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Dramaturgical Analysis – Examples, Definition, Pros, Cons

dramaturgical analysis example definition

Dramaturgical analysis is a descriptive method to analyze day-to-day human interactions in society. It compares real-life interactions to a stageplay.

The sociologist Erving Goffman (1922–1982) first used the metaphor of a theatrical performance.

He thought of social settings as the scene and people as actors deliberately presenting themselves in a certain way to impress others.

According to dramaturgical analysis, our self (or identity) comprises the different roles we play in our lives.

The primary goal of social actors (people) is to frame their multiple selves in ways that generate and maintain specific (mostly positive) impressions on their changing audiences .

Definition of Dramaturgical Analysis

The dramaturgical approach was introduced in sociology in Goffman’s book The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (1959).

He studied human interactions in society at the micro-level (in day-to-day encounters).

The dramaturgical analysis describes:

“human interaction as analogous to behavior on a theatrical stage, in which “appropriate” lines are delivered, with “backstage” behavior being less scripted. (Adams and Sydie, 139)

Taking his cues from theater, Goffman proposed that people are actors interacting with each other on the “stage” of society.

Key Concepts

1. impression management.

Goffman claimed that individuals perform different acts and masks in front of different people (audiences). They do so because they want to fit in or impress others.

This process is known as impression management .

Our costumes, the objects we carry or use as props, our tone of voice and nods may all be part of our daily performances. People have a goal in mind with each performance and prepare to achieve it.

They might want to appear formal, informal, successful, or relatable—it depends on the setting (more on the examples that follow).

2. Frontstage and backstage

According to the dramaturgical approach, our personalities are not static. They change depending on the situation.

Goffman applied theater language to make this perspective more understandable. A key concept related to identity formation and performance is the “front” and “back” stage.

The frontstage self is the persona that we show to the world. In Goffman’s word, the front “functions in a general and fixed fashion” to “define the situation for those who observe the performance” (1959, 22).

The backstage is an environment where we feel comfortable and unobserved. We feel relaxed and don’t have to put on a mask. According to Goffman, the backstage is where “the performer can relax” and “can drop his front, forgo speaking in his lines, and step out of character” (1959, 112).

An example of the difference between the two is how a businessperson behaves in a professional meeting with potential investors and how they behave at home with their family.

Dramaturgical Analysis Examples

  • The interview : When we prepare to attend an interview, we put on formal clothes (performance props) to appear formal to the hiring manager. Will also are on our best behavior.
  • In the classroom : a professor lecturing high school students is dressed professionally and behaves in a composed manner. His aim, as an actor on stage, is to instill trust to his audience (the students) as a qualified instructor.
  • Social media : Instagram and YouTube influencer for food strategically creates content and takes photos of the dishes served in the restaurants they visit. They want to increase and maintain their followers by crafting the person of a food connoisseurs (frontstage). At home (backstage), they may well be eating butter on toast.
  • Customer service : Customer service agents need to please clients’ demands—even the most unjustified ones. They therefore appear empathetic and knowledgeable of the products/services. They are also kind to persuade clients their demands will be promptly and adequately addressed.
  • Activists in a street riot behave differently than at home. In a street march they’re passionate about their cause, chant slogans and might even engage in acts of violence. At home, they might be very calm and affectionate.
  • When someone meets their friends’ parents for the first time , they want them to think of them as ‘good company’ for their children. So they must be polite and follow the house rules.
  • When we start a new job , we want to make a good first impression on our colleagues and supervisor. So, we’re eager to complete any work assigned to us and don’t procrastinate.
  • A pediatrician is always following a script at work . They put various masks when they work. They speak in a calm and polite manner to children’s parents. But they are fun and use simple vocabulary when talking to children. When they’re with colleagues they’re formal and professional.
  • Being at home with our family or trusted friends is a great example backstage . For this role, we don’t have to prepare. We’re off stage, feel accepted and we can chill out and be our “selves”.
  • Code-switching refers to the ability of people to change how they speak depending on the context. The term was first used by black scholars to describe how people in African-American communities would change their language when around white teachers and employers.

Case Studies

1. the interview process.

A job candidate will make use of the “ backstage ” to prepare their script for their interview with the hiring manager.

They are likely to practice answers to possible interview questions on their own. They might have a mock interview with a close friend.

They need to figure out what to say or not to say. They need to appear confident, professional, and knowledgeable in order to make a positive impression on the interviewer.

Their “ frontstage” behaviour will differ from their practiced backstage behavior. This is because they want to make the hiring manager perceives them in a particular manner.

2. Simon de Beauvoir on women’s relationships backstage

Goffman (1957) uses Simone de Beauvoir’s thoughts on women’s interactions in the absence of men (the backstage ) as an illustration of the dramaturgical approach.

According to Beauvoir:

“with other women, a woman is behind the scenes; she is polishing her equipment, but not in battle […] she is lingering in s dressing-gown and slippers in the wings before making her entrance on the stage.” (quoted in Goffman, 1959, p. 113).

The frontstage includes interactions with men when women try to fit into specific gender roles (e.g., the attractive or less intelligent woman).

A woman prepares backstage for her interactions with men. When she’s with her husband or lover, “every woman is more or less conscious of the thought: ‘I am not being myself'” (quoted in Goffman, 1959, p. 113).

3. Aces and Bombers: How students manage impressions after exams

In their study, Albas and Albas (1988) explored the strategies students use to manage the impressions they make on others after grades are awarded.

They found that after the professor returned examination papers to students, they reacted differently depending on whom they talked to and what grade they got on the exam.

For example, when speaking to students who received a low or failing grade (termed Bombers), students who scored a top grade (called Aces), felt they needed to minimize their grade.

Being considerate of their peers who did worse, they downplayed their achievements.

This was not the case in Ace-to-Ace encounters. In this case, students happily shared their grades and even bragged a little about how they “nailed” the test.

4. The classroom as a stage

School teachers are always reminded that they serve as role models for kids.

This makes them conceal or moderate some aspects of their personalities, opinions, and feelings when they’re in front of their classes.

In this way, their professional behavior is “acted out” in front of students ( frontstage ).

Even in the school setting, teachers wear many masks and rehearse different scripts, to borrow Goffman’s terminology.

In performance meetings with their superiors, they use technical jargon and behave professionally to show they follow the expectations set out by the contract.

By contrast, in front of their pupils, they speak accessibly to make themselves understood. Likewise, they’re authoritative with students but not with the head of school.

5. The separation between the frontstage and backstage

It is critical for impression management to keep the front and backstage areas separate. Let’s see what happens when the division falls apart.

Imagine you come across your boss when you’re a little tipsy in a pub with your friends.

At work, you dress professionally, behave in a courteous and formal manner. You want to seem respectful and trustworthy to your boss. So, when your boss notices you in a casual setting, you feel uncomfortable.

This embarrassment comes from the dissonance between this performance (in the pub) and the previous one (at work).

In other words, you feel that your behavior outside of the office might undermine the credibility of your performance in the workplace.

Criticisms of Dramaturgical Analysis

The main criticism raised against dramaturgical analysis is that it is not an explanatory but a descriptive theory.

For example, Reynolds and Herman-Kinney (2003, p.150) argue that this approach this approach cannot be used to generate testable hypotheses or to offer comprehensive conclusions about human behavior.

