revenge topics for an essay

Revenge Theme in Literature: Examples & Quotes

Revenge provides relief. Characters in many literary stories believe in this idea. Convinced that they were wronged, they are in the constant pursuit of revenge. But is it really the only way for them to find peace?

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This article by Custom-Writing.org is going to answer this and other questions related to the revenge theme. Together we will dig deeper into:

• the meaning of revenge;
• its characteristics as a literary theme.

And, of course, there will be plenty of examples.

⚔️ Revenge Theme: Meaning

• Wuthering Heights
• Frankenstein

🔍 References

Revenge is a response to injustice. To be more precise, it is both a desire and an action of a person who wants to react to a wrong done by the offender. Seeking revenge is a natural impulse of the wounded.

Usually, people want to do it in order to get satisfaction. However, the result will be temporary. Psychologists believe that only forgiveness can provide freedom and the desired peace. Nevertheless, revenge remains an enduring concept in many cultures.

In the English language, various terms denote revenge as well as other closely related notions. We are going to deal with them in the following sections.

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Avenge vs Revenge

The major difference between “to avenge” and “to revenge” lies in the inflicted party:

• If one wants to pay back for someone who was offended, we use “to avenge .”
• If a person wants to pay back for themselves, we use “to revenge.”

Vengeance vs Revenge

The main difference between vengeance and revenge is that revenge refers to personal action, while vengeance is connected with abstract concepts such as morality.

• When a person seeks revenge , they want to punish the transgressor.
• When they seek vengeance , they want to achieve justice or to protect their honor.

Revenge vs Justice

The difference between revenge and justice is that justice as a concept is logical and rational, while an act of revenge is selfish and emotional.

Digging deeper, we can say that justice is fair, while revenge isn’t. Usually, when people confuse these two notions, they think that revenge will help them seek justice. However, justice isn’t about equality, and it’s not about experiencing joy because of retaliation. Instead, it’s about acting according to the norms set by the majority.

According to American Psychological Association, revenge is often associated with the concept of emotional catharsis . It means that a person can get an enormous emotional burst after the act of vengeance. It evokes pleasure when a person sees the offender’s suffering. However, this satisfaction is fleeting, and those who take revenge end up feeling even worse.

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Revenge is mainly associated with anger, hatred, and grief. That’s why the theme of revenge is so prevalent in art and literature. It allows authors to show the feelings people experience before, during, and after an act of vengeance. Most of the works demonstrate that revenge isn’t worth spending time and effort because it doesn’t provide relief.

🎭 Revenge in Literature: History & Characteristics

The revenge theme has always been popular, and it goes back to ancient times. It’s hard to find a person who doesn’t know the story about brothers Cain and Abel described in the Bible. Also, the topic of revenge was explored in epic poems such as The Iliad and Beowulf . This theme became especially popular in the form of revenge tragedy during the Renaissance.

Revenge Tragedy: Definition

A revenge tragedy is a type of dramatic writing in which a person tries to pay back for the moral or physical harm done to their loved ones. Usually, the protagonists seek revenge because they believe in retributive justice —a concept which, according to Encyclopedia Britannica, is based on the principle “an eye for an eye.”

Revenge tragedies date back to the times of Ancient Rome. The theme of revenge was one of the central issues in the works of a famous Stoic philosopher and politician, Seneca. He described shocking actions, such as incest, violent murders, or cannibalism. In plays such as Oedipus and Agamemnon , revenge is the central theme. So, it’s possible to say that Seneca invented the notion of a revenge tragedy.

But why was revenge tragedy so popular during the Renaissance? The matter is that Senecan tragedies were of significant interest to the writers of that time because of all the terrific plot twists. Jacobean audiences especially adored the bloody scenes. Roman plays were translated into English, and they served as an example for English playwrights.  

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William Shakespeare, an outstanding representative of Elizabethan drama, used many Senecan motifs in his plays. However, the major difference between the approaches of these two playwrights is the description of bloodshed. In Senecan tragedies, all the bloody scenes occurred offstage, while in Shakespearean plays, they happened onstage. That’s why the audiences who came to Shakespeare’s theater always knew they’d get to see a thrilling spectacle.

Revenge Tragedy Characteristics

We have already explained the historical side of revenge tragedies. Now, let’s deal with their core aspects. Here are the elements that characterize this kind of writing:

Revenge Theme’s Elements

Just like revenge itself, the theme of revenge is a complicated thing. Its components include specific character motivations and consequences of revenge. Want to learn more about these aspects? Read the following sections.

Plotting Revenge

Taking revenge is usually a lengthy process. An avenger needs to plan everything carefully to carry out their vengeance in the most satisfying way. The proverb “revenge is a dish best served cold” sums up the whole process perfectly.

Cycle of Revenge

The revenge cycle is a continuous repetition of a person’s attempts to avenge themselves or their loved ones. An avenger focuses on the idea of paying back and continuously tries to realize it. Usually, this vicious circle can be broken only with the help of forgiveness.

The Price of Revenge

Avengers tend to pay a high price for their vindictive actions. Revenge is a morally dubious act that causes pangs of consciousness. A person may lose their humanity in the process, and there is no guarantee that they will feel satisfaction.

📚 Examples of Revenge in Literature

It’s time to get to the practical part of our investigation. We have gathered for you some excellent examples of the vengeance theme from famous literary works. Ready to read them? Let’s start!

Revenge in Hamlet

Hamlet is considered to be a revenge tragedy. But is it really? Let’s find it out together.

It’s worth mentioning that the revenge theme is prominent throughout the whole story. There are 3 revenge plots:

• Hamlet wants to avenge his father’s murder. He blames his uncle, King Claudius. The story of Hamlet and his revenge plan is the central one.
• Fortinbras is targeted at fighting against Denmark. The reason is that King Hamlet took his father’s life and his land.
• Laertes intends to kill Hamlet, considering him guilty of his father’s and sister’s deaths.

So, what is the problem with the main character and his retaliation? It roots in his indecisiveness. Even his father’s death didn’t instigate him to act. Hamlet works on his vengeance plan very carefully throughout the whole play. In the end, his delay in action caused many unnecessary deaths: Gertrude’s, Laertes’s, Polonius’s, and Ophelia’s.

Although hesitation is a common phenomenon in Elizabethan revenge tragedies, Hamlet is unique because the main character’s revenge ends up almost as an accident. This way, one of the most prominent revenge tragedy elements becomes subverted. Besides, the whole story is morally ambiguous . You can’t point out who is right and who is wrong or pick the side. It’s not typical for revenge tragedies because usually, you can do both. That’s why this play is so extraordinary.

Still, Hamlet can be called a revenge tragedy because the rest of the elements are there.

• Does it have a vengeful ghost? Sure, it’s a ghost of Hamlet’s father who induces him to punish King Claudius.
• Are there mad and bloody scenes? They can be found there as well. In fact, Hamlet acts mad throughout the whole play, starting after his encounter with the ghost. One of the most notable examples is Hamlet’s absurd conversation with Polonius in act 2, scene 2. Moreover, the final scene can be called bloody as almost everyone in the court of Denmark is killed.
• Is there a play within a play? It’s included: it is The Murder of Gonzago .

As you can see, Hamlet is an ambiguous story about revenge that subverts some of the traditional elements. You can learn more about it from our Hamlet study guide .

Revenge in Hamlet Quotes

Below you will find the best revenge quotes from Hamlet . They reflect the inner hesitations and intentions of Hamlet and Laertes.

O, what a rogue and peasant slave am I! Is it not monstrous that this player here, But in a fiction, in a dream of passion, Could force his soul so to his own conceit That from her working all his visage wann’d, Tears in his eyes, distraction in his aspect, A broken voice, and his whole function suiting With forms to his conceit—and all for nothing! ( Hamlet , act 2, scene 2)

Now might I do it pat, now he is praying, And now I’ll do ‘t. [He draws his sword.]       And so he goes to heaven, And so am I revenged. That would be scanned: A villain kills my father, and for that, I, his sole son, do this same villain send To heaven. ( Hamlet , act 3, scene 3)

How came he dead? I’ll not be juggled with. To hell, allegiance! Vows, to the blackest devil! Conscience and grace, to the profoundest pit! I dare damnation. To this point I stand, That both the worlds I give to negligence, Let come what comes, only I’ll be revenged Most thoroughly for my father. ( Hamlet , act 4, scene 5)

Hamlet Revenge Essay Topics

Need to write an essay on the revenge theme in Hamlet? Check out these topics:

• Compare and contrast Hamlet’s and Laertes’s attitudes towards revenge .
• Would it be better if Hamlet killed Claudius right away ?
• The reasons behind Hamlet’s delay of his revenge.
• Vengeance and manipulation in Hamlet by Shakespeare.
• “To be, or not to be” soliloquy : how does it relate to Hamlet’s revenge?
• How do comedic elements subvert the revenge plot in Hamlet ?
• The moral ambiguity of vengeance in Hamlet .
• Fortinbras as an avenger.
• Why does the ghost of King Hamlet demand revenge?
• Compare and contrast the revenge plots in Hamlet and The Spanish Tragedy .

Wuthering Heights Revenge

The themes of love and revenge are intertwined in Emily Bronte’s novel Wuthering Heights . Heathcliff wanted to take revenge on Edgar Linton and Hindley Earnshaw because they separated him from Catherine Earnshaw, his true love. The problem is that this desire for vengeance blinded him and made him cruel. Having stuck in a cycle of revenge, he ruined the lives of innocent people.

In the beginning, Heathcliff directed his anger at Edgar and Hindley , who mocked him and deprived him of his beloved. The fact that he wanted to avenge himself is understandable. However, he chose the wrong method to get satisfaction: Heathcliff made their relatives suffer.

• He abused Isabella to get revenge on her brother Edgar.
• He treated Hindley’s son Hareton as a servant. He taught him vulgarities, paying no attention to his education. As a result, Hareton could only read his name.

Heathcliff believed only in long-term vengeance; that’s why he intended to make his offenders suffer for the rest of their lives. He fulfilled his promise, but still, it didn’t bring him the desired satisfaction.

As you can see, this novel is full of fascinating twists. Want to learn more? Check out our Wuthering Heights summary .

Wuthering Heights Revenge Quotes

In this section, we have gathered some quotes that reveal the revenge theme in the novel. Look through them to find out about the feelings and emotions of the protagonists.

I’m trying to settle how I shall pay Hindley back. I don’t care how long I wait, if I can only do it at last. I hope he will not die before I do! ( Wuthering Heights , chapter 7)

He had the hypocrisy to represent a mourner: and previous to following with Hareton, he lifted the unfortunate child on to the table and muttered, with peculiar gusto, “Now, my bonny lad, you are mine! And we’ll see if one tree won’t grow as crooked as another, with the same wind to twist it!” ( Wuthering Heights , chapter 17)

I meditated this plan—just to have one glimpse of your face, a stare of surprise, perhaps, and pretended pleasure; afterwards settle my score with Hindley. ( Wuthering Heights , chapter 10)

Revenge in Wuthering Heights Essay Topics

Write an excellent essay on Wuthering Heights with these topics:

• Revenge as a vicious cycle in Wuthering Heights .
• Compare and contrast Heathcliff’s and Hindley’s revenge.
• What made Heathcliff give up on his revenge?
• How does vengeance contribute to Heathcliff’s self-destructive behavior?
• The role of social inequality in Heathcliff’s vengeance.
• Does Heathcliff redeem himself after having his revenge on Hindley and Edgar?
• Love and vengeance in Wuthering Heights .
• Isabella Linton as a victim of Heathcliff’s vengeance.
• Why did Heathcliff choose Hareton as the target of his revenge?
• The long-term effects of Hindley’s revenge in Wuthering Heights

Revenge in Frankenstein

The revenge theme plays a significant role in Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein . Both protagonists want to pay back to each other. However, the reasons for their hate are different:

• Victor Frankenstein wants to kill the monster because the latter murdered his family.
• In contrast, the Creature’s revenge is rooted in his loneliness.

At the beginning of her novel, Shelley shows Frankenstein as an innocent young man with benevolent intentions. Unfortunately, his desire to become a pioneer in science ruined him in the end.

We can see that in this novel, a scientist assumed the role of a creator. Here, the author alludes to the Bible. Victor wanted to act as God, but when he brought his creature to life, it led to moral anarchy. Unlike God and his creation— Adam, Victor didn’t accept the Creature, considering him demonic. Such an attitude became the source of the monster’s desire to revenge. He wanted to have vengeance because he was neglected and abandoned. Neither his creator nor society accepted him.

In this gothic novel, the concept of revenge is depicted in an unusual way. It’s connected with one’s ego and ambitions, as well as social acceptance. If you want to learn more, feel free to read our article on themes in Frankenstein .

Frankenstein Revenge Quotes

Want to see the revenge theme in Frankenstein in action? This section contains some of the quotes that represent this topic in the novel.

“Devil,” I exclaimed, “do you dare approach me? And do you not fear the fierce vengeance of my arm wreaked on your miserable head?” ( Frankenstein, chapter 10)

If you will comply with my conditions, I will leave them and you at peace; but if you refuse, I will glut the maw of death, until it be satiated with the blood of your remaining friends. ( Frankenstein, chapter 10)

The mildness of my nature had fled, and all within me was turned to gall and bitterness. The nearer I approached to your habitation, the more deeply did I feel the spirit of revenge enkindled in my heart. Snow fell, and the waters were hardened; but I rested not. ( Frankenstein, chapter 16)

Frankenstein Revenge Essay Topics

Explore the revenge theme in Mary Shelley’s novel with the following essay ideas:

• How does revenge create monstrosity in Frankenstein ?
• Compare and contrast Frankenstein’s and the Creature’s revenge.
• Was the Creature’s revenge aimed at Frankenstein or humanity as a whole?
• Explore the cycle of revenge in Frankenstein .
• Does the Creature succeed in getting his revenge on Frankenstein?
• How did prejudice contribute to the monster’s desire for vengeance?
• How does revenge turn into the only purpose of Frankenstein’s life?
• Vengeance vs. forgiveness in the Creature’s attitude towards Frankenstein.
• Why did the Creature choose to direct his revenge on Frankenstein’s family ?
• Is Victor’s love for his family the only reason for his vengeance?

In conclusion, we want to note that revenge is a somewhat controversial concept. You may think it will bring you consolation, but the reality is far from this. This simple truth can be found in the literary works we’ve analyzed in this article and many other stories.

We hope that you find our article interesting and useful. Don’t forget to share it with your friends! We would really appreciate it.

