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Discrimination in The Workplace

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Published: Mar 16, 2024

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Racial discrimination, gender discrimination, other forms of discrimination.

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Confronting the Uncomfortable Reality of Workplace Discrimination

The U.S. is finally addressing racism in law enforcement. While we’re at it, let’s tackle workplace discrimination as well.

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Widespread protests have filled the streets in every U.S. state and around the world almost daily since George Floyd’s murder at the hands of Minneapolis police late in May. As the Black Lives Matter movement reminds us — and as the murders of Floyd, Rayshard Brooks, Breonna Taylor, and too many others have made painfully obvious — Black people often experience a harsher standard of treatment at the hands of the police than White people do. The sheer number and variety of people now speaking out on social media against discrimination and police brutality, and organizing and attending diverse protests worldwide, suggest that the push toward greater accountability and racial equality in law enforcement is gaining momentum. We could not be happier about this development — but we can’t stop there.

Our research involves a different form of racial discrimination, one that directly affects almost every facet of Black American lives. Workplace discrimination — employers’ tendency to value White employees over Black employees — has had devastating consequences for generations of Black Americans. We know some of the solutions, but we need the social will to implement them.

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The list of discriminatory workplace practices is long and backed by research . Applicants with White-sounding names are more likely to receive calls back from potential employers than those with Black-sounding names. 1 Studies have shown that darker-skinned applicants face distinctive disadvantages when applying for jobs compared with lighter-skinned applicants. 2 One study even found that a White applicant with a criminal record received more interest from employers than a Black applicant with no record — an injustice compounded by the racial discrimination of law enforcement, which has increased the likelihood that Black Americans will have a criminal record. 3

Systemic discrimination doesn’t stop once someone has landed a job. Racial bias affects negotiations over starting pay, future wages, and upward mobility. In short, Black employees start off making less money than their White colleagues, a disparity that compounds over time. Black employees also receive promotions less often. 4

A third significant blow comes when economic times are tough, as they are now. Many Black Americans believe they are the “last hired and first fired,” and it appears that there is some truth to that. Across industries and job levels, Black employees are more likely than White employees to be laid off or fired, particularly in times of transition and economic uncertainty. 5 That’s true even after accounting for any other factors — such as experience or education levels — that might provide an alternative explanation.

Employment discrimination and racism, combined with the COVID-19 pandemic, have proved absolutely disastrous for Black Americans. More unemployment, less health care coverage, overrepresentation in public-facing “essential” jobs, and underrepresentation in jobs that can be performed remotely have left many Black Americans in the crosshairs of the virus , both economically and physically. Indeed, Black Americans are nearly 2.5 times as likely as their White counterparts to die from COVID-19.

None of this should detract from the essential work of addressing racial disparities in law enforcement, but let’s not limit the power of this movement to criminal justice. To reach the full potential of the current movement, we must fight systemic racism in all facets of life, including employment. To combat workplace discrimination, we encourage employers to apply the following strategies:

• Think long term. Much of the racism we are seeing is structural, having been built into institutions for decades, so it is unlikely to be remediated altogether in a matter of months. To make substantive, long-lasting changes, senior-level executives should deliberately define not only diversity but also inclusion as elements of their organizations’ strategic- and succession-planning processes. Consciously working to develop inclusive systems can help catalyze a positive trickle-down effect. 6
• Start playing detective. Like police brutality, racial discrimination is against the law. However, there is unlikely to be video evidence to prove that it has occurred, particularly when it’s not explicit. Organizations need to conduct diversity audits, looking at human resource data for signs of racism. For example, examining personnel data by race for systemic differences can surface discriminatory practices, such as in performance management — Black employees being rewarded less generously for good performance, perhaps, or reprimanded more harshly for counterproductive work behavior like tardiness than White colleagues who exhibit similar behavior. 7 Additionally, look for signs of workplace segregation by job types and levels within the company, which may stymie the promotion of Black employees to the upper ranks. HR personnel can examine such data and include it in periodic internal reports. In addition, senior executives can collaborate with HR in carefully reviewing and comparing data on performance, compensation, and other financial rewards to discern internal racial inequities.
• Look for both intentional and unintentional discrimination. Discrimination can be intentional (disparate treatment) or unintentional (disparate impact), and it is important to address both aspects of it. Good intentions may be enough to reduce intentional discrimination, but they won’t stop unintentional bias. For instance, companies often place hurdles in the hiring process, looking for qualities or qualifications that aren’t truly needed to perform the job, which can skew the hiring selection in favor of some groups. Unintentional discrimination also can occur in interpersonal interactions, such as in extending (or neglecting to extend) invitations to participate in networking opportunities or events where important decisions are made, and in overlooking or discrediting the contributions of Black employees. 8 Unintentional discrimination is often subtle, yet its consequences can be as harmful to its targets, and in some cases more so, than intentional discrimination. 9
• Hold everyone accountable. Systems of accountability are critical to limiting the impact of individual biases. When people know someone is watching, discrimination often declines. Surveys, focus groups, and affinity groups can provide valuable information about an organization’s climate and the degree to which it is inclusive of all employees. The information gleaned from these tools can be used to assess organizational progress. Many large companies, in fact, now tie executive compensation to the achievement of organizational diversity goals .

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Additionally, establishing and enforcing consequences for violations sends a clear message about accountability and signals that racial bias will not be tolerated. Front-line managers can be a first line of defense by conducting regular check-ins with employees to monitor whether the work environment is free from discrimination (both intentional and unintentional) and help ensure that it is by enforcing zero-tolerance or progressive discipline policies. Individual employees can also hold one another accountable by recognizing and speaking up against racial bias when they see it. Research shows that confronting individuals about racial bias can reduce such behavior. 10 The effects of witnessing racial bias have been compared to exposure to secondhand smoke, with repercussions for bystanders as well as targets, making such confrontations helpful not only for the targets of bias but also for their colleagues. 11

Racial discrimination in the workplace, racial bias in police brutality, and racial inequality in the outcomes of the COVID-19 pandemic are not isolated phenomena. The interconnected devaluation of Black lives (relative to White ones) extends across settings; the systemic racism that makes Black Americans more susceptible to police brutality also perpetuates continued racial inequalities across the employment life cycle. As the movement for greater racial equality grows and we continue to fight systemic racism in policing, we must also tackle racial discrimination in other important contexts, including education, health care, housing, finance, and, of course, the workplace. To be clear, the actions outlined above alone won’t solve the problem of workplace discrimination, but they could move us a step closer to the lofty ideals of equal opportunity espoused by America’s founders and promised by the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

Editor’s Note: An adapted version of this article appears in the Fall 2020 print edition.

About the Authors

Derek R. Avery is the C.T. Bauer Chair of Inclusive Leadership at the Bauer College of Business at the University of Houston. Enrica N. Ruggs ( @enruggs ) is an assistant professor of management and director of the Center for Workplace Diversity and Inclusion at the Fogelman College of Business and Economics at the University of Memphis.

1. M. Bertrand and S. Mullainathan, “Are Emily and Greg More Employable Than Lakisha and Jamal? A Field Experiment on Labor Market Discrimination,” The American Economic Review 94, no. 4 (September 2004): 991-1013.

2. M.S. Harrison and K.M. Thomas, “The Hidden Prejudice in Selection: A Research Investigation on Skin Color Bias,” Journal of Applied Social Psychology 39, no. 1 (January 2009): 134-168.

3. D. Pager, “The Mark of a Criminal Record,” American Journal of Sociology 108, no. 5 (March 2003): 937-975.

4. D.R. Avery, S.D. Volpone, and O. Holmes IV, “Racial Discrimination in Organizations,” ch. 7 in “The Oxford Handbook of Workplace Discrimination,” eds. A.J. Colella and E.B. King (New York: Oxford University Press, 2018).

5. K.A. Couch and R. Fairlie, “Last Hired, First Fired? Black-White Unemployment and the Business Cycle,” Demography 47, no. 1 (February 2010): 227-247; and K.A. Couch, R. Fairlie, and H. Xu, “Racial Differences in Labor Market Transitions and the Great Recession,” in “Transitions Through the Labor Market,” eds. S.W. Polachek and K. Tatsiramos (Somerville, Massachusetts: Emerald Publishing, 2018), 1-54.

6. D.A. Thomas, “Diversity as Strategy,” Harvard Business Review 82, no. 9 (September 2004): 98-108.

7. A. Luksyte, E. Waite, D.R. Avery, et al., “Held to a Different Standard: Racial Differences in the Impact of Lateness on Advancement Opportunity,” Journal of Occupational and Organizational Psychology 86, no. 2 (April 2013): 142-165.