Simply put, critics of dramaturgical analysis argue it can’t help sociologists understand and interpret human interactions.

Strengths of Dramaturgical Analysis

The dramaturgical approach is a valuable perspective in the sub-field of microsociology . It is also related to the paradigm of symbolic interactionism and the philosophy of phenomenology.

These schools of thought are built on the premise that people construct their world based on the meanings they ascribe to things (words, situations, encounters).

As a result, they’re not after an overarching, objective explanation of the world—this doesn’t really exist, as far as they’re concerned.

Additionally, the theater metaphor underpinning dramaturgical analysis effectively illustrates the “structure of social encounters” occurring in all social interactions (Goffman, 1959:254).

It can uncover differences and nuances in human behavior across different social settings or even within the same context.

See More Examples of Analysis Here

Developed by Erving Goffman, Dramaturgical analysis uses the imagery of the theatrical performance to reveal and explain the shades and importance of social interactions.

According to this theory, we play a wide range of roles in the various social contexts we find ourselves in, much like actors on a stage. Or social actions (personas) are intended to be seen by others (our audience) and improve our public self-image.

As a methodology, the dramaturgical approach includes drama-related terms such as impression management, backstage, frontstage, role, and mask. Although it remains a descriptive theory, its value is a close examination of day-to-day interactions.

Adams, S, & Sydie, R. A. (2002). Contemporary sociological theory . Thousand Oaks, Calif, London: Pine Forge.

Albas, D., & Albas, C. (1988). Aces and Bombers: The Post-Exam Impression Management Strategies of Students. Symbolic Interaction , 11(2), 289-302.

Goffman, E. (1959). The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life . Garden City, NY: Doubleday. Reynolds, L. T. and Herman-Kinney, N. J. (2003) Handbook of symbolic interactionism . Rowman Altamira.

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Open Education Sociology Dictionary

  • dramaturgical analysis

Table of Contents

Definition of Dramaturgical Analysis

( noun ) Erving Goffman’s (1922–1982) approach to analyzing social interactions using the metaphor of a theatrical performance, viewing a social situation as a scene and people as actors who strategically present themselves to impress others.

Dramaturgical Analysis Pronunciation

Pronunciation Usage Guide

Syllabification : dram·a·tur·gi·cal a·nal·y·sis

Audio Pronunciation

Usage Notes

  • Plural: dramaturgies
  • As a methodology , the process was explained in The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (1959), including related terms such as back stage , front stage , impression management , and role .
  • Dramaturgical analysis is a symbolic interactionist approach.
  • dramaturgical approach
  • dramaturgical model
  • dramaturgical perspective
  • dramaturgical sociology

Related Videos

Related Quotation

  • “It seems to me that the dramaturgical approach may constitute a fifth perspective, to be added to the technical , political , structural , and  cultural perspectives. The dramaturgical perspective, like each of the other four, can be employed as the end-point of analysis , as a final way of ordering facts. This would lead us to describe the techniques of impression management employed in a given establishment, the principal problems of impression management in the establishment, and the identity and interrelationships of the several performance teams which operate in the establishment. But, as with the facts utilized in each of the other perspectives, the facts specifically pertaining to impression management also play a part in the matters that are a concern in all the other perspectives” (Goffman 1956:154).

Additional Information

  • Role Theory Resources – Books, Journals, and Helpful Links
  • Word origin of “dramaturgy” – Online Etymology Dictionary: etymonline.com
  • Burns, Tom. 1992. Erving Goffman . London: Routledge.
  • Goffman, Erving. 1959. The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life . Garden City, NY: Doubleday.
  • Gouldner, Alvin Ward. 1970. The Coming Crisis of Western Sociology . New York: Basic Books.
  • Jacobsen, Michael Hviid. 2010. The Contemporary Goffman . London: Routledge.
  • Salinger, J. D. 1951. The Catcher in the Rye . Boston: Little, Brown.
  • Salzman, Jack. 1991. New Essays on The Catcher in the Rye . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Related Terms

  • ideal culture
  • microsociology
  • symbolic interactionism

Goffman, Erving. 1956. The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life . Edinburgh, Scotland: University of Edinburgh Social Science Research Centre.

Works Consulted

Abercrombie, Nicholas, Stephen Hill, and Bryan Turner. 2006. The Penguin Dictionary of Sociology . 5th ed. London: Penguin.

Brinkerhoff, David, Lynn White, Suzanne Ortega, and Rose Weitz. 2011.  Essentials of Sociology . 8th ed. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.

Brym, Robert J., and John Lie. 2007.  Sociology: Your Compass for a New World . 3rd ed. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.

Ferrante, Joan. 2011a. Seeing Sociology: An Introduction . Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.

Ferrante, Joan. 2011b.  Sociology: A Global Perspective . 7th ed. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.

Ferris, Kerry, and Jill Stein. 2010.  The Real World: An Introduction to Sociology . 2nd ed. New York: Norton.

Griffiths, Heather, Nathan Keirns, Eric Strayer, Susan Cody-Rydzewski, Gail Scaramuzzo, Tommy Sadler, Sally Vyain, Jeff Bry, Faye Jones. 2016. Introduction to Sociology 2e . Houston, TX: OpenStax.

Henslin, James M. 2012.  Sociology: A Down-to-Earth Approach . 10th ed. Boston: Allyn & Bacon.

Hughes, Michael, and Carolyn J. Kroehler. 2011.  Sociology: The Core . 10th ed. New York: McGraw-Hill.

Jary, David, and Julia Jary. 2000.  Collins Dictionary of Sociology . 3rd ed. Glasgow, Scotland: HarperCollins.

Kendall, Diana. 2011.  Sociology in Our Times . 8th ed. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.

Kimmel, Michael S., and Amy Aronson. 2012. Sociology Now . Boston: Allyn & Bacon.

Kornblum, William. 2008. Sociology in a Changing World . 8th ed. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.

Macionis, John. 2012.  Sociology . 14th ed. Boston: Pearson.

Macionis, John, and Kenneth Plummer. 2012.  Sociology: A Global Introduction . 4th ed. Harlow, England: Pearson Education.

Oxford University Press. (N.d.) Oxford Dictionaries . ( https://www.oxforddictionaries.com/ ).

Schaefer, Richard. 2013.  Sociology: A Brief Introduction . 10th ed. New York: McGraw-Hill.

Scott, John, and Gordon Marshall. 2005.  A Dictionary of Sociology . New York: Oxford University Press.

Shepard, Jon M. 2010.  Sociology . 11th ed. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.

Shepard, Jon M., and Robert W. Greene. 2003.  Sociology and You . New York: Glencoe.

Stolley, Kathy S. 2005.  The Basics of Sociology . Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.

Thompson, William E., and Joseph V. Hickey. 2012.  Society in Focus: An Introduction to Sociology . 7th ed. Boston: Allyn & Bacon.

Tischler, Henry L. 2011.  Introduction to Sociology . 10th ed. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.

Wikipedia contributors. (N.d.) Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia . Wikimedia Foundation. ( https://en.wikipedia.org/ ).

Cite the Definition of Dramaturgical Analysis

ASA – American Sociological Association (5th edition)

Bell, Kenton, ed. 2013. “dramaturgical analysis.” In Open Education Sociology Dictionary . Retrieved May 24, 2024 ( https://sociologydictionary.org/dramaturgical-analysis/ ).

