woman working essay

Women’s Work Advantages and Disadvantages Essay

This argumentative essay about women’s work explains all the disadvantages and advantages of being a woman in the workplace. The positive and negative effects of being a working mother are also presented, so you might draw your own conclusion on the issue.

Introduction

• Disadvantages

In today’s world, women take active roles in employment, unlike during the olden days when they stayed at home and took care of their families. Women taking active roles in jobs have advantages and disadvantages. In contemporary society, women and men have equal opportunities for employment.

Working Women Advantages

The advantages of women working include more income for their families, the opportunity to explore their talents, and the promotion of economic growth. When women work, they make money that adds to their families’ financial well-being. This helps pay bills, buy food, and educate children. Women have goals and objectives to achieve in their lives. Working allows them to pursue their dreams and talents, as well as work on their goals by pursuing careers of their choice. Finally, women who work contribute towards economic growth through their jobs.

Women’s Work Disadvantages

Disadvantages for working women include the absence of enough time for their families, pressure from work-related stress, and conflicts of interest. Working women have little time to take care of their families because their jobs are very demanding and time-consuming. Many jobs are very stressful, and many women cannot handle high levels of work-related stress. Their nature predisposes them to anxiety and depression more than when compared to men. Finally, there is a conflict of interests. Their roles as mothers compromise their performance at work. They use working hours to take care of their children at the expense of their jobs.

Today, women seek employment opportunities just like men. This increases income for their families and gives them opportunities to explore their talents by pursuing careers of their choice. However, it affects their families because they do not spend enough time with their children. In addition, their role as mothers has involved my performance at work.

• Chicago (A-D)
• Chicago (N-B)

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Report | Wages, Incomes, and Wealth

“Women’s work” and the gender pay gap : How discrimination, societal norms, and other forces affect women’s occupational choices—and their pay

Report • By Jessica Schieder and Elise Gould • July 20, 2016

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What this report finds: Women are paid 79 cents for every dollar paid to men—despite the fact that over the last several decades millions more women have joined the workforce and made huge gains in their educational attainment. Too often it is assumed that this pay gap is not evidence of discrimination, but is instead a statistical artifact of failing to adjust for factors that could drive earnings differences between men and women. However, these factors—particularly occupational differences between women and men—are themselves often affected by gender bias. For example, by the time a woman earns her first dollar, her occupational choice is the culmination of years of education, guidance by mentors, expectations set by those who raised her, hiring practices of firms, and widespread norms and expectations about work–family balance held by employers, co-workers, and society. In other words, even though women disproportionately enter lower-paid, female-dominated occupations, this decision is shaped by discrimination, societal norms, and other forces beyond women’s control.

Why it matters, and how to fix it: The gender wage gap is real—and hurts women across the board by suppressing their earnings and making it harder to balance work and family. Serious attempts to understand the gender wage gap should not include shifting the blame to women for not earning more. Rather, these attempts should examine where our economy provides unequal opportunities for women at every point of their education, training, and career choices.

Introduction and key findings

Women are paid 79 cents for every dollar paid to men (Hegewisch and DuMonthier 2016). This is despite the fact that over the last several decades millions more women have joined the workforce and made huge gains in their educational attainment.

Critics of this widely cited statistic claim it is not solid evidence of economic discrimination against women because it is unadjusted for characteristics other than gender that can affect earnings, such as years of education, work experience, and location. Many of these skeptics contend that the gender wage gap is driven not by discrimination, but instead by voluntary choices made by men and women—particularly the choice of occupation in which they work. And occupational differences certainly do matter—occupation and industry account for about half of the overall gender wage gap (Blau and Kahn 2016).

To isolate the impact of overt gender discrimination—such as a woman being paid less than her male coworker for doing the exact same job—it is typical to adjust for such characteristics. But these adjusted statistics can radically understate the potential for gender discrimination to suppress women’s earnings. This is because gender discrimination does not occur only in employers’ pay-setting practices. It can happen at every stage leading to women’s labor market outcomes.

Take one key example: occupation of employment. While controlling for occupation does indeed reduce the measured gender wage gap, the sorting of genders into different occupations can itself be driven (at least in part) by discrimination. By the time a woman earns her first dollar, her occupational choice is the culmination of years of education, guidance by mentors, expectations set by those who raised her, hiring practices of firms, and widespread norms and expectations about work–family balance held by employers, co-workers, and society. In other words, even though women disproportionately enter lower-paid, female-dominated occupations, this decision is shaped by discrimination, societal norms, and other forces beyond women’s control.

This paper explains why gender occupational sorting is itself part of the discrimination women face, examines how this sorting is shaped by societal and economic forces, and explains that gender pay gaps are present even  within  occupations.

Key points include:

• Gender pay gaps within occupations persist, even after accounting for years of experience, hours worked, and education.
• Decisions women make about their occupation and career do not happen in a vacuum—they are also shaped by society.
• The long hours required by the highest-paid occupations can make it difficult for women to succeed, since women tend to shoulder the majority of family caretaking duties.
• Many professions dominated by women are low paid, and professions that have become female-dominated have become lower paid.

This report examines wages on an hourly basis. Technically, this is an adjusted gender wage gap measure. As opposed to weekly or annual earnings, hourly earnings ignore the fact that men work more hours on average throughout a week or year. Thus, the hourly gender wage gap is a bit smaller than the 79 percent figure cited earlier. This minor adjustment allows for a comparison of women’s and men’s wages without assuming that women, who still shoulder a disproportionate amount of responsibilities at home, would be able or willing to work as many hours as their male counterparts. Examining the hourly gender wage gap allows for a more thorough conversation about how many factors create the wage gap women experience when they cash their paychecks.

Within-occupation gender wage gaps are large—and persist after controlling for education and other factors

Those keen on downplaying the gender wage gap often claim women voluntarily choose lower pay by disproportionately going into stereotypically female professions or by seeking out lower-paid positions. But even when men and women work in the same occupation—whether as hairdressers, cosmetologists, nurses, teachers, computer engineers, mechanical engineers, or construction workers—men make more, on average, than women (CPS microdata 2011–2015).

As a thought experiment, imagine if women’s occupational distribution mirrored men’s. For example, if 2 percent of men are carpenters, suppose 2 percent of women become carpenters. What would this do to the wage gap? After controlling for differences in education and preferences for full-time work, Goldin (2014) finds that 32 percent of the gender pay gap would be closed.

However, leaving women in their current occupations and just closing the gaps between women and their male counterparts within occupations (e.g., if male and female civil engineers made the same per hour) would close 68 percent of the gap. This means examining why waiters and waitresses, for example, with the same education and work experience do not make the same amount per hour. To quote Goldin:

Another way to measure the effect of occupation is to ask what would happen to the aggregate gender gap if one equalized earnings by gender within each occupation or, instead, evened their proportions for each occupation. The answer is that equalizing earnings within each occupation matters far more than equalizing the proportions by each occupation. (Goldin 2014)

This phenomenon is not limited to low-skilled occupations, and women cannot educate themselves out of the gender wage gap (at least in terms of broad formal credentials). Indeed, women’s educational attainment outpaces men’s; 37.0 percent of women have a college or advanced degree, as compared with 32.5 percent of men (CPS ORG 2015). Furthermore, women earn less per hour at every education level, on average. As shown in Figure A , men with a college degree make more per hour than women with an advanced degree. Likewise, men with a high school degree make more per hour than women who attended college but did not graduate. Even straight out of college, women make $4 less per hour than men—a gap that has grown since 2000 (Kroeger, Cooke, and Gould 2016).

Women earn less than men at every education level : Average hourly wages, by gender and education, 2015

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The data underlying the figure.

Source :  EPI analysis of Current Population Survey Outgoing Rotation Group microdata

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Steering women to certain educational and professional career paths—as well as outright discrimination—can lead to different occupational outcomes

The gender pay gap is driven at least in part by the cumulative impact of many instances over the course of women’s lives when they are treated differently than their male peers. Girls can be steered toward gender-normative careers from a very early age. At a time when parental influence is key, parents are often more likely to expect their sons, rather than their daughters, to work in science, technology, engineering, or mathematics (STEM) fields, even when their daughters perform at the same level in mathematics (OECD 2015).

Expectations can become a self-fulfilling prophecy. A 2005 study found third-grade girls rated their math competency scores much lower than boys’, even when these girls’ performance did not lag behind that of their male counterparts (Herbert and Stipek 2005). Similarly, in states where people were more likely to say that “women [are] better suited for home” and “math is for boys,” girls were more likely to have lower math scores and higher reading scores (Pope and Sydnor 2010). While this only establishes a correlation, there is no reason to believe gender aptitude in reading and math would otherwise be related to geography. Parental expectations can impact performance by influencing their children’s self-confidence because self-confidence is associated with higher test scores (OECD 2015).

By the time young women graduate from high school and enter college, they already evaluate their career opportunities differently than young men do. Figure B shows college freshmen’s intended majors by gender. While women have increasingly gone into medical school and continue to dominate the nursing field, women are significantly less likely to arrive at college interested in engineering, computer science, or physics, as compared with their male counterparts.

Women arrive at college less interested in STEM fields as compared with their male counterparts : Intent of first-year college students to major in select STEM fields, by gender, 2014

Source:  EPI adaptation of Corbett and Hill (2015) analysis of Eagan et al. (2014)

These decisions to allow doors to lucrative job opportunities to close do not take place in a vacuum. Many factors might make it difficult for a young woman to see herself working in computer science or a similarly remunerative field. A particularly depressing example is the well-publicized evidence of sexism in the tech industry (Hewlett et al. 2008). Unfortunately, tech isn’t the only STEM field with this problem.

Young women may be discouraged from certain career paths because of industry culture. Even for women who go against the grain and pursue STEM careers, if employers in the industry foster an environment hostile to women’s participation, the share of women in these occupations will be limited. One 2008 study found that “52 percent of highly qualified females working for SET [science, technology, and engineering] companies quit their jobs, driven out by hostile work environments and extreme job pressures” (Hewlett et al. 2008). Extreme job pressures are defined as working more than 100 hours per week, needing to be available 24/7, working with or managing colleagues in multiple time zones, and feeling pressure to put in extensive face time (Hewlett et al. 2008). As compared with men, more than twice as many women engage in housework on a daily basis, and women spend twice as much time caring for other household members (BLS 2015). Because of these cultural norms, women are less likely to be able to handle these extreme work pressures. In addition, 63 percent of women in SET workplaces experience sexual harassment (Hewlett et al. 2008). To make matters worse, 51 percent abandon their SET training when they quit their job. All of these factors play a role in steering women away from highly paid occupations, particularly in STEM fields.

The long hours required for some of the highest-paid occupations are incompatible with historically gendered family responsibilities

Those seeking to downplay the gender wage gap often suggest that women who work hard enough and reach the apex of their field will see the full fruits of their labor. In reality, however, the gender wage gap is wider for those with higher earnings. Women in the top 95th percentile of the wage distribution experience a much larger gender pay gap than lower-paid women.

Again, this large gender pay gap between the highest earners is partially driven by gender bias. Harvard economist Claudia Goldin (2014) posits that high-wage firms have adopted pay-setting practices that disproportionately reward individuals who work very long and very particular hours. This means that even if men and women are equally productive per hour, individuals—disproportionately men—who are more likely to work excessive hours and be available at particular off-hours are paid more highly (Hersch and Stratton 2002; Goldin 2014; Landers, Rebitzer, and Taylor 1996).

It is clear why this disadvantages women. Social norms and expectations exert pressure on women to bear a disproportionate share of domestic work—particularly caring for children and elderly parents. This can make it particularly difficult for them (relative to their male peers) to be available at the drop of a hat on a Sunday evening after working a 60-hour week. To the extent that availability to work long and particular hours makes the difference between getting a promotion or seeing one’s career stagnate, women are disadvantaged.

And this disadvantage is reinforced in a vicious circle. Imagine a household where both members of a male–female couple have similarly demanding jobs. One partner’s career is likely to be prioritized if a grandparent is hospitalized or a child’s babysitter is sick. If the past history of employer pay-setting practices that disadvantage women has led to an already-existing gender wage gap for this couple, it can be seen as “rational” for this couple to prioritize the male’s career. This perpetuates the expectation that it always makes sense for women to shoulder the majority of domestic work, and further exacerbates the gender wage gap.

Female-dominated professions pay less, but it’s a chicken-and-egg phenomenon

Many women do go into low-paying female-dominated industries. Home health aides, for example, are much more likely to be women. But research suggests that women are making a logical choice, given existing constraints . This is because they will likely not see a significant pay boost if they try to buck convention and enter male-dominated occupations. Exceptions certainly exist, particularly in the civil service or in unionized workplaces (Anderson, Hegewisch, and Hayes 2015). However, if women in female-dominated occupations were to go into male-dominated occupations, they would often have similar or lower expected wages as compared with their female counterparts in female-dominated occupations (Pitts 2002). Thus, many women going into female-dominated occupations are actually situating themselves to earn higher wages. These choices thereby maximize their wages (Pitts 2002). This holds true for all categories of women except for the most educated, who are more likely to earn more in a male profession than a female profession. There is also evidence that if it becomes more lucrative for women to move into male-dominated professions, women will do exactly this (Pitts 2002). In short, occupational choice is heavily influenced by existing constraints based on gender and pay-setting across occupations.