❓ Revenge Theme FAQs

This quote from chapter 16 reveals the revenge theme: “My feelings were those of rage and revenge. I could with pleasure have destroyed the cottage and its inhabitants and have glutted myself with their shrieks and misery.”

Both Victor and the Creature are driven by the desire for revenge. Frankenstein lost not only his relatives but also the opportunity to get appreciation for his creation. The monster, in turn, turned to revenge because of loneliness and rejection.

Hamlet teaches us that seeking justice through revenge doesn’t always bring desired results. In the tragedy, it led to many unnecessary deaths. The play also shows that revenge is a morally ambiguous action.

One of the novel’s messages is that social inequality can lead to personal destruction. The main character couldn’t marry his beloved because of his low social status. As a result, he turned into a vindictive person and ruined the lives of those around him.

The monster blamed his creator for not accepting him. He couldn’t understand the reason for his existence. He felt lonely and rejected. The message of the story is that creators are always responsible for their creations.  

• The Power of Forgiveness: Why Revenge Doesn’t Work: Psychology Today
• The Complicated Psychology of Revenge: Association for Psychological Science
• The Hidden Upsides of Revenge: BBC
• Revenge Tragedy: Encyclopedia Britannica
• Hamlet and Revenge: British Library
• The Cycle of Revenge Can Be Broken: The New York Times
• What Do Restorative Justice and Revenge Have in Common?: EMU
• The Effects of Past Lives on Males in Wuthering Heights: A Comparative Analysis of Heathcliff and Hareton: Research Gate
• Revenge Stories of Modern Life: JSTOR
• Isolation and Revenge: Where Victor Frankenstein Went Wrong: University of Nebraska-Lincoln
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Essay Samples on Revenge

Revenge, at its core, is the act of seeking retaliation for a perceived injustice or harm. It stems from a primal human instinct to restore balance and redress wrongs. The desire for revenge often emerges from feelings of anger, betrayal, or a sense of injustice, compelling individuals to take matters into their own hands.

In the realm of literature and mythology, revenge has been a recurring theme, inspiring some of the most memorable characters and stories. From Shakespeare’s Hamlet seeking vengeance for his father’s murder to Alexandre Dumas’ iconic Count of Monte Cristo plotting his elaborate revenge scheme, these tales exemplify the enduring fascination with the intricate workings of retribution.

How to Write an Essay on Revenge

When crafting an essay on revenge, it is essential to explore the various dimensions and consequences of this primal urge. You may examine the psychological toll revenge takes on individuals, the ethical considerations surrounding acts of revenge, or the societal impact of perpetuating cycles of violence in revenge essay example.

Furthermore, consider exploring the ways in which revenge has been depicted in different cultural contexts. Analyze the rituals and codes of honor in ancient civilizations, such as the concept of an eye for an eye in Hammurabi’s Code, or the vendettas of medieval Europe. Additionally, examine how revenge is portrayed in contemporary media, including films, television series, and literature, and the influence it has on popular culture.

To make your revenge essay compelling and well-rounded, draw from a variety of disciplines, such as psychology, sociology, philosophy, and literature. Incorporate relevant theories and concepts, such as Freud’s concept of the “repetition compulsion” or Nietzsche’s exploration of the will to power.

Explore our collection of meticulously curated revenge essays, which encompass a wide range of perspectives, historical analyses, and literary interpretations.

The Power of Revenge, a Virtuous, Ethical and Principled Man I

Sanctimonious hypocrisy, causing one to commit an even greater wrong than the one they seek vengeance for, consumes them with the desire for revenge. Caused by the desire to seek vengeance and punish someone who has caused internal or external pain to one or someone...

• Ethical Dilemma

Form of Abuse, Bully or Revenge or Domestic Violence

The essence of the word “pornography” is obtained from the Greek language, i.e. “Porne and graphos”. The word “porne” comes from the meanings, a captive who is a female or a harlot or a prostitute. While the word “graphos” is “writing with regard to” or...

• Domestic Violence

Motivation Of People Seeking For Revenge

People tend to become extremely motivated in the pursuit of seeking out revenge on others for various reasons. From something mediocre to an extreme. Revenge is the forceful desire to inflict hurt or harm to another for a wrong suffered at their hands or just...

The Powers Of Revenge And Forgiveness

The novel A Long Way Gone by Ishmael Beah, is a memoir about himself, sharing his harrowing experience as a child growing up and his struggle for survival in Sierra Leone. The unthinkable happened in his village, Mattru Jong. The civil war occurred out of...

• A Long Way Gone

Representation of the Theme of Revenge Through the Characters in Beowulf

In the epic poem Beowulf, there is one prominent way that virtually every major character can be compared: the actions that they take against one another are caused by a desire for revenge due to events in the past. Each of the three primary monsters...

• Beowulf Hero

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Revenge and Injustice in King Lear's Society

In William Shakespeare's renowned tragedy, King Lear, the theme of revenge against society is explored through the character of Edmund. As the illegitimate son of the Earl of Gloucester, Edmund is often belittled and mistreated due to his birth. This mistreatment fuels his bitterness towards...

Exploration of the Theme of Revenge in Shakeapeare's Play Hamlet

Shakespeare's tragedy, Hamlet, is renowned for its compelling exploration of the theme of revenge. Through the character of Hamlet himself, Shakespeare delves into the complex and multifaceted nature of revenge, showcasing its psychological and moral implications. This essay examines how Shakespeare skillfully portrays revenge in...

• Hamlet Revenge

The Destructive Nature of Revenge in Shakespeare's "Macbeth"

The play Macbeth by William Shakespeare delves into the theme of revenge and its impact on the characters, particularly Macbeth, Lady Macbeth, and Macduff. The story shows how revenge serves as a powerful motivator that ultimately leads to tragic consequences. This essay aims to explore...

• William Shakespeare

Medea Occur Without Just Explanation

Many actions in Euripides’ Medea. The psychology behind these actions appear unpredictable, but still control key parts of the play. The play begins with a heartbroken Medea, angry and depressed because her husband, Jason, has left her for a new bride. However, the rage Medea...

Best topics on Revenge

1. The Power of Revenge, a Virtuous, Ethical and Principled Man I

2. Form of Abuse, Bully or Revenge or Domestic Violence

3. Motivation Of People Seeking For Revenge

4. The Powers Of Revenge And Forgiveness

5. Representation of the Theme of Revenge Through the Characters in Beowulf

6. Revenge and Injustice in King Lear’s Society

7. Exploration of the Theme of Revenge in Shakeapeare’s Play Hamlet

8. The Destructive Nature of Revenge in Shakespeare’s “Macbeth”

9. Medea Occur Without Just Explanation

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Writing a Revenge Essay: Hamlet, Frankenstein, and Other Examples

As Alfred Hitchcock once claimed: “Revenge is sweet and not fattening.”

Would you agree with this statement?

We bet you are striving to start philosophical reasoning in your revenge essay. Well, let us give you the first hint!

One can find the best revenge stories in literature. Thus, it will be your wisest decision to start the essay on revenge with a literary example.

Check out our ideas below!

• ✍️ How to Write a Revenge Essay
• 🤴 Hamlet Essay Prompts
• 👩‍❤️‍👨 Wuthering Heights Essay Prompts
• 🧟 Frankenstein Essay Prompts
• 📝 Revenge Essay Samples
• ⚔️ 35 Topics for a Revenge Essay

✍️ How to Write a Good Revenge Essay? 5 Rules

You may be starting to wonder how to write a revenge essay if you’ve never done it before. Obviously, before getting down to writing, you have to get some essential key points.

We suggest you go through five good rules of creating an excellent essay on revenge.

Rule #1 No Condemnation in an Essay on Revenge

Revenge essays shouldn’t turn into sermons!

Instead of making judgments about a character’s behavior and actions, try to choose a more intelligent approach:

• Explore the background of characters thoroughly: those are most likely to give you the answers;
• Analyze the underlying reasons for the particular character’s deeds;
• Try to interpret the character’s behavior from a psychological perspective.

Rule #2 Less Description – More Analysis

Retelling is excellent when you are delivering the story to your friends. It works the other way round with a revenge essay.

• You should analyze the very depth of revenge with the help of the example;
• Do it by searching for all possible methods and techniques the author uses to describe revenge in literature.

Rule #3 Avoid Subjunctive Mood in Your Revenge Essay

There’s no sense in discussing how things would have turned out should a character acted differently. The revenge has already been implemented. We have no power to change anything.

• The best option is to perform the analysis based on the literary source data;
• Don’t use the subjunctive mood in topics about revenge. Just don’t.

Rule #4 Think Big – Revenge Is a Piece of a Larger Puzzle

In a literary work, there cannot be any accidents. Everything is intertwined and interrelated. This statement is especially true when it comes to a story with the revenge leitmotiv.

• Mind that the act of vengeance can’t be floating in the air. It indeed has the context. Look for it carefully.
• Insert this context into your essay on revenge.

Rule #5 Be Careful with the Personal Opinion

It’s easy to start making judgments about the events and characters’ behavior when writing a revenge essay. But you have to control yourself.

• Avoid expressing the biased and subjective assessment if the essay format doesn’t imply that;
• Try to create a perfect balance of analysis and expressing attitudes towards the events in a story.

🤴 Revenge in Literature: How to Write a Hamlet Revenge Essay

Perhaps, one of the best revenge stories in literature is Hamlet which unwinds very dark parts of a human soul. Vengeance is a propulsive force in Shakespearean drama. So, let’s see how it moves things in the play.

The Theme of Revenge in Hamlet

In ‘ The Tragedy of Hamlet ,’ revenge at times seems to become the lead character. Almost everyone tries to take revenge on others, using various forms. Avengers, successful and not, are convinced in the righteousness of their behavior. Except for Hamlet.

Let’s have a closer look at three extensive revenge themes in the play.

Revenge in Hamlet Topic Ideas

Here are the revenge essay topics you can develop from these three themes.

• Why was Hamlet constantly delaying the implementation of retribution? Elaborate on the reasons for Hamlet’s lengthy deliberations. Was he born and meant for that? Does the concept of vengeance fit his nature?
• Did Hamlet love Ophelia, or was she a tool for revenge? Analyze the story of their relationships, how Hamlet eventually rejects Ophelia. Try to find answers in his attitude to his mother. Perhaps, he despises and blames all women?
• What drove Hamlet – his pride, madness, fairness? Or something else? Eventually, he accomplishes what the Ghost wanted from him. Why? Try to dive deeper into Hamlet’s character and attitude towards the society he lives in.
• Ponder over the incestuous relations between Laertes and Ophelia. Was Laertes’ affection for his sister the reason he tried to prevent her relations with Hamlet? Perhaps, that is why he decided to take revenge?
• Compare the passionate revenge of Laertes and the passive one of Hamlet: what do the young men have in common? What makes them different? Elaborate on their attitude to women: Hamlet to Gertrude and Laertes to Ophelia.
• Why was Laertes calling himself a bastard? And was he, indeed? Try to prove his words were nothing more but a grounding to his revenge on Hamlet.
• Between Heaven and Hell. Why do you think the Ghost chose Hamlet to implement the revenge? Could the spirit of the murdered King know what consequences it would bring?
• The revenge is a matter of males. Elaborate on possible reasons why the Ghost didn’t want Gertrude to suffer from Hamlet’s revenge? Was she innocent?
• Were there the reasons for Hamlet not to believe the Ghost? Why was it so necessary to find proof for the evil deeds performed by Claudius? Try to build up a consistent connection between the will of the Ghost and Hamlet’s behavior.

Hamlet Quotes about Revenge

Nothing can be more illustrative than direct quotations about revenge.

We offer you this set of the most expressive Hamlet quotes.

• “For murder, though it have no tongue, will speak With most miraculous organ.” Hamlet, Act 2, Scene 2
• “I dare damnation. To this point I stand, That both the worlds I give to negligence, Let come what comes, only I’ll be revenged Most thoroughly for my father.” Laertes, Act 4, Scene 5
• “No place, indeed, should murder sanctuarize; Revenge should have no bounds.” King Claudius, At 4, Scene 7

Here you can find more Hamlet quotes about revenge, and not only.

👩‍❤️‍👨 Revenge in Literature: How to Write a Wuthering Heights Revenge Essay

Another great story about the intricacies of life and revenge is Wuthering Heights by Emily Bronte. It introduces complicated and intertwined life stories where you can find a lot about love and revenge.

The story is rich in philosophical and social issues . Thus, a revenge essay based on Wuthering Heights is sure to turn out very fruitful.

Wuthering Heights Theme of Revenge

Revenge, bitter and unsatisfying, pierce the whole novel. Heathcliff performs as the main avenger, but there is more.

Wuthering Heights Revenge Topic Ideas

This is how you can elaborate on the theme of revenge in Wuthering Heights.

• Are all children innocent? Why did they turn out to be vengeful adults? Traceback to the roots of mutual hatred between two boys: what was the start of it? Why was Hindley jealous of Heathcliff? Did Hindley have good ground for despising Heathcliff?
• What is the role of Mr. Earnshaw in the development of toxic relationships between Heathcliff and his family members? Was his bringing Heathcliff to the house a subconscious desire to avenge his children or prove something to them?
• Extreme anger sometimes happens to be the concealed liking, especially between men. Is it possible that Hindley had a latent affection for Heathcliff? If so, was his behavior justified a bit?
• Were the children (Hareton, Cathy, Linton) to suffer from Heathcliff’s vengeance? Do you think they are responsible for what their parents have done? Why didn’t Heathcliff spare them from suffering?
• Why did Catherine choose Edgar Linton to become her husband? Was it ever possible for Heathcliff to let them live? Catherine provoked Heathcliff on these feelings; was she aware of the potential consequences?
• What are the reasons for Heathcliff’s ill-treatment of Isabella? Was she a proper target for his outrageous revenge? Why didn’t she try to defend herself thoroughly from the abuse? Perhaps, she accepted herself as a sacrifice?
• What does the cycling structure of the novel mean? Elaborate on the reasons for such an outcome. Why was the society Heathcliff lived in so ill-fated? Do the participants deserve what they got?
• Think about the existential cycle of Heathcliff. Perhaps, his soul was cursed from the very beginning? Was he destined to make a journey filled with suffering through life for redemption? Can we speak about it in such terms at all?
• Build Heathcliff’s accurate psychological portrait and analyze his burning desire for revenge from this perspective. Was he mentally sick? Who, in your opinion, perfectly deserved the revenge, and who doesn’t?