8. A.N. Smith, M.B. Watkins, J.J. Ladge, et al., “Making the Invisible Visible: Paradoxical Effects of Intersectional Invisibility on the Career Experiences of Executive Black Women,” Academy of Management Journal 62, no. 6 (December 2019): 1705-1734.

9. K.P. Jones, C.I. Peddie, V.L. Gilrane, et al., “Not So Subtle: A Meta-Analytic Investigation of the Correlates of Subtle and Overt Discrimination,” Journal of Management 42, no. 6 (September 2016): 1588-1613.

10. A.M. Czopp, M.J. Monteith, and A.Y. Mark, “Standing Up for a Change: Reducing Bias Through Interpersonal Confrontation,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 90, no. 5 (May 2006): 784-803.

11. D. Chrobot-Mason, B.R. Ragins, and F. Linnehan, “Second Hand Smoke: Ambient Racial Harassment at Work,” Journal of Managerial Psychology 28, no. 5 (2013): 470-491.

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Discrimination in the workplace: A complete overview and what to do about it

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What is discrimination in the workplace?

The evidence is in the data, the organizations that protect against discrimination, discrimination vs. harassment.

7 types of discrimination in the workplace

How to identify discrimination in the workplace

How to file a discrimination complaint, 4 initiatives to promote a healthy work environment.

Discrimination in the workplace happens when a person or a group of people is treated unfairly or unequally because of specific characteristics. These protected characteristics include race, ethnicity, gender identity, age, disability, sexual orientation, religious beliefs, or national origin. Discrimination in the workplace can happen between coworkers, with job applicants, or between employees and their employers. Whether on purpose or by accident, discrimination, regardless of intention, is illegal.

Anti-discrimination laws have been in place for over fifty years — yet most Americans believe that they’re facing discrimination in one way or another . About three in five people have experienced age discrimination in the workplace. 49% of Black human resources professionals and 35% of Black workers feel that there is discrimination in their workplaces (almost four to five times more than their white colleagues). And a 2020 study found that the LGBTQ+ community experienced significant discrimination in their personal lives, the workplace, and even in their access to health care.

Whether we want to believe it or not, employment discrimination is real and present. Even if you believe your workplace is immune, your workforce is certainly affected.

Many of us may not be familiar with our rights and protections under the law. Generally speaking, all protected characteristics fall under one or more of these anti-discrimination laws. Some of the laws and organizations that protect people from workplace discrimination include:

U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC)

The EEOC is the branch of the federal government tasked with protecting employee rights. Most companies with more than 15 employees are covered under EEOC law. The EEOC has the authority to investigate discrimination charges of discrimination against employers. They cover all kinds of workplace-related issues, including hiring, promotion, leave, pay, and firing.

Office of Civil Rights

The Office of Civil Rights, or OCR , deals with all issues related to health information, civil liberties, and religious freedom. They also educate communities, social workers, and other professionals on issues of privacy and freedom.

State Labor Office 

Each state runs its own Department of Labor. While they’re all bound by federal laws, specific laws may vary from state to state. You can locate and contact your local state labor office here .

Discrimination occurs when you are treated differently at work because you belong to a protected class. In other words, when you've been treated unfairly because of who you are or how you’re perceived, you've been discriminated against. Harassment, on the other hand, is unpleasant and unwanted behavior. This could be something that was said or written, or it could be physical contact. The offender or offender(s) are deliberate and persistent in their conduct, which creates a hostile environment .

According to the United States government , harassment may include ridicule, insults, distasteful jokes, physical assault, or threats. Harassment can also be sexual in nature and include unwelcome sexual advances, offensive remarks, requests for sexual favors, and/or any sexual verbal or physical contact. Once the environment becomes unwelcoming, hostile, or abusive, harassment is illegal. It’s also illegal for the target to be demoted, fired, or otherwise retaliated against for refusing to put up with it.  

7 types of discrimination in the workplace:

There are various kinds of workplace discrimation, which generally center around the above protected characteristics. Many of these are specifically protected by federal legislation. These include:

Race discrimination

Treating a job candidate or employee unfairly because of their race or any related characteristics is illegal. Color discrimination, which is when someone is treated unfairly because of their skin color or complexion, is also prohibited.

Religious discrimination

It is illegal for an employer to treat employees unfairly or adversely based on religious beliefs and practices. Companies are required to make reasonable accommodations for employees who need time, space, or other amenities to observe their spiritual practices .

Disability discrimination

Under the ADA, or Americans With Disabilities Act (ADA) of 1990, it is illegal to take adverse action against qualified job candidates or employees. Employers cannot refuse to hire disabled candidates , pay them an unfair wage, or deny reasonable accommodation to a person otherwise qualified to perform a given role. In addition to the ADA, disability is also protected by the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 , which prohibits discrimination in federal employment.

Pregnancy discrimination  

Passed in 1978, the Pregnancy Discrimination Act (PDA) protects employees, jobseekers, and non-delivering expectant parents. Under this law, employers must treat pregnancy in the same way that they would handle a temporary illness or other non-permanent condition. You can’t be fired, denied a job or promotion, or have your pay reduced because you are expecting a child.

Age discrimination

Age discrimination laws prevent employers from specifying age preference in job descriptions, internships, or other company documents, like promotion criteria. The ADEA, or Age Discrimination in Employment Act , protects employees over 40. Companies are also prohibited from denying benefits, compensation, and incentives based on age.

Sex and gender discrimination

There are multiple laws, notably the Equal Pay Act of 1963 and Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, that protect the rights of people to receive equal pay for equal work. Under these laws, job content, not title, “determines whether jobs are substantially equal.” It is also illegal to specify preference for a particular sex of gender in a job posting or description.

LGBTQ+ discrimination

The U.S. Supreme Court determined in 2020 that an employer who fires an individual merely for being gay or transgender is a violation of Title VII of the Civil Right Act. It is also illegal to deny fair compensation, employment, or workplace benefits based on sexual orientation or gender identity .

Recognizing discrimination in the workplace is tricky. It’s the kind of thing that you might feel before you’re able to pinpoint it — and even more time may pass before you’re able to document and prove it. Hostile behavior in the workplace often gets written off as “harmless,” “joking,” or unintended — and in some cases, it is. However, the case could be made that repeated “harmless, unintentional” behavior is, at some point, no longer unintentional.

Here are a few subtle examples of discrimination in the workplace:

Lack of diversity

Workplaces that lack diversity tend to be guilty of discrimination on some level — even if they don’t mean to be. That’s because the proof is very much in the pudding. When people don’t feel welcome, they don’t stick around. If your work environment is only attracting a certain kind of person, it may be worth investing in a DEI consultant — or a good employment attorney. It’s only a matter of time before you’ll need one or the other.

Retaliation

When people rock the boat or speak out, are you noticing that they don’t seem to have a job for much longer? Do those outspoken employees soon lose their jobs ? Workplaces that empower discriminatory or abusive behavior tend to do so by intimidating would-be whistleblowers. If you’re considering speaking up , but being “encouraged” not to do so, that’s a sign that something’s up in your organization.

Offensive comments or language

What’s normal conversation in your workplace? Would you feel comfortable with the CEO listening to your conversation, or publishing them online? Would you talk the same way in front of a new hire or potential investor? If your workplace needs to clean up its banter, you may want to drop the inappropriate comments from the conversation entirely.

Inappropriate questions

Does your employer regularly ask personal questions that aren’t related to your role? Did you find yourself fielding some odd questions in an interview? While sometimes personal questions are innocuous, your employer or employer-to-be may not have the best intentions at heart. They may be looking for reasons not to give you the role or exposing their own ignorance.

Workplace discrimination claims can be filed through either your state department of labor or the EEOC. Here’s a step-by-step guide to how to escalate your complaint to the right agency.

1. Collect information

At a minimum, you’ll need to provide the name, address, and phone number of both the person being discriminated against and the business you’re filing the complaint against. However, it can help to also have the contact information for any witnesses to the abuse or unfair treatment.

2. Document your experience

Your complaint will need to contain a brief account of what happened. Include names and details such as time, date, and location. In order to establish harassment, you’ll need to show that the contact or behavior was persistent and unwanted, so document all relevant incidents. It will help to demonstrate a pattern of hostility. 

3. Submit your information

You’ll want to submit your completed account of the incident to the organization that you chose. You don’t need a special form or referral in order to submit your complaint. 

You can reach out to your state’s labor office here , or locate a local EEOC office here .

