phd thesis on peace and conflict studies

5 Fully funded PhDs in peace and conflict studies

(Reposted from: peaceandconflictstudies.org )

Doing a postgraduate study is very exciting. It provides a great opportunity to move closer to the level of expertise in one’s area of interest, and it provides a sense of accomplishment and self-worth for many. This feeling of pride is even further heightened if the postgraduate studies is for a PhD.  Expectedly, there is always a great euphoria that accompanies the realization that a research proposal has been accepted by a University and that a PhD journey is about to begin. However, the euphoria can quickly give way to panic when one considers the possible challenge a lack of funding can pose to the pursuit. Most doctoral students either work part time to fund their studies or find a mixture of smaller grants from charities, organizations or industry. This article highlights institutions that offer fully-funded PhD programmes in peace and conflict studies, with the hope that it would encourage students to undertake courses in peace and conflict studies, thereby helping to build a critical mass of peacemakers, peacebuilders and conflict resolution experts.

• Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa

Programme Information:  The Durban University of Technology’s Peacebuilding Programme is arguably the biggest and most exhaustive of its kind on the continent of Africa. With close to 50 doctoral students enrolled in the programme, it is one of the most diverse on the continent, and one of the most hands-on PhD programmes worldwide.  The degrees start with a compulsory on-campus component of one month during which time students attend classes and submit assignments on peace theory, receive training in practical peacebuilding and learn the details of writing a research thesis. Students are encouraged to work on action research topics which directly build peace among individuals and communities.

Programme Requirements:

• A Master’s degree with a research component, normally at an upper class level (70%) or above.
• Strong written and spoken English
• Relevant life experience beyond studying at the university
• A commitment to attend the university full-time at the start of the academic programme, and a week at the start of the second year.
• A commitment to devote a minimum of 12-15 hours per week to thesis work, on average, following the on-campus period.

Funding Information:  DUT offers tuition free studies for doctoral students for the first three years. It also supports cost of data collection and for the preparation of the final version of the thesis for submission.

Link:  Professor Geoff Harris and Dr. Sylvia Kaye,   [email protected]

• University of Notre Dame’s PhD in Peace Studies.

Programme Information:  The University of Notre Dame’s Kroc Institute for International Peace regularly offers PhD scholarships in the field of Peace Studies for students willing to study in the United States. Graduates are fully credentialed in one of the six disciplines as well as in peace studies. They are prepared for positions in research and teaching — in anthropology, history, political science, psychology, sociology, theology, or peace studies — and for contributions to peacebuilding practice.

Each of the six partner departments (anthropology, history, political science, psychology, sociology, and theology) has specific requirements for earning a dual Ph.D., while the requirements in peace studies are similar for all doctoral students. Doctoral students typically:

• Meet course requirements and pass a comprehensive examin one partner department as well as in peace studies.
• Take a minimum of 6 required peace studies coursestaught by Kroc Institute faculty as well as departmental courses with significant content relevant to peace studies
• Study core peace studiesliterature and research design
• Submit a peace studiesarticle to a scholarly journal to be considered for publication
• Submit at least one proposalto an external funding agency for doctoral research
• Complete a teaching assistantshipin “Introduction to Peace Studies”
• Complete one or more research or teaching assistantshipswith Kroc Institute faculty engaged in scholarship related to the Institute’s research themes, and
• Conduct dissertationresearch and writing under the guidance of Kroc faculty and fellows

Funding Information:  The University provides admitted students with full financial support in the form of fellowships, graduate assistantships, and tuition scholarships, plus stipends for living expenses for five years.

• University of Uppsala’s PhD in Peace and Conflict Studies

Programme Information:  The Department of Peace and Conflict Research at the University of Uppsala in Sweden offers a PhD programme that lasts for 4 years, including compulsory course work corresponding to about 1 year of fulltime studies. PhD candidates are often involved in teaching or administration up to 20% of their time, so it may take up to 5 years to complete the PhD programme.

The application should be in English, except for writing samples which could be in either Swedish or English. The documents submitted should consist of the following:

• A completed  application form  for doctoral studies
• A short personal letter (1‒2 pages)
• certified transcripts of academic records
• A project plan (3‒5 pages)
• Letters of reference/recommendation (max 2 letters) or a list of references (max 2) which can be contacted by the admission committee.
• Writing samples (1‒3 samples)

Funding Information:  It is important for prospective applicants to note that PhD candidates at the Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University, as with most Swedish universities, become employees of the university, that is, they are not seen as students. A consequence of this is that there are no tuition fees, but normally there are also no scholarships available.

• University of Hamburg’s PhD in Peace and Security Studies

Programme Information:  The aim of the PhD in Peace and Security Studies at the University of Hamburg is to facilitate both academic and practical career-oriented learning through an integration of young scholars into the activities of the centre’s activities. The programme has a comprehensive programme that includes seminars, research workshops and fieldtrips that help students deepen and broaden their knowledge of theories and methodologies, while gaining insights into current problems in peace research. Doctoral students also have opportunities to present their work-progress to a forum of professional experts during the seminars and workshops regularly organised by the department.

Requirements for the programme include:

• An above-average science, social science or humanities degree at master’s level or higher. The IFSH conducts its own selection procedure.
• A good knowledge of the fundamentals of peace research,
• And a dissertation topic in line with the current research program of the IFSH are expected. Doctoral students at the IFSH participate in working groups and research projects and are assigned personal advisors according the topics of their dissertations. A program director is responsible for the overall management of the program.

Funding Information:  The PhD programme is tuition free. The IFSH does not offer funding itself, but suitable candidates are often provided with support in applying for scholarships.

• University of Otago’s PhD in Peace Studies

Programme Information:  The University of Otago offers a fully funded PhD programme themed: Trusting the Enemy: Understanding Intergroup Trust in Conflict and Peace Studies through Social Psychological Approaches. The programme is built on the core belief that trust is the glue that holds relationships together. This project focuses on furthering our understanding of the multidimensional nature of trust. It aims for researchers and practitioners alike to better understand how conflict persists through distrust, how peace building can be empowered through trust, and how fragile intergroup relations can be strengthened through systematic trust building. This work intends to build on the Intergroup Trust Model, which hypothesizes that trust between groups is shaped by the five dimensions of competence, integrity, compassion, compatibility, and security.

Acceptance as a candidate for the PhD degree depends upon the University being able to provide adequate expert supervision in the intended area of research.

The University considers the following criteria when making an internal assessment:

• Academic standard: Prospective students must meet the highest academic standards. A first class Honours degree or Master’s degree including a significant research component is required; research publications (peer-reviewed articles in academic journals or book-chapters) are desirable.
• The project proposal must fit well with our research profile and appears manageable and feasible within a three-year time frame and given financial and other constraints.
• The project must be likely to generate high-quality, publishable work in peer-reviewed journals.
• A Master’s degree with a focus on peace and conflict studies is highly desirable.

In order for us to make internal assessment, the University needs four things from the applicant:

• Full academic transcripts highlighting which course is your thesis or dissertation and / or details of research publications.
• Where possible, an electronic copy of the piece of independent research submitted for examination.
• A curriculum vitae which includes publications, at least one reference letter and the contact details of referees (a minimum of two)
• A preliminary research proposal (about 5 pages) which identifies the contribution of the project to the discourse, a description of its theoretical framework, research design, methodology and time plan.

With this information, the University can assess the likelihood of scholarship funding and the ability of the Centre to provide adequate supervision for the project.  The candidate may be invited to a Skype interview as part of the selection process.  If an applicant is successful in this internal screening process, he / she may then proceed with a formal application.

Funding Information:  The PhD programme is fully funded.

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10 thoughts on “5 fully funded phds in peace and conflict studies”.

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mode of studies and the location of the university

Is there age limit for the programme?

Am currently running master degree in peace and conflict management with the university of jos….perhaps, I could know what is the PhD requirement for admission with any of this instition ok.. .

I recently graduated with Masters Degree in Peace and Conflict Studies at Copperbelt University. I am now looking for opportunities for a full scholarship for a PhD in Peace and Conflict Studies

Am currently with MSc Peace Studies and Conflict Resolution and need a fully funded PHD in the course, what do I need to do?

I completed my Msc in peace studies and conflict resolution in the year 2019.And I want to start my PhD in the same course. Please help me with a free tuition fee school in Iceland.

I completed my Msc in Peace Studies and conflict resolution in 2019 and I am looking for opportunities to study abroad with free tuition fee. Please, help me.

I am currently running my masters degree in Nigeria open University. Please furnish me information with any good University foreign University that can give me an admission with tuition free.

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Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies

• Ph.D. Dissertations

Completed Dissertations

"ever-widening circles": private voluntary development, colonialism, and arab palestinians, 1930-1960, francis bonenfant-juwong.

Peace Studies & History

Show Abstract

I engage questions about how historical actors envisioned the best way to approach “the local” as outsiders as they grappled with the collateral damage of processes of urban-industrial modernization. I use multi-archival research in the United States, England, Israel, and the West Bank to track how American private voluntary organizations and British colonial authorities deployed a shared strain of rural development among Palestinian Arabs amidst the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Advocates of rural development were ambivalent about modernization and sought ways of nation-building that enabled local societies to retain their integrity and some measure of control over socioeconomic change. Towards this end, advocates promoted a rural development that was practical: immediately relevant for daily life and therefore very dependent on local contexts and the experiences and abilities of the students themselves. In this way, I encourage peacebuilding scholars to take seriously the “everyday” of colonial praxis and push historians of U.S. development towards the “everyday” of specific projects. And I argue that rural development was the predecessor to community development and that, rather than Asia, it is to the Middle East that U.S. community development primarily owes its emergence. Read the full dissertation on CurateND »

Read on CurateND

Threat, Risk, and Repression: Exploring State-Sponsored Political Violence from a Prospect Theory Approach

Jessica brandwein.

Peace Studies & Political Science

What are the causes and consequences of state-sponsored political violence against civilians and how can international actors limit such violence? This dissertation takes a prospect theory approach to understanding these questions, diverging from the typical expected-utility framework presented in the existing literature. The primary argument is that governments decide whether to perpetrate violence against their citizens based on whether that government is operating from a domain of gain or a domain of loss. The result is that distinct governments will respond to similar types of threats with difference levels of violence depending on their domain. This dissertation consists of an introduction and three chapters which use quantitative methods to study several consequences of this argument. Chapter 2 explores the causes of state repression, arguing that a government’s domain influences how governments frame threats and the level of risk a government will accept to eliminate those threats. A statistical analysis of government responses to dissent among African countries supports this argument, showing that governments in the domain of loss repress low levels of dissent at higher rates than governments in the domain of gain. Chapter 3 considers the effects of government violence, examining how the killing of civilians in intrastate conflict influences its outcome. This chapter argues that a government’s domain shapes its use of civilian victimization, which in turn affects the conflict’s outcome. A global study of intrastate conflicts finds that the patterns of violence perpetrated by governments in the domain of loss are more likely to lead to rebel-preferred conflict outcomes, while those used by governments in the domain of gain increase the probability of a government-preferred outcome. Chapter 4 looks at how international actors influence the use of state repression, proposing that the effect of interventions on the use of state-sponsored violence is conditioned on government domain. Quantitative testing provides some limited support for this theory. In combination, these chapters suggest that utilizing a prospect theory framework can improve our understanding of state-sponsored political violence.

Intersectionality, Bureaucratic Logic, and the Israeli Welfare State

Peace Studies & Sociology

The goal of the welfare state is to universally provide social services to all its members thus ensuring an equal division of state resources. In contrast, the Israeli welfare state has linked its welfare policies to its Zionist goals, creating different levels of access to public resources for different social groups. Nevertheless, most research on the Israeli welfare state focuses on one social group, specific welfare benefits, or particular periods and neglects to examine the connection between the prolonged Israel-Palestinian conflict and the inequalities of the Israeli welfare state. This dissertation identifies and evaluates how the prolonged Israeli-Palestinian conflict interacts with other oppressive forces, such as sexism and racism, to create and perpetuate inequalities in the Israeli welfare state in the 2000s. Using an intersectional lens, I examine how the prolonged conflict, which relies upon and reinforces a binary of Jews versus Palestinians, affects Israeli civil lives in non-military but no less disruptive and violent ways.

The omnipresence binary of Jews versus Palestinians shapes what I refer to as the bureaucratic logic of the Israeli welfare state − the logic by which the welfare state exercises its power over those it is supposed to serve. The bureaucratic logic includes institutional procedures such as legislation and regulations and discursive processes such as court hearings and decisions. I interrogate this logic using an in-depth analysis of three Israeli Supreme Court cases representing the three most marginalized Israeli ethno-racial groups: Ethiopian Jewish women, Mizrahi Jewish women, and Palestinian women. Each case introduces the welfare state around a different subject related to motherhood, an entry ticket for women’s social acceptance in Israel’s pro-natal society: adoption, public housing, and hospitalization grants. I analyze each case using a multi-method qualitative approach, including legal archeology, discourse and content analysis, and in-depth interviews. This multi-method approach allows to identify patterns across ethno-racial lines, derive theoretical conclusions from a small number of cases, and uncover the connection between judicial decisions, discursive reasoning, and institutional procedures.

My findings show that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict centers Israeli social understandings around the binary of Jews versus Palestinians, denying the systematic racism of mothers of color. The bureaucratic logic of the Israeli welfare state erases the social location of mothers of color, denying the relevance of ethno-racial claims and their intersections to Israeli reality and mothers of color marginalization. It also obscures how the Israeli welfare state constructs mothers of color as “bad mothers,” ensuring their ongoing dependency on welfare aid, thus justifying state interventions in their lives. My findings further show that the bureaucratic logic turns the welfare state into a wrestling arena between the state and its residents in which mothers of color who need the state’s social assistance are forced to repeatedly prove they are entitled to be included within the boundaries of the welfare state and the Israeli collective. Consequently, the Israeli welfare state reproduces the ethno-racial and ethnonational boundaries and hierarchies of Israeli society, guaranteeing the preservation of the Israeli power structure.

Civil Resistance and the Processes of Contentious Politics in Egypt, 2010-2015

Matthew j. chandler.

Egyptian pro-democracy activists mobilized two major uprisings in recent years: one ending Hosni Mubarak’s decades-long rule in February 2011, and the other precipitating a coup against newly-elected president Mohamed Morsi in July 2013. Prior research indicates that nonviolent campaigns succeed more often and are more likely to result in democracy than armed insurgencies. The theory, in essence, is that nonviolent campaigns better facilitate popular participation, which simultaneously serves to mobilize more potent campaigns and encourage democratic governance. But that explanation is inadequate when civil resistance has mixed outcomes, as in the case of Egypt. Therefore, this dissertation shifts the analytical perspective to the processes of contentious political transitions in which civil resistance campaigns are embedded. It focuses on the years 2010 through 2015 in Egypt, using the two major uprisings as a paired comparison to develop the theorized linkage between civil resistance and democratization. It finds that civil resistance in Egypt operated through multiple mechanisms that interacted dynamically over time and were sensitive to changes in the wider structure of political relations.  Read the full dissertation on CurateND »

Politics after Autonomy: Repression, Rebellion, and Revision

Angela chesler.

Territorial autonomy is on the rise. More states than ever before are yielding political authority to subnational polities, transforming the fundamental architecture of governance in the modern state. A significant driver of this “devolution revolution” is the perception that territorial autonomy provides a vehicle for peace and democracy in divided societies. Yet, territorial self-governance has proven remarkably deadly in unexpected ways. In contexts as diverse as Nigeria, Russia, Indonesia, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, devolutions of territorial autonomy have been followed by government military interventions, state-led civilian massacres, and armed conflict.

This project investigates the causes and downstream consequences of political violence in the context of territorial autonomy, addressing three interrelated questions: 1) How does territorial autonomy affect state violence against civilians?; 2) How does state violence shape political power and resistance in autonomous territories?; and 3) How and under what conditions does political violence impact the survival of autonomous territories? To answer these questions, I develop a new theory of regional consolidation that explains mass civilian killing as a tool for national actors to reassert authority in autonomous territories. I argue that territorial autonomy activates revanchist imperatives among state leaders, who engage violence to eliminate rival factions from the subnational political arena. While mass civilian killing is an effective tool for consolidating regional authority, it has the unintended consequence of provoking violent political mobilization leading to armed conflict. Armed conflict, in turn, has detrimental consequences for the survival of autonomous regions. When violent conflict breaks out in self-governing territories, it provides a pretense for national actors to implement centralizing reforms that erode autonomy.

The dissertation’s empirical investigations examine these dynamics through a series of cross-national quantitative analyses. I develop the Territorial Autonomy Dataset, a new geo-referenced dataset that identifies all autonomous regions globally from 1989 to 2019. To overcome methodological challenges related to selection effects and endogeneity, I leverage innovative statistical techniques in the counter-factual estimation framework. The results analyses produce three key findings. First, while the proponents of autonomy imagine stability, the fundamental substance of autonomy reforms creates new incentives for violence against civilians. Second, state violence in autonomous regions nearly always triggers armed uprisings. Finally, violent conflict itself reduces territorial autonomy. Collectively, these findings highlight the circular process through which states counteract power losses in self-governing regions through violence, and how the downstream instability ultimately fuels the structural erosion of autonomous institutions.

A Long Road to Canaan: The Capuchin Missionaries and the Rise of Liberation Theology in Eastern Nicaragua, 1939-1979

This dissertation investigates the mission established by the Detroit Province Capuchins in eastern Nicaragua from 1939-1979. Its emphasis is a transformation in the missionaries’ ministry enacted in 1967, which involved the adoption of new experimental techniques. The central historical contention is that this transformation led to the creation and diffusion of liberation theology in Nicaragua. The revisionist portrait of liberation theology emphasized here challenges existing understandings of the way this religious movement arose throughout Latin America.