Wuthering Heights Revenge Quotes

There were many words said about revenge in the novel by different characters. Let’s get to know them to understand the story better!

• “… the young master had learned to regard his father as an oppressor rather than a friend, and Heathcliff as a usurper of his parent’s affections and his privileges; and he grew bitter with brooding over these injuries.” Nelly Dean, Chapter 4
• “I’m trying to settle how I shall pay Hindley back. I don’t care how long I wait, if I can only do it at last. I hope he will not die before I do!” Heathcliff, Chapter 7
• “Whatever he may pretend, he wishes to provoke Edgar to desperation: he says he has married me on purpose to obtain power over him; and he sha’ n’t obtain it—I’ll die first! I just hope, I pray, that he may forget his diabolical prudence and kill me! The single pleasure I can imagine is to die, or to see him dead!” Isabella, Chapter 14
• “You, and I… have each a great debt to settle with the man out yonder! If we were neither of us cowards, we might combine to discharge it. Are you as soft as your brother? Are you willing to endure to the last, and not once attempt a repayment?” Hindley, Chapter 17

This is just a tiny part of quotes about revenge in Wuthering Heights . Look at this website to find more.

🧟 Revenge in Literature: How to Write a Frankenstein Revenge Essay

Perhaps, the story about the Frankenstein monster is the most tragic of all that we discuss in this article. One of the central themes in the novel is ultimate and outrageous revenge. However, we can feel sympathy towards the avengers. How come?

Let’s figure it out together, so you can write an excellent revenge essay!

The theme of Revenge in Frankenstein

There are two major revenge lines in the novel about the Frankenstein monster:

Revenge in Frankenstein Topic Ideas

What are the ways to expand the theme of revenge in Frankenstein? Let’s look at some of them.

• Analyze the psychological portrait of the monster . Why do we feel sympathetic despite all the murders? Do you think his revenge was fully acknowledged and justified?
• Is it ethical to consider the monster to be just a flawed and imperfect human? Study through his motifs of revenge and methods of its implementation. Elaborate on the outcome the monster eventually came up to: was he genuinely remorseful?
• Why didn’t the monster kill his creator right away to take revenge on him? How did he understand that taking away the closest and beloved people from Frankenstein would hurt him more?
• Did Frankenstein have the right to do what he did? Is it ethical to use dead body parts to satisfy your curiosity and create a monster? Why didn’t Frankenstein give in to the beast to prevent his revenge?
• Think of the reasons why Frankenstein stopped creating the female monster. Did he realize the consequences when he deprived the beast of his only hope of getting a partner? Was it a part of Frankenstein’s revenge?
• Does the young man deserve all this damage and pain the monster brought to him? Elaborate on the cyclic structure of the novel that starts with the monster’s creation and ends with Frankenstein’s death.

Frankenstein Revenge Quotes

To illustrate the characters’ motivation in your revenge essay, use these quotes from the novel! We have selected the most significant statements for you:

• “When I reflected on his crimes and malice, my hatred and revenge burst all bounds of moderation. I would have made a pilgrimage to the highest peak of the Andes, could I when there have precipitated him to their base.” Victor Frankenstein, Chapter 9
• “The nearer I approached to your habitation, the more deeply did I feel the spirit of revenge enkindled in my heart.” The monster, Chapter 16
• “Frankenstein! you belong then to my enemy–to him towards whom I have sworn eternal revenge; you shall be my first victim.” The monster, Chapter 16

Visit this website to see more quotes about revenge in Frankenstein.

📝 Revenge Essay Samples: Hamlet, Wuthering Heights, Frankenstein

Good news! The theoretical part is over, now we want you to look at some real examples of a revenge essay.

These are just excerpts from the essays, though they contain the main elements.

Hamlet Revenge Essay Example

“What would he do, had he the motive and the cue for passion that I have?” — exclaims Hamlet on seeing the actor performing on the stage. Endless reflections tear hamlet: to revenge or not to revenge? His constant postponing of vengeance has reasons. Deeply inside, subconsciously, he believes: even well-grounded revenge is poisonous and destructive. This idea is being proclaimed between the lines throughout the whole play. Evil causes evil, and this vicious circle is yet to be broken. Hamlet is a hero of another era: he needs solid and persuasive evidence to implement his revenge. The young prince wants to be sure whether the ghost is real if Claudius is an actual murderer. But even realizing the truth, he takes pains to set the mood for revenge, to pull his decisiveness together. “O, from this point forth my thoughts be bloody, or be nothing worth!” are his words in Act 4. Other characters in the play may seem blind or half-blind and don’t notice obvious things. Perhaps, they don’t want to catch them to keep their consciousness clear. They are more shallow and less sensitive than the prince. Hamlet is almost the only person who sees through all the intrigues, making him sarcastic and suspicious. He mourns the passing of his father, but at the same time, the burden of revenge presses upon him. He’s undoubtedly not made for seeking revenge. This destructive thought starts to corrupt his mind and soul gradually. It is this spiritual splitting of his that leads to tragic consequences and pointless deaths of many people.

Wuthering Heights Revenge Essay Example

Wuthering Heights is a novel the plot of which is wrapped around the revenge purposes of the main character. We see the same circular structure as we do in many revenge stories: come events lead to the outcome where the only aim is taking vengeance. The problem is that no matter how fair revenge may seem to an avenger, it barely brings satisfaction. On the contrary, it destroys any virtues and even the whole fates. The trigger for the whole revenge story here is Hindley, who is jealous and mean in his very nature. It is the type of antagonist that is downright vicious: he seems to lack anything human in his heart. His unfair mistreatment plants the seeds of desire for revenge in Heathcliff. The latter grows up with a solid wish to pay Hindley back for all the damage. Heathcliff cannot be blamed for that: he was merely deprived of love and decent life in his childhood. We can only feel compassion towards him being so traumatized. Everything he did after is probably more dreadful than what Hindley did to him, but could it be different? Heathcliff is blinded by the striving to take revenge. The man loses any sense of reason. He also cannot stay safe and untouched, hurting other people. He ends up feeling even more bitter than he used to. We can clearly see that revenge didn’t bring Catherine back to him, while it was what he wanted in the first place.

Revenge in Frankenstein Essay Example

‘Frankenstein’ is sure to be not only a horror story with gothic elements but also a profound ethical parable. It touches upon very distant and dark aspects of human life. In a story about Frankenstein and his monster, we can see what can happen when a human is trying to play God. All these tragic events in the novel conclude: a human must remain human. Otherwise, a wannabe god will be paid back by the whole Universe and destroyed. This is what happened to the main character of Shelly’s story. The plot somehow refers to an old biblical story about Adam, Eve, and forbidden knowledge. What was the outcome of the first people’s selfish desire to know things that only God knows? They were exhaled and cursed forever from Eden. Before that happened, all pleasures were at their disposal. Victor had everything, too: wealthy and caring parents, a beautiful bride, loyal friends. When he started craving something above, the tragedy occurred. The point is that to be a creator means to have an enormous responsibility. Victor Frankenstein wasn’t ready to take it and to deal with his creature’s ugliness or with the prospective to teach his monster how to live. The creature was collecting the idea of life by bits. Realizing his creator’s nonchalance distresses the monster to a great extent. The only thing that is left to him due to his indescribable loneliness is revenge. Ironically, Shelley’s monster possesses more humanism and sensitiveness than real people. He wants to be helpful, tries to help people; eventually, he even repents for everything he’d committed.

If you’ve read our small samples and now wonder how to write your essay, please approach us. We are ready to assist you with any kind of question.

⚔️ 35 More Topics for a Revenge Essay

Of course, we wouldn’t limit you to only three literary works covering the theme of revenge. Here are other great topic ideas you can use for your essay on revenge.

• Revenge is a dish served cold: do you agree with this statement? Is it ethical to blow a strike back when the fight is over?
• Revenge, Deceit, and Murder in “The Cask of Amontillado” by Edgar Poe .
• A desire for revenge: what is a mix of feelings that drives a person to take vengeance on someone?
• The difference between thinking and acting: can one satisfy their thirst for revenge by only imagining it?
• Emotion Regulation: Anger .
• Describe the possible or real situations where revenge is perfectly justified and grounded if there are such.
• Is it ethical for a modern person to consider taking revenge?
• Addressing an Anger Issue with Phenomenological Method .
• Can verbal abuse be answered with physical revenge?
• Compare and contrast the depiction and development of the revenge themes in “Hamlet” and “Romeo and Juliet.”
• Explore how revenge appears in mind, its triggers, and the psychological benefits.
• “An Act of Vengeance” by Isabel Allende and “A Good Man Is Hard to Find” by Flannery O’Connor Comparison .
• Forgiveness and revenge: what is fairer – to take revenge or forgive? How is one to make a choice?
• Is it acceptable to seek revenge when you know for sure your enemies are dysfunctional and weak?
• “Othello” by Shakespeare: Heroes Analysis .
• Compare and contrast how the revenge theme is covered in the original text of Hamlet and the movie.
• Consider the most famous and significant revenge stories in US history.
• How People Deal With Being Threatened and Scared .
• Blood will have blood: reveal the development of the revenge themes in Shakespear’s famous play “Macbeth. “
• Mahatma Gandhi once said: ‘An eye for an eye will only make the whole world blind.’ But how can one reach justice if not through revenge?
• Debate on Punishment v. Rehabilitation .
• ‘Tell me, tutor, I said, is revenge a science or an art?’ asked one of the characters in Mark Lawrence’s “Prince of Thorns.” How would you answer this question?
• Crime and Its Victims: Victim Precipitation .
• “The best revenge is not to be like your enemy.” These were the words of Marcus Aurelius written in “Meditations.” Do you agree that such ‘revenge’ is the best option?
• Violent Crimes’ Impact on Victims and Society .
• How does Aeschylus’s play “Agamemnon” prove that vengeance leads to no peace but causes more violence?
• Just and Sharp Revenge: compare and contrast revenge and justice themes in “Hamlet” and “The Spanish Tragedy.”
• When Will Things Get to Normal After the Death of a Loved One?
• Critical Analysis of “ The Scarlet Letter” : Character analysis and the themes of revenge.
• The morality of revenge: how to draw the line between justified vengeance and violence?
• Enlightenment in Mary Shelley’s “Frankenstein” .
• A man takes revenge on himself: elaborate on the magnificent twist of revenge in “Crime and Punishment” by Fyodor Dostoevsky.
• Hamlet as the Hero of the Play
• Why is “Gone Girl” by Gillian Flynn more about insanity than about revenge?
• Tell about your own experience with revenge: what were the reasons for it, your feelings after?

These were the most important things we wanted you to know when writing a revenge essay. One more piece of advice for you.

Do not consider revenge as something necessarily wrong. Try to point out the reasons and intentions of a person who wants to take revenge.

Once you take such a position, you have a chance to write a perfect essay on revenge!

We wish you lots of inspiration and happy writing! 😉

Revenge - Essay Examples And Topic Ideas For Free

Revenge entails retaliating against someone in response to perceived wrongs or injustices. Essays on revenge might explore its psychological underpinnings, moral implications, or its representation in literature, film, and history. Discussions could delve into famous revenge stories, the societal or personal consequences of seeking revenge, or the ethical debates surrounding retribution and justice. Analyzing different cultural or historical perspectives on revenge can provide a multifaceted exploration of human emotions, social norms, and justice systems. A substantial compilation of free essay instances related to Revenge you can find at PapersOwl Website. You can use our samples for inspiration to write your own essay, research paper, or just to explore a new topic for yourself.

Revenge is the Overarching Theme of the Play Hamlet

Revenge is a strange idea. It has been around since the dawn of time. An Eye for an eye, right? If someone hits you, you hit them back harder. In the play, Hamlet, William Shakespeare, Revenge is the overarching theme of the play. It shows what revenge can do to a person. Hamlet views revenge as a good deed: something that he must complete to avenge his dad. Revenge is binary, meaning it isn't only the act of revenge, there […]

Revenge and Foreshadowing in the Cask of Amontillado

"Edgar Allan Poe is a famous writer known for his thrilling short stories. One of his shorts, “The Cask of Amontillado” is most known for its intense and prevalent themes, including irony and foreshadowing. Foreshadowing in an element in the story is used to hint an event that will occur further along in the story. There are many types of Irony. One of these is dramatic irony, which refers to when a character thinks something is true, yet the audience […]

Edgar Allan Poe’s the Cask of Amontillado Essay

"Edgar Allan Poe’s The Cask of Amontillado expresses enigmatic themes of desire and human complexity. The protagonist desires revenge on an acquaintance through premeditated murder. Although conversely, that is only on the surface. Montresor's needs and desires are that of something beyond vengeance. It is known that our narrator and protagonist Montresor, seeks vengeance against Fortunato for the insults and ""the thousand injuries"" he felt had been done to him. Although, Montresor never clarifies how Fortunato degrades him nor backs […]

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Frankenstein Revenge

In her novel ?Frankenstein?, Mary Shelley shows that both Frankenstein and his creature are obsessed with revenge through their strong emotional language and obsessive actions, yet neither of them wins and gets revenge in the end. After Victor Frankenstein is threatened by the creature after destroying his nearly complete bride, Frankenstein states that he “?burned with rage to pursue the murderer of my peace and precipitate him into the ocean. I walked up and down my room hastily and perturbed, […]

Lies, Revenge and Betrayal in Othello

Lies are extremely common in our society today, with millions of people masking their true intentions. In Shakespeare's play titled Othello, one of the characters, Iago, is no different and in fact the same as those deceptive individuals in society. Behind his act as a trustworthy friend, Iago is a manipulative and deceptive character creating disorder and causing many mishaps to occur. Iago uses many acts of manipulation to undermine every single character's weaknesses to get exactly what he wants, […]

William Shakespeare Titus Andronicus Vs. Alice Walker the Color Purple

"I will be contrasting William Shakespeare's Titus Andronicus and Alice Walker's The Color Purple. I chose to contrast these works because they are completely different; they stem from different time periods, feature characters of different genders and races, and portray trauma and religion in uniquely different ways. I was especially interested in observing how their characters handle trauma, how they cope with it, and examining the changes in the Christian community during these different historical periods. Shakespeare wrote Titus Andronicus […]

Examples of Revenge in the Scarlet Letter

Often times we hear "What's good for the goose is what's good for gander," in other words, if one person committed a crime they should both be punished the same. In The Scarlet Letter by Nathaniel Hawthorne, he explores the sin of Hester Prynne and Author Dimmesdale. He reveals these two characters to show that staying hidden and suffering in silence is worse than being publicly humiliated. Although Hester has committed a serious crime (adultery), she wears her scarlet letter […]

