problem solution essay youth unemployment

Youth Unemployment and Policy Solutions Essay

Policy solutions, recommendations, works cited.

Nowadays, the problem of unemployment affects people in different age groups. Youth unemployment (YU) is especially problematic since for people aged 15-24, the lack of available jobs is associated with the inability to pay for education and start their own families. Despite significant economic differences between countries, the problem affects young people all over the world. As of 2018, the average YU rates ranged from 3.7% of the force aged 15-24 in Japan to 53% in South Africa and did not exceed 9% in the United States (“Youth Unemployment Rate (Indicator”).

Importantly, YU is closely interconnected with minority discrimination. For instance, in the United States, the group with the largest unemployment rates is African-American young men and women between 16 and 19 years old (“Labor Force Statistics”). Minority groups can be affected by this problem due to a variety of factors, including potential employers’ biases, educational inequality, and the lack of necessary skills.

The growth of YU rates has a variety of negative consequences, impacting both economic development and people’s quality of life. The inability to address the problem of unemployment in the given age group may result in the growth of criminal activity, child poverty, and people’s negative perceptions of life (Kalleberg). The causes of YU are being thoroughly researched. The following factors may be the potential causes of the problem:

• Age-based discrimination in the job market;
• The lack of necessary qualifications;
• Short supply of jobs;
• Ethnic discrimination;
• Globalization and technological advancement (Kalleberg 36).

Apprenticeship Systems

A larger number of strategies expected to reduce YU rates has been proposed in different countries. Given that unemployment exists due to individuals’ limited opportunity to get necessary skills, the first potential solution is based on young people’s access to courses helping them to get any professional skills that are in demand. Such policies are widely used in both developed and developing countries to strengthen partnerships between educational institutions and key employers in some regions.

As a potential solution, the creation of apprenticeship systems aimed at the development of skills is generally believed to be an effective practice (Riphahn and Zibrowius 33). Unlike older people, young citizens do not have networks that would make them aware of job opportunities matching their skill levels (Kalleberg 37). Taking this fact into consideration, apprenticeship programs are particularly important since they introduce future specialists to certain professional fields, at least helping them to understand their future employers’ expectations.

Being used in many countries with high GDPs, apprenticeship systems have a variety of advantages when it comes to the problem of unemployment. Some of the most significant benefits of such policies are listed below:

• Future employees get helpful experience and learn to solve real-life problems;
• Apprenticeship trainings help reduce dissatisfaction with the chosen jobs;
• Young people make their first professional contacts, which can be helpful in the future;
• Apprenticeship programs are focused on the development of practical skills that are in demand (Riphahn and Zibrowius 35).

Even though such policies can lead to positive changes in the situation with unemployment among young people, they should not be the only option to rely on due to their potential disadvantages. The weak points of apprenticeship programs include the following:

• Not all programs for young people are fee-free;
• There is no evidence that apprenticeship programs reduce race-based inequality in access to jobs.

Support of Youth Entrepreneurship

There are many policies that aim to reduce the problem of unemployment by implementing initiatives that support youth entrepreneurship. According to experts from the UN, to reduce YU, it is necessary to provide young people with more opportunities to start their own businesses and contribute to their countries’ economic development (UNCTAD 86). The proposed policies involve the simplification of procedures needed to start a business and the introduction of start-up incentives for new businesses led by young people (UNCTAD 86). Such programs should always be implemented with attention to the economic situation in particular countries and the presence of necessary resources.

Policies that promote financial and regulatory support of young entrepreneurs can positively impact the situation with unemployment and encourage more people to implement their ideas into practice. In general, the following advantages of such initiatives can be singled out:

• The growth of the small business sector (UNCTAD 86);
• Youth-led businesses can create new jobs for young people;
• Allowances can help young entrepreneurs to stay competitive;
• Youth entrepreneurship can positively change the labor market in disadvantaged areas.

However, this strategy has some disadvantages and involves certain unobvious risks. There is no doubt that more individuals will try to profit from their ideas if some regulatory barriers to starting a business are removed. At the same time, given that people aged 16-24 usually have no experience of being a business leader, the outcomes of increased entrepreneurial activity among youth present an open question. As for particular disadvantages, the following factors make the policy’s relevance to the discussed problem questionable:

• Young entrepreneurs may fail to manage business operations successfully;
• The policy does not guarantee equal opportunities for the representatives of different ethnicities;
• To achieve success, young entrepreneurs can prefer to collaborate with experienced specialists, which limits the initiative’s impact on YU.

The approaches to addressing the problem of YU vary greatly. Both the adoption of apprenticeship systems and measures helping to encourage entrepreneurship activity among young people. This initiative may help create more job options for young citizens with different educational levels because they focus on the development of practical skills and aim to remove barriers to business. Increased entrepreneurship activity, in its turn, leads to the creation of new jobs, which can be important to young people who cannot find jobs in large companies due to high competition.

Despite the advantages of policies that support youth-led businesses, the first option seems to be a more suitable solution. Apprenticeship systems and programs can prepare young people to fulfill different roles and work in a team, which is critical to success in career development. In contrast, overreliance on policies to increase the number of youth-led businesses will not help to prepare a diverse workforce.

Moreover, although such policies are targeted at young people, it is not valid to say that entrepreneurs in this age group hire only inexperienced employees, and it reduces such programs’ relevance to the chosen problem. Taking these disadvantages into consideration, it can be recommended to solve the problem of YU by propelling the idea of apprenticeship programs to the next level.

In particular, it is critical to design new measures to prevent organizations from discriminating against racial and ethnic minority applicants. Therefore, to increase young people’s chances to find good jobs and developing skills that are in demand, it can be necessary to introduce changes to some policies that are already in use.

Kalleberg, Arne L. “Precarious Work and Young Workers in the United States.” Youth, Jobs, and the Future: Problems and Prospects , edited by Lynn S. Chancer et al., Oxford University Press, 2019, pp. 35-52.

“ Labor Force Statistics from the Current Population Survey .” United States Department of Labor . 2019. Web.

Riphahn, Regina T., and Michael Zibrowius. “Apprenticeship, Vocational Training, and Early Labor Market Outcomes – Evidence from East and West Germany.” Education Economics , vol. 24, no. 1, 2016, pp. 33-57.

UNCTAD. Policy Guide on Youth Entrepreneurship . United Nations, 2015.

“ Youth Unemployment Rate (Indicator) .” OECD , 2019. Web.

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Essential IELTS Task 2 Essays: Tackling Youth Unemployment Solutions for Developing Economies

Youth unemployment is a critical issue facing many developing economies today. This topic has been a recurring theme in IELTS Writing Task 2 questions, reflecting its global significance. Based on past exam trends and current …

Written by: IELTS Mentor

Published on: September 14, 2024

Table of Contents

Analyzing the Question

For this essay, we’ll focus on the following question:

Many developing countries are facing a high rate of youth unemployment. What are the causes of this problem, and what solutions can be implemented to address it?

This question is a typical problem-solution essay that requires candidates to discuss both the causes of youth unemployment in developing countries and propose viable solutions. It’s crucial to address both aspects of the question equally to achieve a high band score.

Sample Essays for Different Band Scores

Band 8-9 essay.

Youth unemployment in developing nations is a complex issue with far-reaching consequences. This essay will explore the root causes of this problem and suggest practical solutions to mitigate its impact.

Several factors contribute to the high rate of youth unemployment in developing countries. Firstly, there is often a mismatch between the skills taught in educational institutions and those required by the job market. Many young graduates find themselves ill-equipped to meet the demands of potential employers, leading to a skills gap that hinders their employability. Secondly, rapid population growth in many developing nations has resulted in a youth bulge, where the number of young job seekers far exceeds the available job opportunities. This demographic pressure intensifies competition for limited positions. Lastly, economic instability and slow growth in some developing countries have led to a stagnation in job creation, particularly in formal sectors that typically offer stable employment.

To address these challenges, a multi-faceted approach is necessary. One crucial solution is to reform educational systems to align more closely with industry needs. This could involve introducing more vocational training programs, internships, and apprenticeships to provide young people with practical, job-ready skills. Additionally, governments should incentivize entrepreneurship and innovation among youth through targeted funding, mentorship programs, and business incubators. This approach can help create job creators rather than just job seekers. Furthermore, fostering partnerships between the public and private sectors can lead to more effective job placement programs and create opportunities for on-the-job training.

Another vital strategy is to invest in sectors with high growth potential, such as technology, renewable energy, and sustainable agriculture. These industries not only offer employment opportunities but also contribute to the overall development of the country. Governments can support this by providing tax incentives for companies in these sectors that hire and train young workers.

In conclusion, while youth unemployment in developing countries is a significant challenge, it is not insurmountable. By addressing the root causes through education reform, promoting entrepreneurship, and strategic investment in growth sectors, developing nations can harness the potential of their youth population. This not only solves the unemployment crisis but also paves the way for sustainable economic growth and development.

(Word count: 349)

Band 6-7 Essay

Youth unemployment is a big problem in many developing countries. This essay will look at why this happens and what can be done about it.

There are several reasons why so many young people can’t find jobs in developing countries. First, the education system often doesn’t teach the right skills for available jobs. Many students graduate without knowing how to do the work that companies need. Second, there are often too many young people looking for too few jobs. This is because the population is growing fast in many developing countries. Third, the economy in these countries might not be growing fast enough to create enough new jobs for everyone.

To solve this problem, we need to do several things. One important solution is to change the education system. Schools and universities should teach skills that are useful for jobs. This could include more practical training and internships. Another solution is to help young people start their own businesses. The government could give money and advice to young entrepreneurs. This way, they can create jobs for themselves and others.

The government should also try to grow the economy in ways that create more jobs. They could focus on industries that need a lot of workers, like manufacturing or tourism. They could also give benefits to companies that hire young people.

In conclusion, youth unemployment in developing countries is a serious issue, but there are ways to fix it. By improving education, supporting young entrepreneurs, and growing the economy in the right way, countries can help more young people find jobs. This will be good for the young people and for the whole country’s future.

(Word count: 268)

Band 5-6 Essay

Many young people in poor countries can’t find jobs. This is a big problem. I will talk about why this happens and how to fix it.

