essay on terrorism robbery and kidnapping

Terror attacks and kidnappings spread in Nigeria: why Lagos could be a target

Senior Lecturer, Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Olabisi Onabanjo University

Disclosure statement

Adewumi I. Badiora does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

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Crimes that were previously associated with Nigeria’s northern region – like kidnapping for ransom and terrorism – appear to be spreading to the south-west region, including Lagos. Adewumi Badiora, an urban and community safety researcher , outlines urgent steps that must be taken to keep banditry and insecurity out of Lagos.

What is the current state of banditry and terror attacks in Nigeria?

Banditry has existed for years in Nigeria. State security officers call it a complex, violent crime involving terrorism, jihad insurgencies, armed robbery, murder, kidnapping, rape and the illegal possession of firearms. It has gained a base in the country’s north-eastern, north-western and some north-central states.

According to the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project , activities by bandit gangs increased by 731% between 2018 and 2022, and there were around 13,485 banditry-related deaths between January 2010 and May 2023.

How do we know Lagos could be a target and why?

In July 2022, the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps placed all its state commands on alert following intelligence reports that elements of the Boko Haram terrorists as well as those of Islamic State West Africa Province had heightened plots to attack Nigeria’s commercial capital, Lagos.

Several other threats have been issued since then but none seems to have been fully carried out.

Crimes like kidnappings have become increasingly common in the Nigerian south-west, however, including Lagos. Recent research by the polling service NOIPolls put south-west as the epicentre of kidnapping after north-central.

Large attacks in the country’s south-west were relatively rare until double massacres in Owo, Ondo state, in 2022. These attacks have been traced to bandits .

In January 2024, gunmen on the Lagos-Ibadan corridor abducted political figures. The same month, gunmen killed two traditional rulers in Ekiti state. In May, seven travellers were abducted and another one killed by bandits on the Sagamu-Ijebu-Ode expressway.

These are some of the signs that insecurity is being experienced within the Lagos region.

In my recent research , I identified that Lagos could become a target for banditry and terrorism for several reasons. I surveyed a total of 288 residents of Lagos to find out their concerns for safety and implications for individual and city-level security planning.

First, Lagos has a vulnerable population. Terrorist groups aim to harm innocent people to gain political attention or military objectives. Any attack on a part of Lagos (like a church, mosque, market or bus stop) is likely to cause mass deaths of innocent people.

Second, Lagos has strategic political and economic importance in Nigeria and Africa. A bandit attack would undermine this and make an impact on the nation’s economy, politics and governance.

Like Abuja, Lagos is heavily protected. A bandit attack that penetrated the city’s security would have propaganda value.

There is widespread youth unemployment and inequality in Lagos, and different ethnic groups coexist. This creates tension which could enable bandit groups to mix with residents, particularly disadvantaged youth in the slum settlements.

In my research , 37% of my respondents said their families or community members had experienced shooting or kidnapping in Lagos. For most of my respondents, this happened during clashes among different violent groups. Respondents also mentioned cases of kidnapping and other violent crime.

These residents of Lagos appeared afraid. My research respondents (78%) were very concerned about their safety. Almost all (90%) had been forced to make changes in their daily lives. Some were considering moving away. Women and girls were the worst affected. Some communities had taken greater safety precautions.

What are the implications of this threat?

My research findings show that if this trend of spreading insecurity continues, farmers may become more frightened to go to farm, causing food insecurity.

The livelihoods of people who work and trade in the informal sector and formal businesses could be undermined by banditry.

Enterprises may begin to close or relocate, and this would add to the youth unemployment crisis.

Lagos is the foremost commercial hub of Nigeria, offering manufacturing and a huge, accessible market within the African economic zone. The embryonic banditry around the city borders poses a severe risk to this regional economic growth.

What urban design security planning must be done to make Lagos secure?

Based on the results of my study, I outline some of the things that could turn the tide of banditry and insecurity in Lagos:

ensure perpetrators and their sponsors are caught and face the law

beef up security and check-points on all roads and in public places and forests in the south-west

address underlying socio-economic drivers and enablers of insecurity

push for state policing or reinvigorate the Amotekun security approaches with training and equipment (Amotekun is a paramilitary security network)

enable local communities to fight banditry, as opposed to top-down strategies.