APA – American Psychological Association (6th edition)

dramaturgical analysis. (2013). In K. Bell (Ed.), Open education sociology dictionary . Retrieved from https://sociologydictionary.org/dramaturgical-analysis/

Chicago/Turabian: Author-Date – Chicago Manual of Style (16th edition)

Bell, Kenton, ed. 2013. “dramaturgical analysis.” In Open Education Sociology Dictionary . Accessed May 24, 2024. https://sociologydictionary.org/dramaturgical-analysis/ .

MLA – Modern Language Association (7th edition)

“dramaturgical analysis.” Open Education Sociology Dictionary . Ed. Kenton Bell. 2013. Web. 24 May. 2024. < https://sociologydictionary.org/dramaturgical-analysis/ >.

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Research Methods in Deliberative Democracy

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Research Methods in Deliberative Democracy

22 Dramaturgical Analysis

  • Published: October 2022
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This chapter introduces Dramaturgical Analysis as a way of analysing the performative aspects of public deliberation. It outlines the key dimensions of dramaturgical analysis including scripting, setting, staging and performance, and shows how these dimensions can be used to analyse public deliberation in structured forums, the broader public sphere and in policymaking processes. Dramaturgical analysis directs the researcher’s attention to often-overlooked aspects of public deliberation, such as the performative styles of the actors involved in deliberation, the symbols and artefacts they use to stage their arguments, to reach out and persuade diverse audiences. The chapter illustrates the application of dramaturgical analysis in deliberative democracy research and presents this analysis as a particularly promising way of investigating non-verbal practices and performances in public deliberation.

At first glance, drama and deliberation would appear unlikely bedfellows. Conventionally, deliberation is conceptualized as a communicative process centred on reasoning and authenticity, not spectacle and drama. Yet the world of theatre and its associated concepts of scripting, setting, staging, and performance can offer a rich palette for analysing public deliberation. In this chapter, we introduce dramaturgical analysis as a useful analytical framework for studying the performative aspects of public deliberation, drawing on examples to illustrate its application.

Dramaturgy is a sociological perspective about how people construct, present, and manage themselves in social interactions. It is premised on the notion that when people interact, they are part of a performance that shapes the way they talk, engage, and act. In theatre, dramaturgy is used to examine how moving bodies, voice, sound, and light can tell a story and affect values ( Szatkowski 2019 ). It was Erving Goffman (1959) , who first adapted the term dramaturgy from theatre to sociology to study how people conduct themselves in social interactions. Since then, dramaturgy has been applied in diverse fields of social sciences (for overviews, see Travers 2001 and Birch 2017 ). In sociology, it is usually associated with ‘symbolic interactionism’ which is a theoretical perspective exploring how society is created and maintained through repeated interactions between individuals ( Carter and Fuller 2016 ). In political science, dramaturgy has been used to study the performances of political leaders and politicians ( Merelman 1969 ), the role of symbols ( Edelman 1964 ), the staging of propaganda rallies ( Mayo Jr 1978 ), and social movements ( Benford and Hunt 1992 ).

Dramaturgical analysis is an interpretive analysis which draws on the vocabulary of dramaturgy (such as theatre, performance, audiences, staging, scripting, acting) to describe and make sense of what is going on in social, cultural, and political life. Dramaturgy enables researchers to see politics as ‘a sequence of staged performances’ and to focus empirically not only ‘what people say’ but ‘how they say it’, ‘where they say it’, and ‘to whom’ they say it ( Hajer 2009 , 65). By undertaking dramaturgical analysis, researchers can develop a better understanding of how political controversies are enacted, how different acts relate to each other, and how conflicts are expressed and resolved.

There are many ways dramaturgical analysis can be applied to the empirical study of public deliberation, understood as a broad communication process taking place in structured forums and in the broader public sphere ( Ercan and Dryzek 2015 ). Dramaturgical analysis directs the researcher’s attention to often-overlooked or taken-for-granted aspects of public deliberation, such as the performative styles and body language of the actors involved in deliberation, where they stand, how they enact and stage their arguments, what symbols and artefacts they use to reinforce their viewpoints, and how they reach out and persuade diverse audiences. By asking these questions, researchers can develop novel interpretations of what is going on in and around deliberative processes and establish new connections between previously unexplored aspects of public deliberation, such as the relationship between the physical setting and the quality of communicative interactions.

In this chapter, we first offer an analytical framework that can be used for interpreting public deliberation through the lens of dramaturgy. We then present three illustrations of dramaturgical analysis in deliberative democracy research. Our aim is to encourage scholars of deliberative democracy to be more attentive to the performative aspects of deliberation and to build research knowledge on the components and practice of dramaturgical analysis.

A Framework for Dramaturgical Analysis

For researchers intending to use dramaturgy as part of their empirical work, the first step involves developing or adapting a framework for the dramaturgical analysis. There are various dramaturgical frameworks that scholars have developed to capture the performative aspects of political practices (for examples, see Benford and Hunt 1992 ; Hajer 2005a ; Alexander 2011 ; Hendriks et al. 2016 ; Yuana et al. 2020 ). These frameworks serve to ‘operationalize’ various theatrical concepts and provide researchers with scaffolding for organizing and interpreting their data.

In this chapter, we elaborate on one particular dramaturgical framework that was originally developed by Maarten Hajer (2005a) to study the performative aspects of planning and policymaking more broadly. Hajer applies dramaturgy to the ‘performativity’ of language (how it does something) as well as the ‘performance’ of language (how it can convey certain meanings that are constantly reproduced and enacted in a particular setting). His analytic framework includes four partly overlapping dramaturgical dimensions for generating and analysing data: scripting, setting, staging , and performance .

Scripting refers to the intentional design of the entire interaction. It is about developing the cast of characters and the audience, how they ought to perform or interact, and who should be included and excluded. It also defines the characteristics of the central participants as either active or passive, interested or disinterested, collaborative or antagonistic, competent or incompetent. Apart from the characters and cues on the frontstage, scripting captures a host of frontstage and backstage activities. In his dramaturgical analysis of the work undertaken by citizen engagement practitioners, Oliver Escobar (2015, 278) observes how scripting ‘assembles time (e.g. pacing, opportunity), space and dynamics (e.g. layouts, formats), characters (e.g. individuals, groups, places), strategies and tactics (e.g. exposing participants to diverse others), materials and artefacts (e.g. tablecloth, facilitation tools), narratives and frames … and enactments (e.g. facilitating, orchestrating)’. Scripting in this broader sense functions as a kind of meta-category, under which Hajer’s (2005a) three other conceptual categories sit, namely setting, staging, and performance. Pertinent to the category of scripting is also the idea of a ‘counter script’ which refers to ‘the conscious activity of antagonists who try to alter the effects of particular stagings of politics, to twist the meaning of what is said by giving it a new contextualization or introducing a new antagonism’. ( Hajer 2009 , 66).

Setting refers to the physical environment or context in which interaction takes place, and how it shapes behaviour and communication. Settings not only shape what is considered appropriate and expected behaviour in a given context, but they also configure expectations about dress code and communication. A setting can include the scenes, or backdrops, against which a communicative interaction occurs, such as a parliament, a shopping mall, or a particular landscape. A setting can also encompass the props and artefacts that shape the interaction. These include things such as seating arrangements, location of speakers, use of images, tabled reports, and minutes of previous meetings. All settings consist of a backstage, where individuals prepare for a performance, and a frontstage where they are on display.