Preventing discrimination at work isn’t easy. It can be confronting, turbulent work, especially if your existing workplace has outdated habits, mindsets, and practices . But it’s work worth doing. Legally and financially, a discrimination lawsuit can be a nightmare for your organization. Beyond that, though, it creates an unhealthy work environment that doesn’t benefit anyone. You won’t get the benefits of diversity in the workplace if your environment is scaring away people that think, act, and look differently.

Here are 4 initiatives to create a healthy, welcoming workplace:

1. Look at your hiring practices 

If your organization is all people from one walk of life, you’ll need to change that to make it feel more welcoming and reduce the chances of discriminatory behavior. Restate your organization's commitment to inclusive hiring, regardless of background and disability, in the job description. Represent diversity among the panel of interviewers and ask for help in sourcing candidates from different backgrounds. 

2. Hire a DEI officer

Committed to diversity and inclusion in the workplace? Put your money where your mouth is and hire a DEI officer. This person can advise you on how to create a more welcoming workplace , create and administer training programs, and review your existing employment practices. They are often well-versed in employee’s rights as well as anti-discrimination and disability laws.

3. Reward and promote people who deserve it

Many people from under-represented backgrounds are concerned about hitting the glass ceiling in their careers. Discriminatory practices and implicit biases make it less likely that these individuals will get hired, promoted, and receive equal pay . Embody your company values by recognizing people who do excellent work , regardless of background. Consider offering incentives through an anonymous merit system. 

4. Invest in training

Teach your team about the impact of discrimination on the workplace. Make sure that they understand the negative impact it has on people at every level of the organization — regardless of demographic. Employees are happier, healthier, stay longer, and produce more when they feel respected, valued, and included.

Developing the culture of an organization is work. BetterUp coaches are adept in helping organizations foster a sense of belonging and move the needle on their DEIB initiatives. Coaching is proven to help with both compassion and communication skills — critical in dismantling bias and discrimination at work.

Discrimination, stereotyping, and bias aren’t issues that are going away anytime soon. They’re tenacious, but not insurmountable. Given the prevalence of discrimination in the workplace, thought, and the American Psychological Association’s findings on how discrimination impacts people , it’s worth the effort. Employee rights are human rights. There’s never a time that making people feel valued, appreciated, and welcome isn’t a win-win for all.

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With over 15 years of content experience, Allaya Cooks Campbell has written for outlets such as ScaryMommy, HRzone, and HuffPost. She holds a B.A. in Psychology and is a certified yoga instructor as well as a certified Integrative Wellness & Life Coach. Allaya is passionate about whole-person wellness, yoga, and mental health.

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Essays About Discrimination: Top 5 Examples and 8 Prompts

You must know how to connect with your readers to write essays about discrimination effectively; read on for our top essay examples, including prompts that will help you write.

Discrimination comes in many forms and still happens to many individuals or groups today. It occurs when there’s a distinction or bias against someone because of their age, race, religion, gender, sexual orientation, or disability.

Discrimination can happen to anyone wherever and whenever they are. Unfortunately, it’s a problem that society is yet to solve entirely. Here are five in-depth examples of this theme’s subcategories to guide you in creating your essays about discrimination.

1. Essay On Discrimination For Students In Easy Words by Prateek

2. personal discrimination experience by naomi nakatani, 3. prejudice and discrimination by william anderson, 4. socioeconomic class discrimination in luca by krystal ibarra, 5. the new way of discrimination by writer bill, 1. my discrimination experience, 2. what can i do to stop discrimination, 3. discrimination in my community, 4. the cost of discrimination, 5. examples of discrimination, 6. discrimination in sports: segregating men and women, 7. how to stop my discrimination against others, 8. what should groups do to fight discrimination.

“In the current education system, the condition of education and its promotion of equality is very important. The education system should be a good place for each and every student. It must be on the basis of equal opportunities for each student in every country. It must be free of discrimination.”

Prateek starts his essay by telling the story of a student having difficulty getting admitted to a college because of high fees. He then poses the question of how the student will be able to get an education when he can’t have the opportunity to do so in the first place. He goes on to discuss UNESCO’s objectives against discrimination. 

Further in the essay, the author defines discrimination and cites instances when it happens. Prateek also compares past and present discrimination, ending the piece by saying it should stop and everyone deserves to be treated fairly.

“I thought that there is no discrimination before I actually had discrimination… I think we must treat everyone equally even though people speak different languages or have different colors of skin.”

In her short essay, Nakatani shares the experiences that made her feel discriminated against when she visited the US. She includes a fellow guest saying she and her mother can’t use the shared pool in a hotel they stay in because they are Japanese and getting cheated of her money when she bought from a small shop because she can’t speak English very well.

“Whether intentional or not, prejudice and discrimination ensure the continuance of inequality in the United States. Even subconsciously, we are furthering inequality through our actions and reactions to others… Because these forces are universally present in our daily lives, the way we use them or reject them will determine how they affect us.”

Anderson explains the direct relationship between prejudice and discrimination. He also gives examples of these occurrences in the past (blacks and whites segregation) and modern times (sexism, racism, etc.)

He delves into society’s fault for playing the “blame game” and choosing to ignore each other’s perspectives, leading to stereotypes. He also talks about affirmative action committees that serve to protect minorities.

“Something important to point out is that there is prejudice when it comes to people of lower class or economic standing, there are stereotypes that label them as untrustworthy, lazy, and even dangerous. This thought is fed by the just-world phenomenon, that of low economic status are uneducated, lazy, and are more likely to be substance abusers, and thus get what they deserve.”

Ibarra recounts how she discovered Pixar’s Luca and shares what she thought of the animation, focusing on how the film encapsulates socioeconomic discrimination in its settings. She then discusses the characters and their relationships with the protagonist. Finally, Ibarra notes how the movie alluded to flawed characters, such as having a smaller boat, mismatched or recycled kitchen furniture, and no shoes. 

The other cast even taunts Luca, saying he smells and gets his clothes from a dead person. These are typical things marginalized communities experience in real life. At the end of her essay, Ibarra points out how society is dogmatic against the lower class, thinking they are abusers. In Luca, the wealthy antagonist is shown to be violent and lazy.

“Even though the problem of discrimination has calmed down, it still happens… From these past experiences, we can realize that solutions to tough problems come in tough ways.”

The author introduces people who called out discrimination, such as Mahatma Gandhi, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., and Barbara Henry – the only teacher who decided to teach Ruby Bridges, despite her skin color. 

He then moves on to mention the variations of present-day discrimination. He uses Donald Trump and the border he wants to build to keep the Hispanics out as an example. Finally, Bill ends the essay by telling the readers those who discriminate against others are bullies who want to get a reaction out of their victims. 

Do you get intimidated when you need to write an essay? Don’t be! If writing an essay makes you nervous, do it step by step. To start, write a simple 5 paragraph essay .

Prompts on Essays About Discrimination

Below are writing prompts that can inspire you on what to focus on when writing your discrimination essay:

Have you had to go through an aggressor who disliked you because you’re you? Write an essay about this incident, how it happened, what you felt during the episode, and what you did afterward. You can also include how it affected the way you interact with people. For example, did you try to tone down a part of yourself or change how you speak to avoid conflict?

List ways on how you can participate in lessening incidents of discrimination. Your list can include calling out biases, reporting to proper authorities, or spreading awareness of what discrimination is.

Is there an ongoing prejudice you observe in your school, subdivision, etc.? If other people in your community go through this unjust treatment, you can interview them and incorporate their thoughts on the matter.

Tackle what victims of discrimination have to go through daily. You can also talk about how it affected their life in the long run, such as having low self-esteem that limited their potential and opportunities and being frightened of getting involved with other individuals who may be bigots.

For this prompt, you can choose a subtopic to zero in on, like Workplace Discrimination, Disability Discrimination, and others. Then, add sample situations to demonstrate the unfairness better.

What are your thoughts on the different game rules for men and women? Do you believe these rules are just? Cite news incidents to make your essay more credible. For example, you can mention the incident where the Norwegian women’s beach handball team got fined for wearing tops and shorts instead of bikinis.

Since we learn to discriminate because of the society we grew up in, it’s only normal to be biased unintentionally. When you catch yourself having these partialities, what do you do? How do you train yourself not to discriminate against others?

Focus on an area of discrimination and suggest methods to lessen its instances. To give you an idea, you can concentrate on Workplace Discrimination, starting from its hiring process. You can propose that applicants are chosen based on their skills, so the company can implement a hiring procedure where applicants should go through written tests first before personal interviews.

If you instead want to focus on topics that include people from all walks of life, talk about diversity. Here’s an excellent guide on how to write an essay about diversity .

Maria Caballero is a freelance writer who has been writing since high school. She believes that to be a writer doesn't only refer to excellent syntax and semantics but also knowing how to weave words together to communicate to any reader effectively.

