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• 20th Century

War Communism: Lenin’s Plan to Bolster the Red Army

Lucy Davidson

21 jan 2022, @lucejuiceluce.

From 1918 to 1921, Russia was embroiled in a Civil War, fought between the Bolsheviks’ Red Army and their various enemies, known collectively as the White Army. To sustain the Bolshevik war effort, Vladimir Lenin introduced the economic policy of ‘war communism’, which involved nationalising industrial output, banning private enterprise and requisitioning surplus grain.

Ultimately, the Bolsheviks won the war. But by the time war communism came to an end 2 years after its conception, the policy had caused Russia’s industrial output to plummet, the collapse of the ruble and millions of famine-related deaths. It was replaced with the New Economic Policy in 1921.

But how exactly did war communism work, and what were its aims? Here’s the history of war communism during the Russian Civil War.

The aims of war communism are debated

War communism included the following policies:

• Nationalization of all industries and the introduction of strict centralised management
• State control of foreign trade
• Strict discipline for workers, with strikes forbidden
• Obligatory labour duty by non-working classes (“militarisation of labour”, including an early version of the Gulag)
• Prodrazvyorstka – requisition of agricultural surplus (in excess of an absolute minimum) from peasants for centralised distribution among the remaining population
• Rationing of food and most commodities, with centralised distribution in urban centres
• Private enterprise banned
• Military-style control of the railways

Though these measures may appear coherent, the government implemented them during a time of civil war, with the result being that the policies were often poorly-coordinated, if at all. Large areas of Russia were outside of Bolshevik control, while poor communications from Moscow meant that even those loyal to the government often had to act individually.

Distributing fuel rations on 5 January 1921.

Image Credit: Wikimedia Commons

Many have argued that war communism didn’t represent an actual economic policy, and instead was a set of measures intended to win the civil war.

Indeed, though war communism proved successful in achieving its primary purpose – aiding the Red Army in halting the advance of the White Army , and reclaiming most of the territory of the former Russian Empire – the economic strength of Russia in all areas fell below the 1914 level. War communism turned into a disaster.

Famine was widespread

Peasant farmers knew that any excess crops would be seized by the state, so grew only for themselves. People in the countryside refused to co-operate in giving food for the war effort, while bad harvests compounded the hardships that the war caused. Malnutrition and disease were common.

‘Famine’ by Ivan Vladimirov (1870-1947).

The result was that industrial cities were starved of food, and workers started moving to the countryside to grow their own food, which further decreased the possibility of barter of industrial goods for food and worsened the plight of the remaining urban population.

Between 1918 and 1920, Petrograd lost 70% of its population, while Moscow lost over 50% and the number working in factories and mines dropped by 50%. In total, in those 2 years, Russia lost 33% of its urban population to the countryside.

Moreover, most countryside lands were used for the growth of food at the time, meaning crops such as cotton and flax weren’t favoured. Without the necessary supply, factories in urban centres were deprived of basic manufacturing commodities.

In all, food requisitioning combined with the effects of seven years of war and a severe drought contributed to a devastating famine that caused a staggering 3-10 million deaths.

Strikes and rebellions broke out

Worker and peasant strikes and rebellions broke out across the country. The Kronstadt Rebellion of March 1921 particularly startled Lenin , who regarded the sailors there as the ‘reddest of the reds’. These uprisings were of further concern since they were led by opportunist leftists, which created competition with the Bolsheviks.

Suppression of the Kronstadt mutiny. Soldiers of the Red Army attack the island fortress of Kronstadt on the ice of the Gulf of Finland.

In February 1921, the Communist Party’s secret police, the Cheka , reported 118 peasant uprisings. In spite of these protests, the Russian government actually suffered relatively few effective or potentially disruptive uprisings while implementing its policy of war communism.

A black market emerged

The ruble collapsed, meaning that barter increasingly replaced money as a medium of exchange, and 90% of wages were paid with goods rather than money. A black market emerged, in spite of the threat of martial law against profiteering.

Though also illegal, private trade became commonplace, and more people were engaged in it than during any other time in Russia’s history. Above board, by 1920 the average worker had a productivity rate that was around 44% less than the 1913 figure.

The strangulation on goods and money was exacerbated by a disastrous rail system, which, by the end of 1918, meant that it was difficult to transport anything of value across Russia.