Further planning of Lagos should prevent excessive sprawl and vulnerable development at border communities. At present, Lagos has over 157 vulnerable communities deserving of urgent planning attention. These areas have been identified as tactical shelters for criminals.

Bandits sometimes use motorcycles to attack soft targets. Urban design that uses physical barriers should be considered. Small bends, bumps or turns in roads could limit the speed at which motorcycle attacks can be launched.

Improved policing and smart monitoring systems, such as smart CCTV and advanced street lighting, would help.

Cooperation from Lagos residents concerning intelligence gathering is vital. Residents should be more vigilant and report security issues to the police as soon as possible.

The approach should allow community members to take ownership of and actively participate in addressing banditry issues and challenges facing them.

• Urban planning
• Nigeria kidnapping
• rural banditry
• Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP)

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Article contents

Transnational organized crime and terrorism.

• Katharine Petrich Katharine Petrich Rockefeller College of Public Affairs and Policy, University at Albany, SUNY
• https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.705
• Published online: 19 October 2022

A significant, policy-relevant relationship exists between terrorist groups and transnational organized crime. However, definitional challenges, disciplinary boundaries, and legal logistics all contribute to the mischaracterization of the relationship, leading to piecemeal responses and uneven academic attention. International studies research tends to focus on one or the other, with an emphasis on terrorist group dynamics and choices. Two enduring rationales for separating the study of terrorism from that of transnational organized crime exist: the “greed versus grievance” debate, which argues that organizations pursue either private (financial) goals or public (social or organizational change) goals and the “methods not motives” argument, which suggests groups may overlap in their tactics but diverge in their strategic goals. Terrorist violence by criminal groups is largely held separate from the “transnational crime and terrorism” literature, often categorized instead as “criminal governance” rather than terrorism studies. The reality is much more nuanced: both group types pursue a variety of objectives and engage with a spectrum of actors which may or may not share their aspirations. Members are diverse in their priorities, a fact that is often lost when analysis collapses the rank and file with leadership into a monolithic bloc. Additionally, globalization has increased opportunities for groups to pursue different activities in different theaters. In areas where terrorist groups are contesting for political control and seeking to present themselves as viable alternative governance actors, they may be less likely to work openly with illicit actors, but in areas (or countries) where they have little governance ambition, criminal networks may be important public partners.

These groups intersect in a spectrum of ways, from engaging in temporary ad hoc relationships designed to achieve a specific goal, to fully incorporating the opposite type’s motive into organizational priorities. Political ambitions largely center on power and control, but illicit activities are wide ranging, with the most prominent involving firearms, drugs, and people. Further, there are several important enabling factors that foster these relationships, including corruption, illicit financial flows, fragile states, and lootable resources. When these enabling factors are present, diversification and relationship building are more likely, increasing organizational resilience and making demobilization less likely. These factors, particularly corruption, also increase the chances of organized crime entering the political system.

Looking ahead, both policymakers and academics should consider transnational organized crime and terrorism more holistically. Work that engages with only one element will fall short in assessing the dynamics of irregular conflict, leading to incomplete analysis and weak policy recommendations. Observers should cultivate the flexibility to think in terms of networks and variety across geographic contexts—the way that a terrorist group behaves in one area or with one type of criminal group does not necessarily predict its behavior globally.

• transnational organized crime
• irregular conflict
• illicit economies
• trafficking
• black market
• law enforcement

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Woman accused of kidnapping her son from DSS

WATERTOWN, New York (WWNY) - A Watertown woman is accused of kidnapping her son from Jefferson County’s Department of Social Services Wednesday morning and fleeing the scene in a stolen vehicle.

Watertown city court papers show that 28-year-old Renee Rink allegedly grabbed the juvenile from DSS around 9 a.m. and ran outside into the parking lot, where she twisted away from DSS personnel who were trying to stop her from taking her son.