Staging is about managing and directing the performance, particularly the interaction between participants. Staging typically involves drawing on existing symbols or inventing new ones. An important aspect of staging is the distinction between those central to the performance (such as the directors and the actors) and the audiences ( Hajer 2005a ). Staging draws analytic attention to questions about who is coordinating the entire performance and how, and who is the intended or imagined audience. From a dramaturgical perspective, audiences are not simply out there waiting to be engaged and entertained by the actors. Instead, they are actively constructed as part of the performance ( Turnhout et al. 2010 ; Hajer and Uitermark 2008 ). In this sense, audiences resemble publics, which do not exist as an entity, but must always be ‘brought into being’ through various performative practices and actions ( Butler 2010 , 147).

Finally, performance is concerned with how staged actions and interactions construct new understandings of the issues at stake and reconfigure power relations. It is about the way in which social realities are produced, reproduced, or challenged ( Polletta 2006 ). Performance, however, is an interpretive act and it is not always clear how an interaction or activity will be received, and what messages and power relations it will reshape or affect. Sometimes performances can generate unexpected or unintended effects, especially if they unfold rapidly ( Hajer and Uitermark 2008 ).

Table 22.1 below outlines an illustrative list of empirical questions associated with the four different dimensions of Hajer’s (2005a) dramaturgical framework. These can be adapted and applied to study different settings and aspects of public deliberation.

Once the analytical framework and associated empirical questions are developed, the next step in a dramaturgical analysis involves gathering and organizing the ‘data’. Data for dramaturgical analysis is typically obtained through the close observation (either in real-time or via video recording) of social or political interactions and the behaviour of actors in both frontstage and backstage (e.g. Escobar 2015 ). For example, in studying a deliberative forum, one might observe the physical and aesthetic aspects of the process (the form of the invitations, the seating arrangements and the use of space, colour, symbols, and music), how the actors engage on the stage (for example, their body language, clothing, tone of voice, and how and who they interact with), and what goes on behind and outside the forum (the backstage happenings, the real-time media, and political developments).

Observational data can be supplemented with interviews, media articles, Internet sources and other relevant documentation that helps the researcher to reconstruct the ‘deliberation in action’ as a series of staged performances. Data gathering in dramaturgical analysis must support ‘the discovery of communication, symbols, gestures, facial expression, props, sentiment, documentation and other instruments of human interaction’ ( Corrigan and Beaubien 2013 , 309f.). Interviews with the actors involved in the performance or its audience can be especially fruitful to help flesh out the meaning of certain acts and symbols and identify how actors themselves experience and relate to the performances at work. Interviews with various actors beyond forum participants, including organizers and facilitators, and even non-participants, can enable the researcher to capture diverse interpretations of the performances under scrutiny.

Dramaturgical analysis can also be combined with other methods of analysis such as discourse analysis (for examples, see Hajer and Uitermark 2008 ; Hendriks 2009 ; Yuana et al. 2020 ). In this case, each analysis draws on different kinds of data: for example, a discourse analysis might draw primarily on written and spoken text (such as policy documents, media articles, interviews, and recordings), whereas a complementary dramaturgical analysis might take into account non-verbal aspects of the interaction, shifting the researcher’s focus on the performative effects of the setting and the use of imagery, colour, or props. The discourse analysis serves to ‘identify how certain terms (concepts, classifications) dominate a political debate over a period of time, and the dramaturgical analysis implies a more precise focus on how people use particular terms in particular situations’ ( Hajer 2009 , 54). It is also possible to combine dramaturgy with concepts from geography and environmental justice (e.g. Barnett and Scott 2007 ), science and technology studies (e.g. Felt and Fochler 2010 ), narrative analysis (e.g. Roberts 2018 ), and interpretive policy analysis (e.g. Escobar 2015 ).

Dramaturgy of Public Deliberation: Illustrative Examples

Dramaturgical analysis enables researchers to investigate often-overlooked or taken-for-granted aspects of deliberative practices. These include the physical environment within which deliberation takes place and how it influences behaviour and communication; how the seating arrangements in deliberative forums affect the way participants relate to each other; and how the materials and artefacts used in deliberative practice shape the overall atmosphere as well as the prospects for interaction. Furthermore, dramaturgical analysis offers a powerful way of studying the non-verbal expression in public deliberation, which has been a key topic of scholarly interest and investigation in the field (e.g. Rollo 2017 ; Curato 2019 ; Mendonça et al. 2022 ; Hendriks et al. 2020 ).

Below, we draw on some specific examples to illustrate the ways dramaturgical analysis can be used in the empirical study of deliberative democracy. Given our understanding of public deliberation as a broad communicative process that goes beyond structured forums, our examples come from a variety of spaces where deliberation takes place in contemporary societies, including the deliberative forums, the public sphere encompassing both physical and digital spaces and deliberative policymaking processes.

Dramaturgical Analysis of Deliberative Forums

Dramaturgical analysis can be applied to empirically study deliberative forums, which have been the key focus of attention in the field of deliberative democracy especially over the past two decades. Scholars study these forums so that they can identify and optimize the conditions that encourage high-quality deliberation. They develop innovative procedures to select participants or devise different forum models for engaging citizens in policy deliberations on complex issues (e.g. Curato et al. 2021 ). Dramaturgical analysis can assist these efforts by shifting the attention from design principles to the scripting, setting, staging and performances in these forums.

It has been long acknowledged that the physical setting where deliberation takes place plays a crucial role in shaping the political behaviour and interaction of participants ( Elster 1998 ). While some settings can amplify communicative interactions and behaviours that deliberative democrats find valuable, others can mute them ( Parkinson 2012 ). For example, creating a seating arrangement based on multiple round tables versus one in which two rows of seats face each other in front of an audience raises different kinds of expectations from participants and from their participation in deliberative forums. Particular seating arrangements can also encourage informal interactions and produce specific behaviours ( Van Maasakkers and Oh 2020 ). Other ‘atmospheric qualities’ of the physical environment, such as the level of formality or informality can shape the dynamics of communication in deliberative forums ( Christiansen 2015 ). Dramaturgical analysis can help to examine these dynamics and the interaction between the physical environment and forms of interactions ( Hajer 2005a , 2005b ).

It is not only the physical environment of deliberative forums to which dramaturgical analysis draws our attention. Equally important for this type of analysis is the discursive environment within which deliberative forums take place. A classic example of how dramaturgical analysis can be used to study the discursive environment of a deliberative forum is presented by Hajer (2005a) in his work on the participatory planning forum Listening to the City —a twenty-first-century town meeting held in New York. The purpose of this forum was to engage the public in a dialogue on rebuilding lower Manhattan after the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001. In that study, Hajer applies his dramaturgical framework to examine how the forum’s setting and scripting shaped its inclusivity. He finds that the forum was scripted narrowly for a certain audience and around a single deliberative process, which contributed to the process being abandoned by decision makers. Hajer argues that the organizers missed the opportunity to script a more inclusive governance storyline into the process, enabling broader and better participation ( Hajer 2005a , 455).

