essay about service delivery protests

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Poor service delivery deprives people of dignity and their basic human rights

Service delivery protests have long been part of South Africa’s fabric. It is a constitutional right in this country to protest, and for many it feels like the only way they can get the government to sit up and take notice of the service delivery issues in their communities. 

The South African Police Service (SAPS) Incident Registration Information System (IRIS) documented 909 service delivery protests that took place between August 2020 and January 2021, with the COVID-19 pandemic doing little to stop them. Almost every week, the media reports more and more incidents of service delivery protests across the country. Yet, protests seem to do little in the way of prompting the government into action to improve service delivery. 

Recently we saw escalating violence in Harrismith where residents are fed-up and angry about the state of service delivery. Many reported protests in the Eastern Cape have been around poor sanitation – from sewage overflowing , to residents required to relieve themselves in bushes due to the lack of sanitation infrastructure and pigs eating their excrement .

Amnesty International South Africa’s team held a brainstorming discussion on the topic of service delivery in the country. Some of the thoughts and phrases captured were: people suffering; failure by government; lazy officials; corruption; ineffectiveness; inequality; bad quality; and as George Orwell wrote: “all animals are equal, but some are more equal than others”. 

Nationally, service delivery leaves much to be desired. Access to basic services in South Africa is largely crippled by the mismanagement of public funds, a lack of prioritisation by government, and a legacy of spatial segregation and unequal development, at the local level.

With a housing backlog growing at a rate of 178,000 per year, the announced budget cut for the Department of Human Settlements of R486.9 million over the next three years is frightening.

According to the National Water and Sanitation Plan , in some municipalities, only 50% of residents have access to adequate sanitation facilities; sanitation facilities in at least 26% of households within formal areas do not meet the required standard due to crumbling infrastructure; over 3 million people do not have access to basic water supply; and only 64% of households have access to a safe and reliable water supply. In a world battling a deadly pandemic, where water and sanitation is crucial for the protection of human health , these figures are a stark reminder of the increased risk millions of people are faced with due to basic service delivery failures. 

With frustration, disappointment and desperation growing day-by-day and spilling over into both peaceful and violent service delivery protests, when will the government take heed? Does it take a multi-million-rand company leaving an area after years of service delivery issues for local government to finally spring into action, as is the case with the Clover factory currently moving its operations from Lichtenburg in the North West to Queensburgh in eThekwini? Are the voices of their constituents not enough? Is their oath to “solemnly promise to perform [their] functions and duties as a Councillor of [municipality] to the best of my ability”, as well as their constitutional mandate to “promote a safe and healthy environment”, not enough for them to take action and develop functioning municipalities fit to live in?  

The demands are simple – water, housing, sanitation, road repairs, electricity, and street lighting. Is this too much to ask for, when people living in South Africa are constitutionally entitled to have their basic needs met? 

At AISA, we went back to basics to ask ourselves why service delivery is important. The answers — it is to live a life with dignity; to live in a safe environment; for people to access and realise their basic human rights enshrined in international and national legislation; to reduce poverty; to raise the living standards of the poor majority; and for greater equality. 

While this is not an exhaustive list by any means, it is for these reasons (and more) that we must remind duty bearers that, not only do they have a constitutional mandate to uphold in providing effective service delivery, but a moral and ethical one too. 

Local government officials must take their oath seriously and fulfil their constitutional mandate to provide basic human rights and services, such as housing, water and sanitation, so that all who live in South Africa can live a life of dignity, equality and safety.

With local government elections currently scheduled to take place on 27 October this year, we have an opportunity to make our voices heard. AISA is launching a campaign this week, to call on the Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs, as the body overseeing municipalities, to ensure that all municipalities fulfil their constitutional mandate to provide basic services to everyone in South Africa.

Through the campaign we will be highlighting the current status of service delivery as it pertains to housing, water and sanitation; failures by local government to live up to their promises; and calling for transparency in the management of public funds and decision making, accountability to commitments made to ensure equitable delivery of basic services, and access to information to promote active citizenry, to be prioritised by municipal officials.

The delivery of basic services is directly correlated to the attainment of basic human rights. It is time for us to take a stand and ensure that elected officials truly represent their constituents’ needs and that human rights are being upheld.

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Articles on Service delivery protests

Displaying 1 - 20 of 23 articles.

How democracy can work at community level: 3 lessons from a South African protest movement

Luke Sinwell , University of Johannesburg

South Africa’s public service is dysfunctional – the 5 main reasons why

Marcel Nagar , University of Johannesburg

South Africa has been warned that it faces an ‘Arab Spring’: so what are the chances?