That move, court papers say, injured the child, who had to be hospitalized.

Rink’s actions violated a stay-away order of protection.

Rink is also accused of attempting to flee by stealing a vehicle. She allegedly jumped on the hood of a 2023 Ford Bronco, then onto the roof, then back onto the hood, where she kicked out the windshield. She jumped into the driver’s seat when the driver left the vehicle to call 911.

Bystanders pulled her from the vehicle and restrained her until police arrived.

She was charged with second-degree kidnapping, first-degree criminal contempt, endangering the welfare of a child, second-degree robbery, and third-degree criminal mischief.

Rink was arraigned in Watertown city court, where she was committed to jail on $50,000 bail.

Copyright 2024 WWNY. All rights reserved.

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• Topic 1. Contemporary issues relating to conditions conducive both to the spread of terrorism and the rule of law
• Topic 2. Contemporary issues relating to the right to life
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• Roles of Participants
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• Recommended Topics
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• Typologies of Criminal Behaviour Associated with Terrorism
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• ‘Outside the Box’ Methodologies
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• Crime of Trafficking in Persons
• The Issue of Consent
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E4J University Module Series: Organized Crime / Counter-Terrorism

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Kidnapping for ransom and terrorism

• Exploitation of natural resources and terrorism

Case studies

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Published March 2019

Regional Perspective: Eastern and Southern Africa - added in April 2020

   This module is a resource for lecturers   

Kidnapping-for-ransom, or hostage-taking, is defined in the International Convention against the Taking of Hostages :

Any person who seizes or detains and threatens to kill, to injure or to continue to detain another person in order to compel a third party, namely, a State, an international intergovernmental organization, a natural or juridical person, or a group of persons, to do or abstain from doing any act as an explicit or implicit condition for the release of hostages (article 1).

From 1970-2010, kidnapping incidents represented a small portion of all terrorist attacks (6.9%), however, through 2016 the percentage of kidnappings has jumped significantly to 15.8% of all terrorist attacks (Global Terrorism Database, 2018). In 2017, the total number of terrorist attacks (8,584 worldwide) decreased by 23 percent and the number of casualties due to terrorist attacks decreased by 27 percent, compared to 2016. The number of kidnapping victims and hostages recorded in this year were more than 8,900, which signifies a 43 percent decline from 2016 and a notable shift from previous years, which saw sharp increases in this figure. Globally, bombings and explosions accounted for 47 per cent of attacks in that year. Armed assault was the next most common form of attack in accounting for 22 per cent, followed by facility/infrastructure attacks (12 per cent), hostage taking (10 per cent) and assassinations (8 per cent).

Nasser Al-Wuhayshi, former leader of Yemen-based Al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula, called kidnapping "an easy spoil... a profitable trade and a precious treasure" (Rhode, 2014). Oumar Ould Hamaha, commander of the Mali-based Al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), noted in a newspaper interview: "lots of Western countries are paying enormous sums to the jihadists. The source of our financing is the Western countries. They are paying for jihad" (Nossiter, 2012).

Between 2008 and 2014, Al-Qaida and its direct affiliates made at least $125 million in revenue from kidnappings, $66 million of which was collected in 2013 (Callimachi, 2014). It is estimated that Al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb received $75 million in ransom payments between 2010 and 2014 (UNSC (b), 2014). Abu Sayyaf Group has participated in kidnappings where around $1.5 million in ransoms were collected by 2014, with approximately half that amount collected in 2012 and 2013. Boko Haram has also been known to raise funds thought mass kidnapping of foreigners and civilians for ransom. According to reports, Boko Haram has a specialized kidnapping task force that sets out to abduct politicians, business people, foreigners, rulers and civil servants with the intention of later trading them back for large sums of money or for the return of other Boko Haram militants (Institute for Economics and Peace, 2017).

Next:   Exploitation of natural resources and terrorism

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In This Article Expand or collapse the "in this article" section Kidnapping

Introduction, general overviews.