Similarly, Bernhard Wieser and Sandra Karner (2010 ) use dramaturgical analysis to examine how the scripting of deliberative forums can shape the roles given to participants and experts, and what counts as legitimate knowledge in these forums. Their analysis of deliberative forums on genome research in the Netherlands shows that the narrow scripting of these forums hindered lay participants from expressing their personal experiences as legitimate considerations. Such insights are crucial for both scholars and practitioners of deliberative democracy; they can inform their efforts to make deliberative forums more effective and inclusive. Researchers interested in using dramaturgical analysis for the empirical study of deliberative forums should pay particular attention to the scripting and staging of these forums, which are intentional and strategic activities that can enable or hinder meaningful and inclusive deliberation.

Dramaturgical Analysis of Deliberation in the Public Sphere

Dramaturgical analysis can also be used to study the performative aspects of deliberation in the public sphere. Here, researchers might focus on how political leaders script and stage public debate, especially after a dramatic political event, such as a policy crisis, a natural disaster, or a terrorist attack (e.g. Hajer and Uitermark 2008 ; Hellman and Lerkkanen 2019 ). The way political leaders respond to such dramatic events can shape the discursive quality of the public sphere in significant ways. Researchers can use dramaturgical analysis to examine the performances of political leaders and the implications of these performances for public deliberation. Alternatively, they might also explore how advisory bodies work to bring authoritative advice to the public stage (e.g. Hilgartner 2000 ), how social movements stage protests (e.g. Benford and Hunt 1992 ; Szerszynski et al. 2003 ; Barnett and Scott 2007 ; Morton 2021 ; Cevik-Compiegne et al 2022 ), or how everyday citizens participate in debates taking place in the public sphere (e.g. Hendriks et al. 2016 ; Jones 2020 ; Ercan and Hendriks 2022 ).

One of the major appeals of applying dramaturgical analysis to study contemporary public spheres is that it enables researchers to analyse both verbal and non-verbal modes of expression and interaction. We know that public deliberation is not confined to speech and text; it also encompasses non-verbal modes of expression, such as visuals, sound, and presence ( Mendonça et al. 2022 ). Actors in contemporary public spheres draw increasingly more on non-verbal modes of expression to display their arguments and take part in public deliberation ( Ercan et al. 2022 ). Yet the methods to study non-verbal expression in deliberative democracy are yet to be established. Dramaturgical analysis offers one way of examining non-verbal communication in public deliberation.

In our study of a polarized political controversy over Coal Seam Gas (CSG) mining in Australia, we turned to dramaturgy to help us make sense of non-verbal communication, including playful visual material circulated on social media both by proponents and opponents of CSG projects ( Hendriks et al. 2016 ). Applying dramaturgy in online environments required making some adaptions to standard dramaturgical frameworks and data generation. Our analysis focused on the dramaturgical dimensions of the setting, scripting, and staging of six Facebook pages associated with a controversy surrounding a proposed CSG project in Narrabri, in eastern New South Wales. For each Facebook page we analysed the organizational description of the page, the imagery and text on the cover and in profile images, the imagery and text of original and shared posts, as well as the comments, all over a four-month period. This analysis helped us to understand how like-minded publics form and perform on social media, and how they enact arguments and establish boundaries.

In a different study on the same controversy, we undertook a dramaturgical analysis of the protests enacted by a social protest group, the Knitting Nannas Against Gas (KNAG) ( Ercan and Hendriks 2022 ). Members of this group meet regularly in public places to knit yellow and black objects such as beanies (hats), scarves, and toys to oppose CSG and to express care for land and communities. In this study we undertook a dramaturgical analysis to examine how KNAG scripts its performances, the central characters and audiences it employs, and the deliberative effects of these performances in the public sphere. Particular attention was paid to the props, symbols, and colours that KNAG uses to evoke a particular emotion or mood. Here, dramaturgical analysis enabled us to explore the ways in which the colourful performances of KNAG challenge the dominant ideas about ‘who is affected’ by CSG, and facilitate different voices to enter the controversy. Through their casting of the central character ‘nanna’ (wise older women), and supporting characters, for example ‘kiddies’ (children), KNAG is able to discursively represent previously excluded voices, such as future generations (Ercan and Hendriks 2021; Hendriks et al. 2020 ).

Dramaturgical Analysis of Deliberative Policymaking Processes

Finally, dramaturgical analysis can be used to study political communication in and around deliberative policymaking processes. By studying the staging and setting of political communication within complex policy contexts, researchers can gain insights into ‘what is said, what can be said, and what can be said with influence’ ( Hajer and Versteeg 2005 , 345). Scholars interested in deliberative democratic themes can apply dramaturgy to illuminate different discursive and democratic aspects of unfolding policy sequences or events (e.g. Hendriks 2009 ; Visram et al. 2020 ). It is especially well-suited for studying new or emerging forms of governance where there might be unconventional, unforeseen, or disruptive activities ( Hajer and Versteeg 2005 ; Yuana et al. 2020 ).

An example of applying dramaturgy to study democratic aspects of contemporary policymaking is Carolyn Hendriks’ (2009 ) analysis of the enactment of political representation in governance networks associated with energy policy reforms in the Netherlands. This study, which combined dramaturgical and discourse analysis (after Hajer 2005a ), examined how the state and other actors staged, scripted, and discursively constructed representation. In the dramaturgical aspects of this study, Hendriks analysed a series of network arrangements that were established and scripted by the Dutch government as part of an energy reform programme (2004–2008). The dramaturgical analysis probed questions such as: how were the policy interactions constructed, who was active on the stage, and who was the audience? How were characters selected, and what acting cues were they given? How did the interaction and its setting produce and change meanings and power relations? The dramaturgical analysis showed how the Dutch energy reform programme at the time created a complex layering of network arrangements (or stages) upon which different meanings of representation were performed. The discourse analysis focused more on the language of representation, for example how it was articulated by relevant policy actors in key policy documents. The combined effect of this layering, Hendriks (2009) argued, was the emergence of a kind of ‘democratic soup’ where actors and institutions enacted alternative meanings of representation that were mixed in with representative democracy’s emphasis on political authorization, accountability, and responsiveness.

Politics has long been recognized as a site of drama. It is full of intriguing characters, scripts, settings as well as staged and improvised events ( Rai et al. 2021 ). These performative aspects of politics are arguably more abundant and complex than ever before, given the expansion of where and how modern politics is enacted ( Theocharis and Van Deth 2018 ). In this chapter we have shown that deliberative democrats have much to gain by viewing and examining public deliberation through a dramaturgical lens. Dramaturgy offers scholars a useful analytical framework for making sense of social interactions and communication in a variety of spaces of public deliberation. Our examples demonstrate how dramaturgical concepts can be applied and adapted to examine the scripting, setting, staging, and performances of deliberative forums, and more broadly to study the enactment of political controversies, discourses, and democratic ideals in the public sphere and policymaking processes.

Dramaturgical analysis is an interpretive mode of analysis. Given this, some of the criticism levelled against interpretive research in general (mainly from a positivist research perspective) also applies to dramaturgy. These include issues such as the ‘reliability’ of the data, ‘generalizability’ of results, and the ‘replicability’ of the analysis (for effective responses to these criticisms from an interpretive perspective, see Schwartz-Shea and Yanow 2012 ). The purpose of dramaturgical analysis is not to draw generalizations, but to facilitate ‘a view of micro-practices with a gaze drawn to the specific and contextual ’ ( Corrigan and Beaubien 2013 , 311; our emphasis). We contend that this contextualized perspective is crucial for deepening and advancing knowledge on the practice of public deliberation ( Ercan et al. 2017 ).