There are some reasons for this problem. First, schools don’t teach good job skills. Students learn things they don’t use at work. Second, there are too many young people and not enough jobs. Third, the country doesn’t have enough money to make new jobs.

We can do some things to help. We should change schools to teach better job skills. This will help students get jobs easier. Also, the government should help young people start businesses. This way, they can make their own jobs. The government should also try to bring more companies to the country. These companies can give jobs to young people.

In the end, youth unemployment is a hard problem, but we can solve it. If we make schools better and help young people start businesses, more people will have jobs. This will make the country better.

(Word count: 153)

Youth unemployment solutions infographic

Explanation of Band Scores

Band 8-9 essay analysis.

This essay demonstrates excellence in several key areas:

Task Response : The essay fully addresses all parts of the task, providing a well-developed response with relevant, extended ideas.

Coherence and Cohesion : The essay is well-organized with clear progression throughout. It uses a range of cohesive devices effectively.

Lexical Resource : It uses a wide range of vocabulary with very natural and sophisticated control of lexical features. Key terms like “mismatch,” “youth bulge,” and “multi-faceted approach” are used accurately.

Grammatical Range and Accuracy : The essay uses a wide range of structures with full flexibility and accuracy. Complex sentences are used effectively without errors.

Band 6-7 Essay Analysis

This essay shows competent writing skills but lacks some of the sophistication of the higher band essay:

Task Response : The essay addresses all parts of the task, but some points are not fully extended or explained.

Coherence and Cohesion : There is a clear overall progression, but some paragraphs are not as well-linked as they could be.

Lexical Resource : The vocabulary is adequate for the task, but lacks the range and sophistication of the higher band essay.

Grammatical Range and Accuracy : The essay uses a mix of simple and complex sentence forms, with generally good control, though there are some errors.

Band 5-6 Essay Analysis

This essay demonstrates basic competence but has significant limitations:

Task Response : The essay addresses the task in a basic way but lacks detail and depth.

Coherence and Cohesion : The overall structure is clear, but paragraphing is limited and linking devices are basic.

Lexical Resource : The vocabulary is limited and repetitive, with some errors in word choice and spelling.

Grammatical Range and Accuracy : The essay uses mainly simple sentences with limited accuracy in more complex structures.

Key Vocabulary to Remember

• Mismatch (noun) /mɪsˈmætʃ/ – a lack of correspondence or harmony
• Employability (noun) /ɪmˌplɔɪəˈbɪləti/ – the quality of being suitable for paid work
• Youth bulge (noun phrase) /juːθ bʌldʒ/ – a demographic pattern where a large share of the population is comprised of children and young adults
• Stagnation (noun) /stægˈneɪʃn/ – lack of activity, growth, or development
• Multi-faceted (adjective) /ˌmʌltiˈfæsɪtɪd/ – having many different aspects or features
• Vocational (adjective) /vəʊˈkeɪʃənl/ – relating to skills needed for a particular job
• Entrepreneurship (noun) /ˌɒntrəprəˈnɜːʃɪp/ – the activity of setting up businesses
• Incentivize (verb) /ɪnˈsentɪvaɪz/ – motivate or encourage someone to do something
• Sustainable (adjective) /səˈsteɪnəbl/ – able to be maintained at a certain rate or level
• Harness (verb) /ˈhɑːnɪs/ – control and make use of (natural resources)

The topic of Youth Unemployment Solutions For Developing Economies is likely to remain relevant in IELTS Writing Task 2. To prepare effectively, practice writing essays on this topic, focusing on structuring your ideas clearly, using a range of vocabulary, and addressing all parts of the question. Try writing your own essay based on the question provided and share it in the comments section for feedback and discussion. This active practice will help improve your writing skills and prepare you for success in your IELTS exam.

For further practice, consider exploring related topics such as the role of education in reducing poverty levels or the role of technology in global poverty reduction . These interconnected themes can provide additional context and ideas for your essays on youth unemployment and economic development.

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BAND 7.5 IELTS ESSAY SAMPLE: CAUSES AND SOLUTIONS FOR YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT ISSUES

All General Writing Task 1 Samples / Band 7.5

In many countries, young people are finding it difficult to secure stable employment after completing their education. What do you think are the main causes of this issue, and what measures can be taken to address the problem? Provide relevant examples from your own experience or knowledge to support your answer.

Essay Sample

These days, finding a decent job has become a far-fetched goal for university graduates. Not being to find an appropriate job even after getting a university degree, could be because of the ineffective academic training and the unstable job market. However, several measures can be taken to address the unemployment problem. university graduates have faced many difficulties finding a suitable job because of several reasons. The main problem is the lack of collaboration between universities and industry. Universities often fail to prepare students for the job market. All they do is to teach students a bunch of theoretical lessons which will be forgotten just a few years after graduation and there is no connection between what they study and what they are expected to do in practice. The other reason behind unemployment is the economic recession. Many companies have been facing with economic crisis. They have been struggling to to survive in this stiff market and many have gone bankrupt in the past decade, which means many job opportunities have faded away. To tackle the unemployment problem, both governments and universities have to work hand in hand. Universities must make the necessary changes in their educational curriculum to ensure effective collaboration with industries. In countries where there is strong relationships between universities and industries, such as Germany unemployment rate is considerably lower and the economy works better as a result. Another solution could be for the governments to support small businesses. If governments finance small companies by giving them loans, they might stay in business and expand it in the future, which means they can provide more job opportunities for the youth. Getting an appropriate job has become a big challenge for many youngsters, because of two main reasons, not having the needed qualifications and the unstable economic situations. However, if governments and universities cooperate this problem could be solved in the long run.

How to Write an Essay on The Impact of Youth Unemployment: 3 Best Examples

• What is Youth Unemployment?

Definition and Statistics

According to the International Labour Organization (ILO), the global youth unemployment rate was 14.6% in 2023. In some regions, such as North Africa and the Middle East, the rates are significantly higher, reaching up to 30%.

Causes of Youth Unemployment

• The Causes of Youth Unemployment

Economic Factors

The 2008 global financial crisis resulted in a massive increase in youth unemployment. Companies downsized, and job creation stalled, leaving millions of young people without prospects.

Educational System Gaps

A study by the OECD found that in many countries, there is a significant gap between the skills taught in schools and those required in the workforce. This mismatch leaves many graduates unable to secure employment.

Social and Cultural Factors

In some cultures, vocational training and apprenticeships are viewed as inferior to university education, despite often leading to well-paying jobs. This cultural bias can limit employment prospects for many young individuals.

• The Consequences of Youth Unemployment

Individual Consequences

Studies have shown that young people who experience long-term unemployment are more likely to suffer from depression and anxiety. These mental health issues can have lasting negative effects on their overall well-being.

Societal Consequences

Research indicates that regions with high youth unemployment are more prone to social unrest and increased crime rates. The lack of opportunities can push young people towards illegal activities as a means of survival.

Economic Consequences

Economists estimate that youth unemployment costs the global economy billions of dollars in lost productivity each year. This loss not only affects current economic output but also hampers future growth.

• Writing Tips for an Essay on Youth Unemployment
• Use Credible Sources : Always base your arguments on data and findings from reputable sources like the ILO, OECD, and World Bank.
• Incorporate Personal Stories : Adding personal anecdotes or case studies can make your essay more relatable and engaging.
• Address Counterarguments : Acknowledge and refute potential counterarguments to strengthen your position.
• Stay Updated : Youth unemployment is a ever-changing issue. Make sure your data is current.
• Example 1: Exploring the Impact of Youth Unemployment in Europe

Introduction

Consequences.

• Example 2: Youth Unemployment in Sub-Saharan Africa
• Example 3: The Role of Technology in Alleviating Youth Unemployment

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Problem Solution Essay

Problem-Solution Essay - Writing Guide, Definition & Examples!

10 min read

People also read

Feeling stuck when it comes to writing a solid problem-solution essay?

You're not alone—many students find it challenging. This essay type requires careful consideration and skillful execution, which isn’t always easy.

But fret not! This guide is your go-to solution. We've got all the crucial steps, structures, and examples to make essay writing a breeze for you.

So, keep reading!

• 1. What is a Problem-Solution Essay?
• 2. Problem Solution Essay Structure
• 3. How to Write a Problem-Solution Essay?
• 4. Problem-Solution Essay Examples
• 5. Problem Solution Essay Topics
• 6. Problem Solution Essay Checklist

What is a Problem-Solution Essay?

A problem-solution essay is a form of argumentative writing that looks into a specific issue, providing a detailed examination of the problem and proposing effective solutions. 

A problem-solution essay stands apart from narrative , descriptive , and expository essays by focusing sharply on identifying a problem, analyzing its causes, and proposing effective solutions. 

Unlike other types of essays , it places a strong emphasis on presenting practical remedies to real-world problems. This makes it a unique and impactful type of academic essay writing .

Why Write a Problem Solution Essay

There are significant reasons to write a problem solution essay. 

• First, it encourages the practical application of knowledge by addressing real-world issues and proposing solutions.
• Develops deeper understanding of societal problems.
• Refines analytical skills and fosters a solution-oriented mindset.
• Enhances communication abilities through clear explanation of complex issues and solutions.
• Facilitates intellectual growth by tackling significant societal challenges.

Paper Due? Why Suffer? That's our Job

Problem Solution Essay Structure

In crafting a problem-solution essay, the structure plays a pivotal role in presenting ideas coherently and persuasively. 

Two commonly used structures for this type of essay are the block structure and the chain structure. Each has its unique approach to organizing information, offering writers flexibility in presenting their analysis and proposed solutions.

Block Structure

The block structure, also known as the whole-to-whole or one-side-at-a-time structure, is a straightforward organizational method. 

In this type of structure, the writer dedicates separate blocks of text to first presenting the problem comprehensively. The solutions to the problems are presented in the next sections subsequently. 

This structure allows for a clear separation between the problem and solution sections, providing a systematic and easy-to-follow presentation.

Here is an outline for block structure problem-solution essay:

Chain Structure

Contrasting the block structure, the chain structure takes an interconnected approach. 