• Child Kidnapping
• Terrorism and Kidnapping
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Kidnapping by Rob T. Guerette , Andrea Headley LAST REVIEWED: 25 February 2016 LAST MODIFIED: 25 February 2016 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780195396607-0195

Kidnappings refer to the taking or abduction of an individual against his or her will, usually followed by some duration of captivity. Kidnappings can be undertaken for several reasons, but the most common are for a demand of ransom payment, as a political terrorist event, or the abduction of a child, often following a child custody dispute. Kidnapping as a behavior has been documented long throughout history and was common practice among nomadic groups, who would steal brides from neighboring tribes. Studies of kidnappings have examined the topic from a variety of perspectives, including tracing the historical development of kidnapping epidemics in specific regions of the world, identification of the various typologies of kidnappings, and efforts to understand kidnappings from the offender’s perspective. Some literature has focused solely on a specific variety of kidnapping, such as child and parental kidnapping, terrorism-based kidnappings, and so-called corporate kidnappings. Other research has looked at the impact that kidnapping has on victims, families, and society at large. In focusing on the societal impact, a considerable portion of research has explored the economic benefits of kidnappings both for offenders and for secondary economic markets. Finally, research has examined approaches to the prevention of kidnappings, as well as common responses, particularly the role of media and government in kidnapping incidents. Perhaps the biggest limitation found in existing kidnapping research is the absence of empirical studies, which stems from the difficulty in obtaining systematically collected and representative data samples. Most existing empirical studies have been devoted to identifying the most problematic kidnapping countries around the world, while a handful have begun to examine patterns and trends in an effort to further theoretical foundations within the topical area.

Several scholars have characterized the nature or historical progression of kidnapping epidemics that have occurred generally and in various parts of the world, while others have traced the development of specific varieties of kidnappings, such as political or corporate. Khan and Sajid 2010 examines the circumstance of kidnapping in the North West Frontier Province of Pakistan and the limitation of existing governmental responses, while Mohamed 2008 inspects kidnapping for ransom in Southeast Asia. Ochoa 2012 highlights trends in kidnapping in Mexico City, Mexico and Wilson 1994 discusses the historical kidnappings of free blacks in the United States from 1780 to 1865. Newton 2002 gives a more general overview of kidnapping throughout history. Detotto, et al. 2014 examines duration of kidnapping events in Sardinia over time. Auerbach 1998 provides narratives that highlight the evolution and nature of ransom and politically based kidnappings. Johnson, et al. 2003 discusses the increase of corporate kidnappings in developing countries.

Auerbach, Ann H. 1998. Ransom: The untold story of international kidnapping . New York: Henry Holt.

This book employs a narrative case-study approach in combination with scientific studies to understand kidnapping worldwide. Specifically, the book looks at the growth of kidnapping for ransom and political purposes by exposing kidnapping negotiation processes.

Detotto, Claudio, Bryan C. McCannon, and Marco Vannini. 2014. Understanding ransom kidnappings and their duration. B. E. Journal of Economic Analysis & Policy 14.3: 849–871.

This paper analyzes the determinants of the length of kidnapping incidents by assessing ransom kidnappings that have occurred in Sardinia over time. A theoretical model is developed that particularly focuses on characteristics of the crime and the victim. Available online for purchase.

Johnson, Brian R., Doug McKenzie, and Greg L. Warchol. 2003. Corporate kidnapping: An exploratory study. Journal of Security Administration 26.2: 13–31.

This study examines corporate kidnapping’s beginning and rise in developing countries while offering explanations for the increase. Additionally, this paper documents the inadequacies of reporting mechanisms, which distort official numbers for recording kidnapping incidents.

Khan, Naushad Ali, and Imran A. Sajid. 2010. Kidnapping in the North West Frontier Province (NWFP) . Pakistan Journal of Criminology 2:175–187.

This study identifies reasons for kidnapping occurrences while highlighting the frequency and overarching trends in kidnapping in the North West Frontier Province. This paper also attempts to understand the deficiencies in legal responses to kidnapping in this locale.

Mohamed, Mohd K. N. 2008. Kidnap for ransom in South East Asia: The case for a regional recording standard. Asian Criminology 3.1: 61–73.