To make matters worse, when women increasingly enter a field, the average pay in that field tends to decline, relative to other fields. Levanon, England, and Allison (2009) found that when more women entered an industry, the relative pay of that industry 10 years later was lower. Specifically, they found evidence of devaluation—meaning the proportion of women in an occupation impacts the pay for that industry because work done by women is devalued.

Computer programming is an example of a field that has shifted from being a very mixed profession, often associated with secretarial work in the past, to being a lucrative, male-dominated profession (Miller 2016; Oldenziel 1999). While computer programming has evolved into a more technically demanding occupation in recent decades, there is no skills-based reason why the field needed to become such a male-dominated profession. When men flooded the field, pay went up. In contrast, when women became park rangers, pay in that field went down (Miller 2016).

Further compounding this problem is that many professions where pay is set too low by market forces, but which clearly provide enormous social benefits when done well, are female-dominated. Key examples range from home health workers who care for seniors, to teachers and child care workers who educate today’s children. If closing gender pay differences can help boost pay and professionalism in these key sectors, it would be a huge win for the economy and society.

The gender wage gap is real—and hurts women across the board. Too often it is assumed that this gap is not evidence of discrimination, but is instead a statistical artifact of failing to adjust for factors that could drive earnings differences between men and women. However, these factors—particularly occupational differences between women and men—are themselves affected by gender bias. Serious attempts to understand the gender wage gap should not include shifting the blame to women for not earning more. Rather, these attempts should examine where our economy provides unequal opportunities for women at every point of their education, training, and career choices.

— This paper was made possible by a grant from the Peter G. Peterson Foundation. The statements made and views expressed are solely the responsibility of the authors.

— The authors wish to thank Josh Bivens, Barbara Gault, and Heidi Hartman for their helpful comments.

About the authors

Jessica Schieder joined EPI in 2015. As a research assistant, she supports the research of EPI’s economists on topics such as the labor market, wage trends, executive compensation, and inequality. Prior to joining EPI, Jessica worked at the Center for Effective Government (formerly OMB Watch) as a revenue and spending policies analyst, where she examined how budget and tax policy decisions impact working families. She holds a bachelor’s degree in international political economy from Georgetown University.

Elise Gould , senior economist, joined EPI in 2003. Her research areas include wages, poverty, economic mobility, and health care. She is a co-author of The State of Working America, 12th Edition . In the past, she has authored a chapter on health in The State of Working America 2008/09; co-authored a book on health insurance coverage in retirement; published in venues such as The Chronicle of Higher Education ,  Challenge Magazine , and Tax Notes; and written for academic journals including Health Economics , Health Affairs, Journal of Aging and Social Policy, Risk Management & Insurance Review, Environmental Health Perspectives , and International Journal of Health Services . She holds a master’s in public affairs from the University of Texas at Austin and a Ph.D. in economics from the University of Wisconsin at Madison.

Anderson, Julie, Ariane Hegewisch, and Jeff Hayes 2015. The Union Advantage for Women . Institute for Women’s Policy Research.

Blau, Francine D., and Lawrence M. Kahn 2016. The Gender Wage Gap: Extent, Trends, and Explanations . National Bureau of Economic Research, Working Paper No. 21913.

Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS). 2015. American Time Use Survey public data series. U.S. Census Bureau.

Corbett, Christianne, and Catherine Hill. 2015. Solving the Equation: The Variables for Women’s Success in Engineering and Computing . American Association of University Women (AAUW).

Current Population Survey Outgoing Rotation Group microdata (CPS ORG). 2011–2015. Survey conducted by the Bureau of the Census for the Bureau of Labor Statistics [ machine-readable microdata file ]. U.S. Census Bureau.

Goldin, Claudia. 2014. “ A Grand Gender Convergence: Its Last Chapter .” American Economic Review, vol. 104, no. 4, 1091–1119.

Hegewisch, Ariane, and Asha DuMonthier. 2016. The Gender Wage Gap: 2015; Earnings Differences by Race and Ethnicity . Institute for Women’s Policy Research.

Herbert, Jennifer, and Deborah Stipek. 2005. “The Emergence of Gender Difference in Children’s Perceptions of Their Academic Competence.” Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology , vol. 26, no. 3, 276–295.

Hersch, Joni, and Leslie S. Stratton. 2002. “ Housework and Wages .” The Journal of Human Resources , vol. 37, no. 1, 217–229.

Hewlett, Sylvia Ann, Carolyn Buck Luce, Lisa J. Servon, Laura Sherbin, Peggy Shiller, Eytan Sosnovich, and Karen Sumberg. 2008. The Athena Factor: Reversing the Brain Drain in Science, Engineering, and Technology . Harvard Business Review.

Kroeger, Teresa, Tanyell Cooke, and Elise Gould. 2016.  The Class of 2016: The Labor Market Is Still Far from Ideal for Young Graduates . Economic Policy Institute.

Landers, Renee M., James B. Rebitzer, and Lowell J. Taylor. 1996. “ Rat Race Redux: Adverse Selection in the Determination of Work Hours in Law Firms .” American Economic Review , vol. 86, no. 3, 329–348.

Levanon, Asaf, Paula England, and Paul Allison. 2009. “Occupational Feminization and Pay: Assessing Causal Dynamics Using 1950-2000 U.S. Census Data.” Social Forces, vol. 88, no. 2, 865–892.

Miller, Claire Cain. 2016. “As Women Take Over a Male-Dominated Field, the Pay Drops.” New York Times , March 18.

Oldenziel, Ruth. 1999. Making Technology Masculine: Men, Women, and Modern Machines in America, 1870-1945 . Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press.

Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). 2015. The ABC of Gender Equality in Education: Aptitude, Behavior, Confidence .

Pitts, Melissa M. 2002. Why Choose Women’s Work If It Pays Less? A Structural Model of Occupational Choice. Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta, Working Paper 2002-30.

Pope, Devin G., and Justin R. Sydnor. 2010. “ Geographic Variation in the Gender Differences in Test Scores .” Journal of Economic Perspectives , vol. 24, no. 2, 95–108.

See related work on Wages, Incomes, and Wealth | Women

See more work by Jessica Schieder and Elise Gould

Women in the Workplace 2023

Women in the Workplace

This is the ninth year of the Women in the Workplace report. Conducted in partnership with LeanIn.Org , this effort is the largest study of women in corporate America and Canada. This year, we collected information from 276 participating organizations employing more than ten million people. At these organizations, we surveyed more than 27,000 employees and 270 senior HR leaders, who shared insights on their policies and practices. The report provides an intersectional look at the specific biases and barriers faced by Asian, Black, Latina, and LGBTQ+ women and women with disabilities.

About the authors

This year’s research reveals some hard-fought gains at the top, with women’s representation in the C-suite at the highest it has ever been. However, with lagging progress in the middle of the pipeline—and a persistent underrepresentation of women of color 1 Women of color include women who are Asian, Black, Latina, Middle Eastern, mixed race, Native American/American Indian/Indigenous/Alaskan Native, and Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander. Due to small sample sizes for other racial and ethnic groups, reported findings on individual racial and ethnic groups are restricted to Asian women, Black women, and Latinas. —true parity remains painfully out of reach.

The survey debunks four myths about women’s workplace experiences  and career advancement. A few of these myths cover old ground, but given the notable lack of progress, they warrant repeating. These include women’s career ambitions, the greatest barrier to their ascent to senior leadership, the effect and extent of microaggressions in the workplace, and women’s appetite for flexible work. We hope highlighting these myths will help companies find a path forward that casts aside outdated thinking once and for all and accelerates progress for women.

The rest of this article summarizes the main findings from the Women in the Workplace 2023 report and provides clear solutions that organizations can implement to make meaningful progress toward gender equality.

State of the pipeline

Over the past nine years, women—and especially women of color—have remained underrepresented across the corporate pipeline (Exhibit 1). However, we see a growing bright spot in senior leadership. Since 2015, the number of women in the C-suite has increased from 17 to 28 percent, and the representation of women at the vice president and senior vice president levels has also improved significantly.

These hard-earned gains are encouraging yet fragile: slow progress for women at the manager and director levels—representation has grown only three and four percentage points, respectively—creates a weak middle in the pipeline for employees who represent the vast majority of women in corporate America. And the “Great Breakup” trend we discovered in last year’s survey  continues for women at the director level, the group next in line for senior-leadership positions. That is, director-level women are leaving at a higher rate than in past years—and at a notably higher rate than men at the same level. As a result of these two dynamics, there are fewer women in line for top positions.

To view previous reports, please visit the Women in the Workplace archive

Moreover, progress for women of color is lagging behind their peers’ progress. At nearly every step in the pipeline, the representation of women of color falls relative to White women and men of the same race and ethnicity. Until companies address this inequity head-on, women of color will remain severely underrepresented in leadership positions—and mostly absent from the C-suite.

“It’s disheartening to be part of an organization for as many years as I have been and still not see a person like me in senior leadership. Until I see somebody like me in the C-suite, I’m never going to really feel like I belong.”

—Latina, manager, former executive director

Four myths about the state of women at work

This year’s survey reveals the truth about four common myths related to women in the workplace.

Myth: Women are becoming less ambitious Reality: Women are more ambitious than before the pandemic—and flexibility is fueling that ambition

At every stage of the pipeline, women are as committed to their careers and as interested in being promoted as men. Women and men at the director level—when the C-suite is in closer view—are also equally interested in senior-leadership roles. And young women are especially ambitious. Nine in ten women under the age of 30 want to be promoted to the next level, and three in four aspire to become senior leaders.

Women represent roughly one in four C-suite leaders, and women of color just one in 16.

Moreover, the pandemic and increased flexibility did not dampen women’s ambitions. Roughly 80 percent of women want to be promoted to the next level, compared with 70 percent in 2019. And the same holds true for men. Women of color are even more ambitious than White women: 88 percent want to be promoted to the next level. Flexibility is allowing women to pursue their ambitions: overall, one in five women say flexibility has helped them stay in their job or avoid reducing their hours. A large number of women who work hybrid or remotely point to feeling less fatigued and burned out as a primary benefit. And a majority of women report having more focused time to get their work done when they work remotely.

The pandemic showed women that a new model of balancing work and life was possible. Now, few want to return to the way things were. Most women are taking more steps to prioritize their personal lives—but at no cost to their ambition. They remain just as committed to their careers and just as interested in advancing as women who aren’t taking more steps. These women are defying the outdated notion that work and life are incompatible, and that one comes at the expense of the other.

Myth: The biggest barrier to women’s advancement is the ‘glass ceiling’ Reality: The ‘broken rung’ is the greatest obstacle women face on the path to senior leadership

For the ninth consecutive year, women face their biggest hurdle at the first critical step up to manager. This year, for every 100 men promoted from entry level to manager, 87 women were promoted (Exhibit 2). And this gap is trending the wrong way for women of color: this year, 73 women of color were promoted to manager for every 100 men, down from 82 women of color last year. As a result of this “broken rung,” women fall behind and can’t catch up.

Progress for early-career Black women remains the furthest behind. After rising in 2020 and 2021 to a high of 96 Black women promoted for every 100 men—likely because of heightened focus across corporate America—Black women’s promotion rates have fallen to 2018 levels, with only 54 Black women promoted for every 100 men this year.

While companies are modestly increasing women’s representation at the top, doing so without addressing the broken rung offers only a temporary stopgap. Because of the gender disparity in early promotions, men end up holding 60 percent of manager-level positions in a typical company, while women occupy 40 percent. Since men significantly outnumber women, there are fewer women to promote to senior managers, and the number of women decreases at every subsequent level.

Myth: Microaggressions have a ‘micro’ impact Reality: Microaggressions have a large and lasting impact on women

Microaggressions are a form of everyday discrimination that is often rooted in bias. They include comments and actions—even subtle ones that are not overtly harmful—that demean or dismiss someone based on their gender, race, or other aspects of their identity. They signal disrespect, cause acute stress, and can negatively impact women’s careers and health.

Years of data show that women experience microaggressions at a significantly higher rate than men: they are twice as likely to be mistaken for someone junior and hear comments on their emotional state (Exhibit 3). For women with traditionally marginalized identities, these slights happen more often and are even more demeaning. As just one example, Asian and Black women are seven times more likely than White women to be confused with someone of the same race and ethnicity.

As a result, the workplace is a mental minefield for many women, particularly those with traditionally marginalized identities. Women who experience microaggressions are much less likely to feel psychologically safe, which makes it harder to take risks, propose new ideas, or raise concerns. The stakes feel just too high. On top of this, 78 percent of women who face microaggressions self-shield at work, or adjust the way they look or act in an effort to protect themselves. For example, many women code-switch—or tone down what they say or do—to try to blend in and avoid a negative reaction at work. Black women are more than twice as likely as women overall to code-switch. And LGBTQ+ women are 2.5 times as likely to feel pressure to change their appearance to be perceived as more professional. The stress caused by these dynamics cuts deep.