The dissertation contends that the overlapping socio-political movements of the “Long Sixties” (1959-1973) destabilized the ideas about Catholicism and the priesthood that the Capuchins had championed in Nicaragua since the 1930s. This period cast them into a crisis that climaxed in 1967. Dozens of other missionaries in Latin America experienced similar vocational crises. A small subset of the missionary community, however, did not respond to the events that shaped the Long Sixties with bewilderment. These pioneering priests instead utilized experimental pastoral methodologies to reinvent the priesthood for the unique demands of the setting. The Capuchins, and many of their peers, turned to these experimentalists as a way of resolving their vocational crisis. In this way, early experiments, which would later be formalized and systemized as liberation theology, proliferated on an ad hoc basis across Latin America.

The Capuchins borrowed techniques from their peers and modified them to fit their unique circumstances. In particular, they borrowed three practices. First, from Leo Mahon, a missioner from Chicago to Panama City, they adopted the Delegates of the Word. The Delegates initiative involved training local laymen to act as surrogate priests. From the Society of Foreign Missions in Choluteca, Honduras, the Capuchins imitated the Celebration of the Word, a reinvention of the mass characterized by group discussion of biblical passages. Finally, from the Brazilian theorist Paulo Freire, the Capuchins enacted the pedagogy of the oppressed and enshrined “conscientization” as the primary goal of their mission. Over the next decade, these practices evolved into a rigorous, coherent system, the missionary pedagogy of the oppressed, a nascent form of liberation theology.  Read the full dissertation on CurateND »

'Unlocking Human Dignity': A Theology of Liberation from the Context of U.S. Immigrant Detention and Deportation

Colleen cross.

Peace Studies & Theology

The dominant political narrative within the United States often portrays the current immigration crisis along the US-Mexico border as one rooted in economic opportunism and criminal activity. In recent years, however, there has been a growing recognition, both domestically and internationally, of the significant levels of violence contributing to this mass human displacement. While a large number of migrants coming from this context have considerable protection needs, they generally do not qualify for protection under the traditional definition of a refugee. Instead, they undergo additional levels of trauma as they are criminalized, detained, and ultimately deported.

In light of the complex challenges posed by global migration and its impact on the human person, this dissertation brings peace studies, Latin American liberation theology, US Hispanic and Latinx theology, and migration theology into conversation, seeking to develop a constructive theology of liberation from the context of US immigrant detention and deportation. While it endeavors to develop a theology of liberation for the victims, it also examines the need for liberation for the perpetrators—for US society and for many in the US Church. Arguing for an expansion of the theological category of ‘the poor’ in light of the realities of displacement, detention, and deportation, I argue for correlating levels of liberation. My thesis is that although liberation in this context must necessarily be understood on structural, political, cultural, and ideological levels, it must also be centrally understood as the reclaiming and ‘unlocking’ of human dignity that has been ‘dimmed and defiled’ through the multi-layered violence found within the US immigration system.

Defining Critical Feminist Justpeace: Women's Peacebuilding Praxis and Feminist Political Thought

Karie cross.

The central concerns of my dissertation are the meaning of gender-just peace and the methods for pursuing it. Entering an ongoing debate within peace studies about the United Nations’ top-down, institutions-oriented “liberal peace,” I use ethnographic research with women’s peacebuilding groups in India alongside feminist political thought to argue for a “critical feminist  justpeace ,” developed from the bottom-up and taking the diverse experiences of marginalized women as motivation. Women in Manipur, India, try to build peace across ethnic, religious, and class-based boundaries. I analyze their practices, synthesizing them into a peacebuilding “praxis”—reflection combined with action with the goal of transformation—which we can fruitfully compare to Western feminist thought. This comparison of praxis and theory suggests that where the liberal peace fails women, a radically inclusive critical feminist  justpeace  will come closer to success. Such a peace is never achieved, but is rather an on-going process of contestation and relationship-building across divisions of power and privilege.  Read the full dissertation on CurateND »

Building and Burning Bridges: Solidarity and Contention among Peace Activists in Mindanao

Hyunjin deborah kwak.

My dissertation explains how activist groups’ foci of attention and interaction patterns generate different stylistic orientations toward action. This study addresses my broader theoretical interest in the power of cultural practice to affect group identity and collective behavior. My dissertation is based on 13 months of ethnographic fieldwork in Mindanao, Philippines, in the immediate aftermath of signing the historic peace accord that put an end to four decades of armed conflict. Civil society organizations and networks of Christian, Moro, and Indigenous peace activists played a critical role in the peace accord negotiations and social reconciliation efforts. By paying special attention to important extra-deliberative processes—the perceptual, interactional and emotional dynamics—of the peace activists, I theorize that activist groups’ spheres of influence and patterns of interaction shape their organizational foci, including activists’ theories of how to achieve social change and the types of project they choose to pursue. I analyze two distinct foci of attention found among Mindanao peace activists: these different foci in turn, inform and sustain two different styles of collective action: that of position-taking advocates and community bridge-builders. Organizational focus constrains group action over time, and differences in foci among activist groups often lead to tensions when they try to cooperate within the same network.  Read the full dissertation on CurateND »

To Be More Fully Alive: John of the Cross and Judith Butler on Transformation of the Self

Heather m. dubois.

My dissertation develops a theory for intrapersonal praxis that enables solidarity, justice, and peace in the face of alienation, oppression, and violence. It contributes to two schools of thought, mystical-political theology, as represented by Johann Baptist Metz, and conflict transformation, as represented by John Paul Lederach. I combine the resources of a religious classic and a contemporary critical theory of subject formation to address identity-based impasse. Namely, I employ the spiritual guidance and mystical anthropology of John of the Cross and the ethics and philosophical anthropology of Judith Butler. Drawing from John, I describe transformation of the self in terms of virtue, vice, and practices of attentive receptivity. Drawing from Butler, I describe transformation in terms of socio-political power, psychic processes, and practices of critical inquiry. In addition, I employ the affect theory of psychologist and philosopher Silvan Tomkins to describe the formation and transformation of patterns of thought, emotion, and behavior. With these elements, I develop an ecosystemic working theory of the transforming self.

With this theory about the transforming self, I argue for a set of dispositions and practices that can foster positive transformation in and through ambivalent socio-material ecosystems. Specifically, I argue for intrapersonal praxis that develops relational sensibility, defined as the capacity to experience, perceive, understand, and participate in the dynamic complexity of living. I use ‘sensibility’ holistically, connoting responsiveness to stimuli through the physiological senses, affective reactions, and mental perceptions. Relational sensibility addresses two critiques of modernity articulated by philosophers Stephen Toulmin and Charles Taylor: the truncation of the human person and the systematization of human life. Increasing sensibility can enable a second form of intrapersonal praxis that I call re-scripting. ‘Re-scripting’ combines insights from Tomkins’ theory about personal patterns and Butler’s theory about social norms to offer an understanding of intentional transformation of the self as activity at the nexus of the personal and the social. Since impasse is characterized by the exhaustion of readily available means, if there is to be movement through impasse, something new must happen. My theory for praxis articulates how this might occur at the level of the self.  Read the full dissertation on CurateND »

Ideology and Authoritarian Persistence: Shaping the Public Sphere in North Korea and Burma

Alexander dukalskis.

This dissertation examines how circumscription and manipulation of the public sphere contributes to the persistence of authoritarian regimes. It argues that while ruling ideologies of such regimes may differ in content, they rely on similar sets of underlying mechanisms designed to impact interactions in the public sphere. It analyzes how the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK or North Korea) under Kim Jong Il and Burma/Myanmar under successive military juntas have attempted to legitimate themselves as military regimes in the post-Cold War era. The dissertation illustrates how the ideologies of the DPRK and the Burmese junta worked to forestall critiques about authoritarian rule — even if many citizens were dissatisfied with the state’s authoritarian practices — by limiting and manipulating discussion in the political public sphere. Data is drawn from domestically-oriented media as well as 75 semi-structured interviews with North Koreans and Burmese conducted in 2011 and 2012. While the study empirically focuses on the DPRK and Myanmar, in broader comparative and analytical chapters it also points to the generalizability of the argument, with implications for theories of ideology, the study of authoritarianism, and debates about how closed societies change.  Read the full dissertation on CurateND »

Peace Education for the World: People-to-People Programs, American Youth, & U.S. Power, 1946-1991

If young people are born ‘peaceful’—without prejudiced or militaristic attitudes—why must they also be meticulously taught it through ‘peace education’ programs? Combining historical archival research from five U.S. governmental, university, and other English-language libraries along with critical discourse analysis, this dissertation makes interventions in three fields: Peace Studies, Critical Youth Studies, and the historical sub-field of the “U.S. in the World.” This dissertation surveys how American social scientists, especially social psychologists, produced knowledge about the nature of ‘child development’ as well as ‘intergroup contact’ from the interwar period through the early Cold War years. It also considers how these theories influenced the design of the most popular private and governmental ‘people-to-people’ peace education programs. Finally, this dissertation examines why U.S. government officials and policymakers came to believe that these programs were useful to the expansion of U.S. power in the world during and after the Second World War and into the early Cold War period.

This dissertation demonstrates that these various people-to-people programs of the past rarely produced the desired results. Policymakers found that people-to-people exchanges did not automatically influence foreign audiences to want to follow the, purported, American way of ‘democratic living’ or to accept U.S. foreign policy objectives. However, they did help solidify a dominant theory of change undergirding the design of mainstream American people-to-people programs. These liberal programs tended to favor a combination of education about select ‘other’ groups of people and, increasingly, mediated interpersonal contact with these ‘other’ groups. Consequently, changing individual attitudes, via interpersonal contact, was emphasized over other possible structural changes, such as addressing discriminatory practices and institutions. Over time, these programs also came to target ‘youth’ as a distinct category of persons assumed to be most suitable for these programs. In being named the ideal ‘ambassadors of peace’ and the best participants for various people-to-people programs, a category of persons named ‘youth’ was, in effect, transformed into the recipients most in need of an education for ‘peace’.

Pluriversal Peacebuilding: Decolonial Democracy, Religion, and the Epistemic Politics of Peace

Garrett fitzgerald.

Despite its commitment to the reduction and transformation of various types of violence, the field of peacebuilding largely relies upon Westernized forms of knowledge that exclude indigenous and other non-Westernized epistemologies. This privileging of certain forms of knowledge and modes of knowledge production risks implicating the field, as presently constituted, in patterns of  epistemic violence  traceable to the enduring legacies of colonization. Decolonial theory challenges Westernized scholars and practitioners of peacebuilding to fight this exclusion through the cultivation of a future in which many non-Westernized ways of knowing and being in the world can co-exist without fear of erasure—a condition described as  pluriversality .

Drawing insights from decolonial theory, Western political theory, and the theory and practice of peacebuilding, this project examines the possibility of developing approaches to peacebuilding dedicated to the pursuit of pluriversality by exploring decolonial claims that certain shared concepts—potentially including peace itself— can function as a “connectors” through which to pursue  pluriversal dialogue  between Westernized and non-Westernized ways of knowing and being in the world. However, recurrent failures within the field of peacebuilding to engage in sufficiently equitable dialogue with non-Westernized understandings of peace indicate an urgent need for new theoretical and practical resources to enable Westernized scholars and practitioners to participate in genuinely pluriversal dialogue.

To aid in this process, this project develops a simultaneously deconstructive and dialogical approach to pluriversal dialogue from a Westernized positionality that dramatically expands upon existing investigations into the decolonial applications of the work of Austrian-British philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein. The project then tests the resources toward pluriversal dialogue gleaned from Wittgenstein against the “connector” treated at the greatest length in the decolonial literature: democracy. Focusing on the work of two Western democratic theorists—Chantal Mouffe and James Tully—who draw on similar Wittgensteinian resources to engage with non-Westernized forms of democratic theory and practice, the project indicates the potential risks and rewards of using these resources as a method of approaching pluriversal dialogue around specific “connectors” from a Westernized positionality.

The project concludes by returning to the question of whether peace (like democracy) possesses a similar potential to function as a “connector” around which to engage in pluriversal dialogue. Given the presence of non-Westernized accounts of peace that reflect the decolonial values of pluriversality, the project concludes that pluriversal peacebuilding is possible, but will require a fundamental shift in the epistemic politics of the field of peacebuilding.

Narratives of Power: History Education and Statecraft in Uganda

Ashley greene.

“Narratives of Power” examines the interaction between history education and statecraft in Uganda since 1925. Tracing the development of history curricula through Uganda’s transition from British colony to independent state, I explore how political elites have appropriated history education in their quests to win the hearts, minds, and votes of young people. I use a mixed-methods approach, drawing on archival material, school curricula, and oral history interviews with curriculum specialists, education officers, and history teachers from nine secondary schools around the country.

Chapters one and two examine colonial narratives of exploration and empire, first from the pages of British syllabuses, and then from the reactions of African intellectuals who denounced them as colonial brainwashing. Next, I examine the efforts of educated African elites whose hopes of reclaiming history as a story of African triumph and platform for national identity clashed with the reality of Ugandan social and political cleavages. Chapter four investigates the stagnation of curriculum reform under the National Resistance Movement, and history teachers’ reactions to Uganda’s current curriculum. Finally, using a case study about a recently implemented secondary-school program known as patriotism clubs, I illustrate that far from abandoning historical reconstruction, Uganda’s government is engaging with the politicization of history in ways that try to bypass traditional curricular channels.

I argue that historical reconstruction has been, and continues to be, at the forefront of government attempts to communicate political messages to young people. Unable to control how the past is taught and interpreted in the formal school system, elites are employing new strategies that use extracurricular programs to bypass non-state actors whose views might bring them into contention with the state’s imagined past. The neglect of Ugandan history in the education system and the emergence of patriotism clubs should be seen as congruent phenomena; the former limits historical narratives that might delegitimize the state while the latter allows the NRM to use history as a more effective tool of state power. My findings indicate that future studies of education and statecraft must expand to include the changing spaces in which students are encountering state narratives about the past.  Read the full dissertation on CurateND »

Our Home a Refuge?: Trauma-Related Cognitive Distortions, Community, and Perceptions of Asylum-Seekers and Migrants among U.S. Military Veterans

Katherine grein.

Peace Studies & Psychology

Trauma-related cognitive distortions have been linked to mental health outcomes such as posttraumatic stress for U.S. veterans; however, research has not yet examined links between these distortions (of self, guilt, and safety) and perceptions of specific other groups (e.g., asylum-seekers), or perceptions of security in one’s environment (e.g., community). The current study aimed to explore connections between these variables in a sample of  N =101 veterans (87.1% male) across 3 time points, hypothesizing that higher T1 trauma-related cognitive distortions would predict higher T2 threat perceptions of asylum-seekers and lower T2 security in the community; T2 threat perceptions of asylum-seekers would mediate the association between T1 distortions and T3 security; T2 security would mediate the association between T1 distortions and T3 threat perceptions of asylum-seekers; and exposure to psychotherapeutic treatment would moderate the association between initial trauma exposure and trauma-related cognitions, with cognitions lower for treatment-exposed veterans. Overall, results of the path analysis models did not support these hypotheses. A post-hoc hierarchical regression analysis using only T1 data, however, suggests some support for associations between higher trauma-related cognitive distortions and lower security in the community ( β  = -0.53), and higher threat perceptions of asylum-seekers and lower emotional security in the community ( β  = -0.21). These findings have important implications for the role of trauma-related cognitive distortions in veterans’ psychosocial health and sense of security within their social ecological space, as well as how they may view and make political decisions about groups that may increasingly share that space (i.e., asylum-seekers and migrants).

Church as Sanctuary: A Preferential Option for the Displaced and Persecuted Poor

Leo guardado.

This dissertation argues that sanctuary is a pillar of ecclesial identity and a concretization of what it means to be a church of the poor in the United States. As persons once again flee El Salvador and other Central American countries where unbearable levels of violence have essentially created a low-intensity war akin to the 1980s, the church in the United States is faced with the challenge of protecting the humanity of “unauthorized” communities seeking refuge from governmental structures that kill through persecution and deportation. Throughout history as well as in contemporary politics, sanctuary’s capacity to interrupt and resist processes of legalized violence has made it a contentious concept and practice. Among communities of faith the possibility of providing church sanctuary can become a point of controversy and division rather than unity. Within the Roman Catholic Church there is a critical need to better understand the theological foundations of sanctuary and the ways that it incarnates the nature and mission of the church as a sacrament of salvation in and for the world so that bishops and laity alike can appropriately discern their participation, or the cost of failing to protect the displaced and persecuted poor in their midst.

In response to the arrival of displaced Salvadorans in the 1980s, church sanctuary became a widespread practice that raised questions about the church itself, its responsibility to protect, and sanctuary’s potential to transform political systems and construct a more human society. This historical and political context becomes the foundation for a systematic theological reflection where I retrieve ancient traditions of refuge and sanctuary and place them in dialogue with the ecclesiology of Vatican II; analyze the sacramentality of the poor in Oscar Romero’s preaching and witness in relation to the vision of a church of the poor as expressed at the Medellin conference; and develop four categories that constitute church as sanctuary: refuge, healing, holiness, and salvation. In a world marred by dehumanizing violence, sanctuary is a necessary mark of ecclesial existence, for it is a salvific practice not only for those whose life is threatened but for the church itself.  Read the full dissertation on CurateND »

From Homer to Hemingway: The Place of the Soldier in Political Thought

Caleb hamman.