DOI: 10.1007/s11417-007-9040-1

This article advocates the need for a systematic counting method in order to understand the extent and range of kidnapping incidents. Additionally, the paper outlines some of the shortcomings of current agency statistics (e.g., variations in legal definitions, categorizing mechanisms, and counting strategies utilized). Available online for purchase.

Newton, Mike. 2002. The encyclopedia of kidnappings . New York: Checkmark.

This reference guide serves as a survey of kidnappings throughout history in order to identify kidnappers, victims, and the characteristics pertinent to the specific incident.

Ochoa, R. 2012. Not just rich: New tendencies in kidnapping in Mexico City. Global Crime 13.1: 1–21.

DOI: 10.1080/17440572.2011.632499

This paper focuses on the transformation and evolution of kidnappings in Mexico City, particularly paying attention to who is being kidnapped. The article utilizes qualitative analyses in order to provide an explanation for changes over time. Available online for purchase.

Wilson, Carol. 1994. Freedom at risk: The kidnapping of free Blacks in America, 1780–1865 . Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky.

The author utilizes archival records in order to highlight the depth and breadth of kidnapping free Blacks, particularly as it pertained to the reinforcement of the slave trade. Additionally, the author discusses the feelings and responses to such kidnappings by Black individuals.

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• The Inventory

Kidnapping for ransom has become Nigeria’s latest security problem

Frequent acts of violent crime have grown to form a major threat to Nigeria’s national security . These include instances of militancy, insurgency and banditry. Banditry includes cattle rustling, armed robbery and kidnapping for ransom.

Kidnapping has remained the most virulent form of banditry in Nigeria. It has become the most pervasive and intractable violent crime in the country.

Kidnapping can be targeted at individuals or at groups. School children have been kidnapped in groups in various parts of Nigeria. Usually, the prime targets of kidnapping for ransom are those considered to be wealthy enough to pay a fee in exchange for being freed.

Kidnapping is the unlawful detention of a person through the use of force, threats, fraud or enticement. The purpose is an illicit gain, economic or material, in exchange for liberation. It may also be used to pressure someone into doing something—or not doing something.

Nigeria has one of the world’s highest rates of kidnap-for-ransom cases. Other countries high up on the list included Venezuela, Mexico, Yemen, Syria, the Philippines, Iraq, Afghanistan and Somalia.

Thousands of Nigerians have been kidnapped for ransom and other purposes over the years . Kidnapping has prevailed in spite of measures put in place by the government. The Nigerian police’s anti-kidnapping squad, introduced in the 2000s, has endeavored to stem the menace. But this been to no avail, mainly due to a lack of manpower and poor logistics.

In my view these efforts have also failed because of weak sanctioning and deterrence mechanisms. Kidnapping thrives in an environment that condones crime; where criminal opportunism and impunity prevail over and above deterrence.

This obviously calls for an urgent review of Nigeria’s current anti-kidnapping approach to make it more effective.

Opportunistic and organized bandits

Even prior to the advent of colonialism there were recorded cases of kidnap for rape, ritual or for other purposes in various parts of Nigeria. But kidnapping today is done primarily for ransom – either money or its material equivalent to be paid for someone’s release. The underlying logic of the kidnapping enterprise is that the victim is worth a ransom value and they or their proxy have the capacity to pay.

Each victim has a so-called “kidnap ransom value” which makes them an attractive target. This value is determined by a number of factors. These include the victim’s socio-economic or political status, family or corporate premium on the victim, the type of kidnappers involved, as well as the dynamics of ransom negotiation.

The kidnapping business in Nigeria has been mostly perpetrated by criminal gangs and violent groups pursuing political agendas . Bandits have often taken to kidnapping for ransom to make money. The escapades of the famous kidnap kingpin, Evans, speak volumes of this pattern of kidnapping. Evans was a multimillionaire kidnapper who was arrested in Lagos a few years ago. He is currently is detention awaiting trial.

