment even as they contend with a variety  of legal, political,  economic,  and  social constraints  imposed  on them  by virtue  of their  age and liminal status.

These emphases have emerged within the context of a broader reorientation of anthropology away from the notion of unitary and enduring cultural formations which  was more  common  in Mead’s  day  to  a contemporary conception  of culture that can more easily accommodate internal  diversity,  fragmentation, and transience. This has made it easier for anthropologists to be comfortable with a notion  of youth  as eliciting specific kinds of knowledge  and cultural  competence that are different from rather than incomplete versions of adult cultures. It has also rendered more persuasive the   claim  that   youth   cultures   can   have   broader analytical  and social significance even when they are highly  ephemeral  and  situationally specific.  During the 1980s and 1990s, critical reappraisals of the conventions of ethnographic accounts, in particular of the ways in which the textual  authority exercised by anthropologists can silence or distort  the perspectives of the people  they are studying,  provided  a broader context  for  a  reconsideration of the  ways in which ethnographic representations had effaced the presence and  experiences  of children  and  youth.  In  a cogent illustration of the dialectical nature  of intellectual exchange,  an  essay  by  George  Marcus  (1986) in  a volume   which  was  particularly  influential   in  this broader  anthropological  reassessment,   focused   on Paul  Willis’ seminal  CCCS  ethnographic  study  of working class boys in school. In turn, volumes of this kind and the critical introspection they prompted influenced subsequent  anthropological studies and representations of both children and youth.

Notwithstanding this exchange, the study of youth culture remained on the relative fringes of mainstream preoccupations within late twentieth  century  anthropology.  There  were more  ethnographers conducting research in this field than twenty years previously but their work still only had limited recognition within the larger discipline of anthropology. This is in spite of the fact that  youth  studies  often  focused  on issues with general salience in contemporary anthropology, particularly  the impact  of globalization, migration,  and popular culture.  Hilary  Pilkington’s  (1994) study  of Moscow youth focused on the ways in which the production and  consumption of  music,  dance,  and dress  styles mixed  and  hence  mutually  transformed imported  Western and local Russian influences. Mark Liechty’s  (1995) study  of  youth  in  Kathmandu explored  the  media  appropriation, dissemination, and reinterpretation of the Western  concept  of teenager. Livio Sansone (1995) examined the changing and increasingly  global  nature  of  youth  culture  among young Creoles of Surinamese origin living in Amsterdam.

Notwithstanding the broad  dimensions  of the processes they consider,  many of these ethnographies of youth  are self-consciously and  intentionally intimate in focus. Helena  Wulff’s (1988) South  London study examined a wide range of issues including the symbolic dimensions of black British ethnicity, consumption practices,  friendship,  femininity,  and  institutions of family, school, and youth club, but it deliberately and carefully focused on the relationships and lives of 20 girls between 13 and 16 years of age. Wulff’s focus was based   on   her   concern   to   relate   cultural   process concretely to individual lives and social relationships, a  goal  more  accessible through a  concentration on small-scale cultural  processes or ‘microculture.’ Similarly, nearly a decade later, in another  study of black British youth in London, Claire Alexander argued that in focusing on a small number of male informants she was ‘hoping to portray an alternative  vision of black youth;  not  as a unified  and  homogenous, externally defined and structurally constrained entity, but a collection of individual lives, choices, and experiences’ (Alexander  (1996, p. 18). Their capacity to marshal  a wealth of detail about relatively few individuals allows these small-scale studies to move beyond stereotypical notions of youthful resistance or undifferentiated peer culture to reveal the fluidity and creativity of cultural processes among young people.

4.    Gaps In The Anthropology Of Youth Culture

In spite of nearly two decades of critiques, the influence of the pioneering  work of the CCCS continues  to be expressed in a predominant emphasis on leisure activities and peer relations within many youth culture studies.  Ironically,  given the CCCS  interest  in class, the focus on leisure has often been at the expense of systematic analyses of the political economy of youth. Problems of unemployment and the gulf between globalized media images of Western consumption practices and the limited economic resources of many youths are alluded to in a number of studies. However, the nature of the economic roles performed  by youths, while still students or nominally minors, as workers in service or informal sectors has not received much sustained  attention. We are still much more likely to see youths dancing, singing, clubbing, and consuming fashion and media than working. Yet the globalization of production and the growth of service industries has often  relied on the availability  of cheap,  part  or full time youth  labor.  We are also not  very likely to see much  of the interaction between  youths  and  adults, particularly with their parents. In the concern to move away from  adult-based socialization  models of adolescence, researchers often appear to have created ethnographic landscapes  remarkably devoid  of  the adult  figures who nonetheless  figure so largely in the lives of the youths  being studied.  Not  only are such portraits  ethnographically incomplete   but,  without including adults, it is difficult to see how these studies can adequately address issues of power and subordination, however sensitive they may be to the association between youth and social marginality. Finally, one has to wonder whether the marginality  of their youthful  subjects has been extended by proxy to this  subfield  of  anthropology. If  so,  it  would  be  a strange irony in a discipline that has prided itself on its particular attention to poor and marginalized peoples.

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