Attitudes towards the government differed

Within urban areas, many were convinced that their leaders were right and the collective failure of the system was the fault of the White Army . It was also easy to blame international capitalists, since no foreign country was prepared to trade with a Bolshevik-run Russia, and between 1918 and November 1920, the Allies formally blockaded Russia.

Many in Bolshevik territories were genuinely keen to see a Bolshevik civil war victory, so were prepared to do whatever was necessary to avoid a White Army victory.

A Bolshevik requisitioning brigade on 6 January 1921.

The Bolsheviks were also able to blame a lot of Russia’s troubles on the Whites as they controlled the areas which would have supplied the factories with produce. The Urals, which normally provided Petrograd and Tula with coal and iron, were cut off from Bolshevik Russia from spring 1918 to November 1919.

Similarly, oil fields were in the hands of the Whites, while the Bolsheviks’ Red Army took the majority of supplies in their fight against them.

Lenin put a stop to war communism

While the civil war raged, the harshness of war communism was, in the eyes of Russia’s rulers, justifiable. When it had finished, there was no such justification, and a government claiming to represent the people now found itself on the verge of being overthrown by the workers it purported to serve.

The crisis undermined widespread loyalty to the government: Lenin needed to take decisive action. In February 1921, Lenin replaced war communism with his New Economic Policy , which he characterised as comprising of “a free market and capitalism, both subject to state control”.

The incentive to produce for money was re-introduced, and the horrors of years of war communism were consigned to history.

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War Communism

War Communism was the name given to the economic system that existed in Russia from 1918 to 1921. War Communism was introduced by Lenin to combat the economic problems brought on by the civil war in Russia. It was a combination of emergency measures and socialist dogma.

One of the first measures of War Communism was the nationalisation of land . Banks and shipping were also nationalised and foreign trade was declared a state monopoly. This was the response when Lenin realised that the Bolsheviks were simply unprepared to take over the whole economic system of Russia. Lenin stressed the importance of the workers showing discipline and a will to work hard if the revolution was to survive. There were those in the Bolshevik hierarchy who wanted factory managers removed and the workers to take over the factories for themselves but on behalf of the people. It was felt that the workers would work better if they believed they were working for a cause as opposed to a system that made some rich but many poor. The civil war had made many in the Bolsheviks even more class antagonistic, as there were many of the old guard who were fighting to destroy the Bolsheviks.

On June 28th, 1918, a decree was passed that ended all forms of private capitalism. Many large factories were taken over by the state and on November 29th, 1920, any factory/industry that employed over 10 workers was nationalised.

War Communism also took control of the distribution of food. The Food Commissariat was set up to carry out this task. All co-operatives were fused together under this Commissariat.

War Communism had six principles:

1)   Production should be run by the state. Private ownership should be kept to the minimum. Private houses were to be confiscated by the state.

2)   State control was to be granted over the labour of every citizen. Once a military army had served its purpose, it would become a labour army.

3)   The state should produce everything in its own undertakings. The state tried to control the activities of millions of peasants.

4)   Extreme centralisation was introduced. The economic life of the area controlled by the Bolsheviks was put into the hands of just a few organisations. The most important one was the Supreme Economic Council. This had the right to confiscate and requisition. The speciality of the SEC was the management of industry. Over 40 head departments (known as glavki) were set up to accomplish this. One glavki could be responsible for thousands of factories. This frequently resulted in chronic inefficiency. The Commissariat of Transport controlled the railways. The Commissariat of Agriculture controlled what the peasants did.

5)   The state attempted to become the soul distributor as well as the sole producer. The Commissariats took what they needed to meet demands. The people were divided into four categories – manual workers in harmful trades, workers who performed hard physical labour, workers in light tasks/housewives and professional people. Food was distributed on a 4:3:2:1 ratio. Though the manual class was the favoured class, it still received little food. Many in the professional class simply starved. It is believed that about 0% of all food consumed came from an illegal source. On July 20th 1918, the Bolsheviks decided that all surplus food had to be surrendered to the state. This led to an increase in the supply of grain to the state. From 1917 to 1928, about ¾ million ton was collected by the state. In 1920 to 1921, this had risen to about 6 million tons. However, the policy of having to hand over surplus food caused huge resentment in the countryside, especially as Lenin had promised “all land to the people” pre-November 1917. While the peasants had the land, they had not been made aware that they would have to hand over any extra food they produced from their land. Even the extra could not meet demand. In 1933, 25 million tons of grain was collected and this only just met demand.