In this format, the essay addresses a specific problem and promptly proposes a solution. 

The pattern repeats as each problem is introduced, followed immediately by its corresponding solution. This structure aims to maintain a continuous and engaging flow, presenting a transition between problems and solutions. 

Here is a chain structure problem solution essay template:

How to Write a Problem-Solution Essay?

A problem solution essay requires taking a systematic approach. Here are the basic steps for writing this type of essay:

Step 1 - Topic Selection

Choosing the right topic is the first crucial step in writing a problem-solution essay. Pick a real-world issue that genuinely interests you. 

Consider problems that have personal significance or affect your community. The goal is to engage with a problem that allows for meaningful discussion and exploration.

Step 2 - Understanding the Problem

Before diving into solutions, take the time to fully grasp the intricacies of the problem at hand. 

Research the issue thoroughly, aiming to comprehend its various aspects and implications. This step is essential for presenting a well-informed analysis in your essay, ensuring a solid foundation for proposing solutions.

Step 3 - Explore Viable Solutions

Once you've identified and understood the problem, brainstorm possible solutions. 

Think about practical, achievable, and effective ways to address the issue. Consider different angles and perspectives, aiming for solutions that are not only feasible but also have the potential to make a positive impact in real-world scenarios.

Step 4 - Create an Outline

Organize your thoughts and structure your essay by creating a clear outline. 

Allocate specific sections for introducing the problem, proposing solutions, and crafting a conclusion. A well-organized outline serves as a roadmap, guiding you through each step of the writing process.

Step 5 - Write the Introduction

Begin your essay with a captivating introduction . Start with an attention-grabbing essay hook that draws your reader in. 

Clearly state the problem, emphasizing its significance. Conclude the introduction with a concise thesis statement that outlines the solutions you will explore in the essay.

Step 6 - Craft Body Paragraph

Dedicate an individual body paragraph to each problem and its corresponding solution. Elaborate on the details of the problem and present practical solutions. 

Support your ideas with examples, evidence, or real-life scenarios. This section forms the core of your essay, providing a comprehensive exploration of the issues at hand.

Step 7 - Address Possible Objections

Acknowledge and address potential counterarguments to your proposed solutions. 

Anticipating objections adds depth to your essay, showcasing a thorough consideration of alternative viewpoints. By addressing possible objections, you strengthen the overall persuasiveness of your solutions.

Step 8 - Conclude The Essay

Conclude your essay by summarizing the main points without introducing new information. Reinforce the importance of the proposed solutions and leave a lasting impression. 

Consider ending with a call to action or a thought-provoking statement that resonates with your reader. The conclusion should provide a sense of closure to your essay.

Problem-Solution Essay Examples

We know that writing this kind of essay could be a challenge. Here are some problem solution essay samples, you can download and read them for free:

Problem Solution Essay Sample PDF

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Problem Solution Essay IELTS

Problem Solution Essay Topics

When picking a topic for your problem-solution essay, think about a few important things. 

Choose something that matters to your audience and is important in society right now. Pick issues that really affect people or communities and need attention. 

Make sure the problem can be realistically solved with practical solutions. Here is a list of problem solution essay questions and topics you can use:

• Tobacco should be banned to control lung cancer. Discuss.
• Obesity is caused by genetically modified and processed food. Discuss the solution.
• Movie scripts should be censored to control violence in youth. Discuss.
• How to tackle the lack of resources in urban homeless shelters?
• Government should propose some policies to deal with illegal immigration. Discuss.
• How can we use social media to improve awareness?
• Propose some ways to keep your friends and family safe.
• College students in the United States are overburdened with homework.
• How to improve the quality of education in high school?
• Providing equal opportunities to under-privileged children is important. Discuss.

These are some good problem-solution topics that you can tweak to use as your own. 

Problem Solution Essay Checklist

Use this checklist to ensure your problem solution essay is well-crafted and effective:

So, wrapping up, with this guide and checklist, you can now write a problem-solution essay that fulfills its purpose. Just remember to be clear, practical, and interesting. 

But if you still feel unsure or want extra help, our professional essay writing service is here for you. 

Our experts know how to handle any type of essay, making sure it's top-notch. If you need that extra boost, don't hesitate to get in touch with us. We're here to make sure your essay shines and gets the job done.

So, why wait? Place your do my essay cheap request today!

Frequently Asked Questions

What is a problem-solution essay called.

A problem-solution essay is often simply called a "problem-solution essay." It's named this way because its primary purpose is to identify a problem and propose effective solutions.

What type of paper is a problem-solution?

A problem-solution essay is categorized as an argumentative essay. It aims to persuade the reader that a particular problem exists and that specific solutions can address it effectively.

What is the problem-solution essay test?

There isn't a standardized test specifically called a "problem-solution essay test." However, in academic settings, instructors may assign problem-solution essays as assignments or assessments to evaluate students' abilities to analyze problems and propose viable solutions.

What is the problem solution essay topics list for IELTS?

Here are ten potential topics for a problem-solution essay suitable for the IELTS exam:

• Discuss measures to mitigate the impact of climate change on local communities.
• Analyze strategies to reduce youth unemployment rates globally.
• Propose solutions to alleviate traffic congestion in urban areas.
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• Propose strategies to tackle cyberbullying and its psychological effects on victims.
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• Discuss solutions to make housing more affordable for low-income families in urban areas.

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Youth Unemployment

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Exploring factors hindering the implementation of youth development package in addressing youth unemployment:)

CHAPTER ONE

1. Introduction

1.1. Background of the study

The reason for investing in young people is clear. Today, 1.2 billion adolescents stand at the challenging crossroads between childhood and the adult world (UNICEF, 2011). Youths represent 25 per cent of the working age population and account for 47 per cent (88 million) of the world’s unemployed people. An estimated 515 million young people, nearly 45 per cent of the total, live on less than two dollars a day.

In many post-crisis transition countries, over half of the population is younger than 25 years of age and many of them are teenagers (UNICEF, 2010). The majority of Africa’s population is also below the age of 30 years (African Youth Report, 2011).

Likewise, Ethiopia’s population is predominantly young, over 50 percent being under 18 years of age (CSA, 2007) and the youth (15-29 ages) constituting 30% of the population. However, in the past, this latter group has not received the attention it deserves and even though it has been affected by the same challenges that most youths in developing countries face, including early marriage (before the age of 18), educational disadvantage and gender discrimination, high risk of HIV/AIDS infection, domestic labour, high prevalence of female genital mutilation and sexual violence and child/human trafficking (UNICEF, 2011). The rural youth, who make up 81% of the country’s youth population are especially vulnerable, with a low level of educational attainment especially for girls (Inception Report, 2011). This suggests the need for incorporating youth issues into the national policies in order to foster youth development and participation so that the pivotal contribution of youths in combating poverty, inequality and gender discrimination is to be realized in a sustainable manner.

Considering the role of youth in the overall development of the country and recognizing their disproportionate representation in all aspects of life, the government of Ethiopia, in 2004, designed the National Youth Policy (MYSC, 2004). In order to put the policy and other youth issues into practice, the Urban and Rural Youth Development Package was also developed in 2006. The major goal of the policy and the youth package was to enable the youth to play an active role in building a democratic society and good governance as well as social and economic development.

The Urban Youth Development Package is a comprehensive development package that is designed to solve socio-economic problem of urban youth. Among other program areas youth employment and youth reproductive health including HIV/AIDS are the major ones.

Even though many countries are trying to tackle youth problems through various policies and programs, in the recent time, different researches show that the large number of youth is not absorbed by labor market and economy of the country. According to UNESCO (2004), about sixty-six million youth of the world are currently out of the work. In addition, hundreds of millions of youth throughout the world engage fewer hours, while others work more hours for small earnings and no safety. These unemployment and other problems of the youth cause serious economic and social challenges over the world.

Despite adoption of favorable youth policies and programs in Ethiopia, the study finds that policies to address the challenges facing youth have not resulted in a great deal of success. As MoFED (2012), lack of managerial manpower, poor data recording, lack of a clear demarcation of responsibilities between stakeholders and the bureaucratic administration system, lack of follow up, absence of binding agreements to enforce collaboration of other ministries, lack of awareness by the general public, limited financial and technical support, and vagueness of the youth policy, strategy and guidelines are some of challenges that affect implementation of youth-focused programs.

The need to reduce youth unemployment requires governments and development partners to design and implement comprehensive youth policies and different programs. As UNFA (2007), different governments and development partners recognized economic problems of youth and their consequences for the socio-economic development; and this consciousness has given direction to much more concerted efforts to deal with the youth development agendas in a coordinated and comprehensive manner.

In line with this thought, the World Youth Report (2005) states that: a network of major stakeholders must be established to ensure coordination of efforts across government departments and the donor community; in addition, extensive consultations with youth and their representative associations are required at all stages of the policy development and implementation. Hence, this research will uses quantitative survey design in order to explore factors hindering the implementation of youth development package in Dire Dawa.

1.2. Statement of the problem

Youths are among the most important resources countries need to have in order to bring about prosperity. Energetic, courageous and qualified youth can make changes to the socio-economic development; if they are well utilized and managed (Msigwa and Kipesha, 2013). However, unemployment among young people has becoming a major policy challenge for all nations in the world. It is not only a statistical concept, but also a multidimensional social phenomenon. It results substantial crises in psychological, social and economic perspectives, some of them are: increasing crime rates and violence, dependence on family, low self-esteem, poor social adaptation, depression and loss of confidence (Kabaklarli et al 2011). Nazir et al (2009) in the same manner showed that unemployment affects the socio-economic status of the family, leads to poor mental health, dependency and increases the magnitude of corruption, drug addiction, crimes and suicide in a society.

Government of Ethiopia have political will to initiate and pursue national youth policies, strategies, and programs. But their implementation did not bring the multifaceted change because of lack of focus by the stakeholder, especially in economic development of the youth (MOYS, 2016).