This dissertation examines the place of the soldier in political life. Through close readings of Homer, Thucydides, Tocqueville, and Hemingway, I analyze the political existence of the soldier in different types of political community. The main movement I trace is one in which the original Homeric image of the soldierly ideal is inverted in the modern world. Drawing upon Tocqueville and Hemingway, I argue that the American soldier is a figure not honored by American society. The American disposition toward the soldier tends to be characterized by patriotic feeling and sympathetic sentiment. The unity of soldierly practices and meanings encountered in Homer—around honor and glory, and wounding and healing—collapses, I suggest, for the soldier in modern society. The reciprocity established between soldier and city in the classical polis—a reciprocity I find in Thucydides—does not obtain for the soldier in the modern world. I argue that the American soldier suffers as a consequence of not being honored. Drawing upon Homer and Hemingway, I suggest that the withholding of honor from the soldier obstructs the soldier’s ability to heal from the wounds of war. Read the full dissertation on CurateND »

Monotheism and the Paradox of Intolerance: The Refusal to Divinize Victims and the Mosaic Distinction

In a shrinking and globalizing world, with many conflicts stemming from religious or ideological differences, how are we to regard monotheism’s potential for inspiring violent absolutism? Discussions of monotheism’s political consequences often emphasize either its “intolerance” of other gods and religions as a source of bigotry and conflict, on the one hand, or emphasize monotheism as a source of pacific, universalistic, transcendent tolerance on the other. But both approaches fail to give monotheism’s “intolerance” its due. I argue that monotheism’s intolerance opens up historic potentials that are both enlightening and dangerous: it dissolved the ancient link between God and the political sphere, helped us see past the distortions of divinized politics, and deepened concern for the victims of politics—while it nonetheless makes possible a uniquely absolutist, violence. By comparison, polytheistic “tolerance” does not necessarily make for a liberating vision of inclusion and diversity. To argue this, I construct an account of monotheism’s intolerance—as a “refusal to divinize victims” and a prohibition of representing the Absolute—and its relevance to pluralistic coexistence today. This includes critically weaving together the mimetic theory of René Girard, the monotheistic scholarship of Jan Assmann et al, and the social theory of Chantal Mouffe, treating their ideas as mutually illuminating.  Read the full dissertation on CurateND »

"When the Ukrainian World Was Destroyed": Genocidal Narrative Convergence and Stakeholder Interactions during National Crises

Kristina hook.

Peace Studies & Anthropology

In the wake of complex, contested disasters, narratives of suffering often emerge as integral features of attempts to rebuild cosmologies, particularly when such catastrophes are perpetrated by other humans. Due to the social negotiations and fluidity inherent in these processes, influential stakeholders can play an outsized role in using these discursive political tools for nation-building and solidarity. Genocidal narratives of suffering exist as a special and morally untouchable case due to their emotional salience and scope. Despite our knowledge that such narratives of suffering can impact sociopolitical processes, how these processes unfold, particularly as they are driven by influential stakeholders, is under-theorized. This project examines the interactions of four groups of social actors who frequently interact with Holodomor genocide narratives—lawyers, academics, politicians, and activists—in the context of modern Ukraine. The 1932-1933 Ukrainian  Holodomor  (“killing by hunger”) refers to an artificially induced famine in Joseph Stalin’s Soviet Ukraine that killed an estimated 4.5 million people and changed Ukrainian society forever.Since Ukraine’s 1991 independence, narratives regarding the Holodomor have grown from a diffuse set of suppressed memories into an officially-sanctioned charter story for Ukrainian national identity as nuances decreased and stakeholder narratives converged during a series of escalating national crises.To substantiate this argument, two overarching, interlinking themes are explored: 1) the extreme  cosmological destruction  (i.e., the intentional, concurrent targeting a group’s biological existence and social world) caused by the Holodomor itself, and how this devastation contributed to 2) modern national identity ambiguities that paved the way for the pronounced role that influential stakeholders played in steering conversations of who Ukrainians were, are, and should be.Using more than 1,000 pages of qualitative data gathered by intensive interviewing with 100 national-level stakeholders across politics, law, academia, and activism, I illustrate how the Holodomor today is laden with representational meanings signifying Ukraine’s contemporary reality as a borderland caught between its Eastern past and Western aspirational future.Contextualizing this argument through 2.5 years of ethnographic fieldwork and participant-observation in Ukraine, I explore Holodomor narrative functions—including reclamation, resistance, absolution, and camouflage—and demonstrate the salience of this event and its legacy in understanding contemporary Ukraine.  Read the full dissertation on CurateND »

Agency under Duress: A Political Theological Approach to Peacebuilding

Janna hunter-bowman.

This dissertation offers an account of religious actors in situations of duress. The thesis is that the kinds of actions performed by war-torn communities in Colombia, South America, indicate a kind of agency that is undertheorized in peace studies but that can be illuminated by theology in a way that contributes to peace studies. It argues that messianic theology is the best theoretical framework for illuminating peacebuilding agents under duress, like the featured communities. After all, their practices are subaltern, vulnerable, and transformative. Moreover, moral judgment is key for neutralizing and counteracting crisis.

The communities live in a world at war and experience time in ways that enable and mandate their agency of witness in situations of overt violence—independent of state power. They therefore seem to vindicate John Howard Yoder’s theopolitical messianic vision, which now appears ambivalent. This dissertation engages Yoder in a critical manner.

Gustavo Gutierrez suggests that a messianic orientation conditions participation in linear (state-oriented) processes and contributes “to the nations” accordingly. This is because, for Gutierrez, there is much still to come  in  the messianic breaks. They set gradual eschatological processes in motion. In contrast with the messianic ruptures, movement toward wholeness requires engaging institutions and epistemic “others” in gradual time.

The interplay of the two eschatologies—messianic and gradual—grounds a flexible framework for peacebuilding that allows for change and variance in context. A key contribution is the framework’s flexible account of the state, attuned to debates about the emergence of the “religion” and “the state.” This dissertation testifies to multiple forms of power, freedom, and agency contributing to peace, and the moral worlds embedded therein. Foregrounding the entanglements of both theological and political worlds has the potential to make peacebuilding more strategic.  Read the full dissertation on CurateND »

The Role of Regimes of Cooperation in the Well-Being of Rohingya Refugees in Chicago, Milwaukee, and Fort Wayne

Helal mohammed khan.

This dissertation examines agency, cooperation, and well-being in the context of refugee resettlement. Past studies of refugee resettlement have explored fractures, fissions, and conflicts in the complex geopolitics and economics that govern it, often citing mistrust and lack of hope among participants. Despite that, millions of refugees have resettled worldwide over the past decades, becoming citizens and legal residents in their new homes. How do refugees survive, adapt and even thrive against the odds portrayed by multiple studies on refugee resettlement? This intriguing question guides my research, looking into dynamic processes and institutions underlying the growth of Rohingya refugee micro-communities in Chicago, Milwaukee, and Fort Wayne. My principal finding is that refugees pursue cooperation and hope as the primary mechanism to attain well-being in a new country, mediated by institutions such as cultural centers and faith-based organizations through place- and space-making practices.

I develop two novel theoretical concepts – “the abling refugee” and “regimes of cooperation” – through this study. The abling refugee speaks to refugees’ progressive interactions with people, processes, and institutions in their resettlement locations from a place of agency, guided by the sense of hope undiminished through their journeys. Regimes of cooperation is a spatial behavioral concept encompassing the everyday dynamics of cooperation, wherein refugee-led institutions create spaces for interaction between diverse refugees and other actors of resettlement, making cooperation an iterative, ongoing process rather than a formal or policy‑based exercise. Refugees cooperate to achieve well-being related to education, housing, healthcare, citizenship, and spirituality, closely supported by people and institutions that act as brokers within the larger networks of support that connect related providers to their recipients. This approach to studying cooperation invites attention to the importance of everyday peace and well-being and calls for exploring their physical dimensions. It entails observing how refugees become active makers of their new geographical landscapes by accessing various spaces and eventually managing, sustaining, and developing them. The study ties cooperation, hope, and well-being as observable phenomena that people actively engage with and cultivate while seeking to move beyond the traumas of violent displacement and perils of finding homes in far-off lands.

Good and Bad Apologies: Determinants of Successful State Apologies

Why do some state apologies that address past atrocities succeed at bringing about reconciliation while others fail? Under what conditions would the recipients of apologies find them satisfactory and acceptable? In order to close the gaps between theory and practice regarding the efficacy of state apology, I identify and test four causal factors that can affect victims’ reception of state apologies. These factors are: the manner in which expressions of apology are made (who speaks what, when, where, and how), behavioral consistency of the apologizer, conspicuous opportunism of the apologizer, and prior communicative interactions. I conduct mixed-methods research that incorporates Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) and in-depth case studies, using primary sources such as media reports, government statements, organizational reports, and in-depth interviews. By assessing whether and how certain features of an apology affect its reception, this research aims to introduce cross-case empirical analyses and a new dataset on state apologies that could be shared and used for future research on apology and reconciliation.  Read the full dissertation on CurateND »

Armed with Good Intentions? Explaining Arms Embargo Compliance

Kathrin kranz.

My dissertation—“Armed with good intentions? Explaining arms embargo compliance”—investigates why major arms exporters have come not only to comply with international arms embargoes, but also to embrace them as policy instruments. I examine and contrast the historical developments in two leading arms exporting nations, Germany and the United Kingdom. During the past 50 years, these countries moved away from treating arms embargoes as a nuisance they reluctantly navigated—and sometimes violated—to championing them as policy instruments. Based on rich case studies of the arms embargo regimes against South Africa and China, and interviews with policymakers and archival research, the dissertation finds that the growing strength of the arms embargo norm has made noncompliance a costly choice for arms exporting states.  Read the full dissertation on CurateND »

¡Presente! Political Theology at the Gates of Ft. Benning

Kyle lambelet.

What does it mean politically, morally and theologically to claim that the dead are  presente ? Responding to this question, the following dissertation constructs a messianic political theology of the resurrected dead through an extended case study of the School of the Americas Watch. Currently one of the longest running nonviolent movements for social change in the United States, this movement has called for the closure of the SOA/WHINSEC, a training facility for Latin American military and police officers, and a fundamental change in US foreign policy. The movement has been centered on an annual protest liturgy that names those killed by graduates of the SOA/WHINSEC and claims them as  ¡presente!

This dissertation explores the political, moral and theological significance of this claim, a claim that draws upon a creedal affirmation of a belief in and hope for the resurrection. Through the course of this study I construct a political theology that coordinates the dynamics of messianism, liturgy and practical reason. I argue that the performance of the messianic claim in the  ¡presente!  litany generates obligations between the living and the dead. These obligations underdetermine the actions that follow, however, and therefore require practical reasoning as activists discern how to faithfully enact effective political action. Thus, the need for practical reason remains, even as the development of that practical reason is fundamentally conditioned by the messianism of the liturgy.

Each chapter examines a different dilemma that SOA Watch activists face and examines how the coordination of these three dynamics impacts that dilemma. These include the use of liturgy as a repertoire of contentious politics (chapter 2); the building of nonviolent coalitions across differences of race, religion, class and citizenship (chapter 3); the transgression, affirmation, and appropriation of the law (chapter 4); and the function of exemplarity and charisma to motivate movement involvement (chapter 5). While each of these chapters draw upon empirical materials, my goal is ultimately constructive and I conclude by gesturing toward the possibilities enabled by a messianic political theology rooted in the resurrected presence of the dead.  Read the full dissertation on CurateND »

To Conceal or Reveal? Predictors of Adolescent Self-Disclosure to Mothers and the Mediating Role of Trust

Katy-marie lance.

Studies have consistently revealed adolescent disclosure as the strongest predictor of parental knowledge about adolescents’ companions, whereabouts, and behaviors. In turn, parental knowledge is linked to various positive adolescent outcomes. It therefore becomes important to understand what promotes adolescent disclosure to parents. Although intrapersonal predictors such as dispositional self-concealment have been identified as important predictors of disclosure in adult dyads, little is known about how personality dimensions affect youth disclosure to parents. The current study tested two main hypotheses: 1) that adolescent self-concealment would account for variation in self-disclosure to mothers, over and above the contribution of previously examined predictors of youth disclosure (i.e., maternal warmth and adolescent rule-breaking behavior) and 2) that parental trust would serve as an influencing variable between our independent variables (i.e., adolescent self-concealment, maternal warmth, and adolescent rule-breaking behavior) and adolescent self-disclosure. Each hypothesis was tested using adolescent and mother reports respectively.

Using a sample of 82 mother-adolescent dyads, two 2-step hierarchical regressions confirmed the first hypothesis. Self-concealment explained additional variance in adolescent self-disclosure above and beyond what had been accounted for by the variables entered at step 1 (maternal warmth and adolescent rule-breaking behavior) according to adolescent reports and also mother reports.

For our second hypothesis, structural equation modeling was used to test a model in which parental trust mediated the relationship between the aforementioned independent variables and adolescent self-disclosure. Neither final model (for adolescent or mother reports) revealed an indirect pathway between self-concealment and self-disclosure. For adolescent reports, the best-fitting approach to the model fit the data adequately, but only when direct paths were also included. For mother reports, the model fit the data relatively well with significant indirect links between maternal warmth, adolescent rule-breaking and adolescent self-disclosure (all mediated by maternal trust), and a direct significant relation between adolescent self-concealment and adolescent self-disclosure. Other models resulted in weaker fit, but informed our understanding of the potential role of trust as an influencing variable in adolescent self-disclosure and are thus discussed in further detail.  Read the full dissertation on CurateND »

“Feel the Grass Grow”: The Practices and Politics of Slow Peace in Colombia

Angela lederach.

This ethnographic study traces the historical and political processes that shape how grassroots actors build peace in Montes de María, Colombia. Drawing on twenty-two months of ethnographic research, 103 interviews, and twelve focus group sessions with grassroots peace activists, youth, (I)NGO workers, state bureaucrats, private sector actors, and members of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), I analyze peacebuilding as a site of contestation where universalized notions of ‘peace’ are negotiated, reworked, and recast within a particular locale. In particular, I outline how grassroots leaders explicitly contest and refuse “the times ( los tiempos )” of the state and the international community as implementation of the Colombian peace accords unfolds in Montes de María.

I draw on the distinct social, environmental, and temporal dimensions of everyday peacebuilding in Montes de María to develop a grounded theory of “slow peace.” I argue that social leaders theorize “the times” beyond speed, pace, and duration. Instead, they invoke “the times” to draw attention to radical, alternative ways of experiencing, relating to, and inhabiting the world. The defense of territory and life is found through an immersion into the  cotidianidad  (everyday), where ancestral memories of collective resistance, practices of care for the  entorno  (life world), and relations of love and  solidaridad  (solidarity)   are held and nurtured. I offer an anthropological account of peacebuilding that understands peace as a historical, cultural, and political process – emergent, dynamic, plural, and unfolding in everyday life.

Campesinos in Montes de María understand peace as embedded within their daily practices of care for their land and territory through multispecies relations that allow abundant life to flourish even in the midst of the ongoing violence(s) of armed conflict, forced displacement, and extractivism. The practices of slow peace   emerge from the tenacious and collective struggle for dignified life found through an immersion into the  cotidianidad  (everyday) where relationships are deepened, ancestral memories reclaimed, and ecologies regenerated. Slow peace recasts peacebuilding as a multigenerational, multispecies, and continuous struggle to build a decolonial peace  otherwise.  Read the full dissertation on CurateND »

Communities of War and Peace: Arendt, Political Association, and International Relations

Shinkyu "james" lee.

Which forms of political association promote peace? Peace is usually connected with cosmopolitan unity or the oneness of humanity. My exploration of the relative benefits of a society of states and the pluralistic orders it creates for peace challenges this view.

In this dissertation, I examine Hannah Arendt’s thoughts on political association. Extensive engagements with three different institutional models characterize Arendt’s work: the nation-state (in  The Origins of Totalitarianism ), the ancient polis (in  The Human Condition ), and the modern republic (in  On Revolution ). My study traces the main features of these models and shows how Arendt’s interest in and understanding of constitutional law and participatory politics lead her to reject both abstract legalism and all-too-concrete nationalism. In my view, Arendt’s writings evince an acute awareness of how difficult it is to balance the domestic need for robust political participation, public spirit, and care for a particular political “world” with the need, at the inter-state level, to create and maintain a framework of international law. I argue that Arendt’s political theory does not founder on this tension. Arendt underlines the need to maintain a tense equilibrium between these two poles, which is required if we are to avoid the cosmopolitan privileging of international law and institutions above all else. Similarly, such a tense and consciously maintained equilibrium enables us to avoid the nationalist conclusion that, in order to be self-governing, a state must possess more or less unfettered sovereignty.

In order to back up these assertions, I investigate Arendt’s novel idea of federalism and her notion of how a constitutional regime can be “augmented and preserved.” Arendt’s concepts of constitutional augmentation and federalism allow us to bridge the gap between domestic and international politics. Indeed, her thought suggests the possibility of re-conceiving of states in a way that does justice to both intra-state and inter-state relations. The potential result is something neither idealistic cosmopolitan theory nor conventional realist theory can offer: a nuanced and well-articulated model of a pluralistic society of states.  Read the full dissertation on CurateND »

Coercive Force, Symbolic Power and Fragmented Urban Publics: Understanding Democratic Police Reform in Buenos Aires, Argentina

Leslie maccolman.