Sceptics within the interpretive research tradition might question the value of dramaturgy and ask what it offers in addition to existing qualitative methods. In our view, dramaturgical categories enable researchers to go beyond the dominant ‘structure vs agency’ thinking when describing or explaining human behaviour and interactions. They draw our attention to the role of physical and discursive environments in shaping productive interactions and conversations. Especially when supplemented with other methods of inquiry and analysis, dramaturgy provides a powerful means for studying deliberative politics in action.

Further Reading

Escobar, Oliver. 2015. ‘Scripting Deliberative Policy-Making: Dramaturgic Policy Analysis and Engagement Know-How’. Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis: Research and Practice 17 (3): 269–285.

Hajer, Maarten A. 2005. ‘Setting the Stage: A Dramaturgy of Policy Deliberation’. Administration & Society 36 (6): 624–647.

Hajer, Maarten A. 2009. Authoritative Governance: Policy Making in the Age of Mediatization . Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Alexander, Jeffrey C.   2011 . Performance and Power . Cambridge: Polity.

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Butler, Judith . 2010 . ‘Performative Agency’.   Journal of Cultural Economy 3 (2): 147–161.

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Cevik-Compiegne, Burcu , Ozguc, Umut , and Selen A. Ercan . 2022. ‘Performing Solidarity in the Dark: Feminist Night Marches in Turkey’, paper presented at The Authoritarian Resurgence in the Middle East: Counter-revolution, Reform and Resistance, Australian National University, 2-3 February.

Christiansen, Lars D.   2015 . ‘The Timing and Aesthetics of Public Engagement: Insights from an Urban Street Transformation Initiative’.   Journal of Planning Education and Research 35 (4): 455–470.

Corrigan, Lawrence T. , and Louis Beaubien . 2013 . ‘Dramaturgy in the Internet Era’.   Qualitative Research in Organizations and Management: An International Journal 8 (3): 308–325.

Curato, Nicole . 2019 . Democracy in a Time of Misery: From Spectacular Tragedies to Deliberative Action . Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Curato, Nicole , Kimmo Grönlund , David Farrell , Brigitte Geissel , Majia Setälä , Patricia Mockler , Jean-Benoit Pilet , Alan Renwick , Jonathan Rose , and Jane Suiter . 2021 . Deliberative Mini-Publics: Core Design Features . Bristol: Bristol University Press.

Edelman, Murray . 1964 . The Political Uses of Symbols . Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press.

Elster, Jon.   1998 . Deliberative Democracy . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Ercan, Selen A. , and John S. Dryzek . 2015 . ‘The Reach of Deliberative Democracy’.   Policy Studies 36 (3): 241–248.

Ercan, Selen A , and Carolyn M. Hendriks . 2022 . ‘Performing Democracy through Local Protests: The Case of Knitting Nannas Against Gas’. In Complementary Democracy. The Art of Deliberative Listening , edited by Matt Qvortrup and Daniela Vancic , Berlin: DeGruyter, forthcoming.

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Ercan, Selen A. , Carolyn M. Hendriks , and John Boswell . 2017 . ‘Studying Public Deliberation after the Systemic Turn: The Crucial Role for Interpretive Research’.   Policy and Politics 45 (2): 195–212.

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Goffman, Erving . 1959 . The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life . New York: Anchor Doubleday.

Hajer, Maarten A.   2005 a. ‘Rebuilding Ground Zero: The Politics of Performance’.   Planning Theory & Practice 6 (4): 445–464.

Hajer, Maarten A.   2005 b. ‘Setting the Stage: A Dramaturgy of Policy Deliberation’.   Administration & Society 36 (6): 624–647.

Hajer, Maarten A.   2009 . Authoritative Governance: Policy Making in the Age of Mediatization . Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Hajer, Maarten A. , and Justus Uitermark . 2008 . ‘Performing Authority: Discursive Politics after the Assassination of Theo van Gogh’.   Public Administration 86 (1): 5–19.

Hajer, Maarten A. , and Wytske Versteeg . 2005 . ‘Performing Governance through Networks’.   European Political Science 4: 340–347.

Hellman, Matilda , and Tuulia Lerkkanen . 2019 . ‘Construing Oppositions, Demarcating a we-ness: The Dramaturgy of a Live TV Debate on the Refugee Crisis’.   European Journal of Cultural Studies 22 (1): 37–59.

Hendriks, Carolyn M.   2009 . ‘The Democratic Soup: Mixed Meanings of Political Representation in Governance Networks’. Governance 22 (4): 689–715.

Hendriks, Carolyn M. , Sonya Duus , and Selen A. Ercan . 2016 . ‘Performing Politics on Social Media: The Dramaturgy of an Environmental Controversy on Facebook’.   Environmental Politics 25 (6): 1102–1125.

Hendriks, Carolyn M. , Selen A. Ercan , and John Boswell . 2020 . Mending Democracy: Democratic Repair in Disconnected Times . Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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Home — Essay Samples — Entertainment — Generation Like — Deciphering Goffman’s Dramaturgical Analysis as Portrayed in Generation Like

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Deciphering Goffman's Dramaturgical Analysis as Portrayed in Generation Like

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Works Cited

  • Goffman, E. (1959). The presentation of self in everyday life. Doubleday.
  • Goffman, E. (1974). Frame analysis: An essay on the organization of experience. Harper & Row.
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  • Lee, C. C. (2019). The drama of social media: The relationship between social media use and impression management. Computers in Human Behavior, 92, 126-136.
  • Marwick, A. E., & Boyd, D. (2011). To see and be seen: Celebrity practice on Twitter. Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media Technologies, 17(2), 139-158.
  • McRae, K. (2015). A social psychological perspective on impression management in social media: The importance of impression management tactics. Journal of Educational and Social Research, 5(4), 37-43.
  • Senft, T. M. (2008). Camgirls: Celebrity and community in the age of social networks. Peter Lang Publishing.
  • Suler, J. (2004). The online disinhibition effect. CyberPsychology & Behavior, 7(3), 321-326.
  • Turkle, S. (2011). Alone together: Why we expect more from technology and less from each other. Basic Books.
  • van Dijck, J. (2013). The culture of connectivity: A critical history of social media. Oxford University Press.

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dramaturgical analysis essay example

Performers: Goffman’s Dramaturgical Perspective

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This chapter approaches human communicators as performers and presents a detailed analysis of Erving Goffman’s ‘dramaturgical perspective’ as outlined in his important work, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life . Goffman suggests that human beings are constantly performing roles or characters (‘self-presentation’) and constantly trying to control or manage impressions of themselves (‘impression management’). This chapter explores these terms as well as the core concepts (front, performances, teamwork, and regions) that make up Goffman’s dramaturgical perspective. It also explores his analysis of embarrassment, which he uses to illustrate that successful social interaction is a collective accomplishment . This chapter considers a range of studies that have ‘applied’ Goffman’s framework in radically different contexts (e.g., strip clubs, swimming pools, Disney theme parks, and Facebook photo galleries).