The standard definition of unemployment of ILO is based on the following three criteria that must be satisfied simultaneously; “without work”, “currently available for work” and “seeking work’’. In addition to this, under partial relaxation, the definition of unemployment includes discouraged job seekers in addition to persons satisfying the standard definition. Discouraged job seekers are those who want a job but did not take any active step to search for work because they believe that they cannot find one. Under the completely relaxed definition, unemployment includes persons without work and those who are available for work, including those who were or were not seeking work. That is, the seeking work criterion is completely relaxed and unemployment is based on the “without work” and “availability” criterion only. (Central Statistical Agency, 2005)

Ethiopia has one of the highest urban unemployment rates worldwide at 50% of the youth labor force. According to a report by the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs, 87% of all registered job seekers are between the ages of 15-29. Sixty eight percent (68%) of employed youth (rural and urban) are unpaid family workers. (Talent Youth Association (TaYa), 2013)

The lack of employment opportunities for Ethiopian young people is among the critical development challenges facing by the country and a key barrier to national efforts towards the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals. (TaYa, 2013)

Thus, to accelerate the growth, security and sustainability of the Ethiopian economy development, each sector needs to be supported by young entrepreneurs and employees. Additionally, the need to create more jobs which is consistent and compatible to new graduates is very essential. Youth unemployment breeds disappointment, hopelessness, and despair. These conditions are more likely to result in youth engaging in risky and destructive behavior. The consequences of youth’s risky behavior affect their own health, their families, communities and the nation at large. In other words, they might be Unproductive, they feel a sense of hopelessness, and be at great risk for drug and alcohol addiction, delinquency and getting involved in crime. This may ultimately also lead to social unrest and civil disobedience. (TaYa, 2013)

Different researchers took government organization leaders ability and institutional capabilities as the major problem to implement youth development packages. However, these research tries to see the relationship between program factor and youth motivation for program participation. The program factors that will be investigated in this research are; program approach, program service type, program funding sources, program commitment to youth participation in structured youth development package in Ethiopia; particularly in Dire Dawa City Administration.

Lack of study in the area of youth participation is a major challenge among youth serving organization in Ethiopia. The main focus of this research however is, exploring barriers and opportunities for implementation of youth development package in Dire Dawa and youth motivation for participating in program designed to solve unemployment problem of urban youth.

The main research questions to be addressed are:

Is youth development package successful in addressing unemployment problems of youth’s in Dire Dawa?

To what extent have the key stakeholders implemented economic aspects of youth development packages to solve youth unemployment problems in the study area?

What are the barriers and opportunities for youth participation in the program designed to solve youth economic problems?

1.3. Objectives of the study

1.3.1. General objective

The main purpose of this study is to investigate the hindering factors for the implementation of youth development packages in addressing youth unemployment problems in Dire Dawa.

1.3.2. Specific objectives

To identify the challenges faced by the key stakeholders in access and utilization of the program

To examine the monitoring and evaluation procedure of youth development package in the study areas

To explore factors motivating and hindering the youth participation in the program

1.4. Significance of the study

Just like any other developing countries, Ethiopia is experiencing high unemployment rate that is threatening the pace of countries development. The unemployment rate is highest among the urban. It is upon this background that this study set out to investigate the effectiveness of youth development package towards unemployment reduction in the study area. These research will significantly important to provide insight to government organizations and development partners about practical challenges encountered in implementing economic aspects of youth development package that is designed to ensure economic empowerment of urban youths and to forward recommendation how to improve its implementation. Furthermore, this study will provide some theoretical base for other researchers who might need to conduct further studies in related areas to enhance better implementation of economic aspects of Youth Development Package.

1.5. Scope of the study

The study will be conducted mainly in Dire Dawa City Administration. The study emphasizes on factors hindering the implementation of youth development package in addressing urban unemployment. The total frame of the study is delimited to youths in kebele 02 and kebele 03 administration which is among nine urban kebele administrations of Dire Dawa.

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Ielts essay # 1216 - unemployment remains the biggest challenge to school-leavers, ielts writing task 2/ ielts essay:, unemployment remains the biggest challenge to school-leavers in most countries. how far do you agree with this assessment what other challenges face young people today.

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Unemployment among young people is a serious problem.One solution has been suggested is to shorten the working week. What do you think are the advantages and disadvantages? Do you think this policy should apply to just young workers or the whole workforce?

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Urban Transformation and Experiences of ‘Becoming Marginal’ in Russia

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• Published: 05 July 2023
• Volume 37 , pages 309–330, ( 2024 )

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Urban transformation in the post-socialist city is connected to comprehensive debates. This paper steers the reader through these, emphasising three contentions that serve to clarify the approach to two interconnected questions: How do people give meaning to urban transformation? In which ways does an analysis of societal change in a peripheral city in pre-war Russia contribute to debates on global urbanism? The paper is structured in three main parts, beginning with the review of the post-socialist city literature. The focus in this study is on experiences, bringing a more human perspective on urban transformation in combination with analysis of structural dimensions impeding on the everyday. In the second part, Togliatti is introduced as a research site and details on data collection are provided. The paper contributes empirically with a study of urban transformation in the auto-town Togliatti in the Samara region southeast of Moscow, Russia. The third part is devoted to interlocutors’ perspectives and the emergence of the narrative of ‘becoming marginal’. In conclusion, becoming marginal is a narrative that gives meaning to the historical conjuncture and the grievances people reflect on as they reason about individual life trajectories. While place-specific, these experiences link to global (urban) discussions on marginality and precarity. The paper underscores that making sense of experiences means to reflect on these in context, and in a final discussion, it reflects how much more difficult such research has become after Russia’s military attack on Ukraine on 24 February 2022.

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Research on urban transformation in the post-socialist city is connected to comprehensive debates about the changing global political economy, the role of the state and how to make sense of local experiences of change. Some scholars emphasise the structural power of the ‘radical rupture’ following the collapse of the Soviet Union. They explain that global processes of marketization and commodification interlink with socialist legacy to shape new place-specific relations that define local developments (Büdenbender & Zupan, 2017 , p. 296; Golubchikov, 2016 , 2017 ; Golubchikov et al., 2014 ). Other scholars stress the role of the state and explain that national governing regimes define transformation in the post-socialist city (Crowley, 2016 ; Gunko et al., 2021 ). Discussions furthermore display conceptual conundrums related to terms such as (socialist) legacy, neoliberalism and post-socialism (Ferenčuhová, 2016 ; Ferenčuhová & Gentile, 2016 ; Golubchikov, 2017 ; Tuvikene, 2016a , b ). These contentions demonstrate the relevance of the post-socialist city to research on global urbanism pertaining to a particular global historical conjuncture (Chelcea et al., 2021 , p. 71). This paper uses this as an opening to study urban transformation through experiences and addresses a gap in research on peripheral and industrial towns, focusing on Russia. Two interconnected questions are examined: How do people give meaning to urban transformation? In which ways does an analysis of societal change in a peripheral city in pre-war Russia contribute to debates on global urbanism?

The paper studies meaning-making in the post-socialist city and addresses a specific context, in which the experiences of urban change are ‘historicized in lived temporality’ (Humphrey, 1996 / 1997 , p. 71). They are expressions of specific historical conditions and contribute to knowledge on transformation understood as an unfolding process shaped by multiple relationalities. To explain this approach, I steer the reader through the post-socialist city literature, focusing on three contentions: First, the linear approach to (urban) development in the post-socialist city is contrasted to the interest in cities ‘off the map’ in decolonial and comparative urban studies. This opens research to studies of difference and provides a basis for empirical, context-sensitive analyses that deepen and broaden the understanding of transformation (Morris, 2021 ; Robinson, 2016 ). Second, the antagonistic view that (socialist) legacy is either absorbed by global processes of neoliberalisation or sustained within a state-centric framework is eluded. The emphasis is on legacy as an inscription of the past in the present, which means it blends with global processes (Golubchikov et al., 2014 ; Tuvikene, 2016a , b ). Third, the dominance of structural and economic explanations over social and agentic dimensions in studies of post-socialist urban transformation is addressed (Gentile, 2018 ). With the term “post-socialist social”, Collier ( 2011 ) underscores that global and local practices and beliefs are mixed as transformation unfolds. Focusing on experiences is a research strategy to examine the complexities of transformation and to narrate societal developments through grounded and often ambiguous data (cf. Humphrey, 1996 / 1997 ).

Empirically, this paper contributes with a study of urban transformation in the auto-town Togliatti in the Samara region southeast of Moscow, Russia. Known as “Detroit on the Volga” (Siegelbaum, 2008 , p. 2), the post-socialist reconstruction of the city’s car industry has been significant to Togliatti’s development. The analysis accentuates the global interconnectedness of the city before and after the end of the Cold War. Developments after Russia’s attack on Ukraine in February 2022, which led to the departure of the French majority owner of the factory, underscore this as an unfolding process. Togliatti is a city ‘off the map’ of global urban research and serves as an example of the absence of the post-socialist urban periphery in discussions about global political economic and urban change.

The paper is structured in three main parts. It begins first with a review of debates on the post-socialist city. I explain how the focus on experiences in Togliatti brings a more personal or human perspective on urban transformation in combination with analysis of structural dimensions impeding on people’s everyday. Second, Togliatti is introduced as a research site and details on data collection are provided. The third part is devoted to interlocutors’ perspectives and the emergence of the narrative of becoming marginal.

I argue that urban transformation in Togliatti can be described as a process of becoming marginal (Lancione, 2016 , p. 10), a process shaped by trans-local experiences that interconnect global and local processes and practices. I explain the discovery of becoming marginal in the data and accentuate the experiences of dispossession and displacement in relation to the ‘foreign’. Participants express how they learn the city anew in an ongoing process shaped by foreign involvement as ownership of the car factory changes and state practices are altered. The meaning given to societal developments is characterised by experiences of a loss of status and pride in the urban community. Drawing on these experiences, I discuss how people reflect on power, participation and belonging in the city and show how becoming marginal in Togliatti includes a feeling of being alienated and disempowered from participating in processes that affect (urban) change.