Revenge and Justice in Wuthering Heights

"There is a blurred line between revenge and justice. Is revenge, justice? Is revenge, justified? The difference, may be nothing but a shuffling of the same words to make oneself feel morally sound. If we can agree on the idea that revenge is a feeling or act of retribution, and also that justice is no more than a ‘just’ act of retaliation, then we can begin to question the fine structure of moral values and how that affects the definition […]

With Love, Violence and Vengeance

Through the twisted minds of human nature, love is shown through acts of violence and vengeance committed by mankind. William Shakespeare's, Othello and Homer’s The Odyssey violence and vengeance are portrayed through jealousy, prejudice, justice, and honor. Their roles are woven throughout these books to portray the idea that love is a violent concept. Violence and vengeance can be found in several ways. It can be expressed physically, verbally, and mentally. Othello shows how envy and jealousy can overpower and […]

Revenge: a Tale of Guilt and Consequence

Dark Shadows of Revenge Every day it appears, I see a dark shadow tailing me wherever I go. Looking to revenge and demolish me. There is this dimness gradually crawling to drag me down to hell, taking every one of my breaths and voiceless shouts. I have comes to find that revenge is a short fulfilling inclination. How could I feel remorse? People often do things they are not pleased with, yet I have accomplished something unspeakable, and I have […]

Internal Conflict in Hamlet: the Inner Struggle of Revenge

Hamlet: A Masterpiece of Revenge Hamlet is one of William Shakespeare's most famous plays and is often regarded as one of the best works in the English language. The concept of revenge is one of the play's primary themes. William Shakespeare wrote the play Hamlet, which is about revenge. The main character, Hamlet, desires revenge for his father's death, but as the play progresses, he finds that revenge isn't as simple as it appears. The drama shows how revenge may […]

The Enigmatic Narration and Deceptive Layers of ‘The Cask of Amontillado’

“The Cask of Amontillado”, a short fiction story by Edgar Allan Poe, this particular story has a distinctive way of narrating without stating the obvious. Throughout the story readers are left to figure out what the author’s brilliant strategies in narrating the story and how the readers look at the characters are presented in the story. The Cask of Amontillado is a simple story of vengeance from the outside. However, the story takes an ironic way of expressing what’s the […]

The Play Hamlet: Revenge and Ophelia’s Madness

In the play, Shakespeare uses revenge as a main theme. To accomplish this theme, he had all three men seeking revenge at one time. Revenge is used in a way for all three men to express their feelings through anger and sadness. Anger can act in ways of corruption of plans, they may be changed or come out of hands when setting your mind in a negative mental state. Each son had a different way of seeking revenge. Their way […]

The Justification of Revenge and Unwillingness of Hamlet to Avenge his Father’s Death

Hamlet is a tragedy authored by William Shakespeare. The story tells of Hamlet, who is informed by the spirit of his father, that he has been murdered by Hamlet's uncle Claudius and his minions. Hamlet devises a plan to avenge his father against those who murdered him. His convoluted plot involves a theater play that is intended to prove and verify his uncle's guilt. He sets up the play to re-enact his father's murder with the actor resembling his father. […]

The Setting of “Wuthering Heights”: a Catalyst for Good and Evil Interactions

Introduction: The Yorkshire Setting Wuthering Heights, Emily Bonte's 1847 gothic novel, depicts the complex events induced by Heathcliff, a conceited man who loses his love, Catherine Earnshaw, and devotes the rest of his days to exacting revenge on her family. The novel setting is Yorkshire, a desolate region in remote Northern England. Wuthering Heights, a rough mansion, is a metaphor for the residents' irrational emotions and unkind actions. The dark environs of the mansion served as a focal point for […]

Greed in “The Pardoner’s Tale”: the Destructive Force of Wealth

As defined by Google, greed is an intense and selfish desire for something, especially wealth, power, or food. Greed is one of the most toxic and divisive characteristics in history. In the past, greed has led to the downfall of entire nations and can influence people to turn on even their loved ones.  The Pardoner's Tale Theme: The Lure of Greed In "The Pardoner's Tale," three friends are ultimately driven to betray each other by an intense lust for wealth […]

Nemo me Impune Lacessit’: the Drive for Justice in “The Cask of Amontillado”

Montresor's Quest for Justice: The Insult and Revenge Edgar Allan Poe created a theme surrounding many types of justice in "The Cask of Amontillado." I concluded that the theme would be justice by how Montresor sought revenge, in how justice was served, and that justice is finally served in Montresor's eyes. First, Montrsor is determined to get revenge on Fortunato for his wrongdoings. Poe States, "A thousand injuries of Fortunato I had Borne as I best could, but when he […]

Echoes of Retribution: Understanding the Depths of Revenge

In the labyrinth of human emotions, revenge stands as an enigmatic force, its tendrils reaching into the depths of our psyche, stirring primal instincts and igniting fiery passions. Like a shadow lurking in the corners of our consciousness, it whispers tales of retribution and redemption, weaving a narrative fraught with complexity and contradiction. To unravel the essence of revenge is to embark on a journey through the intricacies of human nature, where the lines between justice and vengeance blur, and […]

Revenge: a Dish Best Served Cold

The adage "Revenge is a dish best served cold" conveys the notion that vengeance is most satisfying when it's delayed, calculated, and unexpected, rather than executed in the heat of anger. This concept, deeply embedded in cultural narratives, literature, and cinematic stories, often portrays such revenge as the epitome of justice. But this view simplifies the complex psychological and ethical dimensions that revenge entails. At its essence, the idea of cold revenge speaks to a fundamental human craving for justice […]

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66 Forgiveness Essay: Examples, Titles, & Thesis Statement

A forgiveness essay is an exciting yet challenging task. In our article, you can find good forgiveness essay examples in literature, history, religion, and other spheres

📝 Writing a Forgiveness Theme Statement

🏆 best forgiveness essay examples, 🔍 simple forgiveness titles for essay, 💡 interesting forgiveness essay examples.

In your forgiveness essay, focus on different aspects of forgiveness. Some good forgiveness titles for the essay reveal themes of revenge, justice, and personal forgiveness. You can write an excellent reflective or argumentative essay on forgiveness – it is a versatile topic.

Regardless of your forgiveness essay’s specific topic and type, you should develop a strong thesis statement. Below we will provide recommendations on making a good forgiveness theme statement. This will help you come up with a solid base and arguments to prove your position.

Check these tips to make a powerful forgiveness thesis statemen:

• Determine the primary idea. What are you trying to prove? Can anything be forgiven, or are there cases when it’s not possible? Introduce your one main idea and the angle from which you will look at it. You can also include some facts or opinions about the acuteness of the topic.
• Work out your argumentation. It is crucial to have a firm structure in your forgiveness essay. You need to support the thesis statement with several arguments and evidence to demonstrate the consistency of your paper.
• Think of the opposing views. Every argument has a counterargument. When working on your forgiveness theme statement, always keep an opposite thesis statement in mind. Having considered counter positions, you gain additional arguments for your position.
• Don’t quote others in your thesis statement. A thesis statement is the first and foremost chance to introduce your point of view. Use your own strongest words to reach a reader. This is where they get the first impression about the whole work.

We also have lots of other tips on developing A+ thesis statements. Check our free thesis statement generator to discover more information and get a perfect forgiveness theme statement.

• Divine and Human Forgiveness in “Rime of the Ancient Mariner” By Samuel Taylor Coleridge After killing the albatross who was suppose to provide them with wind, all the people in the ship died but he managed to survive because he had asked God to forgive him all the sins […]
• Forgiveness in Simon Wiesenthal’s Work The Sunflower Taking into account the major themes of the book The Sunflower, one is to make a conclusion that such response to atrocities as forgiveness is considered to be the key aspect of humanity.
• Christ’s Atonement and the Concept of Forgiveness This study will connect the atonement of Jesus Christ and attitudes towards forgiveness through the revision of the current church, Love and God’s commandment to forgive.
• Hamlet and Forgiveness: A Personal Reflection Some of the most prominent themes in the story are the ideas of mutual forgiveness, people’s motivation to be proactive and take risks, and their willingness to forgive and ask for forgiveness.
• Service Recovery and Customer Forgiveness Studies suggest that after apologizing to customers plus taking responsibility for the problem, getting to the root of the problem is very important to prevent such occurrences in the future. Getting to the root of […]
• Racial Inequality Targeted Student Loan Forgiveness Programs The research into this topic seems highly significant as the reduction of racial inequality was one of the most debated topics in the U.S.for the last several decades.
• Forgiveness in the Christian Texts and the World Today The apostle calls upon the church’s people to stop the punishment of the wrongdoer and forgive, comfort, and affirm their love for him. It instructs Muslims to follow God and forgive others instead of following […]
• Philosophy of Forgiveness I believe that if anyone had gone through all the pain and horror that Simon had, and was asked to forgive Karl, the instinct, and most humane reaction at that moment would be to strongly […]
• Forgiveness for Workplace Conflict Resolution The problem with the relationship between the two workers is that Jake feels that Monica is a relatively malicious individual. In the outlined scenario, Jake is doing all that he can to avoid dealing with […]
• The Effects of Forgiveness Therapy After gathering the relevant data, the researchers compared the recovery of the participants to their controls to determine the effects of forgiveness therapy.
• Self-Forgiveness: The Step Child of Forgiveness Research Other than the similarities and the differences, the two types of forgiveness relate to each other as self-forgiveness facilitates interpersonal forgiveness, this is through allowance of one to identify with one’s offender.
• The Amish Philosophy of Forgiveness It is important to note that the immediate forgiveness of the enemy does not mean that the Amish will let the perpetrators of crime go free.
• Review: “Interventions Studies on Forgiveness: A Meta-analysis” by Baskin T. and Enright R. In the church, members come to the pastor with a variety of social and psychological issues. The first step the pastor should undertake is to sympathise with the victims.
• Self-Forgiveness as the Path to Learning to Forgive the Others The key issues that the given research responds to or, at least, attempts to solve, are the definition of self-forgiveness, the relation between self-forgiveness and interpersonal forgiveness, and the means to differentiate between self-forgiveness and […]
• The Effects of Forgiveness Therapy on Depression, Anxiety and Posttraumatic Stress for Women After Spousal Emotional Abuse Enright forgiveness model applied in the study proved effective since it systematically addressed the forgiveness process identified the negative attributes caused by the abuse, and prepared the women for positive responses.
• Forgiveness & Reconciliation: The Differing Perspectives of Psychologists and Christian Theologians Based on the research design there is evidence of measures put in place to control against most of these biases which strengthens the study findings; this is the strength to the study.
• Forgiveness and Reconciliation Critique Availability of literature; as stated in the literature though the area of forgiveness is new in the field of psychology, but there is enough literature to cover the study.
• Forgiveness in Martin Luther’s Movement for Rights Blacks The bible teachings tell us that God exists in the holy trinity and the only way to forgive others is for us to be able to forgive our own transgressions.
• The Idea Of Forgiveness Resonates Differently With Every Individual
• Accident Forgiveness in Automobile Insurance
• The Association Of Feathers And Forgiveness
• Christians’ Beliefs About Justice And Forgiveness
• Debt Forgiveness: The Missing Link in Closing Gap with Third World
• Christian Beliefs about Justice, Forgiveness and Reconciliation
• Learning About Forgiveness From the Teachings of the Bible
• Crusades and the Forgiveness of Sins of the Sinners
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Essay on Revenge

Students are often asked to write an essay on Revenge in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Revenge

Understanding revenge.

Revenge is when someone hurts you and you want to hurt them back. It’s a strong feeling that can make people do bad things. It’s like a fire inside you that burns until you do something about it. It’s not a good feeling and can make you feel worse.

Why People Seek Revenge

People often seek revenge when they feel wronged. They feel hurt and think that hurting the person who hurt them will make them feel better. They want to make the other person feel the same pain they felt. But, this doesn’t usually work.

Effects of Revenge

Revenge can make a situation worse. It can start fights and make people hate each other. It doesn’t solve the problem, it just makes more problems. It can also make you feel bad about yourself. It’s better to talk about your feelings instead.

Alternatives to Revenge

Instead of seeking revenge, try to forgive. Forgiveness can help you feel better and move on. You can also talk to the person who hurt you and tell them how you feel. This can help you understand each other better and solve the problem.

Revenge is not the best way to deal with hurt. It only makes things worse. Forgiveness and understanding are better options. They can help you feel better and solve problems. Remember, revenge is a fire that burns you from inside.

250 Words Essay on Revenge

Revenge is a strong feeling that makes a person want to hurt someone who has caused them pain. It is a common reaction when someone feels wronged or treated unfairly. Revenge can be seen in many ways, like fights between friends, wars between countries, or even in stories and movies.

The Cycle of Revenge

The problem with revenge is that it often leads to a cycle. This means that one act of revenge leads to another, and then another. For example, if a person hurts you, and you hurt them back, they might want to hurt you again. This can go on and on, causing more pain and damage.

Revenge and Emotions

Revenge is often driven by strong emotions like anger and hatred. These feelings can cloud a person’s thinking, making it hard for them to see the right thing to do. This is why revenge often leads to bad choices and actions.

Instead of seeking revenge, it is better to seek justice. Justice is about making sure that the person who did wrong faces the right consequences. This is usually done by the law. It is also important to learn to forgive. Forgiving does not mean forgetting the wrong that was done. It means choosing to let go of the anger and pain, and moving on.

In conclusion, revenge may seem like a good idea when we are hurt. But it often leads to more harm than good. It is better to seek justice and to learn to forgive. This way, we can break the cycle of revenge and live in peace.

500 Words Essay on Revenge

What is revenge.

Revenge is the act of hurting someone because they have hurt you. It is a way of getting back at someone for something bad they did to you. Sometimes, people feel that they need to take revenge to make things right or to make the other person feel the pain they felt.

Why do People Seek Revenge?

People often seek revenge because they feel hurt, angry, or betrayed. They believe that making the other person suffer will help them feel better. This feeling can be very strong, especially if the person who hurt them did something really bad. It’s like a fire burning inside them that can only be put out by getting revenge.

Does Revenge Solve Problems?

Although revenge might seem like a good idea at first, it usually doesn’t solve any problems. In fact, it often makes things worse. When you hurt someone because they hurt you, it can start a cycle of hurt that goes back and forth without end. This can lead to more pain and suffering for everyone involved.