6)   War Communism attempted to abolish money as a means of exchange. The Bolsheviks wanted to go over to a system of a natural economy in which all transactions were carried out in kind. Effectively, bartering would be introduced. By 1921, the value of the rouble had dropped massively and inflation had markedly increased. The government’s revenue raising ability was chronically poor, as it had abolished most taxes. The only tax allowed was the ‘Extraordinary Revolutionary Tax’, which was targeted at the rich and not the workers.

War Communism was a disaster. In all areas, the economic strength of Russia fell below the 1914 level. Peasant farmers only grew for themselves, as they knew that any extra would be taken by the state. Therefore, the industrial cities were starved of food despite the introduction of the 4:3:2:1 ratio. A bad harvest could be disastrous for the countryside – and even worse for cities. Malnutrition was common, as was disease. Those in the cities believed that their only hope was to move out to the countryside and grow food for themselves. Between 1916 and 1920, the cities of northern and central Russia lost 33% of their population to the countryside. Under War Communism, the number of those working in the factories and mines dropped by 50%.

In the cities, private trade was illegal, but more people were engaged in this than at any other time in Russia’s history. Large factories became paralysed through lack of fuel and skilled labour.

Small factories were in 1920 producing just 43% of their 1913 total. Large factories were producing 18% of their 1913 figure. Coal production was at 27% of its 1913 figure in 1920. With little food to nourish them, it could not be expected that the workers could work effectively. By 1920, the average worker had a productivity rate that was 44% less than the 1913 figure.

Even if anything of value could be produced, the ability to move it around Russia was limited. By the end of 1918, Russia’s rail system was in chaos.

In the countryside, most land was used for the growth of food. Crops such as flax and cotton simply were not grown. Between 1913 and 1920, there was an 87% drop in the number of acres given over to cotton production. Therefore, those factories producing cotton related products were starved of the most basic commodity they needed.

How did the people react to War Communism? Within the cities, many were convinced that their leaders were right and the failings being experienced were the fault of the Whites and international capitalists. There were few strikes during War Communism – though Lenin was quick to have anyone arrested who seemed to be a potential cause of trouble. Those in Bolshevik held territory were also keen to see a Bolshevik victory in the civil war, so they were prepared to do what was necessary. The alternate – a White victory – was unthinkable.

Also the Bolshevik hierarchy could blame a lot of Russia’s troubles on the Whites as they controlled the areas, which would have supplied the factories with produce. The Urals provided Petrograd and Tula with coal and iron for their factories. The Urals was completely separated from Bolshevik Russia from the spring of 1918 to November 1919. Oil fields were in the hands of the Whites. Also the Bolshevik’s Red Army took up the majority of whatever supplies there were in their fight against the Whites.

No foreign country was prepared to trade with the Russia controlled by the Bolsheviks, so foreign trade ceased to exist. Between 1918 and November 1920, the Allies formally blockaded Russia.

The harshness of War Communism could be justified whilst the civil war was going on. When it had finished, there could be no such justification. There were violent rebellions in Tambov and in Siberia. The sailors in Kronstadt mutinied. Lenin faced the very real risk of an uprising of workers and peasants and he needed to show the type of approach to the problem that the tsarist regime was incapable of doing. In February 1921, Lenin had decided to do away with War Communism and replace it with a completely different system – the New Economic Policy . This was put to the 10th Party Conference in March and accepted. War Communism was swept away. During War Communism, the people had no incentive to produce as money had been abolished. They did what needed to be done because of the civil war, but once this had ended Lenin could not use it as an excuse any longer.

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3 (page 72) p. 72 War Communism

• Published: February 2002
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The October revolution was followed by deep economic collapse. To mobilize the battered forces of industry and agriculture to meet the needs of war, the Bolsheviks set in place the policies that were later termed ‘War Communism’. ‘War Communism’ examines how far the Bolsheviks were able to impose state regulation on the economy along socialist lines and their achievements and failures. From the beginning, they were beset with problems in terms of industrial productivity and supply. The most critical problem was that of food supply. This led to the breakdown of urban life which caused civil war. The civil war saw the hardening conviction that the state was the modality through which socialism would be built.

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Explaining History Podcast

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Explaining Lenin’s Policy of War Communism and the New Economic Policy

Lenin’s policy of War Communism and the New Economic Policy (NEP) were two major economic policies implemented in the Soviet Union during the early 20th century. These policies were introduced in response to the economic and social challenges faced by the Soviet Union, particularly in the aftermath of World War I and the Russian Revolution of 1917.