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The Damaging Effects of Workplace Racism

How to protect workers of color from racial trauma

​Two Black men who worked at a paper plant in McClellan, Calif., experienced racial harassment from co-workers and a supervisor. The company must now pay up.

Paper manufacturers Packaging Corporation of America Central California Corrugated LLC (PCA) and Schwarz Partners LP, which owned the manufacturing plant, will pay $385,000 and implement preventive measures to settle the racial harassment lawsuit.

The U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) filed the lawsuit.

"This case should be a strong reminder that all employers have a duty to act quickly to stop harassment and hate speech in the workplace," EEOC San Francisco District Director Nancy Sienko said in a statement .

According to the EEOC's suit:

• Co-workers and a shift supervisor commonly broadcasted racial slurs over the facility's radio system.
• Black employees were taunted with graffiti of swastikas and a makeshift noose.
• A shift leader drew a Confederate flag inscribed with the phrase "long live the Confederacy" on a workstation.

The company's HR department closed the investigation due to insufficient evidence without interviewing the alleged harassers, the EEOC stated.

Per the settlement, the defendants are required to:

• Pay $385,000 in lost wages and emotional distress damages to the two former employees.
• Revamp company policies and train employees on preventing and reporting racial harassment.
• Implement policies and procedures to facilitate the prompt and thorough investigation of any future complaints of discrimination or harassment.

"As our nation continues to [deal] with lingering racial discrimination, we appreciate that these employers agreed to promptly settle this matter and to provide significant relief," Sienko added.

How Can Racism Influence Workplace Productivity?

Peter Spanos, an attorney with Taylor English Duma LLP in Atlanta, said the lawsuit against PCA and Schwarz illustrates the serious consequences that can occur if employers do not investigate and act upon harassment in the workplace.

"It dramatizes why it is important for companies to provide preventive education and training for its supervisory and management personnel," Spanos explained. "It also illustrates how unnecessary comments and other talk in the workplace can be unlawful harassment."

A 2021 survey by the Society for Human Resource Management (SHRM) revealed that more than 2 in 5 Black workers (42 percent) feel they faced race- or ethnicity-based unfair treatment at work in the past five years.

[SHRM resource hub page: Overcoming Workplace Bias ]

Nika White, a Greenville, S.C.-based anti-racist activist who runs her own diversity and inclusion consulting company, explained that racial microaggressions are particularly problematic in workplaces.

"Numerous workers are encountering subtle microaggressions that leave them feeling confused, hurt, angry and deflated without anyone to talk to because the 'aggression' seems small," she said. "Those seemingly small interactions that come from stereotyping and assumptions have a lasting physical and mental impact but are harder to identify and recognize, especially when workplaces exhibit institutional racism by not having policies and processes to prohibit and punish racism."

Racial trauma can result in symptoms similar to post-traumatic stress disorder. It can lead to mental health issues such as anxiety and depression as well as physical problems including stomachaches, headaches and a rapid heartbeat.

Racial inequities at work can also result in decreased workplace productivity.

"Not only are those directly harassed demotivated, but others who differ from the general demographic makeup of the workgroup can feel threatened, leaving them disengaged from the workplace," said Francine Gordon, a lecturer at Santa Clara University's Leavey School of Business. "In cases where problem-solving or innovation are involved, harassment can silence the targeted individual, who may have the most to offer."

Tips for Preventing Workplace Racism

Spanos said employers can take several steps to reduce or eliminate unlawful racial harassment and discrimination. He explained that companies should:

• Adopt clear and meaningful anti-harassment and anti-discrimination policies.
• Periodically provide anti-harassment training to the workforce.
• Train appropriate HR personnel in how to investigate and handle discrimination complaints.
• Issue and update mission statements that emphasize the company's commitment to a workplace free from unlawful harassment and discrimination.
• Offer readily available avenues for employees to complain about alleged harassment or discriminatory treatment, including an open-door policy.
• Train supervisors to alert responsible HR personnel of harassment, even if no formal complaint is received.
• Host employee forums periodically to explore whether any discrimination or harassment is occurring.
• Take prompt and remedial action if an investigation reveals any unlawful conduct or conduct that violates company policies or mission statements.

"Both formal and informal complaints should be taken seriously," Spanos added. "Prompt and reasonably thorough investigation should be done in each instance."

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The scourge of lookism

It is time to take seriously the painful consequences of appearance discrimination in the workplace.

by Andrew Mason   + BIO

We’d be outraged if a business owner told an employee she wouldn’t receive her bonus unless she lost weight. With most jobs, our looks should be regarded as irrelevant to our suitability and remuneration. What matters is that we have the skills for the job and put them to good use. Yet appearance discrimination, or ‘lookism’, is pervasive and consequential in the workplace. Can lookism in employment ever be justified? And, when it can’t, should we legislate against it?

The first of these questions might seem to have an easy answer, namely, that lookism can be justified only when appearance is a genuine qualification for work, that is, has a real bearing on a person’s ability to do a job or do it well, such as modelling or some acting roles. But this just pushes back the problem. We must now ask: when is appearance a genuine qualification for a job? And even: should genuine qualifications always count, or can there be moral reasons for not counting them?

Much the same questions arise in relation to race and gender. There are cases when each of these can be regarded, reasonably, as a ‘genuine occupational requirement’, for example, ‘being a woman’ for a women’s refuge support worker. But it is equally clear that ‘being a man’ cannot justifiably count as a qualification for being a doctor, even if patients might be happier receiving medical advice from a man because, for sexist reasons, they rate men’s medical skills more highly. And that is so even though there’s a sense in which being a man is a genuine qualification for the job when a male doctor would be better able to minister to patients’ needs because their prejudices mean they’d trust him more and hence be more receptive to his advice. In other words, there are some genuine qualifications that it is not justifiable to count.

C onsider two cases that concern the treatment of employees in the workplace and vividly raise worries about appearance unjustifiably counting as a qualification. The first relates to a performance evaluation of an employee called Courtney at a Canadian fashion company whose manager said her looks were affecting her ability to do her job. Interviewed by the BBC in 2022, Courtney said:

He point-blank told me that he thought I was too fat to be in the position I was in. He told me he was embarrassed having me around our vendors in meetings, and that it ruined his reputation.

He then advised her to start going to the gym and avoid wearing fitted clothing. Unsurprisingly, Courtney felt shell-shocked. Subsequently, her appearance anxieties had a negative impact on her work because she was distracted by worries about what her colleagues thought of her.

Our responses to the looks of others often involve unjustified associations, whether positive or negative

The second case relates to an accusation in 2020 by the UK radio journalist Libby Purves against the BBC. Purves claimed that, for presenters on both television and radio, older women were under greater pressure than men of a similar age to appear younger, since women are judged on their looks, and part of what it is to be attractive for women is to look youthful. In an opinion piece for the Radio Times , she wrote:

Sue Barker has been binned from A Question of Sport after 23 years. She is 64. More willingly, Jenni Murray and Jane Garvey depart from Woman’s Hour , aged 70 and 56. They are replaced by Emma Barnett, a mere 35. What is this? … Are we written off as old trouts while men become revered elders, sacred patriarchs, silver foxes?

In both cases, lookism seems entangled with sex or gender discrimination, and, in the second case, with age discrimination too. This might provoke the thought that appearance discrimination is problematic only when it is entwined with some other form of discrimination, and that there is no reason to be concerned about it when it occurs on its own. But that seems clearly false. Appearance discrimination matters in its own right, and indeed operates in many of the same ways as other forms of discrimination we are committed to fighting, such as racial discrimination. Just as prejudices influence behaviour consciously and non-consciously in racial discrimination, so too they operate in conscious and non-conscious ways in lookism. Our responses to the looks of others often involve unjustified associations, whether positive or negative, between appearance features and character traits. These associations may function as implicit biases, or sometimes take the form of stereotypes that are endorsed with varying degrees of unreflectiveness.

Women especially are often seen as lazy or lacking in self-discipline if they are perceived as overweight. But even though lifestyle choices make a difference to shape, the hunger we experience and how much we weigh are largely determined by metabolism or physiology. So the idea that all or even most people with a heavier weight lack self-control is unsustainable when brought into contact with the evidence. In her book Unshrinking: How to Fight Fatphobia (2024), Kate Manne concludes that ‘fatness has a strong genetic basis … at least 70 per cent of the variance in body mass that we find in the human population is likely due to genetics.’