Revenge and its Impact on Relationships

Revenge can also harm relationships. When you take revenge on someone, it can damage your relationship with them. It can create feelings of anger, hate, and distrust that are hard to heal. Even if you feel better in the short term, in the long run, it can leave you feeling empty and alone.

Instead of seeking revenge, there are other ways to deal with hurt and anger. One way is to talk about your feelings with the person who hurt you. This can help you understand each other better and might even lead to an apology. Another way is to forgive. Forgiveness is not about letting someone off the hook for what they did. It’s about letting go of your anger and hurt so that you can move on. It’s about choosing peace over pain.

In conclusion, revenge is a strong feeling that comes from being hurt or betrayed. While it might seem like a good idea at the time, it often leads to more problems than it solves. It can harm relationships and create a cycle of hurt that is hard to break. Instead of seeking revenge, it is better to talk about your feelings, try to understand the other person, and choose forgiveness. This way, you can move on and find peace instead of staying stuck in anger and hurt. Remember, revenge might seem sweet at first, but it often leaves a bitter taste in the end.

That’s it! I hope the essay helped you.

If you’re looking for more, here are essays on other interesting topics:

• Essay on Reverence For Life
• Essay on Revolt Of 1857
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• v.41(17); 2020 Dec

Revenge is sweet: Investigation of the effects of Approach‐Motivated anger on the RewP in the motivated anger delay ( MAD ) paradigm

A. hunter threadgill.

1 Department of Psychology, Department of Biomedical Sciences, Florida State University, Tallahassee Florida, USA

Philip A. Gable

2 Department of Psychological and Brain Sciences, University of Delaware, Newark Delaware, USA

Associated Data

All experimental protocols, example documents, stimuli, computer scripts, and data for both experiments are available online at https://osf.io/7v94a/ (doi: 10.17605/OSF.IO/7V94A).

Past research has found that neural activity associated with feedback processing is enhanced by positive approach‐motivated states. However, no past work has examined how reward processing changes in the context of revenge. Using a novel aggression paradigm, we sought to explore the influence of approach‐motivated anger on neural responses to feedback indicating the opportunity to seek revenge against an offending opponent by examining the reward positivity (RewP), an event‐related potential indexing performance feedback. In Experiment 1, after receiving insulting feedback from an opponent, participants played a reaction time game with three trial types: revenge trials, aggravation trials, and no‐consequence trials. Results revealed that RewP amplitudes were larger to revenge trial win feedback than no‐consequence trial win feedback or revenge trial loss feedback. RewP amplitudes were larger to both aggravation trial win and loss feedback than on no‐consequence trials. Experiment 2 examined the influence of approach‐motivated anger during the acquisition of rewards on the RewP without the possibility of retribution from the offending individual. Participants played a reaction time game similar to Experiment 1, except instead of giving or receiving noise blasts, participants could win money from the insulter (revenge trials) or a neutral‐party (e.g., bank). Results indicated that revenge wins elicited larger RewP amplitudes than bank wins. These results suggest that anger enhances revenge‐related RewP amplitudes to obtaining revenge opportunities and further aggravation wins or losses. Anger appears to enhance the pleasurable feelings of revenge.

Using a novel aggression paradigm, we sought to explore the influence of approach‐motivated anger on neural responses to feedback indicating the opportunity to seek revenge against an offending opponent by examining the reward positivity (RewP), an event‐related potential indexing performance feedback. Results indicated that, in participants who were angry, the RewP was largest during revenge trials, suggested that anger enhances revenge‐related RewP amplitudes to obtaining revenge opportunities and further aggravation wins or losses. Anger appears to enhance the pleasurable feelings of revenge.

1. INTRODUCTION

“It [revenge] is far sweeter than honey.” — Homer, The Illiad

Individuals pursue revenge as perceived rewarding events, in which there exists a belief that the act of revenge will be satisfying or pleasurable (Carlsmith & Darley, 2008 ). The perception of the utility of revenge appears to be widespread; indeed, even a brief review of a wide array of media, including literature, popular entertainment, and religious and legal writings, suggest that revenge is a natural response to perceived offenses. Additionally, revenge appears to be highly motivating, even to the extent of motivating and justifying extreme amoral behavior. For example, an estimated 20% to 40% of homicides in the United States appear to be motivated by revenge (U.S. Department of Justice, 2017 ; Kubrin & Weitzer, 2003 ), suggesting that revenge is a widespread social phenomenon that impacts the lives of millions of people. While individuals often come to regret their revengeful actions, within the present moment, the act of revenge appears to “feel good” by eliciting positive emotions as one presumably rectifies an angering situation (Chester, 2017 ; Knutson, 2004 ; Trivers, 1971 ). Thus, while revenge‐seeking behaviors are often the product of anger toward a situation, revenge‐seeking behaviors are manifested out of a desire to experience a rewarding feeling of gratification, which often occur when simply knowing that one has the ability to seek revenge against an offender. However, the neural mechanisms associated with the pleasurable aspects of revenge‐seeking has received relatively little research. The present research was designed to understand the neural underpinnings of emotional reactions to winning the opportunity to partake in revenge, as well as further offense.

1.1. Characteristics of revenge

Revenge refers to a desirable aggressive reaction in response to a harmful action (Schumann & Ross, 2010 ). More specifically, revenge is a motivated act driven by the goal to see a transgressor suffer (Zaibert, 2006 ). This explicitly differs from retributive punishment, in that the goal of revenge is not to merely retaliate against the offending party to show that some behavior is bad, but to alleviate intense negative emotions via making an offender suffer (Grobbink, Derksen, & van Marle, 2015 ). Thus, while punishment is considered a form of justice, revenge stems from feelings of anger or vengeance toward an individual or situation (Feinberg, 1970 ).

Individuals seeking justice often believe that revenge will be a positive experience with the goal of bringing about catharsis toward an angering event (Bushman, 2002 ; Chester & DeWall, 2017 ; Chester, Merwin, & DeWall, 2015 ). This makes sense, given that past research has found that attaining goals results in greater cheerfulness responses (Higgins, Shah, & Friedman, 1997 ). In the context of revenge, the individual seeking revenge anticipates feeling better and having a better mood after an aggressive response toward some offender (Baumeister, Vohs, DeWall, & Zhang, 2007 ; Bushman, 2002 ). Increases in positive affect after an aggressive reaction occur because the individual seeking revenge believes that justice has been distributed to an offender (Frijda, 1994 ). Individuals appear to partake in these behaviors with the desire to increase positive affect after an angering situation.

1.2. Anger: An emotional driver of revenge

Aggression often occurs in response to some frustration (Berkowitz, 1989 ). However, aggressive revenge, more specifically, is thought to be driven by negative affects such as anger in response to some transgression (Harmon‐Jones & Sigelman, 2001 ). Anger is experienced as an unpleasant emotional state often associated with the approach motivational system (Harmon‐Jones, 2004 ; Harmon‐Jones, Schmeichel, Mennitt, & Harmon‐Jones, 2011 ; Threadgill & Gable, 2019a ). Approach motivation, or the impetus to move toward some goal or object, is a fundamental dimension of affective states (Gable, Neal, & Threadgill, 2018 ; Gable, Threadgill, & Adams, 2016 ; Harmon‐Jones, Harmon‐Jones, & Price, 2013 ; Pizzagalli, Sherwood, Henriques, & Davidson, 2005 ; Ridderinkhof, 2017 ; Threadgill & Gable, 2018a , 2019b ). Much research has associated anger with approach motivation (for review, see Carver & Harmon‐Jones, 2009 ). For example, anger is associated with approach‐motivated urges (Dollard, Miller, Doob, Mowrer, & Sears, 1939 ; Harmon‐Jones, Price, Peterson, Gable, & Harmon‐Jones, 2013 ), approach‐oriented patterns of physiological responses (Jameison, Koslov, Nock, & Mendes, 2012 ) and relates to more approach‐motivated traits such as self‐assurance, strength, and bravery (Izard, 1991 ; Lerner & Keltner, 2001 ). Moreover, neural regions associated with approach motivation are activated during situational anger (see Gable & Poole, 2014 ; Gable, Poole, & Harmon‐Jones, 2015 ; Harmon‐Jones & Gable, 2018 , for a review).

Past work has suggested that retaliatory aggression can be approach‐motivated. Harmon‐Jones and Sigelman ( 2001 ) found that, after an insult, participants who had greater left frontal alpha asymmetry, a neural correlate of approach motivation, engaged in more aggressive behavior. In contrast, participants who were led to believe that they could not act on their anger by taking actions to resolve an anger‐inducing event showed less left frontal alpha asymmetry than those who did expect to be able to resolve an anger‐inducing event (Harmon‐Jones, Sigelman, Bohlig, & Harmon‐Jones, 2003 ), suggesting that the ability to rectify an angering‐situation is approach‐motivating.

Other work has shown that participants rate aggressive responses after being provoked as more pleasurable than unjustified aggression (Ramirez, Bonniot‐Cabanac, & Cabanac, 2005 ). Chester et al. ( 2016 ) found that greater sensation‐seeking mediated the relationship between dopamine receptor gene polymorphisms (which is associated with reward seeking behaviors) and previous history of aggression. Additionally, retaliatory behaviors are associated with activity in the ventral striatum, a key component of the reward system in the brain (Chester & DeWall, 2018 ). Together, this work suggests that approach‐motivated anger is related to both aggressive behaviors and the experience of positive emotions, such as pleasure after aggression.

Based on this past work, an important next step in understanding revenge is to examine how anger impacts the experience of winning the opportunity for revenge. It seems likely that simply winning the opportunity for revenge may elicit emotional responses similar to the pleasant feelings elicited by partaking in revengeful behaviors. No past work has examined how anger impacts the rapid neural reactions to winning the opportunity to partake in revenge‐seeking behaviors. Therefore, we conducted two studies in which participants were made angry by an ostensible aggressor. Participants then engaged in a novel aggression paradigm where, on some trials, they were able to seek revenge against the offending individual, while, on other trials, participants simply beat their opponent in a reaction time game. The present studies sought to shed light on transitory reactions to winning the opportunity to seek revenge against a transgressor. To examine these momentary reactions to winning the ability to get revenge toward an angering situation, we examined the reward positivity (RewP), an ERP component that evaluates outcomes as either positive or negative.

1.3. The reward positivity as a neural correlate of revenge and goal success

Integral to the examination of goal pursuit is understanding feedback signaling the success or failures of goal pursuit actions. This action monitoring enhances processing of rewarding feedback in order to maximize the probability of attaining rewards (Krigolson, Hassall, & Handy, 2014 ; Sutton & Barto, 1998 ). The RewP is an ERP component generated along the fronto‐central midline and is sensitive to action outcomes (Proudfit, 2015 ). Traditionally known as the feedback(−related) negativity, this ERP component is an underlying positive‐going deflection occurring in the time range of approximately 250 ms at frontocentral sites. Positive (i.e., win) feedback tends to evoke a larger positive‐going wave than negative (i.e., loss) or neutral feedback (Holroyd, Krigolson, & Lee, 2011 ; Threadgill et al., 2020 ; Weinberg, Riesel, & Proudfit, 2014 ), likely reflecting midbrain phasic dopaminergic firing in the cingulate cortex (Carlson, Foti, Mujica‐Parodi, Harmon‐Jones, & Hajcak, 2011 ; Holroyd & Yeung, 2012 ; Krigolson, 2018 ; Schultz, 2007 ). This suggests that the RewP reflects a binary evaluation of feedback as either rewarding or nonrewarding (Hajcak, Moser, Holroyd, & Simons, 2006 ), as well as coding prediction errors involved in reinforcement learning (Holroyd & Coles, 2002 ; Ullsperger, Danielmeier, & Jocham, 2014 ).

Recent research has found that changes in RewP amplitude may go beyond simple good vs. bad associations to also incorporate the motivational salience of feedback (Bromberg‐Martin, Matsumoto, & Hikosaka, 2010 ; Esber & Haselgrove, 2011 ; Gehring & Willoughby, 2002 ; Hird, El‐Deredy, Jones, & Talmi, 2018 ; Oliveira, McDonald, & Goodman, 2007 ). For example, past work has found that enhancing positive approach motivation enhances feedback processing of successful outcomes (Threadgill & Gable, 2016 , 2018b ; Wilhelm, Miller, & Gable, 2019 ). Other work has found that enhancing the motivation of both positive and negative outcomes modulates a larger RewP (Talmi, Atkinson, & El‐Deredy, 2013 ). Furthermore, clinical disorders associated with decreased approach motivation (such as depression) decrease the RewP (Brush, Ehmann, Hajcak, Selby, & Alderman, 2018 ; Proudfit, 2015 ).

All past work suggests that the RewP may be sensitive to either the motivational salience or the valence of outcomes. However, past experiments are limited in that they have only examined valence (positive vs. negative or neutral) outcomes on the RewP, or they have only examined the influence of positive affects high in approach on the RewP. Thus, all obtained results suggesting that approach motivation causes enhanced feedback processing could be interpreted as being due to approach‐positive states. The present research was designed to clarify these conceptual issues by examining the effect of anger, a negatively‐valenced approach‐motivated state, on reward processing via being able to seek revenge against an offending subject.

While past work has suggested that only positive states in the form of winning feedback could elicit the RewP, it may be the case that negative approach‐motivated states would elicit a larger RewP when winning the ability to pursue revenge opportunities, and prevent further aggression, due to increases in motivational salience, relative to a neutral state. If winning the ability to seek revenge toward an angering situation elicits a distinct RewP, then motivation to pursue revenge occurs in order to evoke feelings of satisfaction or euphoria. However, if winning the opportunity to seek revenge against an angering situation does not elicit a distinct RewP, then it is likely the case that the RewP simply tracks the valence of outcomes, as opposed to the motivational salience of the outcome.

1.4. The current experiments

Examining neural activity while winning the opportunity to seek revenge against an offending opponent in angry individuals provides a unique paradigm to examine how approach motivation undergirds revenge‐seeking behavior. The current studies utilized a novel social‐aggression paradigm to evoke approach‐motivated anger and assess revenge‐seeking behavior toward (or further provocation from) an ostensible participant who insulted them. Experiment 1 examined wins and losses when winning (vs. losing) the opportunity to get revenge against (revenge trials) or wining (vs. losing) the possibility of further aggression by an offending opponent (aggravation trials). Because it was possible that Experiment 1 may have elicited both approach and avoidance motivation during the social‐aggression paradigm, Experiment 2 sought to explore the unique role of approach‐motivated anger by eliminating conditions that could possibly evoke avoidance‐motivated states (e.g., further aggression). More specifically, we removed the ability for the offending individual to further provoke participants and, instead, gave participants the ability to win a monetary award from a neutral third‐party.