In conclusion, becoming marginal is a narrative that gives meaning to the historical conjuncture and the grievances people reflect on as they reason about individual life trajectories. While place-specific, these experiences link to global (urban) discussions on marginality and precarity. The concluding discussion addresses how research on political and societal change in changing historical conditions in Russia is affected after the military invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

Global Urban Transformation and the Post-socialist City in Russia

Scholars underscore that the post-socialist city does not represent a singular urban form and remains hitherto “a major theoretical puzzle” (Hirt, 2013 , S36; Tuvikene, 2016a , b , p. 141). The puzzle has both a spatial and a temporal dimension. Spatially, it is a conundrum that the post-socialist city is found across a vast geographical spread, including Southern and Eastern Europe, and extending to former socialist countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America. With such variety, the question is what difference the term ‘post-socialist’ makes in generating knowledge about urban, political, economic and social developments. The temporal dimension links the present of the post-socialist city to its socialist past, while questioning the delimitation of ‘post’. Scholars ask at what time is it not any longer valuable to speak of the post, indicating that the term post-socialist makes little sense as a temporal demarcation in the study of social and urban change (Chelcea & Druta, 2016 ; Müller, 2019 ).

The post-socialist city concept remains an expression of the move away from the socialist past with its blurred spatial and temporal boundaries. The concept is a centre of theoretical debates about how transformation away from socialism unfolds, which include critical reflections on representations of the socialist past. I emphasise three contentions that express core learning points about global urban transformation generated in the post-socialist city debate. The first contention highlights linearity versus relationality in thinking about development. In a perceived linear path to global development, the post-socialist city is approached in terms of efforts of ‘catching up’ with the ‘capitalist city’. This has informed attempts to diagnose deviance and provide suggestions on how the post-socialist city can become “normal” (cf. Gentile, 2018 ; Wiest, 2012 ). The juxtaposition of the post-socialist city to its past and to its ‘capitalist other’ has the effect that it produces an idea of the post-socialist city as if it was a singular form. This linear and singular perspective is contested by critical scholars. They emphasise this view as an expression of hierarchies in knowledge generation that remains focused on cities in the Global North, e.g. the ‘Global City’, and excludes cities ‘off the map’. The decolonial and comparative turn addresses the need to engage with experiences ‘beyond the centre’ to generate knowledge of our global political world(s) (Gugler, 2003 ; Robinson, 2002 , 2011 ). They emphasise a multiplicity of experiences and argue cities ‘off the map’ should be targets of a ‘comparative gesture’ (Robinson, 2011 ) to empirically explore (global) urban developments elsewhere (Simone & Pieterse, 2017 ). This challenge to linear ideas of transformation opens research to studies of difference. It provides a basis for empirical, context-sensitive analyses that deepen and broaden the understanding of transformation (Morris, 2021 ; Robinson, 2016 ). The post-socialist city is situated within this comparative research program and is a marginal or peripheral location in which to study (global) urban transformation.

Research on experiences of post-socialist urban transformation is shaped by a second contention between an emphasis on global processes of neoliberalisation or the domestic political regime. A national context of research on the post-socialist city has been discussed specifically regarding studies in Russia. The dominant state and re-centralisation since the 2000s provide scholars with a backdrop for examining urban transformation as effects of domestic politics (Crowley, 2016 ; Gunko et al., 2021 , p. 222). The problem with such methodological nationalism is its failure to approach urban transformation as shaped by broader social forces that individuals are both enabled and constrained by (Çaglar & Schiller, 2018 ). Legacy concerns, for example, how people remember socialism and carries the inscription of the past in the present. People’s memories can be nostalgic and idealistic about the past, or they may reject what was once a core dimension of their lives. Young people do not remember the socialist experience from personal experience, yet they learn about it from the older generation in their family, in school, on the internet or from other sources. Both idealisation and rejection of the socialist past speak to the continuation of legacy in the present as a means of symbolic orientation. As legacy carries the inscription of the past in the present, it acts as infrastructure for the ‘domestication’ or translation of global processes of neoliberalisation (Golubchikov et al., 2014 ; Tuvikene, 2016a , b ). The processual and changeable character of legacy is underscored. Tuvikene ( 2016b ) made analytical sense of this with the terms ‘continuities’ and ‘anti-continuities’.

Continuities, Tuvikene explained, can be seen in the continuation of government technologies of the socialist era into the new era. These are visible, for example, in the socialist mass-housing complexes which are spatial symbols of the centralised planning and how social questions such as housing were solved (Attwood, 2012 ; Gentile, 2004 ). The large housing complexes convey the history of the control of land that socialist authorities held and how they used this power to secure housing for the urban population. In essence, the socialist mass housing complexes expose the ideal of social redistribution as a continuity in the post-socialist city. Anti-continuities are, on the other hand, expressed through a desire to accentuate and be different from what was dominant in the socialist past. Tuvikene ( 2016b , pp. 140, 141, 143) describes this as a practice through which the socialist past is inscribed as a “constitutive outside”, that is, as external to that which constitutes the (post-socialist) ‘self’. The shift from state-led to market-led urban planning is an example of an ‘anti-continuity’ and had the effect of discontinuing socialist ideas. For example, the publicness typical of the socialist city was discontinued with the erection of gated communities, which constituted a break with the ideals of social mix and equality of Soviet urban socialism.

The dialectic of continuities and anti-continuities is analytically interesting because it underscores that the past is inscribed in the constitution of the present, even when it is attempted to be excluded, rejected and forgotten. Socialist legacy can continue its presence as an ‘excluded other’ and exert influence on how people make sense of the contemporary, how change has come about, what is lost and what is preserved of past practices. The (socialist) past is shaping and being shaped in the present in a constant process through which legacy acquires new meanings and is “co-produced by the present” (Golubchikov, 2016 , p. 616; Golubchikov et al., 2014 , p. 622). Thus, the post-socialist city debate makes urban transformation visible as an unfolding process shaped by multiple relationalities cutting across national and global scales. It defines the hybridity of societal change as the conceptual core of the post-socialist city (Golubchikov, 2016 , p. 609; Golubchikov et al., 2014 ; see also Tuvikene,  2016a , b ). Engaging with experiences of urban change is thereby a means to examine how people make sense of the effects of the relationalities shaping appearances and rhythms in the post-socialist city (cf. Golubchikov & Phelps, 2011 , p. 428).

The third contention is the dominance of the narrative of neoliberalism in explanations of change. It is criticized for exerting a shallow, all-encompassing approach and a partial analytical perspective that needs to be supplemented with social, political and cultural factors (Gentile, 2018 , p. 1148; Golubchikov, 2016 , p. 608). The two studies of transformation in small industrial towns conducted by Morris ( 2016 ) and Collier ( 2011 ) emphasise everyday experiences and place-specific analysis to ground experiences with neoliberalisation. Collier ( 2011 ) introduced the term ‘post-socialist social’ to emphasise the multiplicity of relationalities at play. Studying a small industrial town, Collier ( 2011 ) explained how government reforms of the welfare system in Russia in the 2000s were balanced against persistent (socialist) narratives of social provisioning (Collier, 2011 , pp. 157–9). The reforms were not simply about dissolving the old system, but about an emergent social order. In this new order, the post-socialist social expresses how mechanisms of neoliberal biopolitical governing of welfare, through commercialization and calculative choice, were integrated with situated normative expectations connected to the socialist past (Collier, 2011 , p. 26). It expresses (urban) transformation as unfolding through a mixing of global and local practices and beliefs.

The post-socialist social addresses historical circumstances shaping place-specific transformations. Attending to meaning-making practices is a step away from the constraints of the dominant neoliberal narrative. Drawing on the various life trajectories people shared with him, Morris ( 2016 ) used the term “habitability” to explain that people adjust in the context of uncertainty and insecurity, focusing on making life ‘habitable’. Two decades earlier, Humphrey ( 1996 / 1997 ) also used an ethnographic approach and engaged experience-near methods to analyse the production of the dispossessed as part of the changing political economy of post-Soviet space. She explained that dispossession in Russia was created “by the specific post-Soviet political domains of which they were no longar a part” (Humphrey, 1996 / 1997 , p. 72). Lived experiences are continuously informed by the past and ideas of social order that prevail amidst radical change. From the perspective of local actors, the everyday struggles of transformation become part of meaning-making, mixing global and local dimensions. Morris ( 2021 , p. 197) argues therefore research on Russia “should focus on similarities in governance, governmentality and gradations of dispossession”. It underscores that place-based histories ought to inspire theorization across cases (Çaglar & Schiller, 2018 ; Mohanty, 2003 , p. 501).

As ‘radical laboratory of neoliberal change’ (Chelcea et al., 2021 , p. 76), the post-socialist city is defined as a place that provides insight on processes occurring elsewhere. It is shaped by the ‘flows, circulations and entanglements’ of the global urban as well as by its past (Chelcea et al., 2021 , p. 76). As an effect of these entanglements, it becomes “almost impossible to disassociate the urban from the global” (Lancione & McFarlane, 2021 , p. 3). The post-socialist city is an expression of a “global-urban nexus” and underscores the urban scale as important to study new ideologies, social meaning, relations and forms of legitimation (Golubchikov, 2016 , p. 608). This is an opening to empirical research, emphasising the urban everyday and people’s experiences of transformation. Experiences provide access to diverse agencies, ambiguities about (urban and societal) developments and people’s own reflections on power relations shaping their life trajectories. In this paper, the focus is on an industrial city and its transformation, which generates questions about empirical data and how to include a variety of experiences. The next part introduces the research site and the methodology.

Contextualising Research: the Auto-Town Togliatti and Urban Restructuring

The choice to situate the research in the industrial town of Togliatti reflects a global comparative dimension of studying industrial towns and labour relations across contexts (Borges & Torres, 2012 ). Footnote 1 Constructed as a worker’s city in the late 1960s, the relationship of residents to the auto-factory Volga Automobile Factory, abbreviated AvtoVaz from its Russian name, Volzhski Avtomobil’nyi Zavod and often simply referred to as Vaz, is a main concern to the perception of change in the city and the focus of this research. The participants in this research were interviewed ( n  = 30) and later selected for photovoice sessions ( n  = 10). The data was collected in the period 2020–2022, ending in January 2022, before the start of Russia’s military invasion of Ukraine. Footnote 2 The research participants enunciate the city’s industrial history by focusing on personal experiences and their own biography. In the data, they reflect on social relations such as work and their various individual choices and life trajectories in the context of global political, economic and urban changes.