Organized violent groups such as militants and insurgents have also been involved in kidnap for ransom in Nigeria. Current trends have been linked back to the example set by Niger Delta militants who resorted to solo and group abductions as a means of generating funds both for private use and for the cause of a particular group.

Similarly, Boko Haram insurgents have used the proceeds of kidnapping to keep their insurgency afloat. The insurgents engage in single or group kidnapping as a means of generating money to fund their activities. Huge sums are often paid as ransom by the victims’ families and associates to secure their release.

In addition to militants and insurgents, organized local and transnational criminal syndicates have been involved. This is happening to apocalyptic proportions in North West Nigeria where rural bandits engage regularly in kidnapping in the states of Zamfara, Kaduna, Katsina, Kebbi and Sokoto.

Kidnapping has led to the loss of tens of thousands of lives and huge sums of money in Nigeria. Many of the victims of the crime have been killed in the course of their abduction, custody or release. Many more have been injured. This is in addition to huge amounts of money lost to ransom takers.

For the victims and their families and friends, the consequences are even more frightful.

Nigeria should never have got here. Kidnappers persist because the benefits of their crimes exceed the costs. So the obvious solution is to raise the costs by imposing harsher, surer penalties. The present penalty for kidnapping ranges from one to 20 years in prison, with the possibility of life imprisonment for extreme cases involving, for instance, murder.

Stricter measures, such as life imprisonment or the death penalty, may not be completely out of place in dealing with the kidnapping menace. After all, the crime of kidnapping is a maximum threat that requires an equally maximum deterrence.

Chukwuma Al Okoli , Lecturer/Resident Researcher Department of Political Science, Federal University Lafia

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article .

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Growing Nexus of Terrorism and Organized Crime: An Introduction

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• Christina Schori Liang 2  

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Terrorism has become an enduring global threat, due to an unprecedented growth in interactivity between and among a range of armed violent non-state actors, including organized criminal groups. This is due to a crisis of state fragility, as state institutions weaken and some states even face the prospect of collapse. In this absence of governance, corruption becomes rampant, in some cases allowing terrorist and criminal groups to replace state functions, further undermining the state. In this vicious cycle, these groups are beginning to cooperate on multiple levels and are sometimes even becoming hybrid organizations. This chapter will attempt to shed light on some of the key issues that have led to the nexus of crime and terror, and it will offer some innovative and strategic ideas on how best to move forward in meeting these current and future challenges.

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Liang, C.S. (2022). Growing Nexus of Terrorism and Organized Crime: An Introduction. In: Masys, A.J. (eds) Handbook of Security Science. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-51761-2_65-1

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Nigeria's security crises - five different threats

Nigeria is faced with an unprecedented wave of different but overlapping security crises - from kidnapping to extremist insurgencies - almost every corner of the country has been hit by violence and crime.

Audu Bulama Bukarti, a senior analyst on Sahel security at the Tony Blair Institute, says the scale of the insecurity threatens the very fabric of Nigerian society: "With every attack, human lives are lost or permanently damaged and faith in democracy and the country is diminishing."

When President Muhammadu Buhari was elected in 2015, he promised to protect citizens from terrorists and criminals. But there are less than two years left of his final term in office and the country is more unstable than it's been in decades.

Some have linked the recent surge of insecurity to the staggering poverty across the country. Youth unemployment currently stands at 32.5% and the country is in the middle of one of the worst economic downturns in 27 years.

Here are Nigeria's five biggest security threats:

Despite claiming during his first year in office that Islamist militant group Boko Haram had been "technically" defeated, President Buhari now admits that his government is failing to stop the insurgency, which began in the north-east.

Indeed, Boko Haram is expanding into new areas and taking advantage of Nigeria's poverty and other security challenges to fuel its extremist ideologies. According to the UN, by the end of 2020, conflict with the group had led to the deaths of almost 350,000 people and forced millions from their homes.

Boko Haram launches deadly raids, in some cases hoisting its flag and imposing extremist rule on local people. It levies taxes on farms and the sale of agricultural products. The once booming international fish market in the Chad Basin is now completely controlled by the group.