In Experiment 1, it was hypothesized that approach‐motivated anger would increase reward processing to winning the opportunity to seek revenge or taking the opportunity to aggress away from an insulter in participants who demonstrate anger toward an insult. Specifically, we predict that the RewP would be larger to win feedback following revenge trials and aggravation trials than win feedback following no‐consequence trials. Furthermore, depending on whether the RewP is most influenced by valence or approach motivation, RewP amplitudes to loss feedback could exhibit two divergent patterns of activity. If valence alone is driving the RewP, then RewP amplitudes to losses should be similar between conditions. However, if approach motivation independently influences RewP amplitudes, then enhanced approach motivation to losses on aggravation trials should enhance the RewP to loss feedback, relative to no‐consequence trial losses.

Finally, given the novel nature of our experimental paradigm (the Motivated Anger Delay Paradigm, or the MAD Paradigm), across both studies, we included three manipulation check measures. We predict that the anger manipulation would increase self‐reported anger, relative to a baseline measurement of anger occurring before the anger manipulation. We also predicted that motivated trials would increase excitement and anger as compared to neutral trials. Lastly, we predicted that motivated trials would show faster responses to the goal‐directed task, as compared to neutral trials.

2. EXPERIMENT 1

All experimental protocols, example documents, stimuli, computer scripts, and data for both experiments are available online at https://osf.io/7v94a/ (doi: 10.17605/OSF.IO/7V94A ). 1 The research protocol for both studies was approved by the Institutional Review Board at the University of Alabama.

2.1. Methods

2.1.1. participants.

A priori power analyses were conducted using G*Power 3.1 (Faul, Erdfelder, Lang, & Buchner, 2007 ). In the calculation of our required sample size for Experiment 1, we sought to use conservative estimates of parameters in our calculation to make sure that we were adequately powered. More specifically, we used a medium partial‐eta squared effect size of .07, which is less than half the effect size found by Threadgill and Gable ( 2016 ); this was also smaller than the effect sizes found in Threadgill & Gable, 2018b ) when examining the influence of approach motivation on the RewP. Furthermore, we calculated power at 95%, as opposed to the customary 80% that is typically recommended. Finally, we also used the correlation amongst repeated‐measures of .6, as that was the correlation between wins and losses that we have found in our lab in previous research (Threadgill & Gable, 2016 , unpublished analysis). Based upon the stated parameters, we determined that a sample size of 40 participants was sufficient.

Additionally, we conducted pilot testing without collecting physiological data both to have research assistants extensively practice the protocol that we planned to use while collecting physiological data and to gain an approximate understanding of how many participants would fail to believe the manipulation. Pilot testing including 59 participants suggested that approximately one‐third of participants indicated during a suspicion probe at the end of the experimental session that they either did not believe that the insult came from another individual or did not experience anger toward the insulting aggressor (see Procedures for our exclusionary criterion used when collecting EEG data). Therefore, we collected data from 60 right‐handed individuals, who participated in exchange for partial course credit.

2.1.2. Paradigm

To test our hypotheses, we developed the motivated anger delay (MAD) paradigm, based in part on the essay feedback provocation paradigm (Bushman & Baumeister, 1998 ), the Taylor aggression paradigm (Taylor, 1966 ), and the monetary incentive delay paradigm (Knutson, Westdorp, Kaiser, & Hommer, 2000 ; see Figure ​ Figure1 1 for experiment flowchart of MAD paradigm). In our task, participants were first insulted by receiving negative feedback on an essay they wrote, ostensibly from another participant (the “insulter”). This insult was designed to make participants angry toward the other individual. Participants were then able to act on their anger through a competitive reaction time task (e.g., flanker task; Eriksen & Eriksen, 1974 ). In the task, participants can win the opportunity to either deliver low noise blasts against their opponent (revenge trials) or prevent their opponent from blasting them with noise (aggravation trials). It is likely the case that when an individual is angry at their opponent, wins that reward the participant and punish the offending opponent increase approach‐motivated excitement. In contrast, losses that reward the offending opponent and punish the participant increase approach‐motivated aggravation in participants. A third, no‐noise blast condition served as a competitive no‐consequence (i.e., no noise blast was exchanged) comparison.

Flowchart of MAD paradigm

2.1.3. Procedures

Participants were brought into the lab alone. Participants were told by a trained research assistant that they would be taking part in two experiments: the first one was to examine the relationship between personality variables and writing styles, and the second one involved playing a reaction time game against another participant. Experimenters told participants that there was a second participant in the adjacent room with whom they would be interacting. This person did not actually exist. Effort was made to increase the believability of the ostensible opponent. These details are provided in the Supplementary Materials .

2.1.4. Insult manipulation

After giving consent, participants were told that the first study involved one participant writing an essay, while the other participant evaluated the essay (see Supplementary Materials ; Bushman, Baumeister, & Phillips, 2001 ; Harmon‐Jones & Sigelman, 2001 ; Harmon‐Jones, Vaughn‐Scott, Mohr, Sigelman, & Harmon‐Jones, 2004 ). Participants were then given the “Social Attitudes Assessment.” On it, they were instructed to write an essay defending their position on a controversial issue, picking a subject that is the most important to that individual from a list of controversial topics. Examples include reducing the drinking age, the legality of same‐sex marriage, and the legality of abortion. After 10 min, the experimenter stopped the participant, who then pretended to take the essay to the other participant to be graded.

After “delivering” the essay, the participant completed a variety of personality surveys that the “grader” had ostensibly completed during the writing phase. Participants also filled out the PANAS‐X (Watson & Clark, 1999 ) to measure their emotional state before receiving feedback. Once the participant has finished filling out the personality questionnaires, the experimenter applied EEG sensors and recorded 4 min of resting EEG activity, which has been used in past research using a similar manipulation (Peterson, Shackman, & Harmon‐Jones, 2008 ). Participants were given instructions over a speaker to sit quietly with their eyes open or closed (alternating for 1 min at a time). While resting data was recorded with the participant's eyes open (2 min), participants were instructed to look at the center of a blank computer monitor in front of them.

The experimenter then returned to the experiment room, presumably to set up for the next experiment. In reality, the experimenter was delivering the insulting feedback to participants (see Supplementary Materials ). The feedback was designed to be insulting based off previous studies using feedback to evoke anger (Harmon‐Jones & Peterson, 2009 ; Hortensius, Schutter, & Harmon‐Jones, 2012 ; Peterson et al., 2008 ). The feedback consisted of ratings on several different categories, allegedly given by the other participant. Participants saw ratings on a 1–9 bipolar scale on six characteristics. The anchors shown were unintelligent (1)—intelligent (9), thought‐provoking (1)—boring (9), friendly (1)—unfriendly (9), illogical (1)—logical (9), respectable (1)—unrespectable (9), and irrational (1)—rational (9). Participants were given a rating of 2 or 3 when negative words were represented by a 1, and 7 or 8 when negative words were represented by a 9. At the bottom of the page, the feedback had a hand‐written note saying, “I can't believe an educated person would think like this. I hope this person learns something while at [the University of Alabama]! I can't even believe that they would think that [issue] should be [allowed/not allowed]!” Pilot testing of this manipulation revealed that this feedback increased anger, frustration, and hostility, relative to baseline levels at the beginning of the experiment.

Once the participant has finished reading the feedback, the experimenter told the participant that they needed to take a second baseline recording, ostensibly because they were waiting on the other participant to finish their baseline recordings. Participants were instructed to think about how they presently felt while EEG data was recorded for 1 min with eyes open, which has been used in past research using a similar manipulation (Harmon‐Jones & Sigelman, 2001 ). 2 Participants were instructed over a speaker to look at the center of a blank computer monitor in front of them while resting activity was recorded.

2.1.5. Aggression task

After the second baseline recording, the experimenter returned to the experiment room and explained the second study. Participants were told that they would be competing against the other participant in a reaction time game. They were told that the computers were connected in real time through cables in the back of the room, and all feedback was dependent on which participant was quicker to respond correctly. The experimenter told the participant that the game would begin once they had given the other participant the instructions. The experimenter left the room, waited for 30 s , and started the game. Instructions for the game were presented on the computer.

The game was modeled after previous aggression tasks (Bartholow & Anderson, 2002 ; Peterson et al., 2008 ; Taylor, 1966 ), in which participants were given the opportunity to blast the insulter with noise if they were faster than their opponent in a reaction time game. Each trial ( n  = 72; see Figure ​ Figure2) 2 ) began with a trial cue displayed in the center of a computer monitor, consisting of one of the following shapes: a white circle, a white triangle, or a white square. Circles represented revenge trial cues. Squares represented aggravation trial cues. Triangles represented no‐consequence trial cues. One‐third of the trials were revenge trials ( n = 24), one‐third of the trials were no‐consequence trials ( n = 24), and one‐third of the trials were aggravation trials ( n = 24). No trial type was presented more than three consecutive times.

Experiment 1 example trials. Between the trial cue and flanker response, there was an ISI of 500 ms. Between the flanker response and feedback, there was an ISI of 500 ms. The intertrial intervals were 4,000 ms. A black screen was presented during all ISI's and ITI's

After the trial cue, participants completed the goal‐related task, which was a flanker response (Eriksen & Eriksen, 1974 ). Participants indicated the direction of a center arrow by pressing the left or right shift key as quickly as possible. The flanker response remained on the screen until the participant responded. Participants were told that faster responses than their opponent would win the trial. On revenge trials, if the participant won, they had the opportunity to blast the insulter with a loud (102 dB) noise. If they lost, then nothing happened. On no‐consequence trials, there was no‐consequence (e.g., no noise blast was exchanged), regardless of whether the participant won or lost. Participants were told that results of the no‐consequence trials were random and unrelated to reaction time to the flanker response. On aggravation trials, if the participant lost, the insulter could blast the participant with noise. If the participant won, then nothing happened. It was predicted that losing on this trial to the insulter would cause greater aggravation.

The noise blast was equivalent to the average car or house stereo at maximum volume at close range (Gable & Harmon‐Jones, 2009 ). Prior to the participant arriving, the experimenter checked the noise level volume in the headphones using the Decibel 10th application on an Apple iPhone (fourth generation) to ensure that 102 dB was reached by the headphones.

Following the flanker response, participants received feedback indicating whether they did or did not win on that trial. A white circle, triangle, or square (corresponding with the trial type) was presented with an arrow pointing either a green up arrow or red down arrow, indicating win or loss feedback, respectively.

Trial outcome was fixed for all trials. Half of the revenge trials, half of the no‐consequence trials, and half of the aggravation trials resulted in a win ( n  = 12 for revenge trials, n  = 12 for no‐consequence trials, and n  = 12 for aggravation trials). The remaining trials resulted in a loss. On revenge trials and aggravation trials, participants received loss feedback if they gave an incorrect response or if their response exceed 1,500 ms. Incorrect flanker responses were removed from analysis of flanker reaction times (revenge trials: 82.20% retained; no‐consequence trials: 88.03% retained; aggravation trials: 88.03% retained).

If a revenge trial resulted in win feedback, participants were able deliver up to 10 s of a 102 dB white noise to the insulter. Upon receiving win feedback, participants were required to indicate how long they wished for the noise blast to be (1 =  5 seconds , 6 = 10  seconds ; participants were not allowed to “opt out” of blasting their opponent). After selection of how long the noise blast would be, the “noise blast” was delivered for the length of time indicated by the participant. If a revenge trial resulted in loss feedback, the game simply proceeded to the next trial. Regardless of whether a no‐consequence trial resulted in win feedback or loss feedback, the game simply proceeded to the next trial, because neither participant was able to blast the other participant with a loud noise.

If an aggravation trial resulted in win feedback, the game simply continued to the next trial. However, if an aggravation trial resulted in loss feedback, participants waited between 5 and 7 s as the insulter made a noise selection. A noise blast was then delivered through stereo headphones. The noise blast that was delivered at 102 dB and lasted for either 5 or 7 s .

Six practice trials occurred at the beginning of the experiment (two of each trial type with each trial type resulting with one win and one loss) and were not included for analyses. In between each trial, participants were prompted to click the spacebar to proceed to the next trial, followed by a screen indicating that the computer is waiting on the opponent (300–700 ms waiting period). The game lasted for approximately 50 min. During debriefing, all participants reported that they were engaged throughout the entirety of the game, and no participants reported being fatigued.

After the game, participants completed the PANAS‐X (Watson & Clark, 1999 ) a second time. Furthermore, participants rated how they felt during each of the three trial cues and each of the six possible feedback cues presented in the MAD paradigm on a scale of 1 ( no emotion ) to 9 ( strongest feeling ; Ekman, Friesen, & Ancoli, 1980 ). The feelings assessed were as follows: sad, glad, nervous, enthusiastic, happy, excited, angry, down, mad, and anxious. Because we were only interested in high intensity approach‐motivated states, we only examined those ratings. To examine how participants generally felt toward trial cues and trial feedback pictures, words assessing similar affective responses were averaged across picture type to form indices for excitement (excited and enthusiastic; Cronbach's alpha = .73) and anger (angry and mad; Cronbach's alpha = .88). Ratings data with no responses were removed from analyses, leading to variations in degrees of freedom for analyses. Finally, participants were carefully probed for suspicion using standardized funnel questioning and debriefed.

2.1.6. EEG processing

Electroencephalography was recorded from 32 tin electrodes mounted in a stretch lycra Quick‐Cap (Electroc‐Cap, Eaton, OH) based on the 10–20 system and referenced online to the left earlobe. A ground electrode was mounted midway between FPz and Fz. A sodium‐chloride based conductance gel was used to reduce impedance under 5,000 Ω. Signals were amplified with a Neuroscan SynAmps RT amplifier unit (El Paso, TX), low‐pass filtered at 100 Hz, high‐pass filtered at 0.05 Hz, notch‐filtered at 60 Hz, and digitized at 500 Hz. Artifacts (e.g., horizontal eye movement and muscle) were removed by hand. Then, a regression‐based eye movement correction was applied (Semlitsch, Anderer, Schuster, & Presslich, 1986 ), after which the data was visually inspected again to ensure proper correction.