Zooming in on this post-socialist city and engaging people’s experiences, the research draws on often subordinated perspectives that receive less attention compared to experiences of leading experts in policy, planning and development. The participants were residents of Auto Factory District (Avtozavodiski raion), a city district established in conjunction with the car factory and, to this day, the most populous district in Togliatti. Footnote 3 In the narrative interviews, participants explained changes in the city and reflected on social, economic and political developments while introducing their personal life trajectories, including their relationship to the city-forming enterprise AvtoVaz and how it had changed. Amongst the participants, some were current or former workers ( n  = 10) at AvtoVaz, while other interviews were conducted with people working in informal business or activists involved in NGOs ( n  = 10) and urban experts, e.g. working with planning and development, real estate and architecture ( n  = 10). The photovoice interviews utilized photographs to identify specific, material, observable change and engage in deepened dialogue about memories and associations that images from the city brought up for selected participants ( n  = 10). With this research strategy, subjective narratives of urban change are studied through traditional and explorative ways of interviewing.

Before I turn to the analysis of the narratives of research participants, I introduce Togliatti, emphasising urban dimensions of socialist history and post-socialist transformation. This concerns the history of Togliatti as an industrial city and as a host of the car factory AvtoVaz. Togliatti came to epitomize the political-economic modernization agenda that defined Soviet development thinking (Collier, 2011 , p. 74). In 1966, a decision was announced that Togliatti would be the location of a factory for mass production of passenger cars. This marked a major turning point in socialist car industrial history (Siegelbaum, 2008 , pp. 6, 84–85). Footnote 4 A new auto-town (“avtograd”) was built on the Volga River, extending the town Stavropol, which was the previous name of Togliatti. Footnote 5 Socialist planning of production and social life interconnected, a nexus affixed in the Auto Factory City District, where houses were built to house factory workers and their families (Siegelbaum, 2008 , p. 105). Housing was but one example of social privileges connected to industry employment. In Togliatti, more than 60% of urban dwellers still live in Auto Factory District, amounting to 430,000 people. Footnote 6

Togliatti represented a new generation of industrializing towns, different from the industrialization of the 1930s and in the period after the Second World War. Neither associated with the revolutionary nor the Stalinist era, Togliatti incarnated the development of “mass production for ordinary Soviet citizens” and a “Soviet version of Fordism” (Siegelbaum, 2008 , p. 123). Furthermore, as an epitome of the industrialization-urbanization-modernization nexus in the Soviet Union, Togliatti was one of the largest amongst the many small- and medium-sized industrial cities described as the uniqueness of urban Russia (Collier, 2011 , p. 157). As hosts to the productive sector, industrial cities were part of an urban “landscape of priority” (Sjöberg, 1999 , p. 2224) and the investment priorities of the socialist state were linked to employment as a key factor in urban growth. The effect was a hierarchical ordering of space through systemic features that produced relations of power and privilege between cities (Golubchikov et al., 2015 ). Footnote 7 When Togliatti was identified as the new location for Soviet car industry in the 1960s, it was a major strategic decision within this development landscape and came to define Togliatti’s history and status.

Furthermore, city-building in Togliatti coincided with a period of opening of the socialist regime to more interaction with other countries in areas such as education and trade. In 1966, the deal reflected the greater openness that characterised Soviet leadership in that decade, which was also evident in international collaboration in education and culture (Siegelbaum, 2008 , p. 92). Footnote 8 Togliatti expressed this era’s opening to global impulses in how the car factory relied on collaboration with Italian car producer Fiat and utilized their model in setting up the new industry. Footnote 9 The first car produced in Togliatti was finished in 1970, and it presented a Zhiguli, named after the hills on the opposite bank of the Volga, and was a Soviet version of the Italian Fiat 124 that became known internationally as Lada (Siegelbaum, 2008 , p. 99).

Togliatti, Russia’s largest mono-industrial city, experienced that the radical rupture following the end of the Cold War led to changes comparable to many other industrial cities, such as privatization, marketization and internationalization. Overall, urban restructuring defined a broader landscape of post-socialist uneven urban development in Russia and mono-industrial cities attracted particular attention because of the risks associated with transition in these cities. The metropolises Moscow and St. Petersburg, with their developed post-industrial (service) economies, were at the top of the hierarchy of reconstructing, diversifying and developing urban economies that set them apart from other cities. Cities related to oil and gas production integrated well into the global market, as did cities extracting mineral resources, producing aluminium, cellulose and fertilizer. Cities with export-led industries were exposed to fluctuations in world market prices that affected industrial decisions and urban dynamics (Golubchikov et al., 2015 , p. 272). While these challenges of mono-industrial cities were well known, it was the global financial crisis 2007–2008 that made visible how political economic grievances can inform social protests (Clément, 2019 , 159f.; Crowley, 2016 , p. 400; Crowley, 2020 , p. 373). Protests in Togliatti were diverted through government intervention and the provision of support to the factory (Kusluch, 2016 ). In international media, Russian mono-industrial cities were subsequently described as problem areas, as “dark areas” and “time bombs” (Aron, 2009 ; Crowley, 2015 ). Following this crisis, the Russian government subsequently initiated a monotown development fund to facilitate urban transformation (Stuvøy & Shirobokova 2021 ). The reform program identified societal risk factors and set criteria for financial transfers and development funds to modernise and diversify urban economies. Urban decay, especially in monotowns, had become a source of national political concern in the context of the global financial crisis (Zubarevich, 2010 ). It was part of a broader “metropolitan turn” in Russian governance in the 2010s, which showcased a mix of state policies with innovation and technological advancement to elevate Russian competitiveness in the global economy (Kinossian, 2017 , p. 468). This underscores global processes as integral to Russian state policies of urban transformation.

In Togliatti, changing ownership of AvtoVaz is an expression of the process of post-socialist change and a response to the global financial crisis in 2008–2009. The French car producer Renault became the main foreign stakeholder of AvtoVaz in the 2010s, and gradually, the Renault-Nissan-Mitsubishi alliance came to produce the Lada models Granta, Largus and XRAY as well as Renault Logan and more at the Togliatti plant. This lasted until the start of Russia’s military invasion in Ukraine in February 2022, when Renault withdrew from Russia.

These trends in urban development underscore that there is value in focusing on multiple relationalities and reflect on the global urban nexus when approaching political economic change in Russia. In Togliatti, the company restructuring is connected to many people’s life trajectories, and they share their experiences of, for example, changing work relations and effects on their personal life choices. Making subjective experiences visible illustrates people’s agencies amidst structural political-economic change. Focusing on AvtoVaz and Auto-Factory City District is therefore a research strategy to provide empirical grounding of the analysis of multiple relationalities of urban change. In the following step, I explore how people observe, reason and give meaning to changes they experienced in Togliatti.

Discovering Becoming Marginal in Togliatti

In Togliatti, interlocutors characterise urban change as a series of crises, but also describe how they have adapted to them. This reflects a well-known post-socialist trope of endless crisis. In this analysis, I emphasise individual life trajectories and how people explain they have manoeuvred to make a living in the shifting urban economy. Analysing urban transformation through the lens of experiences implies grappling with the messiness and thorny realities of qualitative research. Part of the challenge is to do justice to research participants when it comes to writing up the research and provide space and voice to research participants (Thieme et al., 2017 , pp. 128–130). I begin this part by sharing a quite extensive quote, which is an example of how a participant reflects on the interview situation and the research approach to learning about Togliatti and urban transformation. It is an example of a meta-reflection that interviews of this type can entail, which is from an interview with Konstantin, an urban activist in Togliatti and a resident of Avtozavodski city district. He reflects on questions that were asked during the interview and summarises his point of view in the following way:

The questions mainly concerned life at AvtoVaz and links to residents of the city, the administration of the city, participation in urban life, and the solution of this or that problem in the city. I summarize what I said. The city of Togliatti is not a simple city, not a provincial city – it’s a city amongst the ten strongest industrial cities in Russia, amongst the twenty largest cities in terms of inhabitants. It’s a city, in which the residents, who once came to the city and were the best professionals in the entire Soviet Union to build AvtoVaz. They built AvtoVaz and the chemical industry in our city. It’s a city with highly competent people, a city with people, who in a good meaning of the word are the inheritors of the older generation, the adventurers, who came to build the city and live in it. Today this city, which had a glorious past, which in the 1990s, despite the general crisis in our country, was a relatively economically successful city. Today the city is not going through its best times, as not all the large industries of our city are focused on work, on earning money and spending these resources in the city, for the city, for the residents, for the modernisation of the industry. The majority, unfortunately, for this or that reason, disperse the resources elsewhere, they do not stay in Togliatti, as they pay this money to the budgets of other institutions or transfer them elsewhere. This leaves a feeling in the city of insufficient development, a feeling that the city is just adjusting and not dynamically developing and moving forward. (…) I remember the times in Togliatti when there were very many businesses related to automobilism (car-related businesses). There were a lot of car dealerships. These days there are a lot fewer. This is also felt. I wish the city trusted that it has attractions, [that there were] more dynamic [development], more positivity, more interest, brightness, good things, and a belief that things are going to get better, and more reasons for being proud (Konstantin, 23 October 2020).

In this part of the interview, Konstantin presents a snapshot of the present in the city while also narrating the city’s history. He reflects on a past in which Togliatti was attracting a whole generation to move to the city, to build and to live in the city. He reflects on what made up the city’s greatness in the past and explains his dissatisfaction with the current development. While he wishes to believe in the city, there is a lack of impulses and dynamic development in the city, Konstantin finds. The city has lost its status as an automobile capital, he explains, and the city is turned into a provincial town characterised by decay.

Konstantin and the other research participants are embedded in urban realities located off the map of global political economic research. Their experiences nonetheless provide a vantage point for reflecting “on broader systems that both produce marginality but also become stages on which ‘marginalised subjects’ continuously contest and renegotiate their place in the city” (Thieme et al., 2017 , p. 132). In sharing their experiences, participants reflect on urban transformation in Togliatti and situate their experiences in relation to the past as well as to processes that produce contemporary urban realities. As part of these narratives, they reflect on how their personal trajectories have been affected and how they have manoeuvred, and made a living for themselves amidst continuous crises and fluctuations but also opportunities in Togliatti’s urban economy. The interviews provide a base for exploring experiences with attention to context and to reflect on structural dynamics as well as individual choice shaping people’s life trajectories. The approach provides a lens on the multiple relationalities shaping the city.