The challenge is made harder by Nigeria's ungoverned spaces - areas that are remote and largely ignored, where groups can torment rural communities without fear of reprisal.

In recent years, a splinter faction allied to the Islamic State group, called the Islamic State's West Africa Province, has surpassed Boko Haram in size and capacity. It now ranks among IS's most active affiliates in the region.

Both groups have so far resisted the government's military operations.

• ANALYSIS: Why Nigeria has failed to defeat Boko Haram

Clashes between herders and farmers

There have been violent disputes between nomadic animal herders and farmers in Nigeria for many years.

But disagreements over the use of land and water, as well as grazing routes, have been exacerbated by climate change and the spread of the Sahara Desert, as herders move further south looking for pasture. Thousands have been killed in clashes over limited resources.

Benue State, in the centre of the country, has recorded the deadliest attacks. Recently, seven people were killed when gunmen opened fire on a camp for those fleeing the conflict. Some have also blamed herders for kidnapping people and demanding a ransom.

The tension has led to some state governors banning grazing on open land, and thus creating friction with the central government.

In 2019, federal authorities launched a 10-year National Livestock Transformation Plan to curtail the movement of cattle and boost livestock production in an attempt to stop the conflict. But critics say a lack of political leadership, expertise and funding, plus delays are derailing the project.

• Could ranches solve Nigeria's deadly herder-farmer conflict?

Banditry and kidnapping

One of the scariest threats for families in Nigeria is the frequent kidnapping of schoolchildren from their classrooms and boarding houses.

More than 1,000 students have been abducted from their schools since December 2020, many only released after thousands of dollars are paid as ransom.

Some of the kidnappers are commonly referred to as "bandits" in Nigeria. These criminals raid villages, kidnap civilians and burn down houses.

Attacks by bandits have forced thousands of people to flee their homes and seek shelter in other parts of the country.

The north-west is the epicentre of these attacks. In Zamfara state alone, over 3,000 people have been killed since 2012 and the attacks are still going on. Hundreds of schools were closed following abductions at schools in Zamfara and Niger state, where children as young as three years old were seized.

By every indication, Nigeria's lucrative kidnapping industry is thriving - expanding into previously safe areas - and seemingly beyond the control of the country's army. It poses a real threat to trade and education, as well as the country's farming communities.

More on Nigeria's kidnapping crisis:

• Why schoolchildren are being abducted in Nigeria
• Why a $30m scheme failed to stop school abductions
• WATCH: Where kidnappers millions for a child's life

Separatist insurgency

A separatist group called the Indigenous People of Biafra (Ipob) has been clashing with Nigeria's security agencies. Ipob wants a group of states in the south-east, mainly made up of people from the Igbo ethnic group, to break away and form the independent nation of Biafra.

The group was founded in 2014 by Nnamdi Kanu, who was recently arrested and is set to face trial on terrorism and treason charges. His arrest has been a major blow to the movement.

The idea of Biafra is not new. In 1967, regional leaders declared an independent state, which led to a brutal civil war and the death of up to a million people.

Supporters of Nnamdi Kanu's movement have been accused of launching deadly attacks on government offices, prisons and the homes of politicians and community leaders.

President Buhari has vowed to crush Ipob. Last month he tweeted that "those misbehaving today" would be dealt with in "the language they will understand".

The post was removed by Twitter for violating its rules after Mr Buhari faced a backlash online. The incident led to the suspension of Twitter in Nigeria.

• ANALYSIS: What Kanu's arrest means for Ipob

Oil militants

In the oil-producing south, security challenges are nothing new.

It is Nigeria's biggest foreign export earner, and militants in the Niger Delta have long agitated for a greater share of the profit. They argue the majority of the oil comes from their region and the environmental damage caused by its extraction has devastated communities and made it impossible for them to fish or farm.

For years, militants pressured the government by kidnapping oil workers and launching attacks on security personnel and oil infrastructure, like pipelines.

To address this, ex-president Umaru Musa Yar'Adua launched a presidential amnesty programme in 2009, which saw the formal end of the Niger Delta militants.