2.1.7. Frontal asymmetry assessment

Epochs 1.024 s in duration during the baseline periods were extracted through a Hamming window (50% taper of distal ends). Data were re‐referenced using an average ears reference composed of the average activity at the earlobes. Consecutive epochs were overlapped by 50% to minimize data loss due to windowing. Power values within the alpha band (8–13 Hz) were obtained using a fast Fourier transformation and averaged across epochs (Coan & Allen, 2004 ; Harmon‐Jones & Sigelman, 2001 ). Because different studies measuring approach‐motivated anger have used various alpha asymmetry difference scores (Harmon‐Jones & Sigelman, 2001 ; Keune et al., 2012 ; Peterson et al., 2008 ; Peterson, Gravens, & Harmon‐Jones, 2011 ; Poole & Gable, 2014 ; Threadgill, Ryan, Jordan, & Hajcak, 2020 ), we used the asymmetry score showing the maximal difference between left and right frontal alpha activity from four asymmetry difference scores (F3/4, F5/6, F7/8, and an index of all three pairs of frontal sites) by subtracting the natural log left from the natural log right alpha activity. The difference between left and right frontal alpha activity was maximal at lateral‐frontal sites F7 and F8 (Cronbach's alpha for the first baseline period = .989; Cronbach's alpha for the second baseline period = .908). 3 Because alpha activity is inversely related to cortical activation (Laufs et al., 2003 ; Lindsley & Wicke, 1974 ), higher scores indicated greater relative left frontal activity.

2.1.8. ERP assessment

EEG data were epoched from 200 ms before feedback onset until 1,200 ms after feedback onset, re‐referenced to the average ears reference, and low‐pass filtered at 35 Hz. Aggregated waveforms for each feedback type were created and baseline corrected using the prestimulus activity. Twelve trials were entered into each of the average waveforms for revenge trial wins, revenge trial losses, no‐consequence trial wins, no‐consequence trial losses, aggravation trial wins, and aggravation trial losses. Based on past research, the RewP mean amplitude was assessed at site Cz within a window of 250–350 ms after feedback onset, because this electrode site and time window had the greatest difference between wins and losses (Baker & Holroyd, 2011 ; Foti, Weinberg, Dien, & Hajcak, 2011 ; Threadgill & Gable, 2016 ). 4

2.1.9. Experimental design and statistical analysis

Some have suggested that participants who fail to show psychophysiological markers of the target emotion, measured independently of the main task, should be excluded from analyses, because it is likely that the manipulation failed to elicit the target emotion (Basso, Schefft, & Hoffman, 1994 ; Shackman et al., 2006 ; Stemmler, 2003 ). Instead of excluding participants on the basis of a retrospective report at the conclusion of the experiment in which participants could possibly be afraid to admit that they either believed the study, experienced anger toward the other participant when receiving negative feedback on the essay, or enjoyed partaking in revenge against the offending opponent (which often can be influenced by researcher degrees‐of‐freedom, such as interpretations of a participant's ambiguous behavioral cues or choice of words), we excluded participants on the basis of psychophysiological markers collected during the course of the experiment that are indicative of approach‐motivated anger, measured independently of the main variable of interest. Using a psychophysiological marker as the criterion for exclusion from analysis allows for more control of individual differences in responses to the anger induction when participants might not be willing or able to accurately report their emotional or motivational state (Rottenberg, Kovacs, & Yaroslavsky, 2017 ). Furthermore, this allows us to capture emotional states during online assessments without reducing hostile evaluations toward a transgressor (which could occur when completing emotion or believability questionnaires directly proceeding the insult manipulation; Berkowitz, Jaffee, Jo, & Troccoli, 2001 ). One psychophysiological marker of increased approach‐motivated anger that has been used to exclude participants in anger paradigms is increased left frontal alpha asymmetry after an anger induction, relative to a baseline (Harmon‐Jones & Sigelman, 2001 ; Jensen‐Campbell, Knack, Waldrip, & Campbell, 2007 ; Verona, Sadeh, & Curtin, 2009 ). Increases in left frontal alpha asymmetry have consistently been found to be a reliable biomarker of approach‐motivated anger (d'Alfonso, van Honk, Hermans, Postma, & de Haan, 2000 ; Harmon‐Jones & Gable, 2018 ; Jensen‐Campbell et al., 2007 ; Kelley, Eastwick, Harmon‐Jones, & Schmeichel, 2015 ; Verona et al., 2009 ). However, a recent meta‐analysis found small effect sizes for the relationship between frontal asymmetry and anger (Kuper, Käckenmester, & Wacker, 2019 ), suggesting that the relationship between frontal asymmetry and anger may not exist across all contexts for all individuals. For example, when anger is not able to be expressed, some individuals do not show a relationship between left frontal alpha asymmetry and anger (Zinner, Brodish, Devine, & Harmon‐Jones, 2008 ). Despite small meta‐analytic effects, the insult manipulation should increase frontal asymmetry, supporting past work linking anger and frontal asymmetry.

Because we were primarily interested in the impact of anger on the RewP, we excluded from analyses those participants who failed to show an increase in left frontal alpha asymmetrical activation after the anger induction. More specifically, we created a left frontal alpha asymmetry change score by subtracting the left frontal alpha asymmetry score from the baseline period before the insult manipulation from the left frontal alpha asymmetry score from the baseline period following the insult manipulation. We then excluded all participants who had negative left frontal alpha asymmetry change scores (negative scores indicate that left frontal alpha asymmetry was higher before the insult than after the insult). Data from 14 participants failed to show an increase in left frontal alpha asymmetry. Additionally, two participants' RewP scores were more than three SD s from the mean and were subsequently excluded. This left 44 participants for hypothesis testing (see Table ​ Table1 1 for sample characteristics). 5

Demographic characteristics of full sample and sample for testing in Experiment 1

Note: Values are percentage or mean ( SD in parentheses). One participant had missing demographic data for both groups. Full sample demographics n = 59; sample for testing demographics n = 44.

All data were analyzed with STATISTICA 7 (version 7.1, StatSoft, 2008) using either dependent‐sample t ‐tests or repeated‐measures analysis of variance (ANOVA). Variations in degrees‐of‐freedom are due to a participant missing a score for that particular test. The criterion of statistical significance for all analyses was p  < .05. All post hoc testing was conducted using Fisher's LSD. Means and SD s for all variables are presented in Table ​ Table2. 2 . Full expanded hypotheses for all manipulation checks can be found in the Supplementary Materials . Correlations between all main variables of interest are presented in Supplementary Tables S1‐S3 .

Means and SD for all variables in Experiment 1

Note: SD are in parentheses.

3.1. Baseline affect

A dependent‐sample t ‐test indicated that participants reported being significantly more angry following the insult ( M  = 1.62, SD  = 1.09), relative to a baseline state ( M  = 1.16, SD  = 0.54), t (40) = 2.57, p  = .014, d  = 0.40.

3.2. Trial emotion ratings

3.2.1. emotion ratings to trial cues.

A one‐way (trial type: revenge vs. no‐consequence vs. aggravation) ANOVA examining excitement ratings to the trial cues was significant (see Table ​ Table3). 3 ). Post hoc analyses revealed that participants were more excited by the revenge trials than the no‐consequence trials and aggravation trials, t s > 2.65, p s < .001, d s > 0.44. No‐consequence trials elicited more excitement than aggravation trials, t (36) = 2.24, p  = .031, d  = 0.37. These results suggest participants were most excited by the revenge trials.

Statistical analyses for emotion ratings to trial cues in Experiment 1

Abbreviation: df, degrees of freedom.

A one‐way (trial type: revenge vs. no‐consequence vs. aggravation) repeated‐measures ANOVA examining anger ratings to the trial cues was significant (see Table ​ Table3). 3 ). Post hoc analyses revealed that participants experienced no difference in anger between the revenge trial cues and the no‐consequence trial cues, t (31) = 1.68, p  = .101, d  = 0.30. However, aggravation trial cues elicited significantly more anger than revenge trial cues, t (31) = 2.99, p  < .001, d  = 0.53. Furthermore, aggravation trial cues elicited significantly more anger than no‐consequence trial cues, t (31) = 4.48, p  < .001, d  = 0.79. These results suggest participants were most angered by the aggravation trials.

3.2.2. Emotion ratings to feedback cues

Affect ratings to the feedback cues were examined using a 2 (affective state: excitement vs. anger) × 3 (trial type: revenge vs. no‐consequence vs. aggravation) × 2 (outcome: win vs. loss) repeated‐measures ANOVA. This interaction was significant (see Table ​ Table4). 4 ). This three‐way interaction was unpacked by examining the 3 (trial type) × 2 (outcome) interaction for excitement ratings and for anger ratings separately.

Statistical analyses for emotion ratings to feedback cues in Experiment 1

For the excitement ratings, there was a significant trial type by outcome interaction (see Table ​ Table4). 4 ). A one‐way (trial type: revenge vs. no‐consequence vs. aggravation) repeated‐measures ANOVA examining excitement ratings to win feedback cues was significant. Post hoc analyses revealed that participants experienced more excitement to revenge trial wins than no‐consequence trial wins, t (32) = 2.84, p  = .007, d  = 0.49. Additionally, aggravation trial wins elicited more excitement than no‐consequence trial wins, t (32) = 6.31, p  < .001, d  = 1.08. Finally, aggravation trial wins elicited more excitement than revenge trial wins, t (32) = 2.91, p  = .002, d  = 0.50. The one‐way (trial type) repeated‐measures ANOVA examining excitement ratings to loss feedback cues was not significant.

For the anger ratings, there was a significant trial type by outcome interaction (see Table ​ Table4). 4 ). A one‐way (trial type: revenge vs. no‐consequence vs. aggravation) repeated‐measures ANOVA examining anger ratings to win feedback cues was not significant. However, the one‐way (trial type) repeated‐measures ANOVA examining anger ratings to loss feedback cues was significant. Post hoc analyses revealed that participants experienced no differences in anger between revenge trial losses and no‐consequence trial losses, t (33) = 1.41, p  = .167, d  = 0.24. Aggravation trial losses elicited more anger than both revenge trial losses and no‐consequence trial losses, t s > 3.72, ps  < .001, d s > 0.64.

3.3. Flanker response reaction times

Reaction times were logarithmically transformed. A one‐way (trial type: revenge vs. no‐consequence vs. aggravation) repeated‐measures ANOVA revealed a significant main effect of flanker response reaction time, F (2, 78) = 7.14, p  = .001, ƞ p 2  = .15. Post hoc analyses revealed that reaction times to the flanker response on revenge trials were faster than reaction times on no‐consequence trials, t (39) = 2.21, p  = .033, d  = 0.35. Reaction times to the flanker response on aggravation trials were faster than reaction times on no‐consequence trials, t (39) = 2.95, p  = .005, d  = 0.47. Reaction times to the flanker response on aggravation trials were faster than reaction times on revenge trials, t (39) = 2.38, p  = .023, d  = 0.38. Both revenge trials and aggravation trials sped reaction times, as compared to no‐consequence trials. Aggravation trials sped reaction times more than revenge trials.

3.4. The reward positivity

To examine differences in RewP amplitude between trial types, we conducted a 3 (trial type: revenge vs. no‐consequence vs. aggravation) × 2 (outcome: win vs. loss) repeated‐measures ANOVA. Results indicated that there was a significant main effect of trial type. There was also a nonsignificant effect of feedback and a nonsignificant interaction (but both were bordering on significant; see Figures ​ Figures3, 3 , ​ ,4, 4 , ​ ,5, 5 , ​ ,6, 6 , ​ ,7 7 and Table ​ Table5 5 ). 6

Left: ERP waveforms for win and loss feedback during revenge trials in Experiment 1, as well as the difference score between revenge trial wins and revenge trial losses (win minus loss) at site CZ. The RewP component is circled. Note that negative is plotted up by convention. Right: Scalp topography displaying the difference between wins and losses

Left: ERP waveforms for win and loss feedback during no‐consequence trials in Experiment 1, as well as the difference score between no‐consequence trial wins and no‐consequence trial losses (win minus loss) at site CZ. The RewP component is circled. Right: Scalp topography displaying the difference between wins and losses

Left: ERP waveforms for win and loss feedback during aggravation trials in Experiment 1, as well as the difference score between aggravation trial wins and aggravation trial losses (win minus loss) at site CZ. The RewP component is circled. Right: Scalp topography displaying the difference between wins and losses

ERP waveforms for win feedback during revenge, no‐consequence, and aggravation trials in Experiment 1 at site CZ

ERP waveforms for loss feedback during revenge, no‐consequence, and aggravation trials in Experiment 1 at site CZ

Statistical analyses for the reward positivity in Experiment 1

Based on hypotheses, we wanted to investigate how condition influenced win and loss feedback using a series of one‐way ANOVAs. For RewP amplitudes to win feedback, a one‐way (trial type: revenge vs. no‐consequence vs. aggravation) repeated‐measures ANOVA was significant. Post hoc analyses revealed that the RewP to revenge trial wins was larger than the RewP to no‐consequence trial wins, t (42) = 3.20, p  = .003, d  = 0.49. Additionally, the RewP to aggravation trial wins was larger than the RewP to no‐consequence trial wins, t (42) = 3.25, p  = .002, d  = 0.50. There was no difference in RewP amplitudes between revenge trial wins and aggravation trial wins, t (42) = 0.29, p  = .777, d  = 0.04. Together, these results suggest that revenge and aggravation trial wins elicit greater RewP amplitudes than no‐consequence trial wins.

For RewP amplitudes to loss feedback, a one‐way (trial type: revenge vs. no‐consequence vs. aggravation) repeated‐measures ANOVA was significant. Post hoc analyses revealed that the RewP to revenge trial losses was similar to the RewP to no‐consequence trial losses, t (44) = 1.23, p  = .226, d  = 0.19. However, aggravation trial losses elicited a larger RewP than no‐consequence trial losses ( t (44) = 2.63, p  = .012, d  = 0.40) and a RewP marginally larger than revenge trial losses ( t (44) = 1.90, p  = .064, d  = 0.29). These results suggest that aggravation trial losses elicited a larger RewP than revenge and no‐consequence trial losses.