This dissertation asks how democratic police reform shapes police legitimacy. It does so by examining three interconnected waves of police reform that occurred in the City of Buenos Aires, Argentina between 2010 and 2018. The first wave (2010-2016) was led by the National Security Ministry and involved an increase in political oversight of the Argentine Federal Police (PFA). The PFA had been the main police force in Buenos Aires for more than a century and, at the time reforms were initiated, was widely denounced as violent, corrupt, and inefficient. The second wave of reform (2010-2016) was led by the Buenos Aires City Government and involved the creation of a new, more modern force with a mandate for community policing: the Metropolitan Police. The PFA and the Metropolitan Police operated in parallel in Buenos Aires until they were merged, in 2017. The third wave of reform (2017-2019) was also led by the City Government and involved the launch of the City Police, comprised of 20,000 ex-PFA officers and 6,000 ex-Metropolitan officers. The launch of the City Police involved dramatic organizational changes, designed to accommodate the disparate internal structures of the PFA and the Metropolitan Police, and other measures aimed at modifying police practices to improve efficiency, criminal deterrence, and, ultimately, police legitimacy.

These three waves of police reform were democratic in terms of both means and ends. Each reform was led by elected political authorities and was guided by citizens’ most pressing security grievances. At the same time, reforms aimed to consolidate ‘democratic policing’ by improving the “operational efficiency and effectiveness” of the police while simultaneously strengthening their “democratic ethos and accountability” (Bailey and Dammert 2006, p. 2). Incrementally and cumulatively, these reforms significantly reduced some of the most egregious historical patterns of police misconduct and contributed to the professionalization of police activity in Buenos Aires. Despite this, the legitimacy of the City Police remains highly contested. What explains this outcome? And what does the analysis of democratic police reform in Buenos Aires reveal about similar processes in other metropolises of the Global South marked by memories of state-sponsored violence and high levels of socio-spatial inequality?

Empirically, I draw on over 100 interviews with differently-positioned actors with intimate knowledge of reforms, including police, public officials, activists, and academic experts. I also draw on data collected through direct observation of dozens of police trainings and local security forums. Theoretically, I conceptualize democratic police reform as a radical field upheaval that upsets established power dynamics and catalyzes new material and symbolic struggles which play out at within the “field of fields” of state power (Arnholtz & Hammerslev, 2013). I argue that, in large capital cities like Buenos Aires, democratic police reforms prompt material and symbolic struggles within the field of policing and in the space of overlap between the field of policing, the field of politics, the juridical field, and the field of organized crime. Through the detailed analysis of each wave of reform, I show how these fields were reconfigured through public deliberations and the “gray zone of politics” (Auyero, 2007) that connects police to politicians, judicial operators, and organized criminal groups through  selective  application of the law. I show how attention to field configurations can help explain not only the characteristics of reforms but also their effects on police practices, particularly violence and corruption.

In parallel, I trace how these three waves of police reform were experienced and collectively interpreted by what I refer to as “fragmented urban publics.” I argue that in contexts of extreme socio-spatial inequality, like Buenos Aires, differently-situated actors have fundamentally distinct understandings of what is wrong with the police and, hence, what needs to be reformed. Moreover, they may disagree on the ‘right role’ of the police in regulating urban conflict. By prompting debate on these questions, democratic police reforms can reproduce or exacerbate pre-existing social divisions that cluster around class or political-ideological orientation. I conceptualize police legitimacy as a contingent, relational, and multi-dimensional social construct (Bottoms & Tankebe, 2012; Tankebe, 2013), which varies based on peoples’ habitual interactions with the police and their ideologically-mediated understanding of the ‘right’ role of the police. In light of this conceptualization, I argue that democratic police reforms can simultaneously strengthen police legitimacy among certain publics, while undermining it for others.

Beware the Magic Crocodile: The Role of Chiefs in Cultural and Political Reform in Malawi

Emily maiden.

The study of chiefs as legitimate political players is a growing field in political science. Recently, scholars have looked at vote brokerage and the provision of resources, but few talk about the power of chiefs as agents of cultural change. Using Malawi as a case study, this project uses 121 interviews with chiefs, with supporting evidence drawn from approximately 50 additional interviews from key stakeholders (including teachers, child protection workers, government bureaucrats, and NGOs), and 23 focus groups with over 200 women, to explore how and why chiefs are promoting political and a cultural reform to combat child marriage.

I find that the dual positionality of chiefs as both political and cultural actors, invested with high levels of trust and support from their communities, contributes to their ability to address culturally embedded practices like child marriage, which actively promote violence against children. Chiefs are joining with government and NGO actors to promote  political  reform in that they are working to educate their constituents on recent changes to the national marriage laws; in many cases, they are also using their authority as chiefs to pass bylaws that incorporate harsher punishments for those found breaking the law. But chiefs are—paradoxically, many argue—taking their advocacy a step further by using their authority as the “custodians of culture” to address and reform the underlying  cultural  norms and practices that make child marriage acceptable. To this end, chiefs emerge as curious political actors that have the power to do what many political reforms fail to do: change the underlying culture. Chiefs should therefore be central to the efforts of NGOs, governments, and human rights activists interested in, not only passing legal reforms to reduce forms of violence, but addressing underlying culture practices that create a space through which this violence emerges.  Read the full dissertation on CurateND »

Environmental Violence in the Earth System and the Human Niche

Richard (drew) marcantonio.

The focus of this dissertation is human-produced hazardous pollution that harms human health, which I call environmental violence (EV). I define EV as direct and indirect harm experienced by humans due to toxic and non-toxic pollutants put into a local—and concurrently the global—ecosystem through human activities and processes. I develop this novel concept of EV as both an analytical tool, namely a framework that can be applied across broad contexts and by socioenvironmental researchers, practitioners, and managers alike, and as a thing-in-itself, something that can be seen, felt, taken into the human body to deleterious effect, and that can be measured. Pollution production is a fact of the human story but much more is being produced than is needed to maximize the capacity for human flourishing such that literally millions of people are directly harmed and many more indirectly. Today, EV is pervasive in the Earth system and the human niche and is the single largest human-produced source of mortality, causing more than 8 million deaths annually.

In this dissertation, I draw attention to three critical underlying realities regarding EV by utilizing a combination of primary empirical social and environmental data, as well as additional data and literature from the fields of peace studies, public health, Earth science, and anthropology. The first critical reality is inequality: specifically, different populations unequally produce or contribute to EV; the risk and vulnerability associated with EV are unequally distributed; and, correspondingly, the harm and power differentials experienced are unequal. The second critical reality underlying EV, paradoxically, is that despite the inequalities associated with EV, ultimately all people are affected by it and stand to face severe risk to their niche as the destabilization of the Earth System continues. In the near-term, EV is a hazard for some people more than others, but ultimately it threatens everyone—the entire human niche and the Earth System. The third and final critical reality underlying EV is that human-produced pollution begets a process of violence and is itself violent. While these issues are substantial, I demonstrate how the EV framework can be applied to elucidate key junctures of them that, if actioned ethically and equitably, can lead to substantial reductions in EV and result in a more sustainable future for the Earth system and the human niche.

The Political Economy of Insecurity: Livelihoods, Mobilities, and Social Networks of Women Traders on the Congo-Rwanda Border

Maryam rokhideh.

Insecurity is experienced as a constant of daily life in the Great Lakes region of Africa, especially in the borderland area between the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda. Congolese and Rwandan women face many risks through a complex intermeshing of economic hardship, crime, and gendered violence, while at the same time maneuvering and resisting structures of power. In a region disrupted by decades of conflict and the subsequent decline of economic opportunities, cross-border trade conducted by women is instrumental in securing the lives and livelihoods of women and their families. Using multi-sited, mixed methods research on the Congo-Rwanda border, I examine the daily strategies, mobility patterns, and social networks of women cross-border traders. My research finds that through this trade, women have become primary earners and taken up new responsibilities previously reserved for men, shifting culturally salient gender roles.

The importance of cross-border trade in supporting job creation, food security, and women’s empowerment is widely recognized by scholars and policymakers alike. However, studies on cross-border trade have neglected a critical area of contribution by women traders. Women’s cross-border trade facilitates the supply and delivery of goods and services across Sub-Saharan Africa. Importantly, women traders have cultivated important social safety nets in the absence of social protection mechanisms and institutional support systems. Emerging crises like the COVID-19 pandemic has demonstrated the importance of strengthening social safety nets that safeguard inclusive access to basic goods and services, especially in areas underserved by government systems. Through a mobile ethnography, my dissertation demonstrates how women traders have been at the forefront of food and service provision providing for the needs and welfare of their families and communities and developed important social safety nets to prevent and mitigate risks. This dissertation highlights the essential role women play in service provision, risk-mitigation, and socioeconomic development in situations affected by conflict and insecurity. Drawing on the political economy of everyday life in insecurity, I contribute to a new direction in anthropological research—one that gives critical import to issues of power, inequality, and violence by critically analyzing the social and economic processes of everyday praxis in the midst of social change.

Violentology: Expert Knowledge and Government Peacebuilding in Colombia 1958-1990

Ana sanchez ramirez.

This dissertation studies the intellectual and political history of peace in Colombia from 1958 to 1990. To do so, I investigate how Colombian academics participated in their government’s responses to violence amid the ebbs and flows of political armed conflicts since the mid-20 th century. Throughout this period, the Colombian government tested various formulas to end violence which ranged from military pacification to peace negotiations, and from development programs to democratic reforms. Academics labored in parallel researching violence and engaging in intellectual exchanges with government officials over the ideal pathways to peace. In the process, these scholars both developed the academic field of violence studies and attempted to influence some of the most significant government peacebuilding efforts in the country. By 1990, the government-academia partnership for peace yielded a consensus around an approach I call “peace as democracy,” that would have its heyday in the 1991 National Constitutional Assembly. Although contemporary Peace Studies scholarship upholds peace and democracy as naturally aligned goals, the history of violence studies in Colombia demonstrates the large degree of contingency that yielded this result amid the continent’s longest armed conflict.

Drawing from previously understudied official and academic archives as well as oral history interviews, I follow two distinct, yet interrelated, intellectual generations of violence studies scholars. The first generation initiated the field in the late 1950s by studying the bipartisan armed conflict of the previous decades, known as la Violencia . Since the early 1970s, a new cohort of scholars embarked on a revisionist project of la Violencia period as they also turned their gaze to contemporary violence. By the 1980s, guerrilla insurgencies, counter-insurgent paramilitary groups, and a buoyant drug economy sustained high levels of violence in the country. Scholars from the new generation rose to national prominence through their participation in the 1987 Commission on the Study of Violence created by the Virgilio Barco administration (1986-1990). The press assigned the moniker “violentologists” to the group, and “violentology” soon came to denote a set of innovative ideas about violence and peace in late 20 th century Colombia. While this generation actively invested in the “peace as democracy” approach, they did so from an expansive understanding of democracy that the national government chose to circumvent. By interrogating the historical mismatch between intellectuals’ robust visions of peace and the government’s peacebuilding action, this research offers new insights on the role of expert knowledge in national peace efforts.

Violentology: expert knowledge and government peacebuilding in late 20th century Colombia

Ana sanchez-ramirez, unsettling the settler colonial imagination: decoloniality as a theological hermeneutic in south africa, steven savides.

This dissertation examines the extent to which decoloniality can be employed as a theological hermeneutic to foster Christian unity and reconciliation. It investigates whether decoloniality can disrupt the settler colonial imaginary that developed from Eurocentrism, white supremacy, patriarchy, and exploitative capitalist practices. Anchored in Reformed theology, this study draws on the theory of coloniality/decoloniality, settler colonial studies, the study of religion, and the theological concentrations of ecclesiology and missiology. It poses three questions: 1.) How is theology implicated in the formation of the settler colonial imaginary in South Africa? 2.) To what extent can decoloniality be applied as a hermeneutic in the Reformed tradition to render white Christians ethically and morally vulnerable to the unifying power of the cross? 3.) Can the decolonial telos of pluriversality be applied theologically to facilitate the church’s transformation from functional coexistence to the splendor of a new Ephesian moment?

Chapter 1 responds to the call of the fallist movements for decolonization. It confronts the personal, prophetic, and pathological dimensions of post-apartheid society and the consequences of coloniality. Chapter 2 investigates power relations within the settler colonial imaginary and the role Christian evangelism played in its formation. Chapter 3 establishes decoloniality as an essential hermeneutic for understanding the contemporary South African situation. It focuses on Sabelo Ndlovu-Gatsheni’s contribution to decolonial discourses. Chapter 4 examines the theological application of decoloniality to South Africa’s pressing social challenges in light of the legacies of imperialism, colonialism, and apartheid. The thought of theologians Vuyani Vellem and Gerrie Snyman is explored as it relates to the message of the cross and vulnerability. The dissertation turns in Chapter 5 to the pluriversal telos of decoloniality and the promise it holds for church unification.

In light of Christ’s prayer “that they may all be one” and the vision for convivial unity across difference in Ephesians, where the metaphors of temple and body are central, decoloniality is found to be an essential hermeneutic for nurturing a new Ephesian moment. However, it is not sufficient. Authentic vulnerability on the part of the white community is necessary to unsettle the settler colonial imaginary.

Motherhood and Intimate Partner Violence in the Context of Social-Ecological Resilience

Kathryn scrafford.

Motherhood provides a key source of resilience for IPV-exposed mothers, yet most psychological research focuses on parenting deficits among IPV-exposed women. Two studies were conducted to develop the claims that Ungar’s (2012) model of social-ecological resilience provides a useful framework for understanding IPV-exposed women’s experiences of motherhood and calls upon actors in women’s social environments to support IPV-exposed mother’s resilience.  Methods:  Thematic analysis was used to examine parenting strengths and fears of IPV-exposed women from focus groups with IPV-exposed mothers (n=22) and service providers (n=31). Multilevel linear modeling was used to analyze the moderating influences of neighborhood factors on IPV’s effect on mother-child relationship quality in a longitudinal study of parents and adolescents (n=1,090).  Results: Thematic analysis indicated that mothers emphasized their parenting strengths and the toll of abuse, while service providers emphasized parenting deficits. Both stated that mothers left partners for their children’s sakes and expressed concerns about intergenerational transmission of IPV. MLM revealed a within-person effect such that mothers reporting more IPV also reported improvement in mother-child relationship quality over time. A between-person moderating effect of neighborhood chaos indicated that IPV- exposed mothers reported worse relationship quality than non-exposed mothers when neighborhood chaos was low but no difference in relationship quality when neighborhood chaos was high.  Discussion:  Findings mapped robustly onto the social-ecological model of resilience. Nussbaum’s (1997) Capabilities Approach and Lederach’s (2003) Big Picture of Conflict Transformation are discussed as frameworks for translating resilience into social change, with recommendations for ways psychologists can support IPV-exposed mothers’ resilience.

Investigating Early Life Experience on Sociomoral Development: The Mediating Role of Child Physiological Regulation

Mary tarsha, does violence beget violence factors moderating trajectories of youth aggression in a context of political conflict, laura taylor.

A common assumption is that a violent environment produces violent youth; this project interrogated this assertion in two ways examining if exposure to intergroup antisocial behavior increases youth aggression, and in turn, if changes in general youth aggression are related to participation in intergroup conflict. Improving on past work, the current study utilized four waves of a prospective, longitudinal dataset of mother/child dyads (N=820; 51% female; ages 10 to 20 years old) in Northern Ireland. Hierarchical linear modeling (HLM) addressed new questions about inter-individual differences in intra-individual change in a setting of protracted political conflict. Although boys were higher than girls in initial aggression, there were no significant gender differences in the average trajectory or linear change in aggression from 10 to 20 years old. As a risk factor, experience with sectarian antisocial behavior predicted greater aggression problems; however, that effect weakened with age and was buffered by a cohesive family environment. Regarding the continuation of intergroup conflict, being female and having a more cohesive family negatively predicted youth participation in sectarian acts, whereas the trajectory of general aggression (i.e., intercepts and linear slopes) predicted significantly more youth engagement in out-group antisocial behavior. On an individual level, the findings identify ways the family environment serves to protect youth from greater aggression and from engaging in out-group hostility; at a societal level, the project suggests multiple ways to decrease the potential for youth mobilization in protracted conflict.  Read the full dissertation on CurateND »

Coming of Age in Post-Accord Belfast: Changes in the Political Climate and Exposure to Sectarian Violence as Moderators of Adolescents' Emotional Security

Dana townsend.

Growing up in a post-accord society characterized by ongoing intergroup tension and cyclical violence such as Northern Ireland may put youth at a higher risk for psychopathology. Prior research in Belfast showed that increased exposure to sectarian violence often resulted in more emotional insecurity about the community and subsequent adjustment problems. Though the impact of direct exposure to violence is well documented, few studies account for factors outside of one’s immediate environment – such as the broader sociopolitical climate and the levels of tension or threat in society. The current study advances research in this area by using systematically coded newspapers from Northern Ireland (N = 2,797) to assess the overarching trends in Catholic-Protestant relations from 2006-2011 and explore the relation between these macro-contextual changes and adolescents’ emotional insecurity. A qualitative analysis of the news reports showed that, despite progress in the peace process during these years, intergroup conflict was prevalent. At the societal level, political tension and intragroup threat were characterized by sectarian community violence, lack of trust in the police, and a spike in dissident republican attacks. A series of multilevel moderation analyses using the coded news reports and five waves of survey data from families in Belfast (N = 999) indicated that adolescents responded differently to community violence depending on the political climate. Overall, emotional insecurity increased with exposure to sectarian violence. During periods of high intragroup threat in society, this relation was stronger for Protestants and weaker for Catholics. As macro-level threat increased, Catholics who had more cumulative exposure to violence became more  secure , Catholics who had less cumulative exposure became more  insecure , and Protestants who had more cumulative exposure remained more insecure than their peers. During periods of high intergroup tension in society, adolescents with more cumulative exposure to violence became more secure, regardless of their group. These findings illustrate how individual responses to the immediate environment can vary based on salient events in society, thus contributing both empirically and methodologically to the design of interventions and policies in Belfast and other areas affected by violent conflict.  Read the full dissertation on CurateND »

Concluding Conquest: Why States End Military Occupation

Lenore vanderzee.