War Communism was implemented during the Russian Civil War (1918-1921) and was characterized by the nationalization of industry, the requisitioning of grain from peasants, and the establishment of strict state control over the economy. This policy was designed to centralize economic decision-making and provide resources for the Red Army. However, it had a devastating impact on the Soviet economy, leading to widespread famine, economic collapse, and social unrest.

In response to the failures of War Communism, Lenin introduced the New Economic Policy in 1921. This policy was designed to stimulate economic recovery by allowing limited free market activity, including the reintroduction of private trade and the establishment of a mixed economy. The NEP was successful in reviving the Soviet economy, but it also led to the emergence of a wealthy class of entrepreneurs, known as the Nepmen, and created tensions within the Communist Party.

Background on War Communism

War Communism was a policy implemented by the Bolshevik government during the Russian Civil War from 1918 to 1921. This policy was a response to the dire economic and social conditions that existed in Russia at the time. The country was facing a severe shortage of food and other essential goods, and the economy was in shambles due to the devastation caused by World War I and the Russian Revolution.

The main goal of War Communism was to ensure that the Red Army was adequately supplied with food, weapons, and other resources needed to fight the White Army and other anti-Bolshevik forces. This policy involved the nationalization of industry and the forced requisition of grain and other agricultural products from peasants. The Bolsheviks also implemented strict price controls and rationing to ensure that resources were distributed fairly.

However, War Communism had severe consequences for the Russian people. The forced requisition of grain led to widespread famine, and the nationalization of industry resulted in a decline in production and quality of goods. The policy also led to a breakdown in trade and commerce, which further exacerbated the economic crisis.

Despite its shortcomings, War Communism played a crucial role in securing Bolshevik victory in the Civil War. However, the policy was unsustainable in the long term and was eventually replaced by the New Economic Policy (NEP) in 1921.

Features of War Communism

War Communism was a policy implemented by the Bolsheviks during the Russian Civil War from 1918 to 1921. This policy was characterized by a series of measures that aimed to centralize and nationalize the economy, as well as to mobilize resources for the war effort. Here are some of the key features of War Communism:

• State control of industry:  The state took control of all industries, including factories, mines, and railroads. Private ownership was abolished, and workers were organized into state-controlled labor unions.
• Centralized planning:  The state planned and directed the economy through a centralized system, with decisions made by government officials rather than market forces.
• Forced requisitioning:  The state requisitioned grain and other foodstuffs from peasants to feed the army and the urban population. This often led to violent clashes between peasants and government officials.
• Monetary reform:  The old currency was replaced with a new currency, the chervonets, which was not backed by gold or silver. This led to hyperinflation and a sharp decline in the value of money.
• Military communism:  The state used military-style discipline to enforce its policies, including the use of summary executions and forced labor.

These measures were designed to create a socialist economy and to win the war against the White Army and other anti-Bolshevik forces. However, they had a devastating impact on the Russian economy and society, leading to widespread famine, economic collapse, and social unrest.

Impact of War Communism

Lenin’s policy of War Communism had a significant impact on the Soviet Union. Here are some of the effects:

• Economic Collapse:  War Communism led to the collapse of the Russian economy. The government requisitioned grain and other agricultural products from peasants, leaving them with little or no food to eat. This led to a famine that killed millions of people.
• Industrialization:  Despite the economic collapse, War Communism did encourage industrialization. The government nationalized all industries and centralized production. This led to the creation of large factories and a more efficient industrial system. However, the quality of the goods produced was poor, and the workers were poorly treated.
• Political Repression:  War Communism was also marked by political repression. The government suppressed all opposition, including the Bolsheviks’ former allies, the Left Socialist Revolutionaries. The Cheka, the secret police, carried out mass executions and imprisonments of political opponents.
• Civil War:  War Communism was implemented during the Russian Civil War, which lasted from 1918 to 1922. The policy was designed to support the Red Army and to prevent the White Army from gaining control of the country. The Civil War was devastating, with millions of people killed or displaced.

Overall, War Communism was a disastrous policy that led to economic collapse, political repression, and the loss of millions of lives. Lenin recognized the need for change and implemented the New Economic Policy in 1921.