Because the RewP has traditionally been examined by comparing amplitudes during win feedback to amplitudes during loss feedback, we conducted a dependent‐sample t ‐test within each trial type. Revenge trial wins elicited a larger RewP than revenge trial losses, t (43) = 3.10, p  = .003, d  = 0.47. There were no differences in RewP amplitudes between no‐consequence trial wins and no‐consequence trial losses ( t (43) = 0.22, p  = .825, d  = 0.03) or between aggravation trial wins and aggravation trial losses ( t (43) = 1.14, p  = .169, d  = 0.17). 7

3.5. Discussion for experiment 1

Experiment 1 revealed that, when angry, participants experienced more excitement to revenge trial cues than both no‐consequence and aggravation trial cues and more anger to aggravation trial cues than both no‐consequence and revenge trial cues. This suggests that participants were experiencing approach‐motivated affective states during the pursuit of rewards. Additionally, both revenge and aggravation trial win feedback elicited more excitement than no‐consequence trial win feedback, while aggravation trial loss feedback elicited more anger than no‐consequence and revenge trial loss feedback. This suggests that participants experienced approach‐motivated affective states to angering feedback. Behavioral results based on flanker task reaction times support that participants were approach‐motivated by the revenge and aggravation conditions. Participants were faster to flanker responses following revenge and aggravation trial cues than no‐consequence trial cues. Together with self‐reported emotion, these results indicate that participants experienced increased approach‐motivated affect in revenge and aggravation trials, relative to no‐consequence trials.

RewP amplitudes were larger after revenge trial win feedback than after revenge trial loss feedback in participants who were made angry by an insult manipulation. Consistent with past work, these results suggest that the RewP is more sensitive to win feedback than loss feedback. RewP amplitudes were also larger after both revenge trial win feedback and aggravation trial win feedback than no‐consequence trial win feedback. These results suggest that approach‐motivated states associated with a goal evoked larger RewPs than neutral states. Finally, aggravation trial loss feedback elicited larger RewP amplitudes than no‐consequence trial loss feedback. This suggests that, despite negative feedback, the enhanced approach‐motivation associated with further aggravation enhanced RewP amplitudes.

Experiment 1 examined how anger impacts reward processing, with results suggesting that motivational salience, rather than valence, enhances the RewP. However, the results of Experiment 1 could possibly be due to two potential confounds. First, Experiment 1 had participants complete a task with a positive condition (revenge trials), neutral condition (no‐consequence trials), and negative condition (aggravation trials). Thus, Experiment 2 removed this confound by replacing the negative aggravation trials with a second positive condition (bank trials) that elicited different levels of approach motivational intensity than revenge trials.

Second, the aggravation condition in Experiment 1 may have also elicited avoidance motivation, because participants were trying to prevent the opponent from being able to blast them with a loud noise. It might be the case that participants feared that the “other participant” may reciprocate excessively aggressive actions with aggressive actions of their own. In order to account for this potential compound, and to fully examine how approach‐motivated anger influences the RewP to revenge feedback, we replaced the aggravation condition with a positive approach‐motivated condition that did not allow for the possibility of seeking revenge.

4. EXPERIMENT 2

To address the possibility that aggravation trials may have elicited avoidance‐motivation, Experiment 2 replaced this condition with one that could not result in further aggression from the opponent. Thus, Experiment 2 removed this possibility by having participants beat the offending opponent in order to win money without the potential for reciprocal aggression. Participants could win money in one of two ways: participants could either win money from an offending opponent (revenge trials) or from a neutral third‐party bank (bank trials). There was no possibility for the offending opponent to take money from the participant.

Furthermore, to examine the unique role of revenge on the RewP, as compared to a general approach‐motivated state, Experiment 2 included conditions with the possibility of winning a revenge opportunity and winning an equally rewarding nonrevenge opportunity. Specifically, participants had the opportunity to take money from an opponent or take money from a neutral bank. Because Experiment 1 had both a positive condition (revenge trials) and negative condition (aggravation trials), it may not have allowed us to compare the unique role of approach‐motivated anger alone on revenge, relative to another approach‐motivated positive condition. Thus, Experiment 2 only created approach‐motivated states of either winning money from a bank or from the offending opponent. This allowed for the comparison between two potential wins: one motivated by revenge, and the other unmotivated by revenge. Together, Experiment 2 allowed us to parse out more directly how approach‐motivated anger associated with revenge relates to reward seeking.

To test this, Experiment 2 used a different variation of the MAD paradigm. After the same insult manipulation used in Experiment 1, participants were told that they were going to participate in a reaction time game against their opponent where they could win money from a variety of sources. Participants were then told that they were randomly assigned to begin the game with no money, while the insulter was given $10.00. Finally, participants were told that in some trials, participants could win the trial and take money from their opponent (revenge condition). In other trials, participants could win the trial and win money from a neutral bank (bank condition). Thus, in this version of the MAD paradigm, participants partook in two positive conditions in which both awarded money, but should invoke different levels of approach motivation (since participants could seek revenge against their opponent in one condition, while they could not seek revenge in the other condition).

Approach‐motivated anger should be greatest when one is able to rectify an angering event (Harmon‐Jones et al., 2003 ). Therefore, participants should experience the most approach motivation when they are able to win the opportunity to get revenge by taking money from the opponent, as opposed to simply winning money from a neutral bank. Thus, approach motivation was predicted to increase outcome monitoring sensitivity. Specifically, we predicted that the RewP would be larger to win feedback following both revenge trials and bank trials than win feedback following no‐consequence trials. More importantly, we predicted that the RewP would be larger to win feedback following revenge trials than win feedback following bank trials. Approach‐motivated anger should increase outcome monitoring sensitivity when winning the ability to win money and resolve the source of anger.

4.1. Methods

4.1.1. participants.

We conducted a second power analysis utilizing the results of Experiment 1. More specifically, we used the partial‐eta squared effect size of .05 (as was found in Experiment 1). We also used the more customary power value of 80%. Keeping all other parameters constant with the power analysis from Experiment 1, we determined that a sample size of 33 participants was sufficient. However, given that we did not pilot test the changes between Experiment 1 and Experiment 2 made to the MAD paradigm, we sought to run a similar number of participants in the current study as Experiment 1. Sixty‐three right‐handed individuals participated in exchange for partial course credit. Seven participant's EEG data was lost due to computer malfunction and were excluded. This left a total sample of 56 participants (before exclusions due to no increase in frontal asymmetry scores).

4.1.2. Procedures

All procedures preceding the reaction time game replicated those of Experiment 1. However, to investigate the unique role of approach‐motivated anger in reward processing, we used a different variation of the MAD paradigm. In this variation, participants were given the opportunity to win money if they were faster than their opponent in a reaction time game (see Figure ​ Figure8). 8 ). On revenge trials, if the participant won, they had the opportunity to take up to $0.15 from their opponent (1 =  $0.00 , 6 =  $0.15 ; increments of 3 cents). If they lost, participants proceeded to the next trial.

Experiment 2 example trials. Between the trial cue and flanker response, there was an ISI of 500 ms. Between the flanker response and feedback, there was an ISI of 500 ms. The intertrial intervals were 4,000 ms. A black screen was presented during all ISI's and ITI's

Furthermore, so that participants would know that the other opponent would not be able to retaliate, aggravation trials were replaced with bank trials. Thus, square cues now represented bank trial cues. On these trials, following the goal‐directed task (flanker response), participants received feedback indicating whether they did or did not win on that trial. More specifically, participants were presented with a white square with either a green up arrow or a red down arrow, indicating win or loss feedback, respectively. If the participant won, they had the opportunity to take up to $0.15 from a bank (1 =  $0.00 , 6 =  $0.15 ; increments of 3 cents). 8 If they lost, participants proceeded to the next trial. All other aspects of the MAD paradigm were similar to Experiment 1.

The game lasted for approximately 50 min. During debriefing, all participants reported that they were engaged throughout the entirety of the game, and no participants reported being fatigued.

After the game, participants completed the PANAS‐X (Watson & Clark, 1999 ) a second time. Furthermore, participants rated how they felt during each of the three trial cues and each of the six possible feedback cues presented in the MAD paradigm on a scale of 1 ( no emotion ) to 9 ( strongest feeling ; Ekman et al., 1980 ). Similar to Experiment 1, words assessing similar affective responses were averaged across picture type to form indices for excitement (excited and enthusiastic; Cronbach's alpha = .70) and anger (angry and mad; Cronbach's alpha = .74) toward each of the trial cues and trial feedback ratings separately. Ratings data with no responses were removed from analyses, leading to variations in degrees of freedom for analyses.

4.1.3. EEG processing

All EEG data collection and preprocessing steps were identical to Study 1.

4.1.4. Frontal asymmetry assessment

Frontal asymmetry assessment was identical to Study 1. The difference between left and right frontal alpha activity was maximal at the index of all three pairs of frontal sites (Cronbach's alpha for the first baseline period = .990; Cronbach's alpha for the second baseline period = .967). Similar to Experiment 1, we excluded from analyses those participants who failed to show an increase in left frontal alpha asymmetrical activation after the anger induction. Specifically, data from 21 participants failed to show an increase in left frontal alpha asymmetry. This left 35 participants for hypothesis testing (see Table ​ Table6 6 for sample characteristics). 9

Demographic characteristics of full sample and sample for testing in Experiment 2

Note: Values are percentage or mean ( SD in parentheses). Full sample demographics n = 63; Sample for testing demographics n = 35.

4.1.5. ERP assessment

ERP assessment was identical to Experiment 1. Twelve trials were entered into each of the average waveforms for revenge trial wins, revenge trial losses, bank trial wins, bank trial losses, no‐consequence trial wins, and no‐consequence trial losses. Based on past research, the RewP mean amplitude was assessed at site Cz within a window of 250–350 ms after feedback onset, because this electrode site and time window had the greatest difference between wins and losses (Baker & Holroyd, 2011 ; Foti et al., 2011 ; Threadgill & Gable, 2016 ).

4.1.6. Experimental design and statistical analysis

All data were analyzed with STATISTICA 7 (version 7.1, StatSoft, 2008) using either dependent‐sample t ‐tests or repeated‐measures analysis of variance (ANOVA). The criterion of statistical significance for all analyses was p  < .05. Post hoc testing was conducted using Fisher's LSD. Means and SD s for all variables are presented in Table ​ Table7. 7 . Full expanded hypotheses for all manipulation checks can again be found in the Supplementary Materials . Correlations between all main variables of interest are presented in Supplementary Tables S4‐S6 .

Means and SD s for all variables in Experiment 2

Note: SD s are in parentheses.

5.1. Baseline affect

A dependent‐sample t‐test indicated that participants reported being significantly more angry following the insult ( M  = 1.56, SD  = 0.93), relative to a baseline state ( M  = 1.01, SD  = 0.08), t (34) = 3.63, p  = .001, d  = 0.61.

5.2. Trial emotion ratings

5.2.1. emotion ratings to trial cues.

A one‐way (trial type: revenge vs. bank vs. no‐consequence) repeated‐measures ANOVA examining excitement ratings to the trial cues was significant (see Table ​ Table8). 8 ). Post hoc analyses revealed that participants were more excited by the revenge trials ( t [28] = 4.21, p  < .001, d  = 0.78) and bank trials ( t [28] = 4.50, p  < .001, d  = 0.84) than the no‐consequence trials. There was no difference in excitement ratings to revenge and bank trial cues, t (28) = 0.78, p  = .502, d  = 0.14. These results suggest participants were most excited by the revenge and bank trials.

Statistical analyses for emotion ratings to trial cues in Experiment 2

A one‐way (trial type: revenge vs. bank vs. no‐consequence) ANOVA examining anger ratings to the trial cues was not significant.

5.2.2. Emotion ratings to feedback cues

Affect ratings to the feedback cues were examined using a 2 (affective state: excitement vs. anger) × 3 (trial type: revenge vs. bank vs. no‐consequence) × 2 (outcome: win vs. loss) repeated‐measures ANOVA. This interaction was significant (see Table ​ Table9). 9 ). This three‐way interaction was unpacked by examining the 3 (trial type) × 2 (outcome) interaction for excitement ratings and for anger ratings.

Statistical analyses for emotion ratings to feedback cues in Experiment 2

For excitement ratings, results indicated that there was a significant trial type by outcome interaction (see Table ​ Table9). 9 ). A one‐way (trial type: revenge vs. bank vs. no‐consequence) ANOVA examining excitement ratings to win feedback cues was significant. Post hoc analyses revealed that participants experienced more excitement to both revenge trial wins ( t [27] = 4.39, p  < .001, d  = 0.83) and bank trial wins ( t [27] = 3.64, p  < .001, d  = 0.69) than no‐consequence trial wins. Importantly, revenge trial wins elicited more excitement than bank trial wins, t (27) = 2.17, p  = .050, d  = 0.41. The one‐way (trial type: revenge vs. bank vs. no‐consequence) ANOVA examining excitement ratings to loss feedback cues was not significant.

For anger ratings, results indicated that there was a significant trial type by outcome interaction (see Table ​ Table9). 9 ). A one‐way (trial type: revenge vs. bank vs. no‐consequence) ANOVA examining anger ratings to win feedback cues was not significant. However, the one‐way (trial type: revenge vs. bank vs. no‐consequence) ANOVA examining anger ratings to loss feedback cues was significant. Post hoc analyses revealed that participants experienced more anger to both revenge trial losses ( t [26] = 3.08, p  = .005, d  = 0.51) and bank trial losses ( t [26] = 2.41, p  = .019, d  = 0.57) than no‐consequence trial losses. There was no difference in self‐reported anger between revenge and bank trial loss feedback, t (26) = 1.31, p  = .202, d  = 0.22.

5.3. Flanker response reaction times

Incorrect flanker responses were removed from analysis (revenge trials: 86.35% retained; bank trials: 84.91% retained; no‐consequence trials: 83.48% retained). Reaction times were logarithmically transformed. A one‐way (trial type: revenge vs. bank vs. no‐consequence) ANOVA revealed a nonsignificant, but marginal, main effect of flanker response reaction time, F (2, 54) = 2.54, p  = .089, ƞ p 2  = .09. Post hoc analyses revealed that reaction times to the flanker response on revenge trials were faster than reaction times on no‐consequence trials, t (27) = 1.80, p  = .022, d  = 0.34. Reaction times to the flanker response on bank trials were marginally faster than reaction times on no‐consequence trials, t (27) = 1.59, p  = .082, d  = 0.30. There were no differences in flanker response reaction time between revenge trials and bank trials, t (27) = 0.73, p  = .563, d  = 0.14. Both revenge trials and bank trials sped reaction times, as compared to no‐consequence trials.

5.4. The reward positivity

To examine differences in RewP amplitude between trial types, we conducted a 3 (trial type: revenge vs. bank vs. no‐consequence) × 2 (outcome: win vs. loss) repeated‐measures ANOVA. Results indicated