But armed cult groups still pose a security challenge in the region and industry officials have been warning that militancy is once again picking up.

Who are Boko Haram?

Is africa the new jihadist battleground, how islamic state has expanded into central africa, fewer boots: radical rethink in fighting insurgencies, #bringbackourgirls explained two years on.

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Five Defendants Involved in String of Violent Crimes, Drug and Gun Offenses, And Money Laundering Have Been Sentenced

Louisville, KY – A fifth defendant was sentenced this week to 30 years in federal prison for his role in numerous felony offenses, including kidnapping, robbery, drug trafficking, and money laundering. Several other defendants were previously sentenced on the charges.

U.S. Attorney Michael A. Bennett of the Western District of Kentucky, Special Agent in Charge Michael E. Stansbury of the FBI Louisville Field Office, Chief Paul Humphrey of the Louisville Metro Police Department, Sheriff Walt Sholar of the Bullitt County Sheriff’s Office, and Sheriff John E. Aubrey of the Jefferson County Sheriff’s Office made the announcement.

According to court documents, Dayton Peterson , 24, of Louisville, was sentenced on October 22, 2024, to 30 years in prison, followed by 5 years of supervised release, for kidnapping, impersonator making arrest or search, robbery, using or carrying a firearm during and in relation to a crime of violence, conspiracy to possess with intent to distribute cocaine and heroin, possession with intent to distribute cocaine and heroin, possession of a firearm in furtherance of a drug trafficking crime, and engaging in monetary transactions derived from a specified unlawful activity.

Joshua Lohden , 26, of Louisville was sentenced on July 24, 2024, to 22 years in prison, followed by 5 years of supervised release, for kidnapping, impersonator making arrest or search, possession of a firearm in furtherance of a drug trafficking crime, and robbery.

David Langdon , 39, of Louisville was sentenced on September 11, 2024, to 11 years and 5 months in prison, followed by 5 years of supervised release, for kidnapping, impersonator making arrest or search, robbery, possession with intent to distribute methamphetamine, cocaine, and fentanyl, possession of a firearm by a convicted felon, and possession of a firearm in furtherance of a drug trafficking crime.  On or about August 23, 2022,  Langdon was prohibited from possessing a firearm because he had previously been convicted of the following felony offenses.

On October 14, 2015, in Jefferson County Circuit Court, Langdon was convicted of possession of a handgun by a convicted felon, trafficking in a controlled substance in the first degree, and possession of a controlled substance in the first degree.

On October 15, 2015, in Jefferson County Circuit Court, Langdon was convicted of trafficking in a controlled substance in the first degree greater than 2 grams of heroin.

J. Louis Nance ,   34, of Louisville was sentenced on July 24, 2024, to 6 years in prison, followed by 5 years of supervised release, for kidnapping and impersonator making arrest or search.

Samantha Trummer , 30, of Louisville was sentenced on July 22, 2024, to 4 years of probation for engaging in monetary transactions derived from a specified unlawful activity.

John Lohden  is awaiting sentencing.

Defendants Dayton Peterson , John Lohden , and Samantha Trummer were found guilty after a 10-day jury trial in March of 2024. The remaining defendants pleaded guilty prior to trial.

There is no parole in the federal system.

The FBI, LMPD, Jefferson County Sheriff’s Office, and Bullitt County Sheriff’s Office investigated the case, with assistance from the ATF, IRS, DEA, and Kentucky State Police.

Assistant U.S. Attorneys Alicia P. Gomez and Frank E. Dahl III are prosecuting the case, with assistance from paralegal Adela Alic.

This case is part of Project Safe Neighborhoods (PSN), a program bringing together all levels of law enforcement and the communities they serve to reduce violent crime and gun violence, and to make our neighborhoods safer for everyone. On May 26, 2021, the Department launched a violent crime reduction strategy strengthening PSN based on these core principles: fostering trust and legitimacy in our communities, supporting community-based organizations that help prevent violence from occurring in the first place, setting focused and strategic enforcement priorities, and measuring the results.

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