Introduction of New Economic Policy

After the devastation of World War I and the Russian Civil War, Lenin’s policy of War Communism had left the country’s economy in shambles. The centralized system of War Communism had failed to provide enough food and supplies for the population, leading to widespread famine and social unrest.

In 1921, Lenin introduced the New Economic Policy (NEP) as a way to revive the economy and address the urgent needs of the people. The NEP was a shift away from the strict centralization of War Communism and towards a more market-oriented approach.

Under the NEP, small businesses and private ownership were allowed to exist alongside state-owned enterprises. Farmers were allowed to sell their surplus crops on the open market, and the government allowed for foreign investment and trade. The NEP also introduced a new currency, the chervonets, which was more stable and allowed for greater economic activity.

The NEP was seen as a pragmatic response to the economic crisis facing the Soviet Union. While it was criticized by some as a betrayal of socialist principles, Lenin argued that it was a necessary step in the country’s development towards socialism. The NEP was successful in reviving the economy and improving the standard of living for many, but it also led to increased inequality and corruption.

Overall, the NEP represented a significant shift in Soviet economic policy and marked a turning point in the country’s history. While it was eventually replaced by Stalin’s policy of collectivization and industrialization, the NEP remains an important part of the Soviet legacy.

Features of New Economic Policy

The New Economic Policy (NEP) was introduced by Lenin in 1921, after the Russian Civil War had ended. It was a significant departure from the War Communism policy that had been implemented during the war. The primary objective of the NEP was to revive the economy, which had been severely damaged during the war.

The following are some of the key features of the NEP:

• Private ownership:  Private ownership of small-scale industries, trade, and agriculture was allowed. This was a significant change from the War Communism policy, which had nationalized all industries.
• Market economy:  The NEP allowed for a market economy, with the price of goods being determined by supply and demand. This was in contrast to the War Communism policy, which had fixed prices for goods.
• State control:  While private ownership was allowed, the state maintained control over large-scale industries and foreign trade.
• Taxation:  The NEP introduced a tax system based on profits, which was intended to encourage private enterprise.
• Foreign investment:  Foreign investment was allowed in the NEP, and foreign companies were permitted to operate in Russia.

The NEP was successful in reviving the economy, with agricultural and industrial production increasing significantly. However, the policy was criticized by some members of the Communist Party, who saw it as a retreat from the socialist principles of the revolution.

Impact of New Economic Policy

The New Economic Policy (NEP) was implemented in 1921 and was a significant shift in the economic policies of the Soviet Union. It was a response to the failure of War Communism, which had led to economic collapse, widespread famine, and social unrest.

The NEP allowed for some capitalist practices, such as private ownership of small businesses and trade, while maintaining state control over key industries. This policy led to a significant improvement in the economy, as production increased, and famine was alleviated.

The NEP also had a positive impact on the Soviet Union’s relationship with other countries. The policy allowed for foreign investment and trade, which helped to improve the country’s international standing and economic growth.

However, the NEP was not without its drawbacks. While it allowed for some capitalist practices, it also led to the emergence of a wealthy class of entrepreneurs, known as the NEPmen. This created social inequality and threatened the communist ideology of the Soviet Union.

Overall, the impact of the NEP was mixed. While it led to economic improvement and improved international relations, it also created social inequality and threatened the communist ideology. The policy was eventually abandoned in favor of more centralized economic planning under Stalin’s leadership.

Comparison of War Communism and New Economic Policy

Lenin’s policies of War Communism and the New Economic Policy (NEP) were two different approaches to economic management in the Soviet Union. War Communism was implemented during the Russian Civil War from 1918 to 1921, while the NEP was introduced in 1921 to stabilize the economy.

There were significant differences between these two policies:

• Ownership:  During War Communism, the government took control of all industries, while the NEP allowed some private ownership and entrepreneurship.
• Distribution:  Under War Communism, the government controlled the distribution of goods and services, while the NEP allowed market forces to determine prices and distribution.
• Agriculture:  War Communism enforced a policy of requisitioning grain from peasants, while the NEP allowed farmers to sell their produce on the open market.
• Industrialization:  War Communism focused on heavy industry, while the NEP allowed for a more balanced approach to industrialization.

While War Communism was necessary for the survival of the Soviet Union during the Civil War, it caused significant economic hardship and social unrest. The NEP, on the other hand, allowed for greater economic freedom and stability, but it also led to a rise in inequality and corruption.

Overall, both policies had their advantages and disadvantages, and their legacies can still be felt in the economic and political systems of modern Russia.