Sandy Africa , University of Pretoria

South Africa’s political risk profile has gone up a few notches: but it’s not yet a failed state

Theo Neethling , University of the Free State

What lies behind social unrest in South Africa, and what might be done about it

Justin Visagie , Human Sciences Research Council ; Ivan Turok , Human Sciences Research Council , and Sharlene Swartz , Human Sciences Research Council

Fixing local government in South Africa needs political solutions, not technical ones

Steven Friedman , University of Johannesburg

South Africa needs to address the lingering legacy of its police using excessive force

Frans Viljoen , University of Pretoria

South Africans are revolting against inept local government. Why it matters

David Everatt , University of the Witwatersrand

Delivery rider deaths highlight need to make streets safer for everyone

Amelia Thorpe , UNSW Sydney

The ANC insists it’s still a political vanguard: this is what ails democracy in South Africa

Heidi Brooks , Mapungubwe Institute for Strategic Reflection

Book review: lessons from a township that resisted apartheid

Black South Africans explain who they voted for in last poll, and why

Carin Runciman , University of Johannesburg and Marcel Paret , University of Utah

More countries need to give peaceful protest the chance it deserves

Christof Heyns , University of Pretoria

Local radio is plugging gaps in South Africa’s mainstream media coverage

Franz Krüger , University of the Witwatersrand

Electoral systems need urgent reform. South Africa is no exception

Roger Southall , University of the Witwatersrand

How portrayal of protest in South Africa denigrates poor people

The ANC must offer more than promises to win over South Africans

Joleen Steyn Kotze , University of the Free State

Can the centre hold, or will South Africa get its own Bolsonaro?

South Africans come off second best as politicians play havoc with coalitions

Local government in South Africa is in crisis. How it can be fixed

Dirk Brand , Stellenbosch University

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Table 1 displays common themes that have emerged from the critically reviewed literature on the service delivery protests. A number of researchers have consistently concluded that unfulfilled promises on basic service delivery, such as access to proper housing, have triggered the service delivery protests. The table also shows that poor and inadequate communication channels between government and local communities have exacerbated service delivery protests, mostly in urban areas. Furthermore, some researchers have concluded that local communities are inadequately consulted on government programmes and initiatives, with the majority of them not participating in government projects.

The literature study has shown there are misconceptions concerning the labelling of public protests as ‘service delivery protests’ as some studies are not underpinned by any theory; nor do they generate any. It is recommended that future researchers locate protests within particular theoretical frameworks in order to contribute to the body of scholarly knowledge. It is evident from the available literature that most ‘service delivery protests’ occur in Gauteng and the Eastern Cape provinces, yet a few studies have been conducted in these provinces. An understanding of the protest phenomenon will be enhanced if future researchers conduct scholarly and empirical studies in rural, urban and rural–urban fringe areas of these provinces to determine underlying causes of ‘service delivery protests’ and dimensions, which are linked to municipalities.

Given that previous studies conducted by some scholars are not systematic, not anecdotal and, mostly, not academic, it is problematic to attribute ‘service delivery protests’ to municipal employees not performing up to standard. Furthermore, the public has no reliable means to measure or ascertain how good municipal official’s competency levels are and how well they are performing. Future researchers need to focus on determining the performance levels of municipal employees and assessing their competency levels using mixed-methods research to ensure that their findings are reliable and valid. Such systematic approaches will assist in developing relationships between service delivery, protests and dimensions of the ‘service delivery protests’. Nyar and Wray ( 2012 ) argue that service delivery is a complex phenomenon that requires further critical examination and rigorous and coordinated data collection initiatives. The development of comprehensive, informed and reliable data sources could improve critical reflections on the meanings and consequences of ‘service delivery protest’ for transformation and development at community level.

To sum up, this literature review study recognises three major limitations in published studies on ‘service delivery protests’. Firstly, there is a paucity of studies between 1994 and 2000. Secondly, most studies are narrative analyses of protest events not grounded in any research philosophy, tradition, theory or framework. Lastly, most of the studies are qualitative, with no ways to test the reliability and validity and, consequently, the acceptability of their findings. To address the theoretical, conceptual and methodological shortcomings observed in the previously published scholarly works on service delivery protests, future researchers should conduct case research studies in different provinces, such as the Eastern Cape province (which is mostly rural), which has seen an increase in service delivery protests in 2018 compared to other provinces. A mixed-methods research approach should be followed with the various stakeholders sampled, including traditional leaders, civil society groups, activists, ward councillors, SAPS, municipal officials and the ward committees. The structured questionnaires should be used to test the householders’ perceptions about the underlying causes of service delivery protests. In-depth interviews and focused group discussions should be conducted in order to determine new theories, concepts, themes or dimensions and trends.

Acknowledgements

Competing interests.

The author has declared that no competing interests exist.

Author’s contributions

B.S.N. wrote this article independently without any assistance.

Ethical considerations

This article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects.

Funding information

This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.

Data availability statement

Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.

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Service Delivery Protest In South Africa: Policing, Causes and Crowd Management

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