Ordinary social intercourse is itself put together as a scene is put together … life itself is a dramatically enacted thing. —Goffman (1990 [1959]: 78)

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dramaturgical analysis essay example

The Actor in Thirds: Gao’s Theory of Performance

dramaturgical analysis essay example

Punk Performance, Hangouts, and Alternative Norms

Goffman’s intellectual influences were varied. In addition to scholars associated with the Chicago School of symbolic interactionism, such as Mead, Blumer, and William I. Thomas, he was also influenced by the sociologists Émile Durkheim and Georg Simmel, the anthropologist W. Lloyd Warner, and the literary theorist Kenneth Burke. In fact, Burke’s book A Grammar of Motives , published in 1945 , directly inspired Goffman’s dramaturgical perspective. In this work, Burke suggests that any attempt to understand human motives during interaction must consider five elements—his famous ‘dramatistic pentad’: agent (the person trying to persuade an audience), act (what they are doing), agency (their means of doing it), scene (the social setting), and finally, purpose (the goals or reasons behind their actions).

Carey similarly writes that reality is ‘a vast production, a staged creation—something humanly produced and humanly maintained’ (Carey 2009 : 21).

Many famous people openly concede this point and admit that their public persona differs considerably from their private self. For example, Walt Disney once said, ‘I’m not Walt Disney … I do a lot of things Walt Disney wouldn’t do. Walt Disney doesn’t smoke. I smoke. Walt Disney doesn’t drink. I drink’ (Calia 2015 ). Some famous people have also created ‘alter egos’ to enable them to express different parts of their personalities and to experiment creatively. Examples here would include David Bowie (whose alter egos included ‘Major Tom’ and ‘Ziggy Stardust’) and Marshall Bruce Mathers III (best known by his stage name ‘Eminem’, as well as his alter ego ‘Slim Shady’).

Those readers who enjoy a bit of trivia might be interested to learn that Goffman’s Sister Frances went on to become a relatively famous screen actress who is perhaps best known for playing the role of Happy’s grandmother in the cult movie, Happy Gilmore (1996).

In Chap. 4 we highlighted that human life is mostly conducted through groups of one sort or another and that members of groups often have shared interests, lifestyles, identities, and close relationships. However, Goffman’s description of a ‘team’ is much narrower—as the following makes clear: ‘A team, then, may be defined as a set of individuals whose intimate co-operation is required if a given projected definition of the situation is to be maintained. A team is a grouping, but it is a grouping not in relation to a social structure or social organization but rather in relation to an interaction or series of interactions in which the relevant definition of the situation is maintained’ (Goffman 1990 [1959]: 108).

A related term Goffman uses is ‘civil inattention’, which Susie Scott ( 2015 : 32) defines as ‘a ritual dance of non-verbal symbolic gestures, particularly the careful use of eye contact. It is a display of non-involvement in other people’s business and absorption in one’s own affairs’.

Williams ( 2008 : 188) argues that some have misunderstood Goffman’s work and have wrongly accused him of dismissing emotions and motivations as unimportant. Williams insists that Goffman was well aware of the importance of such things but simply wished to produce a ‘distinctly sociological account of the person’ (ibid. 187). He also suggests that Goffman’s understanding of ‘the self’ evolved over time. In The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life —the work we have focused on in this chapter—Goffman describes the self as a performer who plays various characters. However, Williams suggests that in his later works Asylums and Stigma , Goffman gives much greater attention to external forces that limit actors’ freedoms and choices, and therefore shifts towards a view of the self ‘as the product of a set of social—especially organizational—circumstances’ (2008: 189). He further suggests that towards the end of his life, Goffman tended to view the self ‘as a social process’ (ibid. 189).

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O’Boyle, N. (2022). Performers: Goffman’s Dramaturgical Perspective. In: Communication Theory for Humans. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-02450-4_5

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Dramaturgical Analysis and Societal Critique                 

Sociology Group: Welcome to Social Sciences Blog

What is Goffman’s dramaturgical theory ( Impression Management)?

Dramaturgical perspective was introduced in sociology in 1959 by Erving Goffman in his book ‘The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life’. Erving Goffman studied the interactions that take place in society at the micro-level. He took this perspective from theatre, he uses theatre as a metaphor to represent how people behave in society and represent themselves. He uses the metaphor, in this metaphor the people are the actors and the society is a stage, the individuals interact with one another, as the actor’s exchange dialogue, they are being directed by the norms and values that the follow as the members of society.

As they have to stick to the direction, the actors constantly engage in what is called ‘Impression Management’ , this is when people try to control the impression that others have of them. They have certain goals in mind according to which they will behave. The behavior presented in such a case is the one that will be acceptable by the one to whom we want to give an impression. E.g. when we go for an interview, we will put on formal clothes and we are likely to be at our best behavior.

This brings us to the concept of a front stage self and a backstage self. These are the two ways in which we present ourselves in society.

The front stage self is the self that we are likely to show to the world. This is the self that we present when we go out of our familiar setting, when we interact with people we are not yet comfortable with, these are people we do not know. This is where our impression management comes into play, we usually tend to put out behaviors that will be easily accepted by the people of the society, e.g. when we may meet our friend’s parents for the first time, it is likely that we would wish for them to think of us as ‘good company’ for their children, so we may not abuse or talk in the same tone that we talk to our friends in, we may not drink or smoke . Similarly, when we start working we may want to create a good first impression among our colleagues and our superiors, thus we may act accordingly, by eagerly doing any work that may be given to us and not procrastinate .

On the other hand, the backstage self refers to that aspect of self which we really are, this the self we are in the environment in which we are comfortable. Here we are accepted, people know us for who we are and there is no need for any kind of impression building. E.g. when we are with our friends we behave in a more relaxed manner, we may be comfortable using language that may otherwise be considered abusive. We are off stage, unobserved and thus more relaxed. The stage thus becomes a metaphor where we act in ways that fulfill our need to be accepted in society.

https://www.khanacademy.org/test-prep/mcat/individuals-and-society/social-interactions/v/dramaturgical-approach

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dramaturgy_(sociology)

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How does the dramaturgical perspective enable our understanding of everyday life? Go

Section: A Sociology Paper 2023 Analysis (Relevant Paper 1: Unit-2 Sociology as Science; Major theoretical strands of research methodology )

Question: 1 (C) How does the dramaturgical perspective enable our understanding of everyday life? Go

(1 0 Marks)

Introduction:

  • The dramaturgical perspective, often associated with sociologist Erving Goffman, introduces the concept of the “dramaturgical self” and the “front stage” and “backstage” aspects of everyday life . By viewing human interactions through the lens of a theatrical performance, it offers valuable insights into understanding daily actions. According to this perspective, individuals present themselves to others based on their cultural values, societal norms, and the expectations of their audience.
  • They perform different roles in different situations, which are like different scenes in a play. In drama , the role of every individual is fixed and meaning are attached  and individuals are not only  aware about his/her role but also about others role too.   According to Goffman society is a drama stage, where different individuals assign meaning to not only his or her role , but attaches meanings to others role also. Society becomes possible with meaningful role sets.