Military occupation has been part of interstate relations the system existed. Conquest paid, and controlling territory meant reaping its benefits. However, after World War II norms of state sovereignty and territorial integrity were codified in the United Nations Charter. At the same time, maintaining colonization became untenable and politically harmful, and Western states began to relinquish their colonies overseas, either by force or choice. Despite these emerging norms and the process of decolonization, military occupation continues to be an important international issue. There have been forty-two occupations that have begun since the end of World War II; of these, thirteen remain ongoing, and twenty-nine have ended. This project asks: Why do some of these occupations endure, while others end? Specifically, Why and how do states end military occupation? I theorize that the interaction between conditions at the international, dyadic, and domestic levels of analysis significantly shift the cost-benefit analysis of occupying states.

There has been very little comparative work on the processes of military occupation – the studies are limited to a handful of books and articles that do not directly address the question at hand, or have a coherent and logical definition of military occupation from which to build. To fill this gap, I created an original dataset identifying forty-two military occupations, 1945-2014 and collecting data on 32 variables. Using this data, I build my theory and develop hypotheses using diverse literatures, including territorial disputes, inter- and intrastate wars, failing states and falling empires, the demise of colonialism, and case studies of the individual cases of military occupation. By examining these varying branches of literature, I rule out potential competing explanations, as well as make some cautious generalizations about the nature of the end and outcome of military occupation.

I then test my theory by analyzing two cases of military occupation that share several important similarities: Indonesia’s occupation of East Timor (1975-1999) and Morocco’s occupation of Western Sahara (1975-Present). Through comparative process-tracing, I ascertain how conditions at the three levels of analysis interact to result in these divergent outcomes.  Read the full dissertation on CurateND »

Cosmopolitan Priming for Change: Transnational Social Movements in Communist Eastern Europe

Ana velitchkova.

Social movement scholars have argued that social movement mobilization at the micro level is a sequential multi-stage process but have ignored the first stage of this process, the creation of a pool of supporters from which movements can potentially draw participants, when analyzing the Eastern European protest wave of 1989. I question the assumption that such a pool of potential participants was ready-made and ask how it was formed. To address these concerns, I analyze the mobilization context in which the successful protest wave of 1989 developed. I contrast it with the mobilization contexts of the unsuccessful Chinese and Albanian cases. My concrete research question is: What were the societal institutional environment and the political culture in Eastern Europe in the late 1980s within which protest movements could gather mass support and within which democracy could take root? I argue that the Eastern European democratic impetus was grounded within a cosmopolitan world culture. I also argue that Eastern European transnational social movements were major cosmopolitan actors in creating and promoting this culture over more than a decade. Thus, cosmopolitanism served as a mobilization potential while the development of cosmopolitanism appears to have been the first stage of the protest mobilization process and subsequent democratization in Eastern Europe in the late 1980s. My evidence comes from various sources, including a dataset on transnational social movement organizations around the world from 1953 to 2003, the World Value Survey, data on movement membership and reach, and semi-structured interviews with members of the most prominent movement in the region, the Esperanto movement, in four Eastern European countries.  Read the full dissertation on CurateND »

Interpreting Islam: U.S.-Indonesian Relations, 1953-1968

This study of United States relations with post-colonial Indonesia sheds light on how prevalent assumptions about and interpretations of a major world religion, Islam, shaped policymakers’ attitudes and decisions concerning U.S. engagement with Muslim actors abroad. It examines not only the accuracy and nuance of U.S. officials’ knowledge about Islam in Indonesia, but also religion’s shifting salience in U.S. foreign relations during the height of the Cold War. It argues that religion mattered in the construction and implementation of U.S. policies toward Indonesia—but under specific, changing conditions, not as an overarching framework. Islam provided one lens by which U.S. officials understood the behavior and goals of the Indonesian government and, perhaps more consequentially, the character of the majority of Indonesia’s people. While interpretations of Islam in Indonesia evolved over the course of subsequent U.S. administrations—and the significance and utility of these perceptions waxed and waned over time—in general the U.S. foreign policy establishment tended to see religion as a means to an end, namely, as an instrument that at times proved useful in the struggle against global communism.  Read the full dissertation on CurateND »

Building Peace in the Anthropocene: The Practical Wisdom of Hospitality amidst Climate Violence

Michael yankoski.

This dissertation is built on the premise that anthropogenic climate change is more likely than not to result in 2C+ of warming above pre-industrial levels by 2100. In such a scenario, anthropogenic climate change will variously impact virtually all aspects of human social, political, and economic processes during the remainder of the 21st century. Given this premise, this dissertation explores this question: “In the context of 2C+ of anthropogenic climate change, and with the high likelihood of unprecedented human population displacement because of this warming, what are some of the resources that might help empower the construction of systems of peace instead of systems of bloodshed, scapegoating, and violence?”

In response to this question I argue that the tradition and practice of intentional hospitality toward the vulnerable other found within the larger Christian tradition is a practice that contains rich resources which may help empower communities that seek to welcome the vulnerable other in the context of anthropogenic climate change. In addition to a survey of some of the historical and theological foundations for such a practice, I also offer a theological (micro) ethnography of hospitality within three case studies located in Vancouver, BC, among a community and network of people who have been engaging the practice of hospitality toward vulnerable others for approximately three decades.

Ultimately I argue that while the practice of intentional hospitality toward vulnerable others in the context of anthropogenic climate change is unlikely to be sufficient—that is to say, the needs are likely to far exceed the capacities of different communities to sustain the offer of hospitality—the practice of hospitality toward the vulnerable other is a vital practice that is worth engaging in pursuit of peace amidst the Anthropocene. For all who find a way through the challenges that are likely to come, welcome and hospitality and care—in different forms and in distinct manifestations within particular places and particular communities at particular times—will be pivotal in making a way possible.

Caroline Hughes Director of Doctoral Studies

Kathryn Sawyer Vidrine Assistant Director for Doctoral Studies

[email protected]

Apply now »

United States Institute of Peace

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Peace Scholar Fellowship Program

USIP's Peace Scholar Fellowship program awards non-residential fellowships to PhD candidates enrolled at U.S. universities who are writing doctoral dissertations on topics related to conflict management, peacebuilding and security studies. Since 1988, the program has supported the dissertations of 408 scholars, many of whom have gone on to distinguished careers in research, higher education, and policy making.

Download the Call for Applications

This program partners with the Minerva Research Initiative to support additional fellowships. Currently, the program awards up to 18 fellowships per year, and awards support both research and writing stages of work on dissertations.

Applications from members of groups traditionally under-represented in the field of international relations, peace and conflict studies, security studies, and other related academic disciplines, as well as diplomacy and international policymaking, are strongly encouraged.

2024-2025 Request for Applications

USIP seeks applications from Ph.D. candidates with high-quality, policy relevant research that will deepen understanding about conflict management, peacebuilding and other applicable security-related studies. USIP strongly prefers applications closely related to the USIP Issue Areas and/or research priorities of the Minerva Research Initiative .

Special consideration will be given to proposed research in the following areas*:

• Strategic rivalry
• Global shocks and fragility
• The American approach to peacebuilding

*See the USIP FY’24 Congressional Budget Justification for more information about the Institute’s key priorities and initiatives.

Registration and Application Process

Applying for the Peace Scholar Fellowship competition is a two-step process.

REGISTRATION:  All applicants must have registered for this competition even if you have registered previously for another USIP competition.

APPLICATION: After completing the registration, applicants must prepare and submit a complete application. USIP does not provide status updates on submitted applications at any time.

Important Dates

• Registration opened: Thursday, September 7, 2023
• Registration closed: Thursday, November 16, 2023 at 4:00PM EDT
• Application deadline: Tuesday, November 28, 2023 at 4:00PM EDT
• Letters of reference due: Tuesday, December 5, 2023 at 4:00PM EDT

Application Requirements

Applications will be selected based on the strength of the proposed research and its potential to make original contributions to the field by addressing one of the key initiatives or research priorities listed in the links above.

Applications that are not relevant to the priorities or issue areas of USIP or the Minerva Research Initiative will not be considered for the competition.

Peace Scholar Fellowship Details

USIP funds up to 18 Peace Scholars for a 10-month, non-residential fellowship. Peace Scholars receive stipends of up to $20,000 paid directly to the individual in three tranches. Peace Scholar awards may not be deferred.

Peace Scholars are required to participate in an annual workshop, in-person in Washington, D.C. in Fall 2024. The Peace Scholar is required to submit a copy of their completed and committee approved dissertation to USIP at [email protected] .

For more information, see the Peace Scholar Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs). Please direct questions about usage of USIP’s online application system to [email protected] .

Online Application

All application materials must be submitted on FLUXX.

The application includes the following sections:

• A confirmation of your eligibility, must be a Ph.D. candidate enrolled at a U.S. university.
• Your personal and contact information
• Letters of recommendation
• Bibliography
• Curriculum Vitae
• Optional links to publications

Questions for the 2024-2025 USIP Peace Scholar Fellowship application

Applicants are required to complete the four sections below.

Contribution. What is innovative about the research? What unique contribution will the project make towards advancing the fields of conflict management, peacebuilding and related security studies? How does your research enhance USIP’s and/or Minerva’s understandings of the social, cultural, behavioral and/or political forces that shape the issues and dynamics of conflict? (2,500 characters)

Relevance. State how your dissertation intersects with the USIP mission, and/or the Minerva Research Initiative mission. Describe the relevance of your project to the theory, policy or practice of the fields of conflict management, peacebuilding and related security studies. Applications that are not relevant to the priorities or issue areas of USIP or the Minerva Research Initiative will not be considered for the competition. (2,500 characters)

Research Integrity. Explain how you will analyze the research evidence to test your hypotheses or answer your projects’ defining questions. Describe your methodologies. Describe how your research findings will be generalizable across time, geopolitical regions, and/or other socio-cultural domains. Will your findings have predictive value? What is the broader significance of your project and what will be the likely lessons learned? (2,500 characters)

Work Plan. Provide a timetable indicating the schedule of completion for your dissertation. Indicate which portions of your work (research, data collection, analysis, writing, etc.) are already finished, and which tasks remain to be completed. Please be as realistic as possible, considering the work that can be completed during the course of the fellowship. The Institute expects scholars to complete work described in the timetable or as agreed in subsequent consultation with the program staff. (2,500 characters)

Additionally, applicants must complete the following sections.

Personal Statement. Why are you applying to the USIP-Minerva Peace Scholar Fellowship? Tell us who you are and why you are a great candidate for this fellowship. What do you expect to accomplish after this fellowship? (2,000 characters)

Project Summary.  Clearly and concisely state your dissertation’s hypothesis. Explain its potential contribution to the field of conflict management, peacebuilding and related security studies. Include the specific focus of countries or regions. The summary is a critical part of the application as it is the first item that most reviewers will read to determine the substance and relevance of the project. Avoid jargon. (2,000 characters)

Frequently Asked Questions

If you have additional questions, please email [email protected].

Who may apply for the Peace Scholar fellowship?

The competition is open to Ph.D. candidates enrolled at U.S. universities who have successfully completed all required classwork and comprehensive exams.

Are non-U.S. citizens eligible to be Peace Scholars?

Yes, non-U.S. citizens are eligible to apply. They must be Ph.D. candidates currently enrolled at a U.S. university. Students at international and satellite universities are not eligible.

I am not a Ph.D. candidate, but I would like to apply for the Peace Scholars Fellowship. Am I eligible?

All applicants must be Ph.D. candidates at the time of application. Master’s students or other students pursuing graduate coursework are not eligible to apply.

Is there an age requirement for the Peace Scholar competition?

There is no age requirement for Peace Scholars.

What research topics are eligible for the Peace Scholar Award?

This fellowship supports research that deepens our understanding of conflict management, peacebuilding and security studies. USIP strongly prefers applications closely related to the USIP mission and/or research priorities of the Minerva Research Initiative . Applicants are encouraged to consult USIP’s budget justification to Congress (PDF) where the Institute describes its key priorities and initiatives.

The fellowships cannot support research focused on U.S. domestic issues, however, research on U.S. foreign policy may be eligible for support. Fellowships will not be awarded for dissertation projects that constitute policymaking for a government agency or private organization, focus to any substantial degree on conflicts within U.S. domestic society, or adopt a partisan, advocacy, or activist stance.

For examples of Peace Scholar research that USIP has supported in the past, please see the list of Former Peace Scholars .

What are the requirements of the Peace Scholar Fellowship?

Peace Scholar fellows carry out their fellowship work at their universities or other sites appropriate to their research. Peace Scholars are expected to devote full attention to their work and provide the following:

• Participate in-person at the annual Peace Scholar workshop in Washington, D.C. in the fall;
• Submit quarterly dissertation progress reports to be signed by the dissertation advisor;
• Submit updates for the USIP Peace Scholar seasonal newsletter;
• Participate in two virtual roundtable discussions;
• Submit a copy of your  completed and committee approved dissertation to USIP;
• Submit copies of any other publications, including articles and books, resulting from the fellowship.

What is the timeline for the 2023-24 Peace Scholar Fellowship competition?

• Registration for the Peace Scholar competition opened on Thursday, September 7, 2023, and closed at 4:00 PM EDT on Thursday, November 16, 2023.
• Completed applications are due by 4:00 PM EDT on Tuesday, November 28, 2023. Applications submitted after the deadline will not be accepted.
• Letters of recommendation are due by 4:00 PM EDT Tuesday, December 5, 2023.
• Awards are announced by spring 2024.

How do I apply for the Peace Scholar Fellowship competition?

All applications and documents related to this competition must be submitted in FLUXX. USIP uses the FLUXX Award Application System to manage the Peace Scholar Fellowship competition.

Applying to the Peace Scholar competition is a two-step process.

1. Registering for a FLUXX account

Applicants must first register for a FLUXX account in order to access the application system.

• Open the FLUXX registration page.
• Click "Register for an account" on the right side of the page.
• Select "Peace Scholars" as the competition type.
• Indicate whether you would like to be considered for either a USIP-funded Peace Scholar fellowship or a Minerva-funded Peace and Security Fellowship, or no preference.
• After completing the form, select "Submit Request."

Within two business days, applicants will receive a FLUXX confirmation email containing a username and password.

If you do not receive login credentials within two business days, please email [email protected] .

2. Starting and submitting an application

Once an applicant receives login credentials, they may begin the Peace Scholar application.

• Open the FLUXX application page.
• Enter the username and password sent in the FLUXX confirmation email.
• Click "Draft Applications" in the left toolbar to create a blank draft application.
• Begin entering information in the draft application.
• FLUXX does not auto-save so be sure to save your work often.
• Check your work before submitting your application. Once an application has been submitted, it cannot be edited or changed.

How do I reset my password?

Click the "reset or create password" button on the FLUXX login page.

How many recommendation letters are required?

Two letters of recommendation must be attached to your application in the FLUXX system. One letter must be from your dissertation advisor, and one from a current professor.

When are letters of recommendation due?

Letters of recommendation are due within one week of the application deadline. All letters of recommendation for the 2024-25 Peace Scholar competition must be submitted by 4:00 PM EDT Tuesday, December 5, 2023.

How are letters of recommendation submitted?

Letters of recommendation must be uploaded directly by the applicant’s advisor and professor (recommenders). However, the applicant must send a letter of recommendation request to their references through the FLUXX system. See instructions below.

To send a FLUXX link to thereferences, click the green "+" under the "Reference Letters/Letters of Recommendation" section of the application. Enter the name and email address of each reference. An email with an upload link and instructions on how to submit the letters of recommendation will be sent to the refecerences.

If you or your references experience technical difficulties with FLUXX, please email the Fellowship team at [email protected] .

Is there a deadline to send the letter of recommendation link to my recommenders?

Applicants should send the letter of recommendation link to their dissertation advisor and professor as soon as they begin their application.

Does the link to submit recommendation letters expire?

No, the link does not expire. We recommend contacting your recommenders as soon as you enter their names and email addresses in your application in FLUXX. 

If my references encounters difficulty while submitting their recommendation letter, who should they contact?

If your reference is not able to upload their recommendation letter to the application, they may email the letter, in PDF format, to [email protected] . The name of the applicant should be included in the subject line of the email.

Can I submit my application before my advisor or professor has submitted the recommendation letter?

Yes, applications may be submitted before the recommendation letters are submitted.

How many Peace Scholar Fellowships are awarded each year?

USIP awards up to 18 Peace Scholar Fellowships each year.

What is the duration of the Peace Scholars fellowship?

The Peace Scholar Fellowship last for 10 months, starting on September 1 of each year, and ending on June 30 of the following year.

What is the amount of the award?

Peace Scholar fellows receive a stipend of up to $20,000, paid directly to the fellow in three tranches.

Can this award be combined with other fellowship awards?

A combined amount of $50,000 is the maximum total that a Peace Scholar can receive in fellowship funding from USIP and other funders during the 10-month USIP Peace Scholar Fellowship period. The intent of the fellowship award is for the Peace Scholar fellow to work on their dissertation.

Is it possible to defer the Peace Scholar Fellowship to another year?

No. The fellowship cannot be deferred. It must be used for the year it is awarded.

What is the difference between the USIP Peace Scholar Fellowship and the Minerva Research Initiative Peace and Security Fellowship?

The fellowship requirements, timeline and stipend amount are the same. The only difference is the source of the funding. On your application form please indicate the funding source for which you would like to be considered:

• The USIP Peace Scholar Fellowship,
• Minerva Research Initiative Peace and Security Fellowship, or,
• No preference.  

Where can I find more information on the Minerva Research Initiative?

More information about the Minerva Research Initiative can be found at https://minerva.defense.gov .

What is the difference between the Peace Scholar Fellowship program and the Jennings Randolph Senior Fellowship?