When the post-socialist crisis trope is applied to Togliatti, interlocutors usually recall the troublesome decade of the 1990s, the economic hardship it implied for almost everyone and how they sustained through barter. It includes mentions of barter trade in car parts, including adventures abroad for such trade, but also the “gang wars” that appeared in the city at the turn of the century. Footnote 10 According to Lilya, an active volunteer with several years of work experience at AvtoVaz, the so-called “Samara mafia”, took control of the factory but kept order as people continued to receive salaries without delays and received additional compensation if there were experiences of harm. In 2008, the financial crisis impacted the city severely, and only a few years later, a major downsizing took place at AvtoVaz. In 2020, the global COVID-19 pandemic was in its early phases when the interviews were conducted and added another layer of crisis to the city. A widely shared crisis sentiment and perception of ongoing crisis is expressed across the interviews, and Alyona, who used to work at AvtoVaz as a painter but went into early retirement due to cut downs, summarises it short and simple: “Well, what can I say… It’s like, you know, the crises never ended” (Alyona, 17 October 2020). Many are concerned with the worsening situation for Togliatti, but some reflect critically on how it might be convenient for some, i.e. the authorities, to blame the former city-building enterprise for the deterioration.

The narrative of continuous crisis is dominant across the experiences and appears as an ongoing process, shaped by multiples stories. Crisis is expressed as a layered phenomenon and is not linked to a clear start and end dates. With ongoing crisis and problems notwithstanding, in 2014, Togliatti was characterised by the Russian government as amongst the monotowns with a stable socio-economic situation (Russian Government 2014). In a 2020 assessment of the quality of urban environments conducted by the Ministry of Construction and Housing, Togliatti was identified as one of several monotowns that are improving. Footnote 11 In the narratives examined here, 2015–2017 stand out as a significant rupture in the recent history of Togliatti’s city-industry relations, however. Interlocutors recount a transformation that upset their view of Togliatti as a monotown. A major restructuring was conducted, in which the number of workers at AvtoVaz was reduced from approximately 140,000 workers to approximately 30,000. Footnote 12 In addition, continuous subsidiarisation of the car factory created multiple smaller companies, largely engaged in supplying the main factory but also working on demands from other buyers. While registered unemployment rate has been low, the main problems brought forward across the interviews are low salaries and work precarity. The trends in subsidiarisation, precarity of work and low salaries that people emphasised as dominant after 2015 were developments emerging from the process of restructuring aimed at tackling challenges in industrial production. Reducing costs to enhance global competitiveness is beneficial to investment interests. It changed the script for factory workers and for those leaving the factory, about how to make a living. These changing tactics to safeguard economic development are described as a “deepened neoliberalism” (Büdenbender & Zupan, 2017 ). In people’s narratives, this shift was in Togliatti related to continued experiences of crisis, aggravated decay, uncertainty and growing marginality.

Crisis and decay have, in many ways, been normalised in Togliatti. A depressed assessment of urban affairs is often made concrete in complaints about the car factory and how it treats its workers. Research participants reflect on stressors, such as exhaustion, illness and a loss of autonomy in the workplace, and link such experience to assessment of the urban reconstruction in a national context. The narrative of becoming marginal is emerging, which in the words of Kira, an engineer who worked for decades at AvtoVaz and is worried about the fall in the factory’s image and the quality of the car production, is expressed frankly: “For the entire country, we are the shame of the state. Specifically, Togliatti is the shame of the state” (Kira, 11 February 2020).

A feeling of shame in the eyes of the nation brings up the Soviet history of the city. In the 1960s, Soviet automobile history became a driving force of the city’s development. The Soviet Union struck a megadeal with Italy’s largest car producer Fiat “to provide all technical assistance and training in connection with the construction of a factory” (Siegelbaum, 2008 , p. 91). Intertwined with the development and modernization ideals of the Soviet Union, AvtoVaz was a city-forming enterprise that shaped relations between the state and individuals in a new era. Returning to the reflections of Konstantin, he explains this co-dependence:

AvtoVaz has always been a city-forming enterprise, it was an enterprise in which practically every family in Avtozavodski city-district (raion) either worked in or was somehow connected to. Either a person worked at the enterprise or at an enterprise that was connected to AvtoVaz or a daughter company (subsidiary) [of AvtoVaz]. One way or another everyone was connected to AvtoVaz. Additionally, AvtoVaz took great social responsibility/burden on itself, maintaining kinder gardens, health clinics, and a great number of social facilities/services. And when AvtoVaz ended its social obligations, in practice all social facilities, of course, this affected everyone, not only in Avtozavodski city district, but this was felt across Togliatti. Today the number of people working (in the factory) is not the same as before. And there is not the kind of social support that people want. People nonetheless adjust, everyone adapts. I wish things were better, but the situation is stabilizing (Konstantin, 23 October 2020).

Miroslava, who previously worked as a painter at the factory and is now self-employed, explains that Togliatti experienced a sudden shift. She reflects the change in this way:

In 1985, I ended school, or in 1986. It was at the end of the eighties. I remember the feeling that Togliatti suddenly disappeared, right? Somehow it suddenly abruptly disappeared, that the city that was clean, calm, you know, (a city to) breath (in). Everything waned, the city became poor, there was not much work, we were all standing in lines (Miroslava, 24 January 2020).

Miroslava’s memory reflects on the ‘radical societal rupture’, the sudden change in post-soviet space, which, in the case of Togliatti, included a loss of status and power amidst the changing political economy of the new era. Interlocutors reflect on the city’s change as defined by marginality, which is an assessment based on comparison with the city’s prior historical status and wide recognition. In the narratives of urban change in Togliatti, becoming marginal reflects on the loss of purpose and status associated with the post-socialist transformation. It also illuminates the close connection between the city-forming enterprise and people’s individual life trajectories. People identify with the construction of the city because of their individual sacrifice and the contribution they or their family members made to its very construction. The withdrawal from or even disinterest expressed by the company towards the city is, for many residents, linked to bodily experiences of exhaustion and illness, as well as to experiences of a loss of autonomy in the workplace. Compared to its past, Togliatti appears as marginal, as the city has lost its prestige and the social fabric to which people were previously tied has eroded. In the next step, I go in more depth into the changing relations between industry and residents that illuminate experiences of becoming marginal.

National Utopia, the Narrative of Foreign and Thoughts on Dispossession

The city-forming enterprise is a source of many memories in people’s lives and is a key point of reference when people express their attachment to the city. In the decades following the establishment of AvtoVaz in 1966, many people moved to Togliatti in order to build the factory and either brought their families with them or started their families in Togliatti. Whether people left unfavourable conditions behind in the villages they left, or were attracted to join the developments in Togliatti, their personal life histories are intertwined with the factory’s establishment and development. Miroslava, who used to work at AvtoVaz, explains that she was born in the city of Gorkij, which hosts another signature Soviet car producer Gaz, and that her family’s move to Togliatti linked her life trajectory to two car-producing monotowns in Soviet history. Her reflections express that car production had broad symbolic value:

My dad worked at Gaz, and then there was a large project related to the construction of AvtoVaz and a car-producing city (avtograd). This was during the first wave (of Togliatti’s city-building), and engineers and workers, they all went to create, in fact, to implement this project, this was our national utopia, you see! That is, the standard of domestic urban planning was realized in the Avtograd (Miroslava, 24 January 2020).

Miroslava’s thoughts reflect how Togliatti was a city built on ideas of mass production of cars for the public and the pride of participating in the realization of such a development project. Oksana, who worked decades at the factory, explains that this pride was passed on in the family:

Because my dad always said that it’s reliable, it’s stable, and the salary is stable [at AvtoVaz]. You see, it was kind of prestigious to work at Vaz. If you work at Vaz—that was cool! That is, then it was cool. It was a city-forming enterprise after all. And there were kindergartens, and there were privileges, (…) there was food, something for free here and there, and there was travel and excursions. So, there were several privileges with being an AvtoVaz-er (Oksana, 25 October 2020).

As Oksana explains, the enterprise provided opportunities. Yulia recalls how she as a teenager was curious about the chances offered at AvtoVaz and as 15-year old she was able to join the enterprise as a summer job, working the conveyer belt and earning her first money. Later, she was trained to sew covers and experienced that this was hard work for a woman, using a knife to cut through several layers of fabric. Therefore, Yulia explains, she had to take a break but then later she returned for other work at AvtoVaz. A main memory for her as a tailor, Yulia explains, was to be part of a brigade. The attachment to the work collective at Vaz was formative of her professional experience. Due to changes such as the lowering of salaries and a different attitude towards people that she and other research participants dominantly related to foreigners, who acquired ownership, she stopped working at the factory.

Across the narratives, the foreign ownership of AvtoVaz is depicted as an important agentic factor and explanation for the reduction in employment, change at work and changes in the city. The shift to foreign ownership is associated with the provincialization of the city, its loss of status and prestige and, thus, a degradation that produced hardship for people. In the words of Lilya:

(T)he enterprise was completely disjointed. Previously ‘daughter companies’ were on the budget of Vaz: including kindergartens, schools, pioneer camps, tourist camps, sanatoriums, etc. There were many things, and everything was financed by Vaz. Now, as far as I know, there is some financing at the enterprise, but Vaz does not support these sanatoriums, but simply pays for something, or the union at Vaz pays for a part of the trip. (…) (T)hey pay 15 per cent of the price of the trip, and the rest the enterprise pays. This is apparently, the only thing that the enterprise provides its workers. They erased their support long ago. The museum we used to have… Yes, and in principle there is no enterprise as such now, as it has been divided into a bunch of small enterprises (Lilya, 28 October 2020).