Significance of dramaturgical perspective in shaping understanding of everyday life

  • The dramaturgical perspective suggests that individuals adopt roles and person as similar to actors in a play. This concept helps us see how people manage their self-presentation in various social situations, often adjusting their behaviour and appearance to fit societal expectations.
  • In keeping with the theatre metaphor, Goffman calls these public presentations  front stage . The preparation for the role occurs.   back stage , which is a more private component of the process. The back stage may include considering potential dialogue, personal appearance, and other areas contributing to the desired, dominant impression.  
  • For example  an individual’s preparation for a job interview occurs backstage . During this phase, they meticulously choose their attire and rehearse responses to potential interview questions. The actual interview, characterized as the front stage, unfolds as a dynamic interaction between two individuals, where both participants engage in impression management through their actions and communication.
  • Goffman’s perspective emphasizes that people engage in impression management, consciously or unconsciously . Impression management, or shaping the opinions or views of others, is the goal of these public representations of the self. Impression management is achieved when individuals consciously or unconsciously select the information presented in interactions with others.
  • According to Goffman, interactions between two or more people will involve impression management, which is always based on attempts to persuade others to accept a particular definition of the social situation. They strategically craft their behaviour to create desired impressions, such as professionalism at work or friendliness in social gatherings . This helps us recognize the per formative nature of daily life.
  • For example social interactions can be used to create the impression of rebellion  also against these expectations. In these cases, individuals may adopt a commonly understood set of symbols or behavior to represent their revolt against societal norms. Such scenarios are also examples of impression management.
  • In daily interactions, individuals take on specific roles and follow socially scripted behaviours . These roles and scripts guide our actions and interactions, making them predictable and understandable. This perspective helps us analyze how societal norms influence our behaviour. For example father saying that ”I have given my daughter permission“  to choose her career can be seen as assertion of role by father.
  • The idea of an audience in the dramaturgical perspective highlights that our actions are often influenced by the perceived reactions and judgments of others. Understanding this aspect helps us grasp the significance of social validation and its impact on our choices.
  • Goffman’s concept of “stigma” refers to characteristics or attributes that society deems undesirable. The dramaturgical perspective sheds light on how individuals with stigmatized identities or conditions navigate their daily lives by managing information and impressions.
  • Recognizing that not all performances are smooth, the dramaturgical perspective helps us understand conflicts, awkward moments, and instances where individuals “break character.” These situations offer insights into social dynamics and the challenges of maintaining a consistent front-stage persona.
  • The dramaturgical perspective provides insight into how surface appearances work and how they may deceive. We cast other people into roles as we walk down the street, and we recognize that many places comprise routine stages where we must act in certain ways, whether we feel like it or not. This understanding helps us navigate social interactions and the expectations placed upon us.

The dramaturgical approach, though insightful for understanding everyday life, has certain limitations:

  • Descriptive, not Explanatory: Critics argue that it’s descriptive rather than explanatory, offering insights into how people manage impressions without delving into the underlying reasons for their behaviour.
  • Not a Comprehensive Theory: This perspective falls short of providing a comprehensive theory that can offer all-encompassing explanations for human behavior or generate testable hypotheses.
  • Invalid Inferences: Comparing offstage roles to theatrical roles can lead to invalid inferences, as individuals may present different facets of themselves in various contexts , but this doesn’t equate their offstage roles with those of stage actors.
  • Limitations of the Metaphor: The metaphor itself imposes limitations, as theatrical performances are artificial, while real-life interactions are multifaceted and intricate . This metaphor may oversimplify the complexities of human behaviour and social interactions.

Conclusion:

Despite its limitations ,the core element of the dramaturgical approach is the creation of the self through social interactions. Whether it’s a face-to-face interaction or an online interaction, the dramaturgical approach is useful in understanding how individual identities are created and recreated in everyday life.

Related Blogs…

Symbolic Interactionism Sociology, Symbolic interaction, meaningful symbols, social interaction, human behavior, language, dramaturgical analysis, labeling approach, sociological theories, critical analysis.

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Dramaturgical perspective, Erving Goffman, Everyday life, Impression management, Societal roles, Social validation, Stigmatized identities, Social interactions, Limitations, Human behavior, Front stage, Backstage

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The Ineffectiveness of the Articles of Confederation: a Historical Analysis

This essay about the Articles of Confederation explains their weaknesses as a governing document for the United States. Ratified in 1781, they established a loose confederation with a weak central government, leading to issues such as financial instability, economic fragmentation, lack of centralized trade regulation, and inadequate national security. The inability to levy taxes and manage trade or public order highlighted the need for a stronger federal system, eventually resulting in the adoption of the U.S. Constitution in 1789.

How it works

Objects confederation, set forth the second convention of habitant of continent in 1777 and the ratified unit thirteen the states in 1781, served the leader of initial letter charter airplane for actual unis. Although put them critical gait in setting unit and national self-government, their private declines of forces soon became cave, conducts U.S despite their replacement. Constitution in 1789. Examination the articles deep distinguishes numerous absences in a political address, economic, and appeals safety, with that clashes fledgling nation.

Objects placed confederation confederation the supreme states open with a government, that was in the type of exception weak comcenter.

Convention, created under the articles habitant of continent, raised absence delegations to have holding, adjust trade, or order laws. This design was an image mistrust colonies’ the delegations centralized deep-seated direct, value, was born from their experiments under the British line. However, this disgust despite a central strong government led despite the system, that was ineffectual in ?????? terms fédéral.

Only from anymore whole problems persistent under the articles was financial unsteady. Central government no able to assess taxes and as it depended from a volunteer holding from the states. This access was unpractical, that is why that declares often prematurely born, to distinguish necessary methods, conducts despite fiscal chronic deficits. Inability, to make an income in earnest mixed efforts to pay off debt obligations war and to inlay methods governmental actions. For example, much soldiers military revolutionary went nonacquitté, calls privation and events widespread in manner from Newburgh conspiracy in 1783, where quarrelsome officers threatened a revolt.

Economic fragmentation was other the problem the most important origin from declines of forces the articles’. A central government raised absence authority, to adjust interstate between personnels and international trade, conducts despite absence economic unit among the states. Every state was able to impose their tariffs and trade limitations, leads despite a vinaigrette contradictory settlements, that the economic smothered increase. As creation collaboration, declares often attracted despite an economic rivalry. For example, New York stuck tariffs shop-windows from ?onnecticut and New Jersey, determines repressive balanced and deepens economic divisions.

Absence trade adjusting centralized too mixed trade foreign. Young nation battled, to negotiate trade favourable agreements, that is why that foreign delegations were reluctant deposit things with a government, that no had no control above his trade politiques. This position strengthens an economic display and worsened difficulties, edging actual unis financiers.

Objects confederation were too ineffectual in a salary state security and manners public order. Without an assiduous army and sûr on state militias, a federal government was badly equipped with modern amenities, to have things with internal threats and extern. This decline of forces was steeply obvious in one flow from a revolt shays’ in 1786-1787, when one find he in a debt obligation farmers in Massachusetts, indignant economic couch-grasses, lifted he despite a government personnel. A revolt distinguished inability convention confederation, to lean an order or to stick to governments personnel in one flow from crises.

Diplomatic appeals except that distinguished declines of forces the articles’. Government confederation battled, to declare his delegations international. His inability, to prescribe agreements or to manage abandoned discussions personnels, vulnerable despite foreign exploitation unite. For example, Britain continued to hire military garrisons on American soil in vexation from an agreement Paris, uses a central weak government. So, stopping the river Mississippi the Spanish woman despite the American navigation in earnest reacts western farmers and distinguished a weakness federal government in defence the American benefits.

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