USIP's Peace Scholar Fellowship program awards non-residential fellowships to PhD candidates enrolled at U.S. universities who are writing doctoral dissertations on topics related to conflict management, peacebuilding and security studies. The Jennings Randolph Senior Fellowship is an eight-month residential fellowship for senior experts across various disciplines.

Current Peace Scholars

Visit the list of current Peace Scholars .

Former Peace Scholars

Visit the list of former Peace Scholars .

St Andrews Research Repository

•   St Andrews Research Repository
• Research Centres and Institutes
• Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies

Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies Theses

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The Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS) promotes interdisciplinary research and teaching in a collegial environment, analysing and investigating processes of conflict and conflict resolution in the construction of long term peace. CPCS develops academic knowledge of peace and conflict grounded in the experiences of people, places and history. It facilitates dialogue between individuals, groups or communities who are concerned with conditions of positive peace, with reference to interpersonal relationships, community relations, within organisations and nations, or relative to international relations.

For more information please visit the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies home page.

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Recent Submissions

The political economy of resistance in post-conflict south sudan , practicing peacebuilding differently : a legal empowerment project, a randomised control trial and practical hybridity in liberia , enter the dragon : the emerging chinese approach to peacebuilding in liberia .

The PhD Programme

The Department of Peace and Conflict Research offers a PhD programme that lasts for 4 years, including compulsory course work corresponding to about 1 year of fulltime studies. PhD candidates are often involved in teaching or administration up to 20% of their time, so it may take up to 5 years to complete the PhD programme. The purpose of the PhD programme is to make students capable of scientific research. It includes both course work and the completion of a PhD thesis. A PhD degree is of value for further academic research and teaching activities as well as for advanced professional work outside the academic world. It is important for prospective applicants to note that PhD candidates at the Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University, as with most Swedish universities, become employees of the university, that is, they are not seen as students. A consequence of this is that there are no tuition fees, but normally there are also no scholarships available. Swedish as well as foreign students can apply. Only a limited number of students are admitted. Basic studies in peace and conflict studies or related subjects are required for admission. The application needs to include essays/writing samples in the form of a BA and/or an MA thesis or an essay corresponding to a C-level/Master-level course paper in the social sciences. Applicants should also present a plan for a possible research project leading to a dissertation. The Department strives to advertise one or more faculty-funded PhD candidate positions in connection with any given admission opportunity. Applicants with external funding need to apply in the regular round of applications and are assessed according to the same criteria as for faculty-funded positions. At a minimum, to be considered, the applicant needs to document guaranteed full external financing for at least 2 years. External funding here refers to two types of financing organisation: either a reputed research council or an equivalent research funding organisation with a professional capacity to independently assess the quality of applications or a national/international governmental/non-governmental organisation that wants to sponsor one of its employees, for example, to raise the professional competence of the person in question.

Next Admission Opportunity

For information about the admission process,  see the webpage how to apply to the PhD programme.

See also  the list of PhD Dissertations at the Department of Peace and Conflict Research.

CONTACT 

Hanne Fjelde  (Director of Studies, PhD Programme) E-mail:  [email protected]

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ACTS PhD Programme

Acts phd programme.

The PhD programme was developed for peace practitioners and scholars to question existing knowledge and reflect on practice in the field and strengthen the region’s unique response to the need for conflict transformation work. The programme is based on a practitioner-scholar model and an intervention to build peace. More specifically, this programme has been created to elevate Asian peace practitioners perspectives in theory and practice to enhance capabilities through initiative and reflective study.

The ACTS PhD Programme uses a four-year hybrid distance-residential model. Based at the Center for Peace Conflict Studies and accredited through  Pannasatra University , the programme will provide a unique combination of academic rigor and analysis of real-world experience.

For more information on the ACTS PhD Programme, please email the programme at:  [email protected]

PhD APPLICATION REQUIREMENTS

Application to the ACTS PhD Programme is a two-stage process. First, students must submit the following:

• A copy of their Master’s degree.
• A copy of their Master’s degree transcript.
• A copy of their resume/CV.
• A personal statement describing in a maximum of 800 words their reasons for wishing to undertake the ACTS PhD Programme and their relevant experience.
• A  TOEFL  score of at least 550 or IELTS score of at least 6.0, taken within the last 2 years.
• A brief but clear statement indicating the resources they have to effectively communicate online during their non-residential time in the programme (i.e., do they routinely have access to a computer and the internet; if not, how time consuming would it be to get such access, etc.).
• A copy of their passport
• ID photo, 4cm x 6cm

The second stage of the admissions process for students assessed as viable candidates for the programme requires additional information to be provided, including:

• A statement from their employer that they will be able to attend all the residential seminars [to be announced]:
• Three references from individuals familiar with their academic skills and achievements and/or with their work as peace practitioners. Such individuals may be past professors, past or current supervisors or colleagues, etc. but should not be those who have worked or now work for the applicant. Candidates must supply the email addresses of these references, as well as the name of the organization where they work and their position title. Forms for the reference letters will be sent directly by email to references and returned directly by their author rather than through the applicant. References will be asked to attest that the candidate has not read their recommendation.
• A copy of their Master’s degree thesis, if they wrote a thesis for that degree.
• A 1000-2000 word document outlining their current thoughts on the research they plan on conducting during their PhD studies.
• An interview (via Skype if necessary).
• All second-stage applicants must meet any additional PUC requirements. Please check:   http://www.puc.edu.kh/index.php/admissions/graduate-programs

Submit documents to  [email protected] . All candidates who have successfully passed into the second stage of the application process will also be presented to PUC for their approval of the candidate.

ADMISSION PROCESS

• At least five years of work experience in conflict transformation or related fields
• Support of employer or someone connected with the proposed area of work and action research
• Access to a reliable and stable internet connection
• Fluency in English (required to pass IELTS score 6.0 or TOEFL of 550)
• Undergraduate degree and high school degree essential
• Living and working within boundaries of the Asia-Pacific region
• Over 25 years of age
• Willingness to participate in a cross-cultural and interfaith learning environment and commitment to peace and justice values

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douglas katho

Oscar Mateos

Since the independence processes in the African continent, armed conflicts, peace and security have raised concern and attention both at the domestic level and at the international scale. In recent years, all aspects have undergone significant changes which have given rise to intense debate. The end of some historical conflicts has taken place in a context of slight decrease in the number of armed conflicts and the consolidation of post-conflict reconstruction processes. Moreover, African regional organizations have staged an increasingly more active internal shift in matters related to peace and security, encouraged by the idea of promoting “African solutions to African problems”. This new scenario, has been accompanied by new uncertainties at the security level and major challenges at the operational level, especially for the African Union. This article aims to ascertain the state of affairs on all these issues and raise some key questions to consider.

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The state of peace and conflict in the African continent since independence remains a preoccupying phenomenon, with development and continuing challenges both at the domestic level and international scale. Indeed, beside the steady progress in the establishment of the African Union continental peace and security design and the promising achievements, the geopolitical map of Africa continue to bear the marks of several latent crises. There are also multiple full-blown conflicts in the face of which peace efforts are often met with opposition or simply foiled by the existence of diverse challenges at the operational level, especially for the African Union. This paper aims to ascertain the state of affairs on all issues as regard armed conflict on selected countries of Africa.

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Peace and conflict studies, ph.d..

Peace and Conflict Studies     Acting Director:  Dr. Jessica Senehi Acting Head: PhD Program:  Dr. Jessica Senehi Associate Head: PhD Program: N/A Acting Program Director: Jessica Senehi Campus Address/General Office:  261 St. Paul’s College Telephone:  204-474-8894 Email Address:   [email protected] Website:   umanitoba.ca/st-pauls-college/mauro-institute-peace-justice Academic Staff:  Please contact  [email protected]  for current staff listing. 

Peace and Conflict Studies Ph.D. Program Information

The Ph.D. Program in Peace and Conflict Studies provides an interdisciplinary approach to analyze and resolve social conflicts through innovative peace research that examines the structural roots of social conflicts, divisions, and inequalities, and strategies for building community and promoting social justice and human rights.

Admission Information

Admission to the faculty of graduate studies.

Application and Admission Procedures are found in the  Academic Guide .

Admission requirements for doctoral students are found in the  Doctor of Philosophy General Regulations  section of the Guide.

Peace and Conflict Studies Ph.D. Admission Requirements

Applicants require a Master’s degree in Peace and Conflict Studies (or equivalent from other recognized universities) with a minimum Grade Point Average (GPA) of 3.0 in the last 60 credit hours. However, PACS is a highly selective graduate program and applicants should be advised that in order to be competitive for admission, possession of a GPA much higher than the minimum required is strongly recommended.

Graduates of a Master’s degree in diverse disciplines at the University of Manitoba (or equivalent from other recognized universities) are also eligible for admission to the program pending successful completion of prerequisite courses to ground them in the field. Applicants will have a thesis-based master’s degree, either earned in peace and conflict studies or a related discipline such as social work, education, or sociology, among others. In the event a Master’s degree is not thesis-based, research capability may be demonstrated by a major research paper from a recognized institution, or an independently completed research article published in a refereed journal.

Applicants will also have a proficiency in the English language at levels required by the Faculty of Graduate Studies.

Application Information

Students should complete and submit their online application with supporting documentation by the date indicated on the   Peace and Conflict Studies Ph.D. program of study page.

Degree Requirements

The Ph.D. Degree in Peace and Conflict Studies requirements are 24 credit hours; twelve credits of required course work at the 7000 level; six credit hours in a cognate area and 6 credits in research methods, plus a candidacy examination, a thesis proposal, and a thesis. The six credit hours of cognate and research method courses can be taken from a list of approved courses at the 7000 level.

Students whose Master’s degree is not in Peace and Conflict Studies will normally be required to take two prerequisite courses in the field as occasional courses. Note that there are additional tuition and fees for the two occasional courses.

Expected Time to Graduate: 4 years

Progression Chart

Note: For students without a background in PACS, additional courses may be required. 

Registration Information

Students should familiarize themselves with the Faculty of Graduate Studies ‘GRAD’ courses applicable to their program . If you have questions about which GRAD course(s) to register in, please consult your home department/unit.

Prior to registering, all students (new and returning) must meet with their program advisor to select and receive approval for courses to be taken. Any course revisions (additions and/or withdrawals) must be approved in the same manner.

Regulations

Students must meet the requirements as outlined in both Supplementary Regulation and BFAR documents as approved by Senate.

Supplementary Regulations

Individual units may require specific requirements above and beyond those of the Faculty of Graduate Studies, and students should consult unit supplementary regulations for these specific regulations. 

Bona Fide Academic Requirements (BFAR)

Bona Fide Academic Requirements (BFAR)  represent the core academic requirements a graduate student must acquire in order to gain, and demonstrate acquisition of, essential knowledge and skills.

All students must successfully complete:

• GRAD 7300  prior to applying to any ethics boards which are appropriate to the student’s research or within the student’s first year, whichever comes first; and
• GRAD 7500  within the first term of registration;

unless these courses have been completed previously, as per  Mandatory Academic Integrity Course  and  Mandatory Research Integrity Online Course .

Students must also meet additional BFAR requirements that may be specified for their program.

General Regulations

All students must:

• maintain a minimum degree grade point average of 3.0 with no grade below C+,
• meet the minimum and not exceed the maximum course requirements, and
• meet the minimum and not exceed the maximum time requirements (in terms of time in program and lapse or expiration of credit of courses).

Peace and Conflict Studies

Examines the role of language and communication in conflict and conflict resolution. These theoretical and practice perspectives are fundamental to the field of conflict analysis and resolution/peace studies. The role of power, gender, and culture in communication and conflict are reviewed. Theories and practical skills for successful communication, collaborative problem-solving, and trust-building are explored. This class is relevant for addressing conflicts within diverse settings.

Provides an overview of the theoretical foundations of the interdisciplinary field of conflict analysis and resolution, examining macro and micro theories regarding the causes of conflicts and approaches to their resolution. Conflicts are complex and take shape on multiple, interlocking planes. The course focuses on theory and the implications of these theories for practice.

Examines international conflict resolution and post-accord peace-building. Theories regarding the causes of international conflict are reviewed. Approaches for just and enduring resolution to international conflicts, building peace, and the promotion of a global civil society are explored.

Examines different definitions and types of violence from the interpersonal to the global levels (e.g., family violence, youth and gang violence, violence in the workplace, hate crimes, and war). Theories of human aggression and causes of violence, as well as approaches for violence intervention and prevention are reviewed. Theories of nonviolence are explored.

Examines the role of socially constructed identities and meaning in intergroup conflicts in a variety of contexts. Culture is broadly conceived to encompass a variety of identities, including differences along racial, ethnic, religious, gender, and class lines. Various models for resolution are reviewed. The nature of and ethics of intervention in cultures other than one's own are explored.

The topics addressed in this course will vary depending on faculty expertise and student need. Topics could include but will not be restricted to: "Gender and Conflict;" "Storytelling: Identity, Power and Transformation;" "Ethnic Conflict Analysis and Resolution;" "Children and War;" "Peace Education;" "Transformational Conflict Resolution;" "Role of Religion in Conflict and Peace."

The topics addressed in this course will vary depending on faculty expertise and student need. Topics could include but will not be restricted to: "Gender and Conflict;" "Storytelling: Identity, Power and Transformation;" "Ethnic Conflict Analysis and Resolution;" "Children and War;" "Peace Education;" "Transformational Conflict Resolution;" "Role of Religion in Conflict and Peach."

This course examines the shift in focus from state security to people. Human security is a bridge between the inter-related fields of development, human rights and conflict resolution. The course explores how these efforts at exploring the human condition can best be understood and applied.

This course examines the role of peacebuilding in short term crisis intervention and longer term conflict transformation processes. Social justice is addressed at the systems level as it impacts the achievement of sustainable reconciliation. Crisis management in conflict settings, the root causes of conflict and its prevention are explored.

Examines the role of conflict resolution within organizations and diverse settings (workplace, schools, communities, multiparty conflicts, international conflicts). The course focuses on analyzing how conflict is built into organizational structures and systems, and redesigning the system to produce effective human centres relations.

Examines the role of gender in conflict and peacemaking in areas of armed conflict. Women tend to be impacted and respond to conflict in ways different from men. The course explores the theoretical and practical contributions of women activists, peace researchers and educators have made toward understanding the role of gender

Examines theories of ethnic conflict and the intervention methods used by states, international organizations and conflict resolution and peace practitioners to analyze, manage and resolve ethnic conflicts. Case studies are used to explain conflict analysis and resolution and peacebuilding.

Examines the role of narrative and storytelling in conflict resolution, theory, research and practice. The relationship between language and power and destructive or constructive relationships is explored. The use of storytelling-based projects as a means of peacebuilding and community building are explored.

Examines the role of gender in conflict and peacemaking in areas of armed conflict. Women tend to be impacted and respond to conflict in ways different from men. The course explores the theoretical and practical contributions women activists, peace researchers and educators have made toward understanding the role of gender.

Examines indigenous models of peacebuilding from community level to national level. Emphasis is placed on restorative processes fundamental to cohesive relationships with others. This is achieved through ceremony, empathy, compassion, conflict resolution and restoration part of the peacebuilding models of indigenous peoples.

Examines the principles of restorative justice, the theoretical foundations of the restorative justice movement, and the development of new restorative justice programs. Restorative justice healing, re-integration and reconciliation are explored in a variety of contexts, including colonized and postcolonial indigenous communities.

Examines the role of peace education as students seek to make sense of complicated and perilous events in their society. The course provides students with a background in the area of social justice, peace studies and conflict resolution.

Examines the impact of international war, civil war, and genocide on young people. The role of gender, class, and culture are explored; as well as the role of peacemakers, governments, and communities for addressing these issues. The implications for both the political socialization of children as well as how young people may be actors in political solutions will be explored.

Examines the impact of international war, civil war and genocide on children. Today's children are tomorrow's world citizens, and their events will shape the future in unforeseeable ways. Young people are socio-economic and political agents, expressive through violence, peace work and other creative forms.

This course is designed for MA students in Peace and Conflict Studies. Course requirements including readings and assignments will be selected and developed by the Professor in conjunction with the students' interests.

Students develop awareness of theoretical knowledge, practice skills and abilities necessary for intervention in community, group and organizational conflicts at a practicum site. Students integrate theory and experiential learning into practice to analyze the conflict, during the intervention, and post intervention reflection.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Peace and Conflict Studies'

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Jennek, Rafal. "Sam Harris on Religion in Peace and Conflict." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324558.

Elachi, Agada John. "Exploring Peace Education for Consensual Peace Building in Nigeria." ScholarWorks, 2018. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/4966.

Jalkebro, Rikard. "Finding a juncture between peace and conflict studies and terrorism studies : the case of the Mindanao conflict." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/11865.

Alhajj, Imad. "Challenges for Building Peace in Syria post-2011 Conflict : Evaluation as Research and Monitoring in Conflict Zones." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-455516.

Phayal, Anup. "MASS FEARS, STRONG LEADERS AND THE RISK OF RENEWED CONFLICT: THREE ESSAYS ON POST-CONFLICT ELECTIONS." UKnowledge, 2016. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/polysci_etds/19.

Mongrut, Rosado Kiara. "Resisting Liberal Peace: Unpacking the FARC-EP’s Documents for La Habana Peace Negotiations." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/38679.

Kezer, Robert Allen. "Integral nonviolent conflict| Reframing the idea of civil resistance against violent oppression." Thesis, California Institute of Integral Studies, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3621950.

Nonviolent strategies have been shown to be more effective than violent insurgencies for countering oppression while increasing the subsequent degree of democracy in the country and reducing its chances of civil war. But we still do not know why some campaigns work and others do not. This dissertation develops a methodology for reframing our understanding of nonviolent conflict according to the all quadrants all levels (AQAL) model of integral theory that can also be used to investigate other topics as well.

The literature review covers terms, definitions, and misconceptions about nonviolent conflict, a historical lineage, and an overview of current theories and personalities. The terms simple and complex AQAL are introduced, and the AQAL model is contextualized with current knowledge as relevant to the five elements of integral theory: quadrants, types, states, and lines and levels of development. The model is then overlaid with each of the five primary debates in the field to show how integral theory reduces the polarization that often defines academic disputes and better informs our understanding of nonviolent conflict by allowing inclusion of all valid lines of truth. Integral methodological pluralism (IMP) is then used to bring forth the disciplinary subquestions in each methodological zone that, if answered, would begin to fill in the disciplinary gaps in our knowledge and better complete the process of contextualizing the AQAL model. I then offer suggestions for six integral research projects that use IMP to take a transdisciplinary approach to researching the more complex dynamics that happen between all of the factors identified previously and in context of the evolving situation. This process advances our understanding of how to use integral theory to reframe our approach to a field of inquiry, reduces the confusion surrounding nonviolent conflict by basing the investigation on perspectives not perceptions, and produces a model that is inclusive of all valid lines of truth and weighs their importance based on the context of the situation.

Mokoena, Benjamin P. O. "Conflict and peace in Burundi : exploring the cause(s) and nature of the conflict and prospects for peace." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2394.

Amadio, Ruth. "An Investigation of Structural Conflict: Women in Leadership Across Denominations." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors162060399416394.

von, Schmettow Jan. "Cooking Peace? : Authoritative mediators' formulation in the Aceh conflict 2004-2005 and the Kosovo conflict 2005-2007." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-446153.

Suhrke, A., and J. Buckmaster. "Aid, growth and peace: A comparative analysis." University of Bradford, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4184.

Clemens, Julie Lynn. "Making Peace in Peace Studies: A Foucauldian Revisioning of a Contested Field." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1228179006.

Meschoulam, Mauricio. "Values, Perceptions, Conceptions, and Peacebuilding: A Case Study in a Mexico City Neighborhood." ScholarWorks, 2011. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/1083.

Elizarni, FNU. "Gender, Conflict, Peace: The Roles of Feminist Popular Education During and After the Conflict in Aceh, Indonesia." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1605018870170842.

Hayden, Nancy K. "Balancing belligerents or feeding the beast| Transforming conflict traps." Thesis, University of Maryland, College Park, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10130005.

Since the end of the Cold War, recurring civil conflicts have been the dominant form of violent armed conflict in the world, accounting for 70% of conflicts active between 2000-2013. Duration and intensity of episodes within recurring conflicts in Africa exhibit four behaviors characteristic of archetypal dynamic system structures. The overarching questions asked in this study are whether these patterns are robustly correlated with fundamental concepts of resiliency in dynamic systems that scale from micro-to macro levels; are they consistent with theoretical risk factors and causal mechanisms; and what are the policy implications.

Econometric analysis and dynamic systems modeling of 36 conflicts in Africa between 1989 -2014 are combined with process tracing in a case study of Somalia to evaluate correlations between state characteristics, peace operations and foreign aid on the likelihood of observed conflict patterns, test hypothesized causal mechanisms across scales, and develop policy recommendations for increasing human security while decreasing resiliency of belligerents. Findings are that observed conflict patterns scale from micro to macro levels; are strongly correlated with state characteristics that proxy a mix of cooperative (e.g., gender equality) and coercive (e.g., security forces) conflict-balancing mechanisms; and are weakly correlated with UN and regional peace operations and humanitarian aid. Interactions between peace operations and aid interventions that effect conflict persistence at micro levels are not seen in macro level analysis, due to interdependent, micro-level feedback mechanisms, sequencing, and lagged effects.

This study finds that the dynamic system structures associated with observed conflict patterns contain tipping points between balancing mechanisms at the interface of micro-macro level interactions that are determined as much by factors related to how intervention policies are designed and implemented, as what they are. Policy implications are that reducing risk of conflict persistence requires that peace operations and aid interventions (1) simultaneously increase transparency, promote inclusivity (with emphasis on gender equality), and empower local civilian involvement in accountability measures at the local levels; (2) build bridges to horizontally and vertically integrate across levels; and (3) pave pathways towards conflict transformation mechanisms and justice that scale from the individual, to community, regional, and national levels.

Rinaldi, Jacquelyn Ane. "Conflict resolution without war through the learned skill of compassion." Thesis, Pacifica Graduate Institute, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10164664.

Compassion is often misunderstood. To live with compassion does not mean to give up one’s own well-being or to jeopardize the well-being of her family in order to serve the needs of others. Compassion means one must first take care of herself before she is able to tend to another. True compassion can exist only within the framework of well-balanced psychology or even-mindedness. It takes healthy self-esteem to realize one’s own limits and set clear and direct boundaries to protect those limits. Compassion means being deeply human and at the same time honoring one’s self and others.

Compassion, like muscle memory and rote memorization, is cultivated through practice. The current research from the field of neuroscience interprets compassion as a learned behavior as well as delineating that meditation is one of the most powerful tools for cultivating compassion and other balanced neurological states of being.

If we cultivated meditation, as we do reading and writing, as a part of the educational process for children from toddlers, through higher education, would that, in time change, what seems to be our addiction to the Ares archetype—war? At the very least, some students will see more compassionately, relate to life with more empathy, meet challenges with more optimism, and live with a greater sense of well-being and resilience. At best most of our children will grow up with these life affirming qualities that have power beyond measure to heighten the collective to live in a more peaceful state of consciousness.

This dissertation discusses the relationship between compassion and peace. As humanity becomes more compassionate, peace becomes a more viable state.

Rosenbohm, Dominique. "Art & Peace, Peace Education and Performing Artist’s Reflections." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23323.

Majid, Asif. "The symbiotic embeddedness of theatre and conflict| A metaphor-inspired quartet of case studies." Thesis, Georgetown University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1586921.

This study seeks to demonstrate connections between theatre and conflict, as inspired by metaphor and embodied by case studies of four theatrical organizations working in conflict zones: The Freedom Theatre in Palestine, Ajoka Theatre in Pakistan, DAH Teater in Serbia, and Belarus Free Theatre in Belarus. In so doing, it attempts to name the overlaps and relationships as sub-concepts that exist as connective tissue between conflict and theatre, writ large. These sub-concepts - subverting to play, imagining hidden histories, embodying the unspeakable, and blurring illusion and reality - offer a taxonomy of various dimensions of the theatre-conflict relationship. This taxonomy explores the symbiotic embeddedness of theatre and conflict as a possible explanation for the existence of theatrical organizations in conflict zones.

von, Billerbeck Sarah Birgitta Kanafani. "Whose peace? : local ownership and UN peacebuilding." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b6c84aa3-5344-48d8-ba1a-2b01d1a75146.

Ahamed, Zaherali K. "The Spirit and Insights of the Axial Flowerings| A Paradigm for Conflict Resolution?" Thesis, George Mason University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3606384.

The purpose of this study is to consider the relevance and applicability of the spirit and insights of the Axial Flowerings to the modern practice of conflict resolution.

Jaspers, a German philosopher, articulated the term Axial Age in his book that was translated into English in 1953. Jaspers identified, in the context of history, the Axial Age as a pivotal change in human condition that was marked by the emergence of reflexivity, historicity and agentiality of the individual in four distinct and distant areas - China, India, eastern Mediterranean, and Greece.

Jaspers' focus on the Axial Age was Eurocentric, and rooted in the ethos of Christianity. In recent years, Jaspers' term has been expanded and elaborated to include Axial civilizations more broadly, and Axial Age civilizations to bring into consideration the undocumented civilizations, as also other contemporary ancient civilizations that did not feature in Jaspers' thesis.

Ideas have been the well spring of intellectual development of mankind. Ideas agitated by seminal thinkers have been agents of change, for better or for worse, throughout history. There is, thus, a direct nexus between the history of ideas, and the Axial Flowerings. Modern scholars have debated religion, ethics, culture, power distribution, social justice, as also individuals and their relationship to associational living, that were the core concerns of society of the Axial epochs. Religion, and its contradictory proclivities of violence and non-violence; ethics and its binding force; culture and its varied manifestations; individuals and communities and their varying values; power and its asymmetries; are as germane to the present day discourse of conflict resolution, as they were in those far away times. Moreover, recently, additional subjects such as other civilizations, cultures, education, and the global ramifications of each, have entered the discourse of Axial Age, Axial Flowerings and other Axial breakthroughs.

The current convention of the conflict resolution discipline is that it is a 20 th century dispensation. My study argues that looking through the lenses of the history of ideas and the Axial Flowerings, points to ancient and noble ancestry for conflict resolution. It is, after all, a trite saying that from time immemorial conflict has been ever present in associational living, and that all conflicts are ultimately settled by each society through culturally legitimated processes.

I, therefore, argue detailed study of the Axial Flowerings together with the history of ideas is a fit and proper paradigm for conflict resolution, and presents a great opportunity to learn and profit from multi-disciplinary, and multi-dimensional insights of the Axial Age and the Axial breakthroughs, and to relate these to the present conditions.

Pico, Laura. "Colombia, the Resilient Survivor: DDR, Elusive Peace, and the Politics of Post-Conflict." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/163.

Lindgren, Göran. "Studies in conflict economics and economic growth." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala University, Department of Peace and Conflict Research, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-6942.

“Armaments and Economic Performance”. The literature on military expenditure (milex) is scrutinized with respect to five areas. Investment is reduced when milex increases. Most studies have found economic growth hindered by higher milex. No clear association between milex and employment is found. However, the same amount of other public expenditure creates more jobs. There is some evidence for milex as counter-cyclical instrument in the US. The result for studies if milex is used in electoral cycles in the US is contradictory. Disaggregated data are emphasized as a possible solution to get more definite results.

“The Economic Costs of Civil Wars”. The empirical studies of the economic costs of internal armed conflicts are divided into accounting and modelling methods. Cost is seen as the difference between the counterfactual production without conflict and the actual production. The average economic cost of internal armed conflict is a 3.7% yearly reduction of GDP. There are large differences between the estimates. One of the reasons for pursuing such studies is to give improved basis for more cost-effective post-conflict reconstruction, which is better achieved with an accounting method.

“War and Economic Performance – Different Data, Different Conclusions?” This article studies the importance of armed conflict for economic growth by replicating an earlier analysis with new data on conflicts. The basic model investigates how conflicts in 1960-1974 affect economic growth in 1975-1989. Koubi finds that “wars are conducive to higher growth”. Koubi’s finding is confirmed when different conflict data is used in a similar research design.

“The Role of External Factors in Economic Growth: A Comparative Analysis of Thailand and the Philippines 1950-1990”. Can differences in economic performance be explained by external factors? Both historical and regression analyses are utilised to answer the question. Three external factors are analysed: International trade, foreign direct investment , and external debt . In the regression analysis none of the external factors qualify as statistically significant. The historical analysis finds two external factors discriminating between the two countries. Thus, they might explain the differing growth rates of Thailand and the Philippines: Manufactured exports and external debt.

Grayman, Jesse Hession. "Humanitarian Encounters in Post-Conflict Aceh, Indonesia." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10729.

Volonte, Gianna S. "Interpersonal Forgiveness: An Approach to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1621541859468987.

Amos, Julia. "Non-profits of peace : two West African case studies of mediation by conflict-resolution NGOs." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.571604.

Samper, Escobar Jose Jaime. "The politics of peace process in cities in conflict : the Medellin case as a best practice." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/59768.

Keating, Alexander M. (Alexander Matthew). "Redeveloping division : the legacy of conflict and contested space in post-peace treaty Belfast, Northern Ireland." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/59752.

Salhani, Jorge Antonio Salgado. "Jornalismo para a paz e os refugiados sírios /." Bauru, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/190720.

Doerrer, Sarah M. "Impact, Implementation, and Insights of Peace Education: A Case Study of the M.A. in Peace Studies and Conflict Transformation Program at the University of Rwanda." Digital Commons at Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School, 2019. https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/etd/898.

Boyle, J. Patrick. "Intergroup Reconciliation in Post-conflict Contexts| The Juxtaposition of National Identification and Empathy." Thesis, The New School, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3626183.

Can individual differences moderate the deleterious effects of nationalistic attitudes on post-conflict peacemaking? In this work we investigate the relationship between national identification and attitudes toward reconciliation as moderated by dispositional and situational empathy. We hypothesize that the relationship between the socio-ideological concept of national identity and conciliatory attitudes is moderated by an individual difference variable unrelated to group processes, dispositional empathy, as well as by state-induced empathy. We tested this hypothesis in the Balkans, which have been the theatre of two wars in the 1990s, using samples of the Serbian population, and in the U.S., which has engaged in a drone war victimizing the Pakistani people. Study 1 results demonstrate the negative impact of national identification on attitudes toward reconciliation and reveal a moderating role of trait-level perspective-taking (a key aspect of empathy) in the relationship between national identification and conciliatory attitudes. Study 2 results confirm the effects of dispositional empathy and national identification on attitudes facilitating reconciliation. However, moderating effects of trait-empathy are absent and the state-empathy induction yields results that are inconsistent with those dispositional empathy effects found in Study 1.

Latessa, Jennifer. "The Prospect for Creative Collaboration: A Peace Park Between Myanmar and Thailand." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1397734705.

Thaller, Mark. "Corruption, Culture, Context & Killing| A Phenomenological Analysis of the Effects of Corruption upon Lethality and Feelings of Insecurity in Regions of Extreme Conflict." Thesis, Nova Southeastern University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10688261.

Like an elephant, while it may be difficult to describe, corruption is generally not difficult to recognize when observed (Tanzi, 1998, p. 564). Many countries have been, or are currently typified by both lethal conflict and massive corruption. Historically, post-conflict development programs have imposed policies of zero corruption, yet they routinely fail. Initial research into “corruption” also identified significant ambiguities and self-contradiction with the definition of corruption, itself. This study used an Existential Phenomenological methodology with 8 participants from Iraq, Afghanistan, Uganda, South Sudan and Sudan to: 1) redefine and model corruption within a global construct, 2) examine the current doctrine mandating zero tolerance for corruption, and 3) examine the potential for tolerating moderate levels of corruption in favor of reduced lethal violence. Corrupt behavior is alleged by this research to include financial as well as non-financial mechanisms, and is motivated by Human, Institutional and Cultural Factors of Corruption. This research robustly redefines corruption, and develops new theories/models to better explain corrupt behavior. These include the Corruption Hierarchy , the Corruption Pyramid and the Universal Corruption Model . The research was inconclusive with respect to the tolerance of corruption mitigating lethal conflict, but confirmed strong support for policies of zero tolerance. In redefining corruption, many political, social and cultural norms currently exhibited by nation states, including the United States, are corrupt if/when properly classified. I’m desperate about my country. You’ve got to be strong in my country. If you are weak, they will take you. (Jeremy from Iraq)

Herrera, Diana. "A Phenomenological Research Study on the Effects of Paternal Abandonment on Hispanic Women in South Florida and Their Conflict Management Skills." Thesis, Nova Southeastern University, 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=13877767.

Chung, Da Woon. "Peace and conflict resolution activities in support of strengthening civil society's democratic capacity in South Korea : case studies on three civil society organisations working on peace and conflict resolution in South Korea." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5488.

Coakwell, Jacob Richard. "Peace on Ukraine's Terms: Partition not Autonomy." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu152270767363487.

Cole, Courtney E. "Organizing After Conflict: Narrative and Postcolonial Perspectives on Transitional Justice in Sierra Leone and the Liberian Diaspora." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1304704014.

Nweke, Chuks Petrus. "A Case Study Investigating the Interpretation and Implementation of the Transformative Mediation Technique." ScholarWorks, 2011. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/959.

Suleiman, Akef Venus. "Architecture for Positive Peace: The Role of Architecture in the Process of Peacebuilding within Conflict and Postwar Contexts." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1559058624350655.

Robiolle-Moul, Tina. "Peace education in fragile states| A case study of the influence of global discussions of peace education in conflict settings on national education policy and local NGO efforts in Afghanistan." Thesis, Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy (Tufts University), 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10191417.

This dissertation assesses the influence of international standards and guidance on peace education on education policy and practice at the national and local levels in a fragile state. It also explores the critical factors that affect this influence—or the lack thereof. Utilizing a vertical case study approach that draws comparisons across multiple levels, this research examines the case of Afghanistan from 2002 to 2015. The author explored the origins and content of these recommendations at the global level, investigated their influence at the national level, and assessed what then is implemented at the local level through the work of a local non-governmental organization (NGO).

While there has been a growing presence of peace education in international recommendations and instruments promulgated by the United Nations, this study demonstrates how challenging it is for the international community to coordinate and harmonize its discourse on peace education—let alone to influence significantly a fragile state’s national education policy and practice. The international community’s recommendations on peace education had only a limited influence on the Afghan government’s education policy and practice. At the local level, the global recommendations did influence the work of a local Afghan NGO, Help the Afghan Children, and its peace education program launched in 2002. The success of this program has triggered the interest of the Ministry in developing and testing a national school-based peace education curriculum that could be taught in all government schools in the country. However, the lack of resources and political will represent a great obstacle for the program to be scaled up at the national level. Overall, this vertical study underlined different potentials for the integration of peace education in schools at the national versus the local level.

As a critical case, Afghanistan provided sufficient positive conditions to implement some global recommendations on peace education, despite the complexity of the local context. The critical factors that explain the limits of this influence are not specific to Afghanistan and can be found in other fragile states. If they are not addressed, the international community will face similar obstacles to the integration of peace education in other fragile states.

Wallace, Robert Daniel. "The determinants of conflict: North Korea's foreign policy choices, 1960-2011." Diss., Kansas State University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/17154.

Olukotun, Deji. "The spirit of National Peace Accord : the past, present and future of local forms of conflict resolution in the Western Cape." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3708.

Elliot, Daniel J. "Exploring the relationship between educational inequality and group-level armed conflict within a country." Thesis, Georgetown University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1554554.

Several researchers have found a link between inequality across groups within a country and armed conflict. However, this research has focused almost exclusively on inequalities in income and political access, forsaking other key societal dimensions such as education. In this article, I examine the link between educational inequality across groups within a country and armed conflict. I use data from the Worldwide Inequality Database on Education to create measures of educational inequality by gender, wealth, and country region for developing countries across the world. I combine these measures with data on income and political inequality in order to better establish the unique association between educational inequality and armed conflict. Overall, I find a positive association between educational inequality and the likelihood that a group within a given country and year will be involved in armed conflict. This association is particularly strong across gender groups and country regions. These findings have implications for conflict prediction, preventative diplomacy efforts, and domestic and international organizations focused on educational and human development.

Eriksson, Magnus. "Färdplanen & Genèveinitiativet : Förutsättningar för framsteg i den palestinsk-israeliska fredsprocessen." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-709.

The aim of this paper is to examine if the two latest Peace Plans in the Palestine-Israeli con-flict observes the sources of the conflict and presents measures in the purpose of solving them. The point of departure is William Azar’s theory of protracted social conflict (PSC). According to Azar, the internal sources of a PSC lies in three clusters of variables: the com-munal content of a society, the deprivation of human needs as an underlying source of PSC, and the role of the state in the deprivation or satisfaction of human needs. The study is de-signed as a multiple-case study where the units of analysis are the Roadmap to Peace and the Geneva Initiative. An analyze instrument, based on operationalization of Azar’s three clusters of internal sources of a PSC, is developed and used to analyze the Roadmap to peace and the Geneva Initiative. The conclusions are that the two Peace Plans observes and present meas-ures to solve the communal content of the conflict, but both Peace Plans are unsatisfactory in presenting measures aiming to solve problems related to the role of the state and human needs. Especially the acceptance need within the state is missing in the contents of the Peace Plans.

Powell-Bennett, Claudette. "The Influence of Culture on Conflict Management Styles and Willingness to Use Mediation| A Comparative Study of African Americans and Afro-Caribbeans (Jamaicans) in South Florida." Thesis, Nova Southeastern University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10623422.

Conflict management style preference and use of mediation within the Black population in the United States (US) is not well understood. The purpose of this study is to find out if there is a significant difference in conflict management style preference and use of mediation by African Americans and Afro-Caribbean (Jamaicans) living in the United States. Based on Hofstede's theory of individualism-collectivism cultural orientation, the US culture emphasizes individualism while Jamaica’s culture emphasizes collectivism. Responses were collected from 108 African American and Jamaican respondents anonymously, of which 96 were deemed usable. The Rahim (1983) Organizational Conflict Management Style Inventory was used to collect data on the five styles and was analyzed with the appropriate statistic test. A thematic analysis was used to analyze the text-based data gathered from the two open-ended questions at the end of the survey. The thematic analysis revealed two major themes: personal and workplace relationship conflict situations. It is recommended that future study includes three groups of Blacks instead of two groups. The preferred conflict management style from the combined group result is the compromising style. A significant difference was found in the obliging and compromising conflict management styles between African Americans and Jamaicans. No significant difference was found between the groups’ conflict management style and willingness to use mediation. The open-ended questions and individual textual description of conflict experience and willingness to use mediation were used to clarify the quantitative results and provide a better understanding of the similarities and differences among people of African descent from different cultural orientations.

Steinmeyer, John Kenneth. "An Examination of John Burton’s Method of Conflict Resolution and Its Applicability to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." Scholar Commons, 2017. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6666.

Schillinger, Thomas. "Bystander Effect and Religious Group Affiliation: Terrorism and the Diffusion of Responsibility." ScholarWorks, 2014. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/126.

Cruikshank, Sally Ann. "Peace under Fire: Building the Media Agenda in Post-Genocide Rwanda." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1365154180.

Schmidt, Elizabeth. "Acculturation of American Racial Narratives in an Increasingly International Community." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors155716253521604.

Bitterman, Michal, Viviana Lopez, and Fiona Wright. "A Bridge to Peace : Strategic Sustainable Development as an approach to Conflict Resolution." Thesis, Blekinge Tekniska Högskola, Avdelningen för maskinteknik, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:bth-2247.

Rage, Anne-Britt. "Achieving sustainable peace in post conflict societies : an evaluation of South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/5302.

Applications for study at Te Ao Rongomaraeroa | National Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies are currently paused. The Masters in Peace and Conflict will be offered again in 2025 with a revised curriculum. If you would like to inquire about PhD or MA study options, please contact [email protected]

General Information about PhD study

The degree of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) enables a student with a particular interest to carry out independent, original research culminating in a thesis.

Please direct all enquiries to [email protected]

Requirements for a PhD in Peace and Conflict Studies

This programme is usually completed within three years. A PhD thesis should not exceed 100,000 words and must be a thorough, comprehensive and original study of a topic or issue which makes a significant contribution to the knowledge of the particular field.

Eligibility for the PhD programme

Prospective candidates must have completed either:

• a four‐year Arts degree with a substantial research component (equivalent to an Honours dissertation at Otago), and must have achieved at least an upper second class Honours (75% plus) for their fourth year of study; or
• an accredited Masters programme with an appropriate research component.

Acceptance as a candidate for the PhD degree depends upon the University being able to provide adequate expert supervision in the intended area of research.

How to apply for the PhD programme

Acceptance to the PhD programme is highly competitive and we unfortunately have to turn down many well-qualified candidates.

Applications are considered by the Director of PhD programme in conjunction with Faculty in February, April, July and September. You will be informed of their decision on your application by the end of the month of consideration, or shortly thereafter.

Before making a formal application, we strongly recommend that prospective students first contact the PhD Programme Director in order for your proposal and academic records to be evaluated and for Faculty to determine supervisory capacity. After this assessment (which can take up to two months), we may then encourage you to make a formal application for admission to the PhD programme.

The following criteria are used when making an internal assessment:

• Academic standard: Prospective students must meet the highest academic standards. A first class Honours degree or Masters degree including a significant research component is required; research publications (peer-reviewed articles in academic journals or book-chapters) are desirable.
• The project proposal must fit well with our research profile and appears manageable and feasible within a three-year time frame and given financial and other constraints.
• The project must be likely to generate high-quality, publishable work in peer-reviewed journals.
• A master's degree with a focus on peace and conflict studies is highly desirable.
• Our research problematique is peace and conflict issues; and our geographic focus is open.

In order for us to make our internal assessment, we need four things from the applicant:

• Full academic transcripts highlighting which course is your thesis or dissertation and / or details of your research publications (see above).
• Where possible, an electronic copy of the piece of independent research which you submitted for examination.
• A curriculum vitae which includes publications, at least one reference letter and the contact details of referees (a minimum of two).
• A preliminary research proposal (about 5 pages) which identifies the contribution of the project to the discourse, a description of its theoretical framework, research design, methodology and time plan.
• The completed rubric document which helps us to clarify the key points in your application.

Rubric for PhD application (PDF)

Please forward all these documents as attachments in one email to [email protected]

Rei Foundation scholarships

Applications are normally called in July for study beginning the following year.  Theses completed by Rei Foundation scholars are noted below.

Rei Foundation Limited (RFL) aims to attain social change through sustainable human development as a means of expanding people's life opportunities and their capacity to make responsible decisions as members of the global community. Scholarships such as this expand not only the opportunities for the students concerned but also for the wider communities that will benefit from their research. It is RFL's aim that by offering this scholarship, we will be able to nurture capable individuals who will go on to contribute to conflict resolution and peace activities around the world through their research into a multitude of areas. We also hope that these individuals will be able to apply the skills and knowledge gained through this programme to contribute to their local and the global communities.

Conference funding

Get information about Divisional Conference Funding

Some examples of completed PhD theses

Presidential Statements and US use of Force (2018), Griffin Leonard

Nothing about us, without us: The pursuit of inclusive and accessible positive peace (2018), Roberta Francis

Envisioning an Anarcho-Pacifist Peace: A case for the convergence of anarchism and pacifism and an exploration of the Gandhian movement for a stateless society (2018), Joseph Llewellyn

Faa Samoa: Peacebuilder or Peacebreaker? Understanding Samoa's Domestic Violence Problem: A Peace and Conflict Perspective (2018), Michael Ligaliga

Authoritarian Politics and the Outcome of Nonviolent Uprisings (2018), Jonathan Sutton

Peace, violence, and the everyday in the Maoist conflict in Junglemahal, India (2018), Monica Carrer

Rivers of Peace: Third Party Conflict Management of Transboundary River Disputes (2013), Elvira Bobekova

How does Truth-Telling Heal? An Exploration of Voice and Pathways toward Victim Healing in Solomon Islands and Timor-Leste (2014), Holly Guthrey

Understanding effectiveness in peacekeeping operations: Exploring the perspectives of frontline peacekeepers (2014), Ellen Furnari

Tracing the Discursive Origins of the War on Terror: President Clinton and the Construction of New Terrorism in the Post-Cold War Era (2014), Chin-Kuei Tsui

Third-Party Coordination in Conflict Resolution: Views from Third-Party Practitioners in the Maoist Armed Conflict of Nepal and the Moro Conflict of the Philippines (2014), Prakash Bhattarai

Discourse transformation in peace processes: Revisiting Sudan's 2005 comprehensive agreement (2014), Patrick Mbugua

El camino se hace caminando: Using Participatory Action Research to evaluate and develop Peace Education practice in a Secondary School in Northern Nicaragua (2015) Heather Kertyzia

Human Spirituality and coming together in peace, looking together through two lenses (Maori and Sahaj Marg Raga Yoga) (2015) Janine Joyce

Access to Justice in the Wake of War, Rule of Law Programming and Customary Justice in Post-conflict Bougainville (2016) Naomi Johnstone

“Instruments of Peace?” Franciscans as Peacemakers in Sri Lanka During and After the Civil War (2016) Christopher John Masters

Civil Society Activists in a Protracted Conflict: Explaining Differences in Motivation to Engage in Intergroup Peacebuilding in Northern Ireland (2017) Rachel Rafferty (RFL scholar) War, Identity, and Inherited Responsibility in Sino-Japanese Relations (2017) Ria Shibata

Owning Peace: Assessing the Impact of Local Ownership of Police Reforms on Post-conflict Peace (2017) John Gray

The Theory and Practice of Emancipatory Counterterrorism (2017) Sondre Lindahl

Fanohge Famalåo'an & Fan'tachu Fama'lauan: Women Rising Indigenous Resistance to Militarization in the Marianas Archipelago (2017) Sylvia Frain

Colonial Continuities: A study of anti-racism in Aotearoa New Zealand and Spain (2017) Mahdis Azarmandi (RFL scholar)

Military Order Disobedience: An Analysis of Personal and Political Transformation (2017) Daniel Fridberg

Arts, Peacebuilding and Decolonization: A Comparative Study of Parihaka, Mindanao and Nairobi (2017) Babu Ayindo Facilitation, Imposition, or Impairment?: The Role of Bridging Networks on Peacebuilding of Local Religious Leaders in the Deep South of Thailand (2017) Ajirapa Pienkhuntod

The Hidden Potential of the Palestinian Resistance in Israel: A Grounded Theory Study on Resistance among Palestinian Activists in Israel (2018) Nijmeh Ali

Further information

• More information about PhD study at the University of Otago
• NCPACS guide to writing a research proposal
• Research thesis advice and support from the Central Library

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Peace and Conflict Studies: Theses & Dissertations

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• Dissertations & Theses This link opens in a new window Please Note: Effective January 1, 2024 this title will no longer be licensed for access by the University of Manitoba Libraries. Please Note: ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Citation Index is now available for search in Web of Science . It will continue to be available to University of Manitoba Libraries. Citation Coverage: 1743 - present Full-text Coverage: restricted to University of Manitoba dissertations and theses, 1929-2014. For 2015 onward, see Mspace Dissertations & Theses (ProQuest) is an interdisciplinary listing of PhD dissertations and Master's theses from around the world. Documents can be downloaded and (where available) the first dozen pages are available as a preview. Dissertations and theses published since 1980 includes an abstract written by the author.

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PhDs in Peace and Conflict Studies

There are many reasons to study PhDs in Peace and Conflict Studies. For one, this field of study can provide students with an in-depth understanding of the root causes of conflict and how to resolve them. Additionally, those who pursue peace and conflict studies may also be able to help prevent future conflicts from breaking out. Finally, graduates of this discipline often go on to work in government or international organizations where they can help shape policy and make a real difference in the world. Here are a variety of PhDs in Peace and Conflict Studies:

PhD in Peace Studies – Notre Dame University (USA)

Notre Dame University is home to the Kroc Institute, one of the foremost global centers for interdisciplinary peace research. Their sizeable PhD program allows students to choose amongst 6 different degree programs, each featuring a different disciplinary alignment: anthropology, history, political science, psychology, sociology, and theology. Combining peace studies with traditional disciplines gives students greater options if they choose to enter the academic job market. Graduates are prepared for scholarly research and teaching positions as well as roles in governmental, NGO, and religious organizations.

Funding details : Students receive fellowships or assistantships that provide full tuition and stipend for five years. Additional funding may be available for research travel.

PhD, Irish School of Ecumenics – Trinity College, Dublin (Ireland)

The Irish School of Ecumenics, part of the Confederal School of Religions, Peace Studies, and Theology, is a world leader for studies of dialogue, peace, and reconciliation in both Irish and global contexts. The department also works with the Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation program at the Belfast Campus in Northern Ireland, making this a unique, cross-border degree program. Popular research areas include ethics, human rights, interreligious dialogue, gender, development and globalization, and reconciliation. Students receive rigorous training in both theoretical, foundational texts as well as applied field research in communities, governments, and institutions across the world.

Funding details : Competitive postgraduate studentships are available based on academic achievement. These cover all fees and provide an annual maintenance allowance.

PhD in International Relations, Concentration in International Peace and Conflict Resolution – American University (USA)

This program approaches peace studies from a secular, international relations approach. As such, the training has a strong foundation in public policy research and knowledge production including focuses comparative social theory, region studies, and quantitative methodologies. The department emphasizes the importance of writing and students are urged to author journal articles, present at conferences, and collaborate on faculty research. As a result, graduates are well equipped to teach in a university setting as well as work for government and non-government organization around the world.

Funding details : Admitted students receive four-year fellowships that include tuition remission and living stipend. Additional funding for conference travel is also available.

PhD in Peace and Conflict Studies – Upsala University (Sweden)

With an emphasis on scientific research, this program balances one year of course work with 3-4 years of research and writing. Some popular courses include Classics in Peace Research, Research Design in Peace and Conflict Research, and Ethics of Field Research. In addition, the department partners with the African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes to offer an advanced international training program entitled Peace and Security in Africa. Participants gain theoretical and practical knowledge about peace and security in Sub-Saharan Africa and work with regional partners to prevent, manage, and resolve armed conflicts in the region. This unique on-the-ground cross-cultural experience places students at an advantage in the global NGO and development job market .

Funding details: As is typical of Swedish universities, PhD candidates are considered employees and are not charged tuition fees. In addition, there are external fellowships and additional university resources available for qualified applicants.

PhD Conflict Analysis and Resolution – George Mason University (USA)

This PhD program is housed within the university’s School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution. Students are given rigorous academic professionalization, including opportunities to publish in academic journals, build a research and teaching portfolio, and apply for prestigious grants and scholarships. In addition, special travel courses allow students to learn by doing in regions that have been affected by conflict, including Colombia, Indonesia, Jordan, Northern Ireland, the Balkans, and Israel-Palestine. Students can further develop their academic profile by completing a certificate program focusing on Collaborative Leadership; Prevention, Reconstruction and Stabilization; or World Religions, Diplomacy, and Conflict.

Finding details: All graduate students are invited to apply to several competitive university- and department-wide scholarships. In addition, select graduate students are offered research and teaching assistantships that include tuition, health insurance, and a living stipend.

PhD in Peace and Conflict Studies – University of Manitoba (Canada)

Combining conflict resolution, social justice, and peace studies approaches, this program produces versatile scholars and human rights professionals. All students must complete courses within the field of peace and conflict studies as well as a related cognate area of their choice, such as sociology, law, Native Studies, etc. Graduates find work in academia as well as non-profit agencies, governments, hospitals, schools, and the business world. The program is housed within the Arthur Mauro Centre for Peace and Justice which is dedicated to peace, social justice, and human rights with a specific focus on the role of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam in promoting global citizenship and harmony. The Centre also hosts a storytelling initiative focused on promoting peace and renewing communities.

Funding details : While funding is not guaranteed, there are a number of competitive fellowships available through the department and university.

PhD in Social Psychology, Psychology of Peace and Violence – University of Massachusetts, Amherst (USA)

This psychology-focused approach to the study of peace and violence is the first of its kind in the United States. The department aims to use scientific research and approaches to find innovative solutions to resolve conflict, promote reconciliation, and build peace. Students fulfill department requirements for a degree in Social Psychology while also completing additional research in conflict and peace studies. In addition, they complete an internship with a NGO or community-based organization, conduct long-term independent research projects, and assist faculty. Graduates are well placed to work in the either field of academic psychology or peace and conflict resolution.

Funding details: Nearly all students have tuition and fees waived through assistantships, fellowships, or traineeships. These also provide living stipends. Some assistantships and traineeships are also available in the summer.

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MA in Peace & Security Studies