The dismantling of the company is associated with the reduction in benefits. In Svetlana’s view, the transfer of AvtoVaz leadership to Moscow was a significant event that led to profound changes in the work experience:

All in all, when Moscow began to rule the plant, remote managers that were not present at location, began a complete destruction. And the enterprise was put under scrutiny, wait, reformulating… a system of standards… In effect, an international system of quality standards was implemented at the enterprise by the foreigners, they introduced this quality system, that was valid only when inspected by the foreigners. Meaning, when control was conducted, people were pulled (out) and punished, as soon as the check passed, everyone worked in the same way (anyway) (Lilya, 28 October 2020).

The ongoing changes left an impression of unfolding experimentation that caused one crisis after another, Lilya explains. She notes the role of elites and managers in the dismantling of the factory and found Moscow to be equally foreign as ‘real’ foreigners. In her opinion, the commonality amongst them was that they were governing from afar.

Another consequence associated with foreign ownership is the introduction of international standards, referred to as the optimization code, which operates as a regulatory framework in the workplace and incorporates firm control over work and workers. The effects, Lilya explains, are that workers experience a loss of autonomy and feeling of belonging. Petr, who left AvtoVaz after two decades of working there, explains that some of the changes related to the optimization code were good but others were absurd:

I had 22 years of experience. When I started in 1996, I was at first a welder, and then I went to the conveyer belt, and joined a great brigade, even the leaders. After five years, I became the leader of the brigade. Everything was great, and it was great until the French came and sold the majority control of the shares. They (new owners) initiated their innovations, some of them good, others absurd. The good one included that there should be optimization, but there were so many unnecessary and absurd things. Like, I was doing an operation and the conveyer belt moves two minutes. I worked for 1.45, and for the 15 seconds I sat down, and everywhere there were cameras, and within half an hour the boss comes running, and asks for an explanation why I was sitting. Earlier, when the conveyer belt stopped, workers cleaned up, and well, they sat, talked, and now when the conveyer belt stops, you’re supposed to take a broom, a rag, to sweep and clean! You should do everything but to sit! [If you sit] everyone will see it and your bonus will be cut. Before the brigade would travel to the ski lodge, we gathered, and now we people get into conflicts, there is not such a friendly collective, as previously when it was like a second family, everyone went together to celebrations, to talk, and now there is no desire to go (Petr, 16 October 2020).

Petr assesses the changes as negative and is concerned with how the attitude towards people changed. This makes him satisfied with his own choice of leaving the enterprise and becoming self-employed. With stable earnings, he distinguishes himself from the “paternalistic-minded factory-workers”, who deal with the optimization that created more regulation of people’s work. As the workforce shrunk, people also had less substitution during a workday, with the effect that work is perceived as harder yet with less pay. Ilya, who continues to work at the factory, elaborates a similar experience:

They, you know, say, that in short, a person works as much, twice as much as before, but the salary is ‘optimized’. They call it now optimization. Downsizing, transferring people to different duties/assignments, and, you see, the most interesting thing is that they work the same way. I mean, the same number of cars is produced. What does this mean? It means, 100 thousand people worked previously, and half of them simply didn’t do much. I totally understand that they are doing good with French system or Itali…, I don’t know, Japanese. But our salaries stayed the same. If they just did their salaries as in the factories in France, then I think everything would be okay, even for those who stayed. Currently there are a lot of people, who don’t work at the enterprise, but also can’t find other work (Ilya, 29 October 2020).

The foreign and ‘optimization’ emerge in the narratives as synonymous with behaviour focused on reaping economic benefits and relatedly, to create more hardship for factory workers. In the image of city-industry relations, Togliatti emerges as a place for exploitation by powerful people from elsewhere through a change of factory ownership and, subsequently, the enforcement of the strategy of optimization. The narratives express feelings of exploitation, exclusion and displacement by foreigners, who captured the role of the former city host without taking on the responsibilities for the community as the previous city host (khozain) did. These experiences are viewed as effects of marketization and as expressions of structural changes defining urban transformation in Togliatti. Becoming marginal emerges as a contextualised experience that is narrated based on subjective experiences, yet also exposes the structural dynamics at play that affect people’s feelings of belonging and identity. Furthermore, locals observe that youth leave the city to seek opportunities elsewhere, strengthening the impression that Togliatti has lost out. The feelings of exploitation and loss of status show the experience of becoming marginal. In the next section, the analysis emphasises social relations and deepens participants’ reflections on belonging, power and participation in Togliatti.

Acknowledgements

I wish to thank the research partners in St. Petersburg and Togliatti for their participation towards the data collection for this analysis and for discussions on the research. I am particularly grateful to all the research participants for giving their time to share experiences and insights with us.

Open access funding provided by Norwegian University of Life Sciences. This work was supported by the Norwegian Research Council, project number 287967. The project is entitled “Urban Margins, Global Transitions: Everyday Security and Mobility in Four Russian Cities” (2019–2023).

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Stuvøy, K. Urban Transformation and Experiences of ‘Becoming Marginal’ in Russia. Int J Polit Cult Soc 37 , 309–330 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10767-023-09457-y

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Tolyatti: A Russian Homage To Italy

This is the curious story of a Russian city named after an Italian politician, Palmiro Togliatti.

“Togliatti” by Shine Phantom is licensed under CC BY 2.0

This is the curious story of a russian city named after an italian politician, palmiro togliatti.

There are cities which were made great by men, and men which have been made great by a city. This is the case of Palmiro Togliatti — a founding member and the longest serving secretary of the Italian Communist Party — and a Russian city located in Samara Oblast, known as Stavropol on Volga until 1964, which was then renamed Tolyatti, becoming the greatest tribute in the world to an Italian politician. The city of Tolyatti was named after him immediately after his death in Yalta — a seaside town in the then Soviet Union — on August 21st, 1964, as a result of a sudden stroke and cerebral bleed. He was on vacation, on his way to give his support for Brezhnev as Khrushchev’s successor.

Who was Palmiro Togliatti?

If you happen to travel around Italy, you may have noticed that in every Italian city — however big or small — there is a street named after Palmiro Togliatti. That’s because Togliatti was not just the charismatic secretary and one of the founders of the Italian Communist Party, but a legendary figure of Italian and international politics. He started his political career before World War I, joining the Italian Socialist Party in 1914, then serving as a volunteer, and returning home to Turin after being injured. During this period he learned about the Russian Revolution and became fascinated, wanting to bring soviet ideas to Italy. He became a founder of the Communist Party of Italy, which was a part of Communists International (Comintern). In fact, after the end of Fascism — during which he spent almost 17 years in Moscow, becoming one of the highest representatives of the Comintern with the blessing of Stalin — he came back to Italy as Deputy Prime Minister until 1945 and taking part in the Constituent Assembly until 1948, writing the current constitution of the Italian Republic. Under his political and intellectual leadership — enough to be nicknamed ‘The Best ’ — the Italian Communist Party would become the largest non-ruling party in Europe and the second in Italy, after the Christian Democracy, which was consistently the most popular Italian party until 1992, when the Cold War ended and the danger of a ‘ Soviet ’ turning point in Italy was warded off.

Nevertheless, the Communist Party ruled by Togliatti had a big influence in Italian society, especially regarding culture, and achieved great results in local elections within particular regions of Italy. Togliatti chose to become a Soviet Union citizen in 1930, in fact giving up Italian citizenship. What may have seemed like complete devotion to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and its General Secretary Joseph Stalin, clashes with his next choice of refusing the head of the Communist Information Bureau proposed by Stalin himself in 1951, preferring to remain General Secretary of the Italian Communist Party. Throughout his career he supported his communist beliefs but fought to bring them to his beloved home country of Italy. Palmiro Togliatti wanted to fulfill his dream of a communist plan through democracy: the original ‘ Italian way to Socialism’.

Tolyatti, the Russian city

The Russian homage to Palmiro Togliatti was not chosen at random. In fact, a significant city was named after him: Stavropol on Volga became Tolyatti ( Togliatti Russianized) because right there — on the banks of Volga river — the Italian politician had a key role in building the popular AvtoVAZ factory, the manufacturer of the Lada car brand. And thus, in the 1960s, through cooperation with FIAT , the city took a new shape and a new name, because the old Stavropol on Volga was also covered by the Kuybyshev Hydroelectric Station. This infrastruscture was crucial for the development of a large industry. Therefore Tolyatti — just like what happened in Italy with Turin — became the working-class city par excellence, and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union made it a great vehicle for propaganda and experimentation. Many facilities were built, especially for sports, and new parks and monuments emerged in Tolyatti, which were made to represent the perfect Soviet city for the perfect Soviet citizen.

Not surprisingly, many popular athletes grew up in Tolyatti, such as the Olympic champion Alexei Nemov and the former ice hockey players Alexei Kovalev, Ilya Bryzgalov, Viktor Kozlov and Alexei Emelin. As you might imagine, ice hockey is very popular around there, and the local club sponsored by Lada is one of the best across Russia. Tolyatti, due to its vast spaces, has several monuments of national interest : Victory Park, a memorial dedicated to the Soviet victory in World War II built in the Auto Factory district; Liberty Square with its Obelisk of Glory dedicated to the fighters of World War II; the Mourning Angel standing in Central Park, a memorial to victims of political repression built after the end of the Communist era. Also the Transfiguration Cathedral, with its wonderful golden domes, was built after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Tolyatti was also the city where the great Russian painter Ilya Repin stayed for a brief period in 1870, painting his masterpiece ‘ Barge Haulers on the Volga’. The house where he stayed then became a monument.

Last but not least, among the most meaningful monuments of Tolyatti is ‘ Loyalty’. It is a bronze statue dedicated to a faithful dog, called ‘ Kostya’, who survived a car accident in which its owners lost their lives. Like what happened in Japan with Hachiko, Kostya wouldn’t give up, waiting for its owners for seven consecutive years at the same spot. Under the snow and the rain, winter and summer, the dog stayed there, running up to all the passing cars and hoping one day to again see its beloved masters. Only his own death let him abandon his spot, but Tolyatti citizens unanimously wanted to honor the loyalty of Kostya, building a sculpture in his memory. I could say no place was more appropriate than Tolyatti, because the city’s namesake itself represents a great metaphor of loyalty: that of Palmiro Togliatti to the Soviet Union.

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