Lenin’s policy of War Communism was a necessary response to the challenges faced by the Soviet Union during the Civil War. The policy aimed to centralize the economy and mobilize resources to support the war effort. However, it had several negative consequences, including hyperinflation, famine, and social unrest.

The New Economic Policy, introduced in 1921, marked a significant shift in Soviet economic policy. It allowed for greater market freedoms and encouraged private enterprise, while still maintaining state control over key industries. The policy helped to stabilize the economy and improve living standards for many Soviet citizens.

While both policies had their strengths and weaknesses, it is clear that the New Economic Policy was a more sustainable and successful approach to economic management. It allowed for greater flexibility and innovation, while still maintaining state control over key industries. Ultimately, the policy paved the way for Soviet industrialization and modernization in the decades to come.

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War Communism, 1918-1921

• ❖ The economy had collapsed due to the disruption caused by the First World War and the civil war, and the Bolsheviks needed a way to deal with the shortages of food and goods.
• ❖ War Communism as a policy seemed to fit the communist theory as no one individual made a profit from their labour, the state controlled the means of production (the factories), and the state distributed produce according to the needs of the individual.
• ❖ The peasants were seen as resisting the Bolsheviks by not supplying enough food for the cities, towns and the Red Army.
• ❖ The policy would ensure that the Red Army was supplied to fight in the civil war.
• ❖ To gain control of the economy to enable them to win the war.
• ❖ To ensure enough supplies to resource the Red Army.
• ❖ To increase the Communist Party's control of the country.
• ❖ All industries were nationalised under the control of the Supreme Council of the Economy, or Vesenkha, in December 1917. Factories were set production targets.
• ❖ Military-style discipline was brought into the factories, which meant strikes were banned and there were harsh labour laws.
• ❖ Food rationing was introduced. Soldiers got the most, then workers, while the bourgeois and clergy received the least.
• ❖ Forced requisitioning of agricultural produce by 150,000 Bolsheviks . There was strict price controls on all agricultural produce.
• ❖ All private trade was banned.
• ❖ They were able to supply and feed the Red Army during the civil war which helped them to defeat the Whites and the Greens.
• ❖ They were able to centralise their control of the economy.
• ❖ Production levels collapsed even more. For example, coal production was 29 million tons in 1913 but by 1921 it was only 9 million.
• ❖ Food production collapsed to 48% of the 1913 productions levels. In 1913, 80 million tons of grain had been produced but in 1921, it was 37.6 million.
• ❖ There was an increase in violence and unrest in the countryside as peasants resisted food requisitioning. They hid their grain and slaughtered their animals rather than handing them over to the Bolsheviks .
• ❖ By 1921, some regions faced famine . 29 million experienced famine and 5 million died.
• ❖ Workers from the cities and towns migrated to the countryside in search of food because there was less food in the towns.
• ❖ It resulted in peasant uprisings in 1920 and 1921, including the Tambov Uprising , and the Kronstadt Uprising by sailors in March 1921.
• ❖ A black market developed because of the shortages in goods and food.

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Guest Essay

What Began as a War on Theater Won’t End There

By James Shapiro

Mr. Shapiro is the author of the forthcoming “The Playbook: A Story of Theater, Democracy, and the Making of a Culture War.”

Productions of plays in America’s high schools have been increasingly under attack. In 2023, Anton Chekhov’s “Three Sisters” was rejected in Tennessee (since it deals with adultery); “August: Osage County,” the Pulitzer Prize-winning play by Tracy Letts, was canceled in Iowa after rehearsals had begun (the community was deemed not ready for it); and in Kansas, students were not even allowed to study, let alone stage, “The Laramie Project ,” a play by Moisés Kaufman and members of the Tectonic Theater Project about the murder of a gay student, Matthew Shepard.

It should come as no surprise, then, that in the Educational Theater Association’s most recent survey, 85 percent of American theater teachers expressed concern about censorship . Even Shakespeare is at risk: In Florida, new laws led to the restriction of “A Midsummer Night’s Dream” to grades 10 through 12 and “Romeo and Juliet” could not be taught in full to avoid falling afoul of legislation targeting “sexual conduct.” Kill off young people’s exposure to theater, and you kill off a generation of playgoers, along with the empathy and camaraderie (already in short supply) that are intrinsic to theater. According to the latest report from the National Endowment for the Arts , from 2017 to 2022 the percentage of Americans who went even once a year to see a nonmusical play dropped by roughly half, from about 10 percent to less than 5 percent.