O f course, it is not just selectors evaluating qualifications who are prone to biases. Good looks tend to be beneficial in doing a range of jobs because of how others respond to them. Viewers may prefer to watch attractive newsreaders deliver the TV news, perhaps in part because they associate their appearance with desirable character traits, such as trustworthiness. Customers may be put off interacting with employees they regard as fat because they find their appearance unattractive or judge them to be ill-disciplined. It’s for reasons of this sort that good looks can be genuine qualifications for working in customer-facing roles, even though there is a further question about whether it’s justifiable to count them.

Qualifications that arise in this way are often referred to as ‘reaction qualifications’, meaning qualifications produced by customer reactions to employee characteristics. As a result, even selectors who do not share the customers’ biases have a reason to appoint people with their customers’ preferred features, and to reject those with features their customers dislike. In contrast, when a technical skill is a qualification for a job, its role as a qualification, and indeed its status as a skill, doesn’t generally rely on others’ reactions to it. All that matters is that it is deployed in making a product that people want or providing a service they need. For example, the skill of giving competent legal advice is a qualification for being a lawyer, regardless of how others respond to it.

In addition to the association between heavier weight and laziness or lack of self-control, people routinely make other appearance-related associations. Short men are often regarded as prickly or prone to aggression on the basis that they have inferiority complexes. Facial scarring, and other so-called ‘facial disfigurements’, are often associated with unpleasantness or nastiness – think of Hollywood villains. Again, these associations don’t stand up against the evidence. When reaction qualifications are rooted in unjustified associations, is it fair to count them? We don’t think it’s morally acceptable to count reaction qualifications when they are grounded in, say, customers’ prejudices against women or members of a particular race, so why think it’s morally acceptable to count such qualifications when they are grounded in customers’ prejudices against particular appearance features?

There’s no getting away from the fact that ignoring customer preferences would be bad for business

Even when they don’t involve prejudices or unjustified associations, customers’ perceptions about whether an assistant is good looking, and indeed the perceptions of job recruiters, are usually a product of ‘internalising’ appearance norms – that is, rules concerning how we should look – that reflect conventional aesthetic preferences. Some of these norms may have gained currency over many generations, as a result of the way that being disposed to act from them when choosing sexual partners bestows evolutionary advantages, as Nancy Etcoff argues in Survival of the Prettiest (2000). Perhaps this is true of norms that favour unblemished skin or symmetrical faces. But other appearance norms expressing aesthetic preferences emerge from practices that are specific to particular cultures, and may even be a product of differences in power and privilege. For example, the emergence of norms regarding tightly coiled hair as messy, or favouring narrow rather than broad noses, or lighter over darker skin tones, can perhaps be fully explained by the way in which they reflect and perpetuate racial hierarchies – that is, they come to be endorsed because they legitimate the power and privilege that accrues to membership in particular racial groups. Even when norms are not the product of power and privilege, their application may end up benefiting people who are already advantaged, and further disadvantaging those who are already disadvantaged. Think here of norms biased against women or the elderly, or both, such as norms that regard youthfulness as part of what it is to be an attractive woman, which Purves thinks are influencing decisions at the BBC.

But there’s no getting away from the fact that ignoring customer preferences would be bad for business. Therefore, reaction qualifications grounded in such preferences provide some credibility to recruitment decisions based on them. In contrast, when selectors but not customers are influenced by looks, then no such justification is available. We don’t know whether vendors were put off by Courtney’s appearance or whether it was only her manager who had a problem with it. But it is surely unfair to candidates when managers’ hiring (or promotion) decisions are influenced by employees’ appearance if it is not even a reaction qualification. Indeed, it is generally unfair to take into account features of a person, whether racial membership or looks, when these have absolutely nothing to do with their ability to do the job.

P rejudices and negative associations concerning various appearance features unfairly reduce the range of career opportunities for people with these features. This then contributes to an unjust distribution of resources, and may even reinforce structural injustices. According to Daniel Hamermesh’s analysis of data from the United States in Beauty Pays (2011), the overall ‘beauty premium’ for above-average-looking women, compared with below-average-looking women, is 12 per cent; for above-average-looking men, compared with below-average-looking men, it is 17 per cent. Perhaps appearance is a legitimate qualification for some jobs, such as modelling, in which case not all such inequalities will be unjust, but often lookism seems analogous to racial discrimination, and condemnable for many of the same reasons.

But there are also cases of lookism that are rather different from racial discrimination because they involve responding to chosen features of appearance, such as tattoos, hairstyles and piercings. It is tempting to say that if a person is disadvantaged by an appearance feature they’ve chosen, in full knowledge that acquiring it will affect their employment prospects, then there is no injustice. But even here, customers may be opposed to such features for no good reason, for example, when tattoos are unjustifiably associated with aggression or mental health problems. Is it fair, in a job market, to disadvantage a person by her choices when that disadvantage reflects the prejudices of selectors or customers responding negatively to features she’s chosen for herself and that may even have become part of her identity?

People may also make choices designed to improve their chances in particular job markets, for example, they may have liposuction, Botox injections or hair transplants, often to appear younger. This is especially so in visual media where, as Purves points out, part of what it is for women to be attractive is to look youthful. It would be easy to describe these interventions as chosen, but we should hesitate before doing so. Decisions to have them are often a product not only of seeking to improve one’s employment opportunities but also body-shaming practices. Indeed, as Heather Widdows argues in Perfect Me (2018), appearance norms form an ethical ideal, with those who fail to comply being regarded as not merely unattractive but morally flawed, because they are seen as failing in their duty to make the best of themselves. This ideal has become so demanding that it is oppressive to many people, especially women and younger men. When jobs are allocated in a way that rewards people who conform to these norms, then they are reinforced, and the pressures to conform to them become even greater.

Appearance features may express deeply held convictions about how one should live

Appearance features that are favoured or disfavoured in the job market may also be chosen by people in a way that reflects their own ethical commitments rather than dominant appearance norms. For example, some women choose not to wear makeup because they want to resist the idea of women as aesthetically appealing objects. As Clare Chambers writes in Intact (2022), they endorse the principle of the unmodified body – that our bodies are alright just as they are. As a resistance to body-shaming practices, people may consciously eschew body modifications and withstand the pressures placed on them by the often vicious comments they receive. Others may be committed to ethical principles derived from their religion requiring conformity to unconventional appearance norms or dress codes.

So appearance features may express deeply held convictions about how one should live. When companies have an ethos that reflects such convictions, and they discriminate in their selection practices to promote that ethos, then that often seems unobjectionable. Suppose, for example, that a company has an ethos that reflects a commitment to not wearing makeup, and requires their employees to adopt ‘a natural look’ as a condition of employment. That does not seem morally problematic in the context of a society where there is an expectation in a wide range of jobs that women should wear makeup. Yet in other cases, appearance codes may discriminate against members of a particular religion, even if they do so unintentionally. For example, a dress code forbidding employees from wearing head coverings seems morally problematic because of the way in which it disadvantages Muslim women.

Lookism in employment is therefore a mixed bag. Some cases seem to involve the same characteristic mechanisms as racial discrimination, including prejudices influencing hiring decisions, to be morally condemned for much the same reasons. Other cases seem rather different. They may differ because the appearance-related values that companies express in their hiring practices neither reflect prejudices nor deny the fundamental equality of different people. Or they may differ because the appearance features that recruiters count as reaction qualifications are unobjectionable, perhaps in part because these features are genuinely a matter of choice for job applicants.

I n cases where lookism is morally problematic, what should we do about it? Should we think of it as posing a moral problem of sufficient magnitude that there is a case for seeking to prevent it by legislation? Or is it better to tackle it without recourse to the legal system? There is evidence that lookism in employment is comparable in pervasiveness and harmfulness with other forms of discrimination, including racial discrimination. On the basis of his analysis of the data, Hamermesh maintains that, in the US:

African American men’s earnings disadvantage, adjusted for the earnings-enhancing characteristics that they bring to labour markets, is similar to the disadvantage experienced by below-average compared to above-average-looking male workers generally.

Of course, there are differences between racial discrimination and appearance discrimination that may impact upon the case for enacting legislation to prevent it, and not merely the fact that (unlike race) some appearance features are chosen. Racial membership is commonly transmitted from one generation to another, whereas the inheritance of appearance-related characteristics is less reliable. The way in which racial discrimination contributes to and reproduces structural disadvantages through practices of segregation gives rise to distinctive problems in tackling it. Nevertheless, some of the same reasons that provide a strong case for prohibiting racial discrimination also apply to appearance discrimination.