Women who experience microaggressions—and self-shield to deflect them—are three times more likely to think about quitting their jobs and four times more likely to almost always be burned out. By leaving microaggressions unchecked, companies miss out on everything women have to offer and risk losing talented employees.

“It’s like I have to act extra happy so I’m not looked at as bitter because I’m a Black woman. And a disabled Black woman at that. If someone says something offensive to me, I have to think about how to respond in a way that does not make me seem like an angry Black woman.”

—Black woman with a physical disability, entry-level role

Myth: It’s mostly women who want—and benefit from—flexible work Reality: Men and women see flexibility as a ‘top 3’ employee benefit and critical to their company’s success

Most employees say that opportunities to work remotely and have control over their schedules are top company benefits, second only to healthcare (Exhibit 4). Workplace flexibility even ranks above tried-and-true benefits such as parental leave and childcare.

As workplace flexibility transforms from a nice-to-have for some employees to a crucial benefit for most, women continue to value it more. This is likely because they still carry out a disproportionate amount of childcare and household work. Indeed, 38 percent of mothers with young children say that without workplace flexibility, they would have had to leave their company or reduce their work hours.

But it’s not just women or mothers who benefit: hybrid and remote work are delivering important benefits to most employees. Most women and men point to better work–life balance as a primary benefit of hybrid and remote work, and a majority cite less fatigue and burnout (Exhibit 5). And research shows that good work–life balance and low burnout are key to organizational success. Moreover, 83 percent of employees cite the ability to work more efficiently and productively as a primary benefit of working remotely. However, it’s worth noting companies see this differently: only half of HR leaders say employee productivity is a primary benefit of working remotely.

For women, hybrid or remote work is about a lot more than flexibility. When women work remotely, they face fewer microaggressions and have higher levels of psychological safety.

Employees who work on-site also see tangible benefits. A majority point to an easier time collaborating and a stronger personal connection to coworkers as the biggest benefits of working on-site—two factors central to employee well-being and effectiveness. However, the culture of on-site work may be falling short. While 77 percent of companies believe a strong organizational culture is a key benefit of on-site work, most employees disagree: only 39 percent of men and 34 percent of women who work on-site say a key benefit is feeling more connected to their organization’s culture.

Not to mention that men benefit disproportionately from on-site work: compared with women who work on-site, men are seven to nine percentage points more likely to be “in the know,” receive the mentorship and sponsorships they need, and have their accomplishments noticed and rewarded.

A majority of organizations have started to formalize their return-to-office policies, motivated by the perceived benefits of on-site work (Exhibit 6). As they do so, they will need to work to ensure everyone can equally reap the benefits of on-site work.

Recommendations for companies

As companies work to support and advance women, they should focus on five core areas:

• tracking outcomes for women’s representation
• empowering managers to be effective people leaders
• addressing microaggressions head-on
• unlocking the full potential of flexible work
• fixing the broken rung, once and for all

Sixty percent of companies have increased their financial and staffing investments in diversity, equity, and inclusion over the past year. And nearly three in four HR leaders say DEI is critical to their companies’ future success.

1. Track outcomes to improve women’s experience and progression

Tracking outcomes is critical to any successful business initiative. Most companies do this consistently when it comes to achieving their financial objectives, but few apply the same rigor to women’s advancement. Here are three steps to get started:

Measure employees’ outcomes and experiences—and use the data to fix trouble spots. Outcomes for drivers of women’s advancement include hiring, promotions, and attrition. Visibility into other metrics—such as participation in career development programs, performance ratings, and employee sentiments—that influence career progression is also important, and data should be collected with appropriate data privacy protections in place. Then, it’s critically important that companies mine their data for insights that will improve women’s experiences and create equal opportunities for advancement. Ultimately, data tracking is only valuable if it leads to organizational change.

Take an intersectional approach to outcome tracking. Tracking metrics by race and gender combined should be table stakes. Yet, even now, fewer than half of companies do this, and far fewer track data by other self-reported identifiers, such as LGBTQ+ identity. Without this level of visibility, the experiences and career progression of women with traditionally marginalized identities can go overlooked.

Share internal goals and metrics with employees. Awareness is a valuable tool for driving change—when employees are able to see opportunities and challenges, they’re more invested in being part of the solution. In addition, transparency with diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) goals and metrics can send a powerful signal to employees with traditionally marginalized identities that they are supported within the organization.

2. Support and reward managers as key drivers of organizational change

Managers are on the front lines of employees’ experiences and central to driving organizational change. As companies more deeply invest in the culture of work, managers play an increasingly critical role in fostering DEI, ensuring employee well-being, and navigating the shift to flexible work. These are all important business priorities, but managers do not always get the direction and support they need to deliver on them. Here are three steps to get started:

Clarify managers’ priorities and reward results. Companies need to explicitly communicate to managers what is core to their roles and motivate them to take action. The most effective way to do this is to include responsibilities like career development, DEI, and employee well-being in managers’ job descriptions and performance reviews. Relatively few companies evaluate managers on metrics linked to people management. For example, although 61 percent of companies point to DEI as a top manager capability, only 28 percent of people managers say their company recognizes DEI in performance reviews. This discrepancy may partially explain why not enough employees say their manager treats DEI as a priority.

Equip managers with the skills they need to be successful. To effectively manage the new demands being placed on them, managers need ongoing education. This includes repeated, relevant, and high-quality training and nudges that emphasize specific examples of core concepts, as well as concrete actions that managers can incorporate into their daily practices. Companies should adopt an “often and varied” approach to training and upskilling and create regular opportunities for coaching so that managers can continue to build the awareness and capabilities they need to be effective.

Make sure managers have the time and support to get it right. It requires significant intentionality and follow-through to be a good people and culture leader, and this is particularly true when it comes to fostering DEI. Companies need to make sure their managers have the time and resources to do these aspects of their job well. Additionally, companies should put policies and systems in place to make managers’ jobs easier.

3. Take steps to put an end to microaggressions

Microaggressions are pervasive, harmful to the employees who experience them, and result in missed ideas and lost talent. Companies need to tackle microaggressions head-on. Here are three steps to get started:

Make clear that microaggressions are not acceptable. To raise employee awareness and set the right tone, it’s crucial that senior leaders communicate that microaggressions and disrespectful behavior of any kind are not welcome. Companies can help with this by developing a code of conduct that articulates what supportive and respectful behavior looks like—as well as what’s unacceptable and uncivil behavior.

Teach employees to avoid and challenge microaggressions. Employees often don’t recognize microaggressions, let alone know what to say or do to be helpful. That’s why it’s so important that companies have employees participate in high-quality bias and allyship training and receive periodic refreshers to keep key learnings top of mind.

Create a culture where it’s normal to surface microaggressions. It’s important for companies to foster a culture that encourages employees to speak up when they see microaggressions or other disrespectful behavior. Although these conversations can be difficult, they often lead to valuable learning and growth. Senior leaders can play an important role in modeling that it is safe to surface and discuss these behaviors.

4. Finetune flexible working models

The past few years have seen a transformation in how we work. Flexibility is now the norm in most companies; the next step is unlocking its full potential and bringing out the best of the benefits that different work arrangements have to offer. Here are three steps to get started:

Establish clear expectations and norms around working flexibly. Without this clarity, employees may have very different and conflicting interpretations of what’s expected of them. It starts with redefining the work best done in person, versus remotely, and injecting flexibility into the work model to meet personal demands. As part of this process, companies need to find the right balance between setting organization-wide guidelines and allowing managers to work with their teams to determine an approach that unlocks benefits for men and women equally.

Measure the impact of new initiatives to support flexibility and adjust them as needed. The last thing companies want to do is fly in the dark as they navigate the transition to flexible work. As organizations roll out new working models and programs to support flexibility, they should carefully track what’s working, and what’s not, and adjust their approach accordingly—a test-and-learn mentality and a spirit of co-creation with employees are critical to getting these changes right.

Few companies currently track outcomes across work arrangements. For example, only 30 percent have tracked the impact of their return-to-office policies on key DEI outcomes.

Put safeguards in place to ensure a level playing field across work arrangements. Companies should take steps to ensure that employees aren’t penalized for working flexibly. This includes putting systems in place to make sure that employees are evaluated fairly, such as redesigning performance reviews to focus on results rather than when and where work gets done. Managers should also be equipped to be part of the solution. This requires educating managers on proximity bias. Managers need to ensure their team members get equal recognition for their contributions and equal opportunities to advance regardless of working model.

5. Fix the broken rung for women, with a focus on women of color

Fixing the broken rung is a tangible, achievable goal and will set off a positive chain reaction across the pipeline. After nine years of very little progress, there is no excuse for companies failing to take action. Here are three steps to get started:

Track inputs and outcomes. To uncover inequities in the promotions process, companies need to track who is put up for and who receives promotions—by race and gender combined. Tracking with this intersectional lens enables employers to identify and address the obstacles faced by women of color, and companies can use these data points to identify otherwise invisible gaps and refine their promotion processes.

Work to de-bias performance reviews and promotions. Leaders should put safeguards in place to ensure that evaluation criteria are applied fairly and bias doesn’t creep into decision making. Companies can take these actions:

• Send “bias” reminders before performance evaluations and promotion cycles, explaining how common biases can impact reviewers’ assessments.
• Appoint a “bias monitor” to keep performance evaluations and promotions discussions focused on the core criteria for the job and surface potentially biased decision making.
• Have reviewers explain the rationale behind their performance evaluations and promotion recommendations. When individuals have to justify their decisions, they are less likely to make snap judgments or rely on gut feelings, which are prone to bias.

Invest in career advancement for women of color. Companies should make sure their career development programs address the distinct biases and barriers that women of color experience. Yet only a fraction of companies tailor career program content for women of color. And given that women of color tend to get less career advice and have less access to senior leaders, formal mentorship and sponsorship programs can be particularly impactful. It’s also important that companies track the outcomes of their career development programs with an intersectional lens to ensure they are having the intended impact and not inadvertently perpetuating inequitable outcomes.

Practices of top-performing companies

Companies with strong women’s representation across the pipeline are more likely to have certain practices in place. The following data are based on an analysis of top performers—companies that have a higher representation of women and women of color than their industry peers (Exhibit 7).

This year’s survey brings to light important realities about women’s experience in the workplace today. Women, and particularly women of color, continue to lose the most ground in middle management, and microaggressions have a significant and enduring effect on many women—especially those with traditionally marginalized identities. Even still, women are as ambitious as ever, and flexibility is contributing to this, allowing all workers to be more productive while also achieving more balance in their lives. These insights can provide a backdrop for senior leaders as they plan for the future of their organizations.

Emily Field is a partner in McKinsey’s Seattle office; Alexis Krivkovich and Lareina Yee are senior partners in the Bay Area office, where Nicole Robinson is an associate partner; Sandra Kügele is a consultant in the Washington, D.C., office.

The authors wish to thank Zoha Bharwani, Quentin Bolton, Sara Callander, Katie Cox, Ping Chin, Robyn Freeman, James Gannon, Jenn Gao, Mar Grech, Alexis Howard, Isabelle Hughes, Sara Kaplan, Ananya Karanam, Sophia Lam, Nina Li, Steven Lee, Anthea Lyu, Tess Mandoli, Abena Mensah, Laura Padula, David Pinski, Jane Qu, Charlie Rixey, Sara Samir, Chanel Shum, Sofia Tam, Neha Verma, Monne Williams, Lily Xu, Yaz Yazar, and Shirley Zhao for their contributions to this article.

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Women in the workplace: Breaking up to break through

Women in the Workplace 2022

Why has COVID-19 been especially harmful for working women?

After decades of struggle, the 19th Amendment to the Constitution gave women in the United States the right to vote. This hard-won right foretold the increasing presence of women not only in the voting booth, but also in the workplace. By the beginning of this year, the centennial of the 19th Amendment’s ratification, women’s labor force participation stood at 58% , nearly a three-fold increase since 1920. Without the increasing participation of women in the workforce, household income growth of the middle class would have remained largely stagnant since the late 1970’s .

While there is much to celebrate, the 19th Amendment’s centennial anniversary also coincides with a major threat to the gains women have made in the workplace: the COVID-19 pandemic. Social distancing measures required to stem the spread of the novel coronavirus have had staggering economic and social impacts, hitting women particularly hard.

COVID-19 is hard on women because the U.S. economy is hard on women, and this virus excels at taking existing tensions and ratcheting them up. Millions of women were already supporting themselves and their families on meager wages before coronavirus-mitigation lockdowns sent unemployment rates skyrocketing and millions of jobs disappeared. And working mothers were already shouldering the majority of family caregiving responsibilities in the face of a childcare system that is wholly inadequate for a society in which most parents work outside the home. Of course, the disruptions to daycare centers, schools, and afterschool programs have been hard on working fathers, but evidence shows working mothers have taken on more of the resulting childcare responsibilities , and are more frequently reducing their hours or leaving their jobs entirely in response.

Problems facing women in the labor market have never been hidden, but they have been inconvenient to address because they are so entrenched in the basic operations of our economy and society. The low wages associated with “pink collar” occupations have long contributed to the feminization of poverty, and the chronic shortage of affordable, high-quality childcare reflects outdated notions of women’s societal roles, how the economy functions, and child development. COVID-19’s massive disruption to employment, childcare, and school routines has crippled the economy and pushed millions of women and families to the financial brink. This moment provides an important opening to rethink how policy supports women’s roles as financial providers and parents.

Women are disproportionately represented in low-wage jobs

Based on our own analysis of 2018 American Community Survey data, before COVID-19, nearly half of all working women—46% or 28 million—worked in jobs paying low wages, with median earnings of only $10.93 per hour. The share of workers earning low wages is higher among Black women (54%) and Hispanic or Latina women (64%) than among white women (40%), reflecting the structural racism that has limited options in education, housing, and employment for people of color.

For some women, jobs paying low wages don’t present economic hardship—think of someone with a higher earning spouse or early in their career. But a substantial number of women support themselves and their families by working in low-wage jobs. Fifteen percent are single parents, 63% are in their prime working years (ages 25-54), and 57% work full time year-round, indicating the position is not a side activity. Forty-one percent live in households below 200% of the federal poverty level (equivalent to about $43,000 for a family of 3) a common measure capturing the working poor. More than one quarter receive safety net benefits like SNAP, Medicaid, Social Security, or other public assistance income.

Women are much more likely than men to work in low-paying jobs: 37% of working men earn low hourly wages, nearly 10 percentage points lower than women. Some of the difference between men and women is explained by personal choice—for example women often pursue education in lower paying majors, fields, and occupations than men. Some women also prioritize work flexibility over wages.

But, an extensive body of evidence shows women also face discrimination in the labor market. Even when women make the “right” choices—completing education and pursuing employment in high wage industries and occupations—they are underpaid relative to men, earning 92 cents to the dollar according to one recent analysis . While this underpayment doesn’t necessarily push women into low wages, the earnings disparity illustrates the devaluation of women’s contributions to the labor force. Occupations dominated by women and people of color, particularly care and domestic workers like home care aides, have been systematically and intentionally excluded from federal labor and employment protections, such as the Fair Labor Standards Act’s guarantee of minimum wage and overtime pay , and offer very low wages. Evidence also demonstrates that as an occupation becomes more female-dominated, median wages decline .

Our childcare and school systems don’t meet the needs of working mothers

The majority of women between ages 18 and 64 work. One in four working women, 15.5 million, has a child under the age of 14 at home. Some of these women work part time or have a family member on whom they can rely to provide supervision for their young and school-aged children. But more than 10 million (17% of all working women) rely on childcare and schools to keep their children safe while they work. These women are working at least half time and do not live with a potential caregiver at home—another adult who is either out of the labor force or working less than half time. In comparison, 12% of all working men are reliant on schools and childcare.

There simply are not enough affordable, high-quality childcare options to meet this demand, disproportionately harming working mothers, especially low- and middle-income mothers and mothers of color . The childcare that is available is often unaffordable. A 2018 analysis found that average childcare costs in every state exceed the federal definition of affordability —7% of annual household income. The same analysis found center-based childcare for an infant costs an average of more than $1,200 per month and about $900 per month for a toddler. As childcare becomes more difficult to access, women are more likely to stay out of or leave the workforce; one analysis found maternal labor force participation rates are 3 percentage points lower in childcare deserts than in areas with adequate childcare supply . The childcare system also relies on an underpaid, primarily female workforce —so not only is it a bad system for those it serves, but it undervalues those it employs.

As children get older, the public school system offers some reprieve from the costly and sometimes difficult to access childcare system. Even in normal times, though, parents who work outside of the 9 a.m. to 3 p.m. school schedule are left to piece together supervision before school, after school, and during the summer. High income parents can often navigate this misalignment with quality childcare, afterschool programs, and summer camps. For lower income parents, this lack of alignment can be a real burden . And with fewer dollars to spend filling in the gaps between the school day and work schedules, low-income parents are more likely to rely on informal care arrangements, older siblings, and unlicensed home care providers.

COVID-19 has upended the labor market, with disastrous consequences for working women and their families

As we know, COVID-19 has massively disrupted American life. Beginning in March, non-essential businesses closed their doors, workers were furloughed or laid off, and schools and daycares sent children home. At its peak, 95% of the U.S. population was under stay at home orders .

Although necessary for public health, these closures resulted in an unprecedented number of unemployment claims as millions of workers were simultaneously furloughed or laid off. A stunning 39% of people living in low-income households reported a job loss in March , and while there are signs the economy is slowly improving, many people remain without work.

Because of their concentration in low-wage and face-to-face jobs, these layoffs hit women especially hard. While many higher wage jobs could transition from an in-person to remote work environment, that is not the case for the majority of low-wage jobs that rely on interaction between customers and workers, such as retail sales and hospitality , two of the most common occupations among low-wage women. The unemployment rate for women jumped by more than 12 percentage points between February and April while the rate for men increased by less than 10 percentage points. The losses for women without college degrees is even more staggering. Between March and early April, their employment rate dropped 15 percentage points compared to a drop of 11 percentage points among non-college educated men .

Those low-wage women who did not suffer job losses were primarily in frontline occupations, such as healthcare support and grocery workers. These women continued working, often with inadequate access to appropriate personal protective equipment, putting their health and the health of their loved ones at risk.

COVID-19 is hard on women because the U.S. economy is hard on women, and this virus excels at taking existing tensions and ratcheting them up.

COVID-19 has also increased the pressure on working mothers, low-wage and otherwise. In a survey from May and June , one out of four women who became unemployed during the pandemic reported the job loss was due to a lack of childcare, twice the rate of men surveyed. A more recent survey shows the losses have not slowed down: between February and August mothers of children 12 years old and younger lost 2.2 million jobs compared to 870,000 jobs lost among fathers .

Balancing work and family obligations has long been the reality for women in the United States. Historically, women have been the primary caregivers in their families. This has remained true even as most women work outside the home and provide important contributions to household income. Mothers working full-time spend 50% more time each day caring for children than fathers working full-time. But COVID-19 and the uncertainty around childcare and in-person instruction for school-aged children this fall has further increased this burden. July estimates show employment levels in child care services are 20% below levels from the same period last year, indicating a persistent reduction in available childcare. Millions of daycare slots may be permanently lost without further intervention. For schools, reopening has largely been determined at the district level, with diverse approaches and varying levels of success . Furthermore, in-person instruction for students and the reopening of daycares is not a one-and-done proposition. So, while parents, but especially women who have taken on even more during the pandemic , may get a temporary reprieve, outbreaks may force children and their families to quarantine , schools or daycares to close temporarily, or more long-term moves to online instruction .

As the pandemic persists, women will continue to shoulder a disproportionate share of its burden. While there has been some recovery in the labor market, there is still a long way to go to reach pre-pandemic employment highs; low-wage jobs will be the first to disappear again if there is a severe resurgence of the virus this fall. For those women who have been able to keep their jobs, many will continue to balance competing priorities. To earn a paycheck, those who cannot telework must show up physically to work, potentially posing health risks to themselves and their families, and requiring them to find alternative care arrangements for their children if school or daycare are unavailable. Those who can work from home must also care for or help teach their children in the case of inaccessible childcare or limited in-person instruction at schools.

Solutions should do more than provide temporary support to working women

These realities have the potential to set back the labor force participation and wage gains women have made in the labor market over the last several decades.

Solutions to improve the conditions of working women should address both aspects driving the disproportionate harm they have borne as a result of COVID-19’s economic impacts: an overreliance on an inadequate childcare system and their concentration in low wage jobs.

While the role of women in our economy has shifted over the last 100 years, our systems have not similarly evolved to support them. Because these conditions have been longstanding, the solutions put in place should not exclusively focus on short term COVID-19 recovery, but should also make long-lasting changes that aim to close the wage gap, improve working conditions and family leave options, and better align the childcare and school systems to the needs of working parents so mothers who want to work can do so. Policy needs to reflect that women have fundamental roles in both the workplace and in families, and to support women in those roles.

Of course, short-term interventions to address the current crisis are necessary and welcome. The Families First Coronavirus Response Act (FFCRA) provided 12 weeks of parental paid leave through the end of the year and the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security Act (CARES Act) provided enhanced unemployment benefits that reduced poverty rates . The CARES Act also provided direct aid to states to address immediate problems in education budgets and infused the Child Care and Development Block Grant (CCDBG) with $3.5 billion to keep childcare providers afloat. But many of the most important provisions of these two pieces of legislation have expired, will expire soon, or were inadequate. The status of another relief package is totally unclear given the latest communications from the White House, and it seems unlikely these systems will receive any additional reprieve this fall.

In addition to the temporary fixes enacted by the FFCRA and the CARES Act, a permanent federal paid parental leave policy and a sustained funding increase for the CCDBG would go a long way in reducing the cost of childcare and working mothers’ overreliance on it. Other policies that could increase women’s labor force participation, close the wage gap, and make work more accessible for mothers include policies that incentivize or fund predictable work scheduling, guaranteed number of work hours , and extended school-day or before and after school programs . We are long overdue in realigning our labor market policies, schools, and daycare system with the modern reality faced by working parents; these interventions should be considered as part of the solution.

Beyond making work more accessible for mothers, the labor market also needs to more fairly compensate women for their work. Improving wage equality and reducing discrimination in the labor market is no easy task. Potential solutions include raising the federal minimum wage and eliminating the tipped minimum wage . Policies to incentivize wage transparency at the firm level can also decrease the gender wage gap.

A women’s place is in the family and the workforce, if they so choose. We can’t bounce back from the COVID-19 recession without interventions to support them in both roles. But we also need to recognize that although the pandemic created an acute and visible crisis, the lack of support for families and workers was a pre-existing condition. Even with the progress made since the passage of the 19th Amendment, our economy was doing a disservice to millions of working women before COVID-19 hit. Returning to the status quo should not be the goal. Instead, we should aim higher—for an economy that compensates women fairly for their work, improves access to jobs through family-friendly policies, and supports women in their chosen roles as breadwinners, mothers, or some combination of the two.

Thank you to Julia Du and Caroline George for research assistance.

This piece is part of 19A: The Brookings Gender Equality Series.  Learn more about the series and read published work »

About the Authors

Nicole bateman, research analyst – metropolitan policy program, martha ross, senior fellow – metropolitan policy program, more from bateman and ross, working parents are key to covid-19 recovery.

For working parents, the uncertainty surrounding child care and in-person instruction for school-aged children is unprecedented, with a cascading set of consequences on family life, education, and earnings.

We can’t recover from a coronavirus recession without helping young workers

As we approach another nationwide recession, we are about to see history repeat itself by hitting young adults and those with lower levels of education especially hard.

Coronavirus makes it impossible to ignore the economic insecurity built into our labor market 

In addition to the dire risk to individual health, side effects of the coronavirus pandemic are sure to include widespread economic hardship and uncertainty. If you experience these symptoms, you’re mostly on your own—as the virus reveals a grossly inadequate safety net and willfully ineffective political system that are poised to leave our most vulnerable […]

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Essay on Working Women

Students are often asked to write an essay on Working Women in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Working Women

Working women: empowering the society.

Women in the workforce have made significant strides in recent decades, breaking through barriers and contributing to the economy and society. Working women bring a diverse set of skills, talents, and perspectives to the workplace, enriching the workforce and promoting innovation. They play a vital role in supporting their families, boosting economic growth, and inspiring future generations.

Challenges and Obstacles

Despite the progress, working women continue to face challenges and obstacles. Gender pay gaps, limited access to leadership positions, and the burden of balancing work and family responsibilities are among the issues they encounter. These challenges can hinder women’s career advancement and limit their full potential.

Overcoming Barriers and Achieving Equality

To address these challenges, efforts are being made to promote gender equality in the workplace. Governments, organizations, and individuals are working together to create policies and initiatives that support working women. These include equal pay laws, flexible work arrangements, affordable childcare options, and mentorship programs. By breaking down barriers and creating a more inclusive workplace, we can empower women to reach their full potential and contribute to a more equitable and thriving society.

250 Words Essay on Working Women

Women in the workforce: a changing landscape.

For centuries, women’s roles in society were largely confined to the domestic sphere. They were expected to be wives, mothers, and homemakers, while men went out to work and earned a living. However, the 20th century witnessed a significant shift in this traditional division of labor, as more and more women joined the workforce.

Reasons for the Rise of Working Women

There are several factors that have contributed to the increase in the number of working women. One is the changing economic landscape. The growth of the service sector has created new job opportunities for women, who are often better suited for these jobs than men. Additionally, the rising cost of living has made it necessary for many families to have two incomes in order to make ends meet.

Challenges Faced by Working Women

Despite the progress that has been made, working women still face a number of challenges. One is the persistent gender pay gap. On average, women earn less than men for the same work, and this disparity is even greater for women of color. Additionally, working women often face discrimination and harassment in the workplace. They may also struggle to balance their work and family responsibilities.

Benefits of Working Women

Despite the challenges, there are also many benefits to having women in the workforce. Women bring a unique perspective and set of skills to the workplace, and they can help to create a more diverse and inclusive environment. Additionally, working women contribute to the economy and help to increase productivity.

The rise of working women is a positive trend that has had a profound impact on society. Working women have made significant contributions to the economy, the workplace, and their families. However, there is still work to be done to address the challenges that working women face. By creating a more level playing field, we can ensure that all women have the opportunity to reach their full potential.

500 Words Essay on Working Women

Working women: empowering society, reshaping roles.

Working women are those who engage in labor outside of their household duties. They contribute to the economy, support their families, and play vital roles in society. Their contributions are diverse and far-reaching, impacting various aspects of life.

Economic Empowerment: Breaking Barriers

Working women are economic drivers. They earn wages, contribute to GDP, and participate in decision-making. Their economic independence allows them to support themselves and their families, breaking free from financial dependence. By entering the workforce, they challenge traditional gender roles and pave the way for future generations.

Work-Life Balance: Striking a Harmony

Working women often face the challenge of balancing work and family responsibilities. Juggling both can be demanding, requiring time management, support systems, and shared responsibilities within their families. Finding a harmonious balance enables them to succeed in their careers while fulfilling their familial roles.

Role Models for Future Generations: Inspiring Change

Working women serve as role models for younger generations, both girls and boys. They demonstrate that women can successfully pursue careers and make meaningful contributions to society. Their presence in various fields challenges stereotypes and encourages young people to break free from traditional gender expectations.

Breaking Glass Ceilings: Overcoming Barriers

Despite progress, working women still face barriers in the workplace. Glass ceilings limit their career advancement, and gender pay gaps persist. However, their determination and resilience are slowly chipping away at these obstacles. Women in leadership positions serve as beacons of hope, inspiring others to push boundaries.

Empowering Communities: Driving Social Progress

Working women’s contributions extend beyond their families and workplaces. They actively participate in community development, promoting social change. They advocate for gender equality, health care, and education, creating a ripple effect that benefits entire communities. Their involvement amplifies their voices and makes a positive impact on society.

Conclusion: A Catalyst for Positive Change

Working women are a driving force for positive change. They contribute to economic growth, challenge gender stereotypes, and inspire future generations. Their resilience and determination are breaking down barriers and reshaping roles. As working women continue to thrive, societies evolve, and a more equitable and inclusive world becomes a reality.

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Women’s Work

Sometimes, freedom means choosing your obligations

“There are so many things to love besides one’s own offspring, so many things that need love, so much other work love has to do in the world.” —Rebecca Solnit, The Mother of All Questions

I’m three and Margaret is six. We are naked and standing in the bathroom next to the tub. I shiver as we wait for our older sister, Ann, to come in and turn on the water for us. I’m not strong enough to do it, and Margaret can’t. I wonder for the first time why not. I look at her. She’s nearly as tall as Ann, just two years younger, but she can’t do this simple thing. Her messy hair hangs in her face, and her bangs are ragged where she cut them as a joke. She’s worried a raw spot on her chin with nervous picking. She’s missing one front tooth, and the other is half grown in. Her face is as familiar as my own, and so dear to me. My sister. I never think of Margaret as my big sister. Something is different about her, I understand then for the first time.

Ann stomps in and wrenches the taps open. She sighs, waiting for the tub to fill, and slams the door behind her as she leaves. The oldest, she’s eternally sick of us, but she always makes sure the water isn’t too hot. Margaret and I climb over the high, cold side of the tub and sit cross-legged in the warm water. I pass her the soap, the washcloth. Margaret sings, and her high, fluting voice echoes off the ceiling. Later, we are clean and warm in cotton nightgowns. I fall asleep listening to her whisper and laugh to herself in the dark. This is the way it always is.

I’m seven and Margaret is ten. I’m standing next to our brothers in the crowded lobby of the cavernous Old Spaghetti Factory. Margaret sits nearby with Mom. The wide wooden floorboards creak and groan as large groups are called to their tables. We love the Old Spaghetti Factory. It’s the only place we go out for dinner, because it’s cheap and because spaghetti is one of the only foods Margaret will eat. I lean against the wall and yank on my red knee socks, which won’t stay up, their elastic exhausted long ago by the two sisters who wore them before me. I find a hole in one and poke my finger through it. My stomach clenches and unclenches as the minutes pass. I try not to look at Margaret, who stares off into the corner of the room at who knows what. Maybe everything will be just fine, I think.

The group in front of us is invited to their table. My brothers cheer and take over the old-timey velvet chairs those people had been sitting on. Margaret watches them walk by and lets out a little cry and stamps her foot. I swallow hard. There are only seven of us. Surely, we will get a table soon. The minutes drag. Why can’t they hurry up? Margaret’s cry turns into a whine. Mom puts an arm around her and whispers in her ear. Dad stands with his arms crossed over his chest. He looks away like he isn’t with us. Ann sits up straight in her chair, looking very grown-up. Time ticks and lulls. Margaret’s voice climbs into a wail, and then she’s pulling on her wrists, stamping her feet. Every head in the lobby turns as she throws herself on the floor and bangs her palms against the wide wooden boards. She kicks and screams like her skin is on fire. Then Dad is swearing and herding us all out the door and into the van. I can feel the eyes on our backs.

It doesn’t stop there. It never stopped there. She couldn’t wait for a table, but now that we’ve left, in her mind she is still waiting for the table, and she can’t recalibrate. She screams all the way home in the back seat while the rest of us cover our ears. She screams as she runs up the stairs to the house, her voice bouncing off the cement driveway. Dad yells over her and tries to get past her to unlock the door. She roars and smacks the windowpane with her open hand until it shatters and blood runs down her arm. She keeps screaming about the Old Spaghetti Factory. It’s like she can’t feel the cut on her hand at all. We try to calm her, but nothing works. She bounces from room to room, her anxious wail spiraling around the house and setting off our father’s anger again. Hours later, Margaret (who habitually refers to herself in the second person) tells our mother, “You don’t yell in the restaurant,” in self-admonishment. It feels like a cyclone has torn through the house, through the family, again.

Margaret runs up onto the church altar in the middle of Mass, laughing and singing “I’ve Been Working on the Railroad.” She disappears on her small bicycle and is found by the Washington State Patrol out on the highway near the rent-by-the-hour motels. On the way back from taking Communion, Margaret spots a baby and darts into the pew to sniff its head. Margaret runs her finger up the back of a stranger’s leg because she loves the feel of pantyhose. Margaret zings a meatball at Dad’s head at the dinner table. Margaret stands at the top of a three-story escalator bellowing, “Get your HANDS! Outta your PANTS!” into the atrium of a mall and cackles as we descend slowly toward hundreds of surprised, upturned faces. Her laughter breaks the silence of weddings, funerals, and baptisms. Seattle Police Department officers find her in the stairwell of our brother Michael’s apartment building, wearing nothing but her “Somebody in Toledo Loves Me!” nightgown, singing up into the high ceiling like an escaped bird. The family priest, over for dinner, watches as teenaged Margaret bounces naked through our kitchen. When my college boyfriend freezes during his performance of Rachmaninoff’s second piano concerto, you could hear a pin drop, but then comes Margaret’s high, wild laughter.

Margaret is unpredictable, maddening, hilarious, and out of control. Margaret makes our lives feel like the Mad Hatter’s tea party. By the time I leave home for college, I can’t explain who I am or what my family is apart from her.  

In the spirit house of my childhood, doors sagged off hinges, windows fell out of frames, and the roof threatened to cave in. Years later, I would hear a builder explain the term “sistering.” A new piece of lumber attached to a flawed one has the power to make the overall construction stronger. But I never felt Margaret and I made each other stronger.

II. Daughters

I’m thirty-three and Margaret is thirty-six. I’m at the family lake house with my parents and my brothers and Ann and some cousins and friends, and Margaret is not here. Sleepy and relaxed from swimming, I stand on the porch feeling the sun-warmed tiles through the soles of my bare feet. My body buzzes with gin and happiness.

Someone had started making drinks a little earlier than usual because, after all, we’re at the lake, and now someone is making another round of drinks. There is no road, and we don’t drive the boat after dark, so no one is going anywhere. Why not make another round of gin and tonics? Why point out that we always use pint glasses instead of highballs?

We stand around in the long shadows of the afternoon. The northern sun will not set for hours on this beautiful summer day. Small waves lap the shore, and a breeze rushes through the tall pines behind the house like an invisible train.

I sip my drink and note Margaret’s absence. I had asked my parents not to bring her out when we all gathered this summer. I had suggested in an email that instead we could visit her one on one. I’d said we had noticed, now that most of us live far away, that being in a large, rowdy group at the cabin seems to upset her. I didn’t say, “and it ruins everything for the rest of us to have to put up with her screaming,” but it was understood. My parents didn’t respond to my email, but when I got to the cabin, Margaret was not here for the first time in thirty years. Without her, I feel a mix of relief, guilt, and sadness—our signature family cocktail.

My siblings and I watch each other and smile. There is no feeling that the other shoe is about to drop. No one is scanning the sky like Henny Penny for signs of catastrophe. The lack of pressure changes everything. Last night, my siblings and I told stories around the table after dinner, each of us tentatively voicing news about our lives. We usually do not get the chance for this kind of conversation between Margaret’s fits of hilarity or anguish. Our father sat with us instead of disappearing to smoke in the pump house or going to bed without saying good night. Only Mom seemed strained, at loose ends without my sister to tend to, translate for, or comfort.

Our small mother doesn’t usually drink. Standing near me, she’s bright-eyed from the stiff gin and tonic someone put in her hand. We’re all leaving tomorrow. We’re talking about how to get my brother Michael and me to the airport. Suddenly, Mom announces she’s picking Margaret up in the morning. I don’t notice if she’s offering us a ride, but she lays out her schedule for the next day: the time we will need to get her across in the boat so she can drive to town and get our sister, swing by the store, and get back to the dock in time for lunch. The rest of us will be gone by then. Michael looks at me and rolls his eyes. Larry stares into his glass and rattles the ice. I swig my drink and feel the acrid tonic wash over my tongue as I try to swallow my bitterness. I look at Dad, who says nothing, staring out at the water and rocking back on his heels.

One of the family friends catches my eye and smirks. “’Cuz it’s always about Margaret, right?” she says. I grin, feeling mean, and say, “Yes, it’s always about Margaret.”

There is a burst of boozy laughter from one of the boys about something else. Then Mom’s face collapses, and she begins to cry. Mom never cries in front of us. Not about Margaret. Not about anything we ever say. But I’ve said the one thing we never say, the terrible truth about our family. This one sentence is a wrecking ball that smashes the façade our family has hidden behind for three decades.

I want to take my words back, but at the same time I think, What did I say that is so terrible, that every single person here hasn’t thought a thousand times before?  

Do we try to comfort Mom? Does someone put a hand on her arm? I don’t remember. We watch the torrent of pain course through her, and she disappears into the house. We stand in the yard not looking at each other. I’m waiting for Dad to yell. He doesn’t say anything. We mutter amongst ourselves. Some time passes, and the sun disappears behind the hill. Ann says we should start dinner. Someone offers to set the table. We all go inside, and I walk through the dark rooms on the second floor of the house, looking for our mother. The breeze has shifted, and a cool green-scented air drifts down out of the woods. Mom is not here. I walk out the back door through the twilit yard and find her sitting by the pump house, sobbing and staring out into the lake. I sit down, but she won’t look at me. She shakes and cries, telling her story in broken sentences. Nobody understands, she says. She did it all for us. She had to do the work so we didn’t have to. It was always about getting Margaret ready for a future without her. It was always meant to spare everyone else.

I know she believes that. This is the Dickensian plotline we swallowed as children: Dad let Mom keep Margaret out of the institution as long as she took care of all the hard stuff. But now it sounds like nonsense. After all, they were both responsible for her, for all of us. However, this doesn’t seem like the time to criticize, to tell her she should have demanded more of her husband or to explain that her good intentions had made the rest of us feel abandoned. I sit there feeling useless. It feels very similar to being with Margaret when she’s upset, only I don’t think Mom will kick me as my sister has been known to do.

The next morning, Mom, usually the first one up, comes downstairs very late, her eyes puffy and red, and hugs everyone goodbye as we get in the boat to leave. I write to her later and tell her I know she did her best but it still hurt to feel like an afterthought. She doesn’t write back.

In the years that follow, my mother slowly fades from my life. Whenever I come home, she’s busy—at church or with Margaret. Those few careless words, it seems, have undone the spell that held us together. My family. They break my heart. I love them. I don’t know how to love them.

Mother , like sister , can be a verb, an action. Daughter cannot, though I tried. As a daughter I’d attempted to carry my sister for our mother and failed, which I thought was a measure of some deficit in me. It took me years to understand that it wasn’t my work to do at all. In my dreams I still walk the dark halls of an empty house looking for my mother and find only the wind.

III. Mothers

I’m thirty-eight and I’m at a birthday party. The guest of honor wears a pink tutu, a puffy purple vest, and rhinestone sunglasses. She’s turning two. She sprints around the living room with a red plastic purse clutched to her chest. She has cake on her face. Most of the other guests are between four weeks and four years old. They stagger, topple over, and crash about, a youthful scrum of hair-pullers and screamers.

I stand in the kitchen with a group of moms. They talk about breastfeeding, naptime, the terrible twos, diapering marathons, sleep deprivation, co-parenting, crying-it-out, co-sleeping, daycare. They glance at me. It’s my turn to speak, but I have nothing to say.

I wander outside to where the dads sit around the keg. We talk about mountain biking and kitesurfing, and then someone makes a crack about how his wife never lets him out of the house since the kid came along. They all look at me—guilty or accusing, I can’t decide.

I don’t fit in anywhere, and this is exactly the spot I have chosen. People ask, with increasing frequency, when I will have children. The question alone is exhausting. After a childhood with Margaret, it feels like I already did that.

Then I’m thirty-nine, forty, forty-one, forty-two. During these years I inhabit a strange and lonely landscape. I slowly become the only woman I know who is not a mother. I grew up in the era of a woman’s right to choose, but it’s increasingly clear that everyone else thinks that means when, not whether, to have kids.

I comb through my memories and compare my own family to the families my friends are building. I never understood so clearly how different we were from others. Now I see that becoming a mother is the chance for me to fit in for once. My husband and I could join this club. This potential life is like an attractive house on the market. I can walk by and see the tidy yard and picket fence. Everyone else says it looks like the perfect place to live, the best neighborhood in town and a great bargain. It seems like something I should want, but I can’t seem to do more than peer in the windows.

I’m forty-three and Dizzy is sixteen. I sit on the living room floor, watching the snow fall on the buried garden. Dizzy props her chin on her paws and watches me watch the snow like she has every winter since she was a puppy.

People have stopped asking when I’m going to reproduce. Very occasionally, someone asks why I decided not to have kids. Most people avoid the topic, as if they are embarrassed for me. But if someone really wants to know, I tell them it happened gradually. Less a decision than a dawning awareness of who I am and who I am not. 

I’m not lonely anymore, and I’m not alone either. A tremendous tribe forms the scaffolding around my adult life. My siblings understand like nobody else what I am made of. My spirited friends love the same things I do—the woods, music, books. I’ve had twenty years with one man and our life with the creatures we care for. I’ve learned that the power to create a family comes from love.

Canine Dizzy was one of the first members of that family. With her laughing face and quiet way, she was fifty-five pounds of constancy. Dizzy raced behind my back tire on the trail. Dizzy lay on my paddleboard out on the river with her chin on her paws. Dizzy in her jingle bell collar danced away from us as we cross-country skied on Christmas Eve. Dizzy lay under my desk as I worked. Dizzy sat with me on days when I’d felt bereft of friends and family. Dizzy propped her chin on Margaret’s knee when my sister came to visit from her group home.

I run my hand from her soft shoulder to hip, and she closes her eyes. I know she might not live to see spring bloom in the garden or watch the honeybees awaken in the hive. I’m certain I will watch next winter’s snows without her. Loving this old dog makes me feel the urgency to love everyone I love better.

I think about my parents and Margaret, who will gather for Christmas without the rest of us, as usual. After the blowup at the lake, it became clear that we functioned best in disaster mode. Birthdays, holidays, and special occasions had never been possible at the tempo of Margaret’s anxious internal metronome when we were children, and that remained true in our adult lives. It took me longer to understand that my parents, now freed from Margaret’s daily care, have little inclination to be with the rest of us. They have wandered off into the separate corners of their lives, seeking their own quiet solace. How can I blame them? I understand they prefer to be loved from a distance.

So does Margaret, now in her mid-forties. Her face remains childlike and open to whatever storm or sunshine she’s feeling. Margaret, who can never be anyone but herself, has resisted all my attempts to define her. I have to love her by letting her be herself and taking whatever she has to offer, whenever she is willing to give it.

Dizzy heaves herself to her feet and snuffles in my face. Then she circles three times to land at my hip. The kitty dances across the kitchen floor and curls up on my other side.

People say a woman’s work is never done—the work of building and maintaining shelter, both real and imagined, for those we love. The wise woman stocks a room of materials for herself—love, empathy, forgiveness—and finds she always has something to share with others. My storerooms are full of gratitude for this family I have. It’s a circle I give to and take from in a repeating exchange. Mothering, it turns out, is the work of us all—to nurture ourselves and others and to turn that love back upon the world.

This is the house I occupy at midlife. It has many doors and windows. I am a sister, a daughter, a partner. I am a sister-in-law, a daughter-in-law, an aunt, a keeper of creatures. I am not anyone’s mother. I understand the freedom that comes from choosing the life I have instead of mourning the one I don’t.

Listening to Dizzy’s deep, rhythmic breathing, I feel something give way in my heart, a rush of movement. From the wreckage, this is beautiful salvage.

5 Women Empowerment Essays Everybody Should Read

What does “women’s empowerment” mean? It refers to the process of giving women control over their choices and access to the opportunities and resources that allow them to thrive. While there’s been progress, gender inequality remains a persistent issue in the world. Empowering women politically, socially, economically, educationally, and psychologically helps narrow the gap. Here are five essays about women’s empowerment that everyone should read:

Women’s Movements and Feminist Activism (2019)

Amanda Gouws & Azille Coetzee

This editorial from the “Empowering women for gender equity” issue of the journal Agenda explores the issue’s themes. It gives a big picture view of the topics within. The issue is dedicated to women’s movements and activism primarily in South Africa, but also other African countries. New women’s movements focus on engaging with institutional policies and running campaigns for more female representation in government. Some barriers make activism work harder, such as resistance from men and funding, If you’re interested in the whole issue, this editorial provides a great summary of the main points, so you can decide if you want to read further.

Agenda is an African peer-viewed academic journal focusing on feminism. It was established in 1987. It publishes articles and other entries, and tutors young writers.

5 Powerful Ways Women Can Empower Other Women (2020)

Pavitra Raja

Originally published during Women’s History Month, this piece explores five initiatives spearheaded by women in the Schwab Foundation for Social Entrepreneurship community. Created by women for women, these innovations demonstrate what’s possible when women harness their skills and empower each other. The initiatives featured in this article embrace technology, education, training programs, and more.

Pavitra Raja is the Community Manager for social entrepreneurs in Europe, North America, and Latin America. She’s consulted with the UN Economic Commission for Europe and also has experience in legal affairs and policy in the private and public sectors.

The Key to Improving Women’s Health in Developing Countries (2019)

Because of gender inequality, women’s health is affected around the world. Factors like a lower income than men, more responsibilities at home, and less education impact health. This is most clear in developing countries. How can this be addressed? This essay states that empowerment is the key. When giving authority and control over their own lives, women thrive and contribute more to the world. It’s important that programs seeking to end gender inequality focus on empowerment, and not “rescue.” Treating women like victims is not the answer.

Axa is a leading global insurer, covering more than 100 million customers in 57 countries. On their website, they say they strive for the collective good by working on prevention issues, fighting climate change, and prioritizing protection. The company has existed for over 200 years.

Empowering Women Is Smart Economics (2012)

Ana Revenga and Sudhir Shetty

What are the benefits of women’s empowerment? This article presents the argument that closing gender gaps doesn’t only serve women, it’s good for countries as a whole. Gender equality boosts economic productivity, makes institutions more representative, and makes life better for future generations. This piece gives a good overview of the state of the world (the data is a bit old, but things have not changed significantly) and explores policy implications. It’s based on the World Bank’s World Development Report in 2012 on gender equality and development.

Ana Revenga and Sudhir Shetty both worked at the World Bank at the time this article was originally published. Revenga was the Sector Director of Human Development, Europe and Central Asia. Shetty (who still works at the World Bank in a different role) was the Sector Director, Poverty Reduction and Economic Management, East Asia and Pacific.

The Side Of Female Empowerment We Aren’t Talking About Enough (2017)

Tamara Schwarting

In this era of female empowerment, women are being told they can do anything, but can they? It isn’t because women aren’t capable. There just aren’t enough hours in the day. As this article says, women have “more to do but no more time to do it.” The pressure is overwhelming. Is the image of a woman who can “do it all” unrealistic? What can a modern woman do to manage a high-stakes life? This essay digs into some solutions, which include examining expectations and doing self-checks.

Tamara Schwarting is the CEO of 1628 LTD, a co-working community space of independent professionals in Ohio. She’s also an executive-level consultant in supply chain purchasing and business processes. She describes herself as an “urbanist” and has a passion for creative, empowering work environments.

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Women and Work, Essay Example

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In Rosalind Barnett’s, “Women and Work: Where Are We, Where Did We Come From, and Where Are We Going?” McSally’s “Defending America in mixed company: Gender in the US armed forces.” and Mary Wollstonecraft’s “Vindication of the Rights of Woman,” all provide sound assessment of gender inequality in society, specifically in regard to how it plays out in the workplace. Wollstonecraft examines in-depth the ideological and psychological factors that promote gender prejudice in a male driven society. Barnett further supports this view with specific data that reveals disparaging data regarding prejudice towards women in the workforce. The main concept Barnett reveals is that many of the limitations holding women back from advancing originates from aspects of reason and ideologically driven prejudice mentioned by Wollstonecraft. Wollstonecraft argues there numerous simple questions, if asked, that can provide insight into the reality of how gender roles are structured, but these revelations are often contradicted by the conduct of people. She states that misguided reason spawns the bias that creates gender role prejudice. McSally further enforces the views of both of these authors in showing how these gender roles utilized within the military to prevent women from succeeding and progressing up the ladder. The following research will show how Michailidisa, Morphitoub, and Theophylatou’s study “Women at workequality versus inequality: barriers for advancing in the workplace” ties into the arguments of these authors to further research in gender role prejudices in society proving how women are subjugated to a second tier status while at the same time the authors provide recommendations for solutions. Through these comparisons the author attempts to provide future support for progress and social change.

Michailidisa, Morphitoub, and Theophylatou’s study “Women at workequality versus inequality: barriers for advancing in the workplace” attempts to identify factors that influence women working in Cyprus, specifically in respect to the barriers to equality that result in discrimination and impact their chances for advancement in the workplace. The research designed in their study seeks to identify many of the factors mentioned by Barnett, Wollstonecraft, and McSally while providing recommendation for potential solutions to these problems. The authors identify their recommendations based on the analysis of data they retrieve. As the authors note, “the data were collected by the distribution of a questionnaire, which was on a voluntary, anonymous and confidential basis and targeted women of four different occupational levels” (Michailidisa, Morphitoub, and Theophylatou, 4231). The authors identify multiple barriers that prevent women from advancing in the workplace, specifically the conflict that exists between the work environment and the home, stereotypes, low self confidence levels and a lack of female role models. Their study does an effective job of enhancing awareness about gender discrimination in the workplace. The study concludes by identifying the work-life balance as the main objective that needs improvement for women to gain equality in the workplace and control over the barriers that prevent equality. They recommend the use of day care programs, mentoring systems, and other company programs that can allow all employees, but especially women to acquire advancement. Some specific recommendations they makes can be seen with the use of refresher courses designed to better prepare women for succession or equip them to perform more effectively in the field. One key argument Barnett makes regarding gender roles in the workplace that supports the argument made by Morphitoub and authors can be seen when Barnett points out how the special talents of man were specifically shaped by society to satisfy workplace and capitalist drives. Barnet argues that, “Men’s special talents matched the requirements of the workplace, where they were expected to devote their full energies. To fulfill the provider role, married men often worked inordinately long hours, forgoing any real relationship with their children and relegating their wives to full-time parenting” (Barnett, 667). Here Barnett demonstrates that there is a critical flaw in the gender roles initially mapped out by Wollstonecraft. The authors show that the gender roles create an unsustainable family environment that can’t thrive. This is why Barnett argues the gender roles have a negative impact on all parties involved. Morphitoub and authors do an excellent job of identifying the barriers created by these gender roles and providing legitimate solutions.

In their study, Morphitoub and authors survey women in the workplace who provide concrete suggestions for programs which they believe would better equip them to advance. The authors note that, many women identified organizational programs that could best serve at counteracting gender prejudice in the workplace. They specifically identified, “‘mentoring programs’, ‘managerial programs which identify and develop women’s potential’, ‘programs that would help women balance their work and family lives’, ‘on-site childcare facilities’, ‘refresher courses when re-entering the workforce’, ‘offering flexible working hours’, ‘women role models in the highest levels of the organization’” (Michailidisa, Morphitoub, and Theophylatou, 4243).  All of these programs are recognized within the study as key parameters that if implemented will give women much needed support within the workplace to help them broaden their professional experiences garner high ratings towards advancement and empower them to counteract the bias that has held them back to date. Some of the same tenants promoted within their study can also be applied to institutional structures like the military.

There are distinct divisions within the military that prevent women from progressing. In the business world this is often referred to as the glass ceiling, an unseen barrier that prevents women from excelling beyond a certain point. One would assume that as the military is an extension of the U.S. government, there would be equal opportunity for succession in the military. McSally points out this is not the case. In McSally’s article, the author breaks down the chronological history of the female contribution to the U.S. military, noting that, “U.S. national security is not being pursued in mixed company consisting of all qualified American citizens; instead, existing restrictions have limited women’s full participation in the military” (McSally, 149). This concept coincides with many of the arguments made by Wollstonecraft and Barnett who argue the place of the female in society and work culture has been despairingly second class.  Wollstonecraft attributes the difference between men and women in society to the prejudices harbored through corrupt reason when she states that “perfection of our nature and capability of happiness, must be estimated by the degree of reason, virtue, and knowledge, that distinguish the individual, and direct the laws which bind society…”(Wollstonecraft, 11). The author’s main argument is that by leaving the interpretation of prejudice subject to reason, it allows for inequality between men and women. Michailidisa, Morphitoub, and Theophylatou’s results provide a response to these concerns in the form of recommendations that come straight from women in the field encountering the challenges mentioned by McSally, Barnet and Wollstonecraft.

Gender roles play a significant role in how men and women function in society. This is largely due to the pressure they impose on people to live up to certain set expectations. In the opening of the author’s study, McSally provides an example of the gender roles established by the military noting that, “men protect and women are protected. Men are strong and courageous and women are weak and emotional. Men are responsible to the state and women to their family. Men are motivated to function in the horror of war by the thought of returning to the normalcy of home as symbolized by mother, wife, sweetheart, and the nurses who care for them in battle” (McSally, 149). The point the author makes is that these are characteristics that are broadly applied to society with no regard for the individuality of people. These gender roles create expectation and obligations that their respective adopters feel they must satisfy. This can lead to guilt and resentment as Barnett notes, “women may feel guilty about working long hours or traveling for work because to do so violates the expectation that their families must come first” (Barnett, 667). Here Barnett points out that even when women are given the opportunity to excel at their careers, gender roles create mental and social limitations on this progress by creating a stigma that women who choose career over family aren’t just bad mothers but inadequate as women. Likewise, the same applies to men who stay at home with their families; they are often passed over for promotions and single men are favored for employment. The main point the authors make here is that work-family balance is the biggest issue for women which prevents them from advancement.

Michailidisa and authors make this same connection, in regards to family work balance, in their study but provide solutions for the issue noting that “women have some difficulty in balancing work and family obligations. In addition, lack of company programs that help women balance work and family obligations 93.5% of the respondents stated that organizational programs would greatly help women balance work and family obligations” (Michailidisa, Morphitoub, and Theophylatou, 4243). They are not overly optimistic about combatting the issue. They acknowledge there are significant challenges that must be overcome. They further note that, “the roots of this inequality have been proven to be deep and appear to be very difficult to prove and even harder to remedy. Achieving equal rights for equal positions is huge, enormous step efforts and a global concern” (Michailidisa, Morphitoub, and Theophylatou, 4244). Here the authors identify the primary goal of this struggle as the pursuit of equal rights, but the authors recognize this is no easy path towards accomplishing this goal. They do not belittle the arguments made by the authors that have come before them in that they reaffirm the challenges and complications but they also identify avenues to overcome barriers.

In sum, The research showed how Michailidisa, Morphitoub, and Theophylatou’s study “Women at workequality versus inequality: barriers for advancing in the workplace” provided additional support to reinforce the views of these authors on gender inequality in society. The authors found that character roles imposed on women and men has established barriers that limit women from progressing within the military. The reason why their research is so critical in the field of gender studies, specifically civil rights and the confronting the conflict of inequality is that the military represents an extension of the federal government making it essentially an institution of the U.S. Constitution. The authors reveal a deep irony that is not only contradictory in the behavior of individuals like Wollstonecraft mentions but that is contradictory to the very policies mapped out by the U.S. government, the same government which many women enlist to serve. Their study provides an answer to many of the conflicts presented by gender roles within past articles. For example, in Rosalind Barnett’s, “Women and Work: Where Are We, Where Did We Come From, and Where Are We Going?” McSally’s “Defending America in mixed company: Gender in the US armed forces.” and Mary Wollstonecraft’s “Vindication of the Rights of Woman,” all provide a clear interpretation of gender roles and their impact on society. These authors reveal how gender roles create an unsustainable interaction between men and women that carries over into the workplace. The main thing these authors demonstrate through critical analysis is that the family structure suffers tremendously from prejudices and these prejudices are harbored by bias reason that translates to contradictory behavior. The takeaway from this research is that work-family balance is a primary focus for providing women with an opportune chance to achieve equality, and this work-family balance can be achieved through providing women with key resources to supplement their pursuit of a successful family life and progressive employment in the workforce.

Barnett, Rosalind Chait. “Preface: Women and work: Where are we, where did we come from, and where are we going?.” Journal of Social Issues 60.4 (2004): 667-674.

McSally, Martha E. “Defending America in mixed company: Gender in the US armed forces.” Daedalus 140.3 (2011): 148-164.

Michailidis, M. P., R. N. Morphitou, and I. Theophylatou. “Women at workequality versus inequality: barriers for advancing in the workplace.” The International Journal of Human Resource Management 23.20 (2012): 4231-4245.

Wollstonecraft, Mary. Vindication of the Rights of Woman. Broadview Press, 1975.

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Event Summary: ‘A Woman’s Work is Never Done’ – How Gender Norms Enable Labor Coercion, Inside and Outside the Home

By Vidhu Mukundan

On Thursday, March 28, Rohini Pande , renowned economist and the Henry J. Heinz II Professor of Economics and Director of the Economic Growth Center, Yale University, presented the 2024 Paul Streeten Distinguished Lecture in Global Development Policy . Pande’s lecture shared novel research examining how gender norms can enable female labor coercion within and outside the  home, with evidence from India.

The lecture opened with introductory remarks from Stan Sclaroff , Professor and Dean of the Boston University College of Arts and Sciences, as well as Daniele Paserman , Professor of Economics with the BU Department of Economics. Rachel Brulé , Associate Director and Core Faculty Member of the Human Capital Initiative (HCI) at the Boston University Global Development Policy Center and an Assistant Professor of Global Development Policy at the Frederick S. Pardee School of Global Studies at Boston University, presided over the discussion and audience Q&A.

Pande began by pointing to BU Professor Paul Streeten’s legacy in policy-oriented research, who urged researchers to think of basic needs as basic rights. Especially in the context of this lecture, Pande asked about the politics of basic needs for women, pointing to Streeten’s comment that “The pleas of the women’s liberation movement are in conflict with the pleas of those who call for an improvement in the specifically feminine roles of wife and mother.”

Her lecture examined how conservative gender norms have been weaponized to uphold male dominance both inside and outside the home, citing disparities in paid and unpaid labor between men and women, mobile cell phone usage and other indicators of personal liberties.

How are conservative gender norms weaponized to uphold male dominance inside and outside the home?

Using evidence from India, Pande argued that gendered social norms coerce and confine married women to household work. Firstly, she pointed out that men’s labor force participation is higher relative to women’s. While this pattern is similar across countries, female labor force participation shows high levels of variation across contexts. For example, in India, the female labor force participation sits under 30 percent.

To provide deeper insight, Pande used World Bank data to show that these levels have not improved with higher rates of economic growth. Furthermore, using India’s National Sample Survey Office Time Use 2019 Survey , she shows how women, married and unmarried, devote more of their time towards to unpaid work relative to men. Married women are reported to spend 399 minutes per day on unpaid domestic and caregiving work and 71 minutes per day on paid work, whereas married men are reported to spend 46 minutes per day on unpaid domestic and caregiving work and 378 minutes per day on paid work. Therefore, Pande argued that the gender gap is not in the time spent per day in working, but in money earned for that labor.

Is time spent on paid versus unpaid work linked to marriage? Pande pointed to the diverging trends of employment status with age in India, where for men, marriage (with age) does not change labor market outcomes, whereas marriage for women is much more closely correlated with not entering the labor market at all. Supporting studies from Pande’s 2017 survey in Madhya Pradesh show that this is a result of social norms restricting women’s economic mobility.

What sustains gendered division of labor?  

Pande argued that social norms sustain the gendered divisions of labor within and outside the home. She links marriage coercion with social norms, using Acemoglu and Wolitzky’s model of labor coercion, wherein a laborer’s willingness to accept a contract with conditions that are objectively unfavorable under force or the threat of the force. She argued that gender norms enable families and women to accept marriage contracts that result in uneven burdens of unpaid domestic and caregiving work. A moral imperative framing or narrative of the ‘good woman,’ who accepts the marital contract and the uneven care burden as the ‘right’ thing to do, perpetuates these norms. Furthermore, Pande noted that these norms also enable physical and social punishment of women who deviate from this moral narrative.

Limiting outside options: Social norms before and after marriage for women

Citing existing studies, Pande showed that pre-marriage norms for women and girls like remaining “chaste and pure for future husbands,” adopting a subservient manner, adhering to arranged marriages and supervised mobile phone usage limits women’s agency, physical mobility, social and labor market connections. Pande’s own research based on the 2012 India Human Development Survey shows that at and after puberty, mobile phone usage for girls plateaus and then decreases with age, indicating that either girls do not use their own phones as they grow older or that they have to share the usage of mobile phones with family. On the other hand, boys’ cell phone usage increases steadily with age.

Pande’s team used in-depth interviews with 98 women and 27 men across rural and urban areas of India that cover the south, east, center and north of the country to understand norms regarding women’s mobile phone ownership and usage. Common themes that emerged from these interviews highlight that mobiles phones are seen to impact women’s community reputations by increasing their social networks and de-emphasizing their role as caregivers and subservient members of the household. Furthermore, Pande related these norms about women’s mobile phone usage with enabling both physical punishment and social sanction of “norm non-compliant” women.

Using Demographic and Health Survey data for India from 2019-2021, Pande made two striking observations: just 20 percent of the 60,000 women surveyed reported that they were “never afraid” of their husband, while over 20 percent of the women surveyed justified a husband beating his wife for not complying with household gendered norms by engaging in behavior like neglecting children, going out without telling the husband, not cooking food properly and other similar infractions. What is more, the number of women justifying domestic violence was greater for women whose social networks were limited by their family (for some categories, it was as high as 37 percent), relative to women whose social networks were not limited.

Can improving outside options for women effect change?

  From a randomized experiment in 2017, Pande and researchers compared outcomes for women who were employed in public sector jobs with different levels of control over their earnings in the form of opening bank accounts for women, receiving direct deposits into their individual bank accounts and receiving training on how to use these bank accounts, among other treatments. The results showed that after three years, women who received direct deposits and were trained in using their bank accounts had higher labor supply in both public and private sectors. Additionally, in a follow-up survey conducted after eight years, the interventions were found to have had a liberalizing impact on women’s own perceptions of gender norms on whether they think women should be allowed to work outside the home, among other norms. However, women’s perceptions of their communities were shown to grow more conservative with time, indicating that normative backlash may be limiting liberalized women’s opportunities for development.

Pande therefore stresses the importance of not only individual-level interventions for women, but also targeted interventions at the community level to disrupt gender norms that socially sanction “non-compliant” women. Pande further discussed another randomized control trial where a pre-election scheme by the government in rural Chhattisgarh, India involved distributing mobile phones to eligible women, where only half of them received training on how to use the devices. Pande found that women that received the mobile phones and were trained in their usage showed greater indications of individual ownership, greater social connections and better mental health, as opposed to women who received mobile phones without the training.

In concluding her remarks, Pande emphasized the implications of her work. She noted that powerful economic incentives that provide women the opportunity to participate in the labor market and encourage their financial independence may make a dent in prevailing gender norms, but the gains may be short-lived if policies only target norms at the household and individual levels. Rather, she argued that creating women’s networks, extending interventions beyond the household and encouraging collective action that challenges gender norms from the smallest to the largest scale can affect lasting change towards gender equality.

Vidhu Mukundan is a PhD student in the Department of Political Science at Boston University.

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Working Women in India

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Published: Jan 15, 2019

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• Acceptance As Working Professionals
• Balancing Work-Family Life
• Travelling For Work Is Not Acceptable
• Safety Of Working Women
• Unequal Pay

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More Women Work in Nonprofits. So Why Do Men End Up Leading Them?

• Cathleen Clerkin

Data from 1 million nonprofit workers show that men have an easier pathway to leadership — and suggests how to level the playing field.

The term “ glass escalator ” refers to the finding that men in female-dominated occupations often experience a faster and smoother rise to the upper levels of leadership than women. Why does the male advantage persist? Systemic power dynamics and gender stereotypes are pervasive across industries. Because of these stereotypes and incorrect assumptions, even in fields where there is an abundance of qualified women for leadership roles, men continue to be singled out and fast-tracked. The author offers several best practices that have been shown to tamp down the escalator effect and promote gender equality.

You’ve probably heard of the “glass ceiling”: an invisible barrier of gender bias that prevents women from reaching the top of the career ladder, especially in male-dominated industries. But are you familiar with the glass escalator?

• CC Cathleen Clerkin , PhD, is the associate vice president of research at Candid (a research and data nonprofit) and an affiliated research scientist at the Center for Effective Organizations at the University of Southern California. Cathleen’s research has been published broadly in both academic and popular press venues, including in her recent coauthored book, Resilience that Works: Eight Practices for Leadership and Life . Cathleen holds a BA in psychology from the University of California, Berkeley, and MS and PhD degrees in psychology from the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor.

Partner Center

Source: Emmanuel Saez and Gabriel Zucman • Note: Tax rates shown include levies paid at all levels of government. Government transfers such as Social Security benefits have not been subtracted.

In the 1960s, the 400 richest Americans paid more than half of their income in taxes. Higher tax rates for the wealthy kept inequality in check and helped fund the creation of social safety nets like Medicare, Medicaid and food stamps.

Today, the superrich control a greater share of America’s wealth than during the Gilded Age of Carnegies and Rockefellers. That's partly because taxes on the wealthy have cratered. In 2018, America's top billionaires paid just 23 percent of their income in taxes.

For the first time in the history of the United States, billionaires had a lower effective tax rate than working-class Americans.

Guest Essay

It’s Time to Tax the Billionaires

By Gabriel Zucman

Gabriel Zucman is an economist at the Paris School of Economics and the University of California, Berkeley.

Until recently, it was hard to know just how good the superrich are at avoiding taxes. Public statistics are oddly quiet about their contributions to government coffers, a topic of legitimate interest in democratic societies.

Over the past few years, I and other scholars have published studies and books attempting to fix that problem. While we still have data for only a handful of countries, we’ve found that the ultrawealthy consistently avoid paying their fair share in taxes. In the Netherlands, for instance, the average taxpayer in 2016 gave 45 percent of earnings to the government, while billionaires paid just 17 percent.

Billionaires avoid taxes outside

the United States, too

United States

Netherlands

Lower earners

0-50th percentile

Middle earners

51-90th percentile

High earners

90-99.99th percentile

Billionaires

Billionaires avoid taxes outside the United States, too

50% total tax rate

Sources: Demetrio Guzzardi, et al., Journal of the European Economic Association; Emmanuel Saez and Gabriel Zucman; Institut des Politiques Publiques; Netherlands Bureau for Economic Policy Analysis

Note: Data is from 2015 for Italy; 2016 for the Netherlands and France; 2018 for the United States.

Why do the world’s most fortunate people pay among the least in taxes, relative to the amount of money they make?

The simple answer is that while most of us live off our salaries, tycoons like Jeff Bezos live off their wealth. In 2019, when Mr. Bezos was still Amazon’s chief executive, he took home an annual salary of just $81,840 . But he owns roughly 10 percent of the company , which made a profit of $30 billion in 2023.

If Amazon gave its profits back to shareholders as dividends, which are subject to income tax, Mr. Bezos would face a hefty tax bill. But Amazon does not pay dividends to its shareholders. Neither does Berkshire Hathaway or Tesla. Instead, the companies keep their profits and reinvest them, making their shareholders even wealthier.

Unless Mr. Bezos, Warren Buffett or Elon Musk sell their stock, their taxable income is relatively minuscule. But they can still make eye-popping purchases by borrowing against their assets. Mr. Musk, for example, used his shares in Tesla as collateral to rustle up around $13 billion in tax-free loans to put toward his acquisition of Twitter.

Jeff Bezos arriving for a news conference after flying into space in the Blue Origin New Shepard rocket on July 20, 2021.

Getty Images

Outside the United States, avoiding taxation can be even easier.

Take Bernard Arnault, the wealthiest person in the world. Mr. Arnault’s shares in LVMH, the luxury goods conglomerate, officially belong to holding companies that he controls. In 2023, Mr. Arnault’s holdings received about $3 billion in dividends from LVMH. France — like other European countries — barely taxes these dividends, because on paper they are received by companies. Yet Mr. Arnault can spend the money almost as if it were deposited directly into his bank account, so long as he works through other incorporated entities — on philanthropy , for instance, or to keep his megayacht afloat or to buy more companies .

Historically, the rich had to pay hefty taxes on corporate profits, the main source of their income. And the wealth they passed on to their heirs was subject to the estate tax. But both taxes have been gutted in recent decades. In 2018, the United States cut its maximum corporate tax rate to 21 percent from 35 percent. And the estate tax has almost disappeared in America. Relative to the wealth of U.S. households, it generates only a quarter of the tax revenues it raised in the 1970s.

The falling U.S. corporate tax rate

Reagan tax cuts

Trump tax cuts

Source: Internal Revenue Service

Note: Tax rates are for each year’s highest corporate income bracket.

So what should be done?

One obstacle to taxing the very rich is the risk they may move to low-tax countries. In Europe, some billionaires who built their fortune in France, Sweden or Germany have established residency in Switzerland , where they pay a fraction of what they would owe in their home country. Although few of the ultrawealthy actually move their homes , the possibility that they might has been a boogeyman for would-be tax reformers.

There is a way to make tax dodging less attractive: a global minimum tax. In 2021, more than 130 countries agreed to apply a minimum tax rate of 15 percent on the profits of large multinational companies. So no matter where a company parks its profits, it still has to pay at least a baseline amount of tax under the agreement.

In February, I was invited to a meeting of Group of 20 finance ministers to present a proposal for another coordinated minimum tax — this one not on corporations, but on billionaires. The idea is simple. Let’s agree that billionaires should pay income taxes equivalent to a small portion — say, 2 percent — of their wealth each year. Someone like Bernard Arnault, who is worth about $210 billion, would have to pay an additional tax equal to roughly $4.2 billion if he pays no income tax. In total, the proposal would allow countries to collect an estimated $250 billion in additional tax revenue per year, which is even more than what the global minimum tax on corporations is expected to add.

Bernard Arnault watching the men’s singles final at the French Open on June 8, 2014.

Abaca Press

Critics might say that this is a wealth tax, the constitutionality of which is debated in the United States. In reality, the proposal stays firmly in the realm of income taxation. Billionaires who already pay the baseline amount of income tax would have no extra tax to pay. The goal is that only those who dial down their income to dodge the income tax would be affected.

Critics also claim that a minimum tax would be too hard to apply because wealth is difficult to value. This fear is overblown. According to my research, about 60 percent of U.S. billionaires’ wealth is in stocks of publicly traded companies. The rest is mostly ownership stakes in private businesses, which can be assigned a monetary value by looking at how the market values similar firms.

One challenge to making a minimum tax work is ensuring broad participation. In the multinational minimum tax agreement, participating countries are allowed to overtax companies from nations that haven’t signed on. This incentivizes every country to join the agreement. The same mechanism should be used for billionaires. For example, if Switzerland refuses to tax the superrich who live there, other countries could tax them on its behalf.

We are already seeing some movement on the issue. Countries such as Brazil, which is chairing the Group of 20 summit this year and has shown extraordinary leadership on the issue, and France , Germany, South Africa and Spain have recently expressed support for a minimum tax on billionaires. In the United States, President Biden has proposed a billionaire tax that shares the same objectives.

To be clear, this proposal wouldn’t increase taxes for doctors, lawyers, small-business owners or the rest of the world’s upper middle class. I’m talking about asking a very small number of stratospherically wealthy individuals — about 3,000 people — to give a relatively tiny bit of their profits back to the governments that fund their employees’ educations and health care and allow their businesses to operate and thrive.

The idea that billionaires should pay a minimum amount of income tax is not a radical idea. What is radical is continuing to allow the wealthiest people in the world to pay a smaller percentage in income tax than nearly everybody else. In liberal democracies, a wave of political sentiment is building, focused on rooting out the inequality that corrodes societies. A coordinated minimum tax on the superrich will not fix capitalism. But it is a necessary first step.

More on tax evasion and inequality

This Is Tax Evasion, Plain and Simple

By Gabriel Zucman and Gus Wezerek

The Tax Pirates Are Us

By Binyamin Appelbaum

How to Tax Our Way Back to Justice

By Emmanuel Saez and Gabriel Zucman

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips . And here’s our email: [email protected] .

Follow the New York Times Opinion section on Facebook , Instagram , TikTok , WhatsApp , X and Threads .

Gabriel Zucman is an economist at the Paris School of Economics and the University of California, Berkeley, and a co-author of “The Triumph of Injustice: How the Rich Dodge Taxes and How to Make Them Pay.”

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Sophia Bush comes out as queer, confirms relationship with Ashlyn Harris

Actor Sophia Bush came out as queer in an emotional essay in Glamour and confirmed she’s in a relationship with retired U.S. Women’s National Team soccer player Ashlyn Harris. 

“I sort of hate the notion of having to come out in 2024,” Bush wrote in a cover story for the fashion magazine published Thursday. “But I’m deeply aware that we are having this conversation in a year when we’re seeing the most aggressive attacks on the LGBTQIA+ community in modern history.” 

Bush noted that there were more than 500 anti-LGBTQ bills proposed in state legislatures last year and said this motivated her to “give the act of coming out the respect and honor it deserves.” 

“I’ve experienced so much safety, respect, and love in the queer community, as an ally all of my life, that, as I came into myself, I already felt it was my home,” she wrote. “I think I’ve always known that my sexuality exists on a spectrum. Right now I think the word that best defines it is queer . I can’t say it without smiling, actually. And that feels pretty great.”

The “One Tree Hill” star filed for divorce from entrepreneur Grant Hughes in August. People magazine first reported in October that Bush and Harris were dating, but neither confirmed nor commented on the report. The pair later attended an Oscar’s viewing party together in March . 

In the essay, Bush addressed online rumors that her relationship with Harris began before Harris had officially divorced from fellow soccer star Ali Krieger, in September. 

“Everyone that matters to me knows what’s true and what isn’t,” Bush wrote. “But even still there’s a part of me that’s a ferocious defender, who wants to correct the record piece by piece. But my better self, with her earned patience, has to sit back and ask, What’s the f------- point? For who? For internet trolls? No, thank you. I’ll spend my precious time doing things I love instead.”

Bush said that after news about her and Harris became public, her mom told her that a friend called and said, “Well, this can’t be true. I mean, your daughter isn’t gay .” 

“My mom felt that it was obvious, from the way her friend emphasized the word, that she meant it judgmentally,” Bush wrote. “And you know what my mom said? ‘Oh honey, I think she’s pretty gay. And she’s happy .’”

Bush wrote that she felt like she was wearing a weighted vest that she could finally put down. 

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For more from NBC Out, sign up for our weekly newsletter.

Jo Yurcaba is a reporter for NBC Out.

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Navel Gazing

John dickerson’s notebooks: remembering early 1990s new york.

Getting used to a new city, work advice, passing on wisdom, and more are explored in this week’s audio essay from John Dickerson.

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Episode Notes

In this week’s essay, John discusses an onboarding memo for his assistant Laura, and recounts his early days living and working in New York City.

Notebook Entries:

Notebook 75

Onboard memo for Laura

Notebook 3, page 44. May 1991

June 17 start job. Good stuff

Notebook 3, page 46. May 1991

Tips on buying renting in NYC

Ask about broker

20s and 30s East side. Murry Hill

Live on no major avenue

Interest bearing account for security deposit

Medeco locks

Notebook 4, page 15

Scared standing on 34th and Broadway

$6 cab fare

Notebook 4, page 42

Getting lost in the village

References:

The Little Brown Book of Anecdotes by Clifton Fadiman

Medeco Locks

“ Here is New York ” by E.B. White

“ Silly Job Interview ” - Monty Python

John Cleese on Creativity in Management

Herbie Hancock: Miles Davis’ Essential Lesson On Mistakes

Want to listen to Navel Gazing uninterrupted? Subscribe to Slate Plus to immediately unlock ad-free listening to Navel Gazing and all your other favorite Slate podcasts. Subscribe now on Apple Podcasts by clicking “Try Free” at the top of our show page. Or, visit slate.com/navelgazingplus to get access wherever you listen.

Podcast production by Cheyna Roth.

Email us at [email protected]

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About the Show

Political Gabfest host John Dickerson has been a journalist for more than three decades, reporting about presidential campaigns, political scandals, and the evolving state of our democracy. Along the way, he’s also been recording his observations in notebooks he has carried in his back pocket. He has captured his thoughts about life, parenthood, death, friendship, writing, God, to-do lists, and more. On the Navel Gazing podcast, John Dickerson invites you to join him in figuring out what these 30 years of notebooks mean: sorting out what makes a life—or a day in a life—noteworthy.

John Dickerson is host of CBS News Prime Time With John Dickerson , co-host of the Slate Political Gabfest, host of the Whistlestop podcast, and author of The Hardest Job in the World .