What begins as a war on theater never ends there.

The current attacks on theater in American schools have their origins in a struggle that took place in the late 1930s, when America’s political leadership believed that the arts, no less than industry and agriculture, were vital to the health of the Republic and deserving of its financial support. There was still an implicit understanding that theater and democracy — twinborn in ancient Greece, spheres where competing visions of society could be aired and debated — were mutually dependent. Funded by Congress as part of a Works Progress Administration relief bill and established in 1935, the Federal Theater Project by 1939 had staged over 1,000 productions in 29 states, seen free or for a pittance by 30 million spectators, or roughly one in four Americans, two-thirds of whom had never seen a play before.

It brought children’s plays on touring trucks to kids in crowded cities. It staged works in Spanish, Yiddish and Italian to reach immigrants. It established what it called Negro units from Hartford, Conn., to Seattle to support Black actors and playwrights. It staged Christmas plays and classics by Shakespeare and Euripides and nurtured young playwrights and directors, including Arthur Miller and Orson Welles. It brought free theater to asylums, orphanages, hospitals, prisons and veterans’ homes. It revived playgoing in rural states where the movies had all but ended it. Ten million listeners a week tuned in to its radio broadcasts. It established ties with hundreds of educational, fraternal, civic and religious groups, strengthening communal bonds.

It turned out that Americans were hungry for plays about issues that mattered to their lives, topics largely shunned by Hollywood and the commercial stage. So they flocked to see new plays about substandard housing and the plight of struggling farmers. One of the most remarkable Federal Theater ventures was a stage version of Sinclair Lewis’s novel “It Can’t Happen Here ,” in which a fascist is elected president of the United States. It opened on the same day, Oct. 27, 1936, in 18 cities across the country, and by the time it closed, more than 379,000 Americans had seen it. The cost of these thousand or so productions to taxpayers was roughly the price of building a single battleship.

The program’s popularity contributed to its undoing. Many of those in Congress who had voted to fund the Federal Theater became frightened by its reach and impact, its interracial casting, its challenge to the status quo — frightened, too, perhaps, by the prospect of Americans across racial, economic and political divides sitting cheek by jowl in packed playhouses.

Three years after the creation of the Federal Theater, Congress authorized the establishment of what would become the House Un-American Activities Committee, chaired by Martin Dies of Texas. It was to supposed to spend seven months investigating the rise of Nazism, fascism and communism in America and submit a report. The ambitious Mr. Dies, desperate to have his committee’s life extended, instead focused much of his attention on a more vulnerable target: the Federal Theater, accusing it of disseminating offensive and communistic and therefore un-American values. In the course of waging and winning this battle, he assembled a right-wing playbook so pervasive that it now seems timeless. He succeeded wildly: All Federal Theater productions were abruptly terminated in 1939, and the House Un-American Activities Committee lasted until 1975. With a nascent national theater now destroyed, targeting theater in schools was the inevitable next step for his successors, who — whether cynical politicians or school board members eager to police what offends their sensibilities — have all stolen a page from the Dies playbook.

It’s hard to imagine what America would be like today had support for the Federal Theater continued and Mr. Dies’s committee not been renewed. Counterfactual history is best left to novelists. But a more vibrant theatrical culture extending across the land might well have led to a more informed citizenry and, by extension, a less divided and more equitable and resilient democracy. What happened instead was that Mr. Dies begat Joseph McCarthy, who begat Roy Cohn, who begat Donald Trump.

Some of those familiar with this history haven’t given up. Right now, artists are preparing projects that on July 27 will open simultaneously in 18 U.S. cities and towns, much as “It Can’t Happen Here” did in 1936 . Under the rubric of Arts for EveryBody, the initiative is bringing together performers, audiences, community leaders and local officials. It is a small start and a promising one. So, too, is legislation coming before Congress, the STAGE Act of 2024, that would provide badly needed support for endangered nonprofit theaters across the land. Passing it should be a no-brainer, but there’s a likelihood that the Dies playbook will be used to defeat it. Until those in power in this country pivot from suppressing theater to investing in it, it’s not just the arts but also democracy itself that remains vulnerable.

James Shapiro teaches English at Columbia University and is the author of the forthcoming “ The Playbook: A Story of Theater, Democracy, and the Making of a Culture War .”

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