The long-term solution to the injustices of lookism involves taking measures to reduce the enormous weight ordinarily placed on appearance in our society and seeking to change appearance norms so that they become more inclusive. But given the magnitude of the problem, we should take seriously the idea that legislation also has role to play. Should we make ‘appearance’ or appearance features such as height, weight and facial differences protected characteristics, in the same way that, in countries like the UK, race, sex, sexual orientation, disability, religion and age are ‘protected characteristics’, meaning it is illegal to discriminate on their basis?

The legislation itself wouldn’t require us to make objective judgments about people’s attractiveness

Perhaps legislation against ‘indirect’ discrimination, that is, against policies and practices that unintentionally affect people with a protected characteristic in a negative way, is enough to criminalise much appearance discrimination in hiring and promotion decisions, providing an underutilised way of combatting it. Suppose that appearance norms and dress codes are biased against people with tightly coiled hair, or with darker skin tones, or with asymmetrical faces or bodies, or with wrinkly skin, or against those who see it as part of their religious duty to dress modestly, or against women who object to being required to wear makeup or heels. Then selecting people on the basis of their conformity to these norms (or their willingness to conform to them) will stand in need of justification in any legislative scheme that requires indirect discrimination on grounds of race, sex, disability, age or religion to be a proportionate means to a legitimate goal. But it is not clear that legislation against indirect discrimination is enough to deal adequately with the moral challenge posed by lookism in employment.

My proposal would be this: we make it illegal to reject a person on the basis of their appearance, or particular appearance-related features, when no plausible case can be made that these features are qualifications for the job in question – when possession of them can’t even be seen as a way of conforming to a company’s ethos or attracting its customers or clients. We could add to this the requirement that reaction qualifications, that is, qualifications that rely on the responses of customers, shouldn’t be given any weight if they rest upon customers’ prejudices about an appearance feature, where prejudices are generalisations or associations that aren’t sustained by the publicly available evidence. And we could make it a presumption that when the background culture is infused with these prejudices about a particular appearance feature, then reaction qualifications related to that feature should be regarded as illegitimate, unless evidence can be produced for thinking that customer preferences for it are unconnected to such prejudices.

Some may be sceptical about whether legislation against lookism could be effective, with good reasons. Part of the problem with legislation in this area is that there is likely to be resistance to making use of it – who wants to admit that others regard them as unattractive? Furthermore, appearance discrimination can be hard to detect and monitor. The legislation itself wouldn’t require us to make objective judgments about people’s attractiveness. We just have to know that selectors have been influenced by the candidates’ appearance, or by the particular appearance features they possess, when these have nothing to do with their ability to do the job. But we do need to be able to monitor different companies to see whether there is any reason to think that they aren’t complying with the legislation. With race and gender, we can examine percentages in the workforce or selected through the appointment process. But how can we do that in relation to an attractive appearance?

There is a surprisingly large amount of intersubjective agreement concerning judgments of attractiveness, and it may well be enough to collect the data required for monitoring purposes. So I think that the objections to legislation against appearance discrimination are not insuperable. It is feasible, and no less desirable than other forms of antidiscrimination legislation. But perhaps the main function of legislation against appearance discrimination would be to send out a message to employers, and society more generally, that lookism is unacceptable, and to give companies a reason to examine their practices and reform them if they encourage lookism or give it too much space in which to operate. We might even regard it as good practice for recruitment interviewees to be behind a screen, as is sometimes done when auditioning musicians. In the context of employment at least, we should combat what Francesca Minerva calls the ‘invisible discrimination’ that takes place right before our eyes. We’ve been too complacent about lookism at the workplace for too long.

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Research: How Bias Against Women Persists in Female-Dominated Workplaces

• Amber L. Stephenson,
• Leanne M. Dzubinski

A look inside the ongoing barriers women face in law, health care, faith-based nonprofits, and higher education.

New research examines gender bias within four industries with more female than male workers — law, higher education, faith-based nonprofits, and health care. Having balanced or even greater numbers of women in an organization is not, by itself, changing women’s experiences of bias. Bias is built into the system and continues to operate even when more women than men are present. Leaders can use these findings to create gender-equitable practices and environments which reduce bias. First, replace competition with cooperation. Second, measure success by goals, not by time spent in the office or online. Third, implement equitable reward structures, and provide remote and flexible work with autonomy. Finally, increase transparency in decision making.

It’s been thought that once industries achieve gender balance, bias will decrease and gender gaps will close. Sometimes called the “ add women and stir ” approach, people tend to think that having more women present is all that’s needed to promote change. But simply adding women into a workplace does not change the organizational structures and systems that benefit men more than women . Our new research (to be published in a forthcoming issue of Personnel Review ) shows gender bias is still prevalent in gender-balanced and female-dominated industries.

• Amy Diehl , PhD is chief information officer at Wilson College and a gender equity researcher and speaker. She is coauthor of Glass Walls: Shattering the Six Gender Bias Barriers Still Holding Women Back at Work (Rowman & Littlefield). Find her on LinkedIn at Amy-Diehl , Twitter @amydiehl , and visit her website at amy-diehl.com
• AS Amber L. Stephenson , PhD is an associate professor of management and director of healthcare management programs in the David D. Reh School of Business at Clarkson University. Her research focuses on the healthcare workforce, how professional identity influences attitudes and behaviors, and how women leaders experience gender bias.
• LD Leanne M. Dzubinski , PhD is acting dean of the Cook School of Intercultural Studies and associate professor of intercultural education at Biola University, and a prominent researcher on women in leadership. She is coauthor of Glass Walls: Shattering the Six Gender Bias Barriers Still Holding Women Back at Work (Rowman & Littlefield).

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Discrimination against Women in the Workplace

How it works

Various studies report that inequality still persists despite women making great milestones in the place of work (Bach, 2018). A recent survey conducted by Social Institutions and Gender Index (2018) shows that women discrimination in the United States is much higher when compared to discrimination against women in Australia, Colombia, regions of Eastern Europe, and Western Europe (Bach, 2018). The report by Social Institutions and Gender Index also highlighted the existing gender compensation differences in US, as well as the perseverance of an unconscious gender discrimination (Bach, 2018).

These findings are attributed to female underrepresentation in the workplace. According to research, close to 42 percent of working women in US have reported experiencing discrimination on work due to their gender (Parker & Funk, 2017). This highlights the disparity in gender discrimination, simply observing the sheer size of reportings relative to harassment reports by men provide concrete evidence. In 2017, Pew Research Center undertook a survey to investigate women’s experiences with regards to discrimination at work; According to the Pew Research Center findings, women report a wide range of personal experiences, stretching all the way from receiving less pay than male colleagues for performing similar work to being denied the opportunity to take on crucial work assignments (Parker & Funk, 2017). More studies conducted among working adults show that females are almost twice (42% women compared to 22% males) as likely as males to report they have faced one or more of various forms of gender discrimination on the job (Gough & Noonan 2013).

While some countries including the United States has put into place anti-discrimination laws to curb cases of gender and sexual discrimination, societal roles, rules, and practices instruct and motivate men to devalue or value women (Wolfe, 2019). Women are constantly subjected to unfair behavior for instance being told “you run like a girl” has somehow become a common thing to say. But the question is where did the idea that women or girls some how do things “poorly” compared to boys or men. It is ridiculous that women who are competent and skilled may be left out of consideration in promotions because they are perceived to have a chance of getting pregnant (Wolfe, 2019). Nevertheless, a job may be given to a man who is less competent simply because he is a man. The most rampant form of gender discrimination encountered by women is pay or income inequality. 25% of employed women in US report they have been paid less compared to a male counterpart doing the same work (Parker & Funk, 2017). Research reveals that only 5% of working men report to have received less pay than a female colleague. As reported by the US Census Bureau, women earn 20% less than what men earn (Bach, 2018). In comparison to men, women are about four times (23% of working females versus 6% of employed males) more likely to report they have been handled in a manner that demonstrates that they are less skilled because of their gender (Parker & Funk, 2017).

Although pay gap is considered as the main form of gender discrimination, there are also notable gaps on other areas. 15 percent of employed women report they have earned little support from senior managers compared to a male who was performing similar task. In contrast, only 7% of employed males say to have experienced similar encounter. Working women are twice (10% of working women versus 5% men) as likely as men to report that they have not been shortlisted for the most valuable job assignments as result of their gender (Plickert & Sterling, 2017). Considering the arguments presented above, this paper hypothesized that women are more discriminated in the workplace because of their gender. Furthermore, the paper theorized that women are discriminated against in the workplace not because of their performance level, but because of the existing societal roles, norms and rules. In fact, some of females have made significant achievement in terms of education, management, leadership, and other aspects of life. Perhaps if we continue to shed light on the discrimination of women in the workplace eventually things will improve.

According to Gough and Noonan (2013), the belief that females are less dedicated and motivated in their careers is among the most cited explanations for ongoing women discrimination in work. Several researchers and scholars hold the view that stereotyped stigmas lead to women getting less challenging responsibilities than their male colleagues (Plickert & Sterling, 2017). The act of assigning less challenging tasks to women hinders career growth and development in females. Focusing on social roles and gender stereotypes, spreads discrimination into the workplace. Masculine customs demonstrated in the performance of high risk assignments and hard work still dictate many blue collar workplaces. The demand to demonstrate masculinity assumes a diverse form among workers (Thornton, 2016). In high-ranked occupations such as legal firms, the symbol of masculinity is propagated by professionals performing tasks for long hours to exhibit commitment in the place of work (Thornton, 2016).

Women, in particular mothers, encounter gender stereotypes concerning being less dedicated to their job, inability to meet a job assignment and underrated in their performance despite performing just as well as the opposite sex. According to the US labor force, an ideal employee is defined as a person who works weekly for 40 hours and overtime, has no or little to no time to bare and raise children, and is regularly available to the employer (Plickert & Sterling, 2017). Going by this definition alone is proof to conclude that women face difficulties in undertaking and meeting the expectations that are important to the firm. The notion that women are less committed to work may commence once women marry. This is in line with the supposition that women will get pregnant the moment they marry. Plickert and Sterling (2017) argue that when women come back from maternity leave, they start to experience differential treatment in the workplace. For example, the moment women return from family leave, their work commitment is questioned and they may be passed over for vital job promotions or assignments. Women are treated in a manner that assumes they have become less skilled because of giving birth.

Studies by Sloan (2012), and Budig and Hodges (2010) point out that it is presumed the moment women birth kids, they can no longer be dedicated to both job and family. Nonetheless, the researchers (Sloan (2012); and Budig and Hodges (2010) reveal that it is job experiences and not societal or gender obligations that determine dedication to a job. Taking into account the variations in insights of cultural “ideal job” requirements of mothers and fathers, females are not expected to be full time employees. Within the context of men, full-time job time tables and families are seen as compatible commitments (Sloan, 2012). On the other hand, an identical combination for females is considered as competing dedications (Sloan, 2012). Generally, the biased perceptions of performance and commitment promote women discrimination in the workplace.

Another explanation proposed for the persisting women discrimination in places of work is the differences by education. Among working females, the proportion of women reporting to have witnessed workplace sexual abuse is approximately the same across, educational, partisan, racial, ethnic, and religious backgrounds (Parker & Funk, 2017). However, research shows that the situation is much different when it comes to specific types of discrimination in the workplace. Research has identified significant variations among women that are deeply ingrained mostly in their education level (Sloan, 2012). Females with a University degree or higher education level report to experience discrimination within a scale that is at a considerably higher rates compared to females with lower education levels. 57% of employed women with postgraduate degree report they have faced some form of workplace gender discrimination (Parker & Funk, 2017). This number is relatively higher compared to 40% of women with bachelor’s degree and 39% of women who never completed college reporting similar experiences (Parker & Funk, 2017).

About 29% of women having postgraduate degree claim they have encountered recurrent discrimination on the job as result of their gender, in relation to 18% of women with bachelor’s degree and 12% of women with lower level of education (Parker & Funk, 2017). Likewise, 27% of employed women with postgraduate degree are more likely than their counterparts with lower levels of education (11% of women with bachelor’s degree and 13% of women with less education) to report they have received less backing from senior managers compared to a male performing the same job assignment (Parker & Funk, 2017). Studies have found that feeling alienated at work, as well as being passed over for work training or promotion closely follow the same pattern (Thornton, 2016).

From the perspective of wages, employed women with bachelor’s degree or higher education are much more probable compared to women with less education to report they have received being paid a lower wage than a man who did. Statistically, 30% of women with bachelor’s degree or more compared to about 21% of women with less education argue they have received less pay than a male in the same rank (Parker & Funk, 2017). Overall, research shows that women with greater family earnings are nearly equally probable to have faced one or more form of gender-oriented discrimination in the workplace (Parker & Funk, 2017).

Race and ethnicity have also been given as explanations for perpetuation of gender discrimination at work. An estimated 53% of working black women report they have encountered at least one form of gender discrimination in the workplace (Parker & Funk, 2017). In contrast, only 40% of White and 40% of Hispanic have said they have experienced gender discrimination at work (Parker & Funk, 2017). Studies reveal that 29% of employed black women compared with 9% of Hispanic and 8% of Whites have reported to have been passed over for most vital job tasks because of their gender (Parker & Funk, 2017).

In conclusion, women have made significant advances in terms of work experiences and education. In fact, some women have partaken in various industries that are male dominated and have emerged successful. However, recent studies show that women continue to experience different forms of gender discrimination in the workplace (Parker & Funk (2017); Gough & Noonan (2013)). Women are nearly three times more likely than men to claim they have encountered frequent small insults at job due to their gender orientation. Women have reported to have experienced various forms of gender discrimination including training opportunities, equal pay, and promotions (Parker & Funk, 2017). Societal norms, education levels, and ethnicity and race have been cited as some of the factors fueling women discrimination in the workplace (Thornton, 2016).

• Bach, N. (2018). American Women Face More Discrimination than Europeans, Report Finds. Accessed from http://fortune.com/2018/12/07/gender-discrimination-us-oecd-report/
• Budig, M. J., & Hodges, M. J. (2010). Differences in disadvantage: Variation in the motherhood penalty across white women’s earnings distribution. American Sociological Review, 75(5), 705-728.
• Gough, M., & Noonan, M. (2013). A review of the motherhood wage penalty in the United States. Sociology Compass, 7(4), 328-342.
• Parker, K., & Funk, C. (2017). Gender discrimination comes in many forms for today’s working women. Pew Research Center, December, 14.
• Plickert, G., & Sterling, J. (2017). Gender Still Matters: Effects of Workplace Discrimination on Employment Schedules of Young Professionals. Laws, 6(4), 28.
• Thornton, M. (2016). Work/life or work/work? Corporate legal practice in the twenty-first century. International journal of the legal profession, 23(1), 13-39.
• Wolfe, L. (2019). Corporations Sued for Gender Discrimination Against Women and Men. Accessed from https://www.thebalancecareers.com/gender-discrimination-against-women-and-men-3515719

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Investigating the Discrimination in the Workplace Essay

How to conduct the research.

Discrimination in the workplace is a common occurrence especially when people from minority communities are denied employment. In addition, discrimination based on is gender is evidenced when men harass women at the workplace. According to Paludi (2012), continued discrimination in the place of work is likely to happen in a situation where people from the minority community are not represented within the ranks of an organizational structure. In this regard, the minority lacks a representative among the organization’s executives. Workplace discrimination is considered both an unethical and immoral practice since it promotes poor relationships among employees.

Topic scenario

In Maria’s case, racial, gender, and structural discrimination is promoted by the company. According to Harvey and Allard (2014), structural discrimination is described as the continued support of a discriminatory culture against other employees within an organization. The topic is critical in understanding various issues that arise concerning discrimination in the workplace. In this context, understanding the legal perspective on gender, racial and structural discrimination is necessary (Harvey and Allard, 2014). Moreover, the implication of such discrimination activities is a concern for the organization.

The topic provides an insight into the importance of cultural diversity in the organization. Apparently, the workplace is an essential environment for promoting cohesion, unity, and diversity. The differences in culture and socio-economic backgrounds produce different traits among the people. In most cases, diversity among the employees is a positive element for improving organizational productivity and performance. In fact, diversity is attributed to different abilities that can be harnessed to achieve a common goal.

Expectations

The study aims at investigating whether a company has invested in measures aimed at reducing negative practices among the employees. From the topic scenario, the organization can initiate seminars and workshops to train the employees about personal responsibility in eradicating work-related discrimination. From this perspective, positive employees’ attitude is developed from training and education.

On the other hand, the company can balance the number of employees in every department to establish equity. In addition, the strategy improves employees’ performance and interpersonal relations (Gregory, 2003). The study expects the organization to introduce employees’ training especially on communication principles and interpersonal relationships. From the topic, policies that deter discrimination in the workplace will be discussed in detail.

The research will investigate how the organization views and promotes diversity. According to Paludi (2012), diversity in a working environment is a positive element. The research will investigate whether diversity offers the organization a chance to monitor employees’ behavior and attitude towards the current job. In addition, the research will assess whether the organization has used diversity to harness different abilities for the common good.

In addition, the research will focus on whether the employees are trained on communication principles. The researcher will observe whether the employees are advised on how to relate with fellow workers and the customers. Information on conflicts how is avoided in the workplace by educating workers on interpersonal relationships and work ethics is an important aspect of the research.

Moreover, the research will evaluate how the company can devise policies that deter discrimination in the workplace. In this context, the policies are to determine penalties for an employee who engages in discriminatory activities. Other important aspects of the research will focus on the role of the human resource department in resolving discrimination cases. In this regard, the human resource department is to issue disciplinary measures against an employee who violates the discrimination policy. Investigating the employees’ adherence to the organization’s rules and policies is a critical element in deterring discrimination in the workplace. The research will evaluate the effectiveness of the established punitive measures.

Gregory, R. F. (2003). Women and Workplace Discrimination: Overcoming Barriers to Gender Equality. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.

Harvey, C & Allard, M. J. (2014). Understanding and Managing Diversity: Readings, Cases, and Exercises. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Education, Limited.

Paludi, M. A. (2012). Managing Diversity in Today’s Workplace: Strategies for Employees and Employers. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, LLC.

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IvyPanda. (2022, September 13). Investigating the Discrimination in the Workplace. https://ivypanda.com/essays/investigating-the-discrimination-in-the-workplace/

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Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Investigating the Discrimination in the Workplace." September 13, 2022. https://ivypanda.com/essays/investigating-the-discrimination-in-the-workplace/.

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LGBT People’s Experiences of Workplace Discrimination and Harassment

• Full Report

Using survey data collected in May 2021, this report examines the lifetime, five-year, and past-year experiences of discrimination among LGBT employees. It is one of the first studies to look at LGBT employment discrimination during the COVID-19 pandemic and in the year following Bostock v. Clayton County.

• Brad Sears Founding Executive Director
• Christy Mallory Legal Director
• Andrew R. Flores Affiliated Scholar
• Kerith J. Conron Research Director

Executive Summary

Over 8 million workers in the U.S. identify as LGBT. 1 Employment discrimination and harassment against LGBT people has been documented in a variety of sources and found to negatively impact employees’ health and wellbeing and to reduce job commitment and satisfaction.  

This report examines experiences of employment discrimination and harassment against LGBT adults using a survey of 935 LGBT adults conducted in May of 2021. Lifetime, five-year, and past-year discrimination were assessed among adults employed as of March 2020—just before many workplaces were forced to shut down because of COVID-19.  

Accordingly, this survey is one of the first to gather in formation about experiences of sexual orientation and gender identity employment discrimination during the COVID-19 pandemic and in the year following the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in Bostock v. Clayton County , 2   which held that employment discrimination against LGBT people is prohibited by the Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. 3

Our analysis indicates that employment discrimination against LGBT people continues to be persistent and widespread. Over 40% of LGBT workers (45.5%) reported experiencing unfair treatment at work, including being fired, not hired, or harassed because of their sexual orientation or gender identity at some point in their lives. This discrimination and harassment is ongoing: nearly one-third (31.1%) of LGBT respondents reported that they experienced discrimination or harassment within the past five years.  

Overall, 8.9% of employed LGBT people reported that they were fired or not hired because of their sexual orientation or gender identity in the past year, including 11.3% of LGBT employees of color and 6.5% of white LGBT employees. The percentage was five times as high for those who were out as LGBT to at least some people at work as compared to those who were not out (10.9% compared to 2.2%).  

Over half (57.0%) of LGBT employees who experienced discrimination or harassment at work reported that their employer or co-workers did or said something to indicate that the unfair treatment that they experienced was motivated by religious beliefs. Nearly two-thirds (63.5%) of LGBT employees of color said that religion was a motivating factor in their experiences of workplace discrimination compared to 49.4% of white LGBT employees.  

Many employees also reported engaging in behaviors to avoid discrimination and harassment, including hiding their LGBT identity and changing their physical appearance, and many left their jobs or considered leaving their jobs because of unfair treatment.  

While the key findings of the report are summarized below, the full report includes several quotes from respondents providing more detail about their experiences of discrimination and harassment in the workplace.  

Key Findings

• One-third (33.2%) of LGBT employees of color and one-quarter (26.3%) of white LGBT employees reported experiencing employment discrimination (being fired or not hired) because of their sexual orientation or gender identity.
• LGBT employees of color were significantly more likely to report not being hired because of their sexual orientation or gender identity than white LGBT employees: 29.0% of LGBT employees of color reported not being hired based on their LGBT status compared to 18.3% of white LGBT employees.  

Transgender 4   employees were also significantly more likely to experience discrimination based on their LGBT status than cisgender LGB employees: Nearly half (48.8%) of transgender employees reported experiencing discrimination (being fired or not hired) based on their LGBT status compared to 27.8% of cisgender LGB employees. More specifically, over twice as many transgender employees reported not being hired (43.9%) because of their LGBT status compared to LGB employees (21.5%).  

• Beyond being fired or not being hired, respondents also reported other types of unfair treatment based on their sexual orientation and gender identity, including not being promoted, not receiving raises, being treated differently than those with different-sex partners, having their schedules changed or reduced, and being excluded from company events.
• One in five (20.8%) LGBT employees reported experiencing physical harassment because of their sexual orientation or gender identity. Reports of physical harassment included being “punched,” “hit,” and ‘beaten up” in the workplace.  
• LGBT employees of color were significantly more likely to report experiencing verbal harassment (35.6% compared to 25.9%) at work because of their sexual orientation or gender identity than white LGBT employees. In addition, transgender employees were significantly more likely to report experiencing verbal harassment over the course of their careers than cisgender LGB employees (43.8% compared to 29.3%). In many cases, the verbal harassment came from employees’ supervisors and co-workers, as well as customers.  
• One in four (25.9%) LGBT employees reported experiencing sexual harassment in the workplace because of their sexual orientation and gender identity at some point in their careers. Although transgender employees were not more likely than cisgender employees to report sexual harassment over the course of their careers, they were twice as likely to report recent experiences of sexual harassment: 22.4% reported sexual harassment in the past five years compared to 11.9% of cisgender LGB employees.  
• Workplace culture: Two-thirds (67.5%) of LGBT employees reported that they have heard negative comments, slurs, or jokes about LGBTQ people at work. Many LGBT people reported being called or hearing words like “f****t,” “queer,” “sissy,” “tranny,” and “dyke” in the workplace.  
• LGBT people continue to experience workplace discrimination even after the U.S. Supreme Court extended non-discrimination protections to LGBT people nationwide in Bostock v. Clayton County . Nine percent (8.9%) of LGBT employees reported that they were fired or not hired because of their sexual orientation or gender identity in the past year.  
• One in ten (11.3%) LGBT employees of color reported experiencing some form of employment discrimination (including being fired or not hired) based on their sexual orientation or gender identity within the past year.
• Of those employees who experienced discrimination or harassment at some point in their lives, 63.5% of LGBT employees of color said that religion was a motivating factor compared to 49.4% of white LGBT employees.  
• Those who are out to at least some people in the workplace were three times more likely to report experiences of discrimination or harassment because of their sexual orientation or gender identity than those who are not out to anyone in the workplace (53.3% compared to 17.9%).  
• While approximately 7% of those who are not out to anyone in the workplace reported experiencing verbal (7.4%) or physical (7.4%) harassment because of their sexual orientation or gender identity, of those who are out to at least some people in the workplace, about one in three reported experiencing verbal harassment (37.8%) and one in four (25.0%) reported experiencing physical harassment.  
• In terms of discrimination in the past year—post- Bostock —those who are out to at least some people in the workplace were five times more likely to report experiencing discrimination (including being fired or not hired) because of their sexual orientation or gender identity than those who are not out to anyone (10.9% compared to 2.2%).  
• Transgender employees were significantly more likely to engage in covering behaviors than cisgender LGB employees. For example, 36.4% of transgender employees said that they changed their physical appearance and 27.5% said they changed their bathroom use at work compared to 23.3% and 14.9% of cisgender LGB employees.  
• Retention: One-third (34.2%) of LGBT employees said that they have left a job because of how they were treated by their employer based on their sexual orientation or gender identity.  

Download the full report

Related Publications

Lgbt discrimination, subnational public policy, and law in the united states, title vii cases: amicus briefs, legal protections for lgbt people after bostock v. clayton county.

Kerith J. Conron & Shoshana K. Goldberg, Williams Inst., LGBT People in the US Not Protected by State NonDiscrimination Statutes 1 (2020) , https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/publications/lgbt-nondiscrimination-statutes.

140 S. Ct. 1731 (2020).  

42 U.S.C. § 2000e-2(a).

Participants who selected gender identity response options, including male, female, transgender, and nonbinary, that differed from their sex assigned at birth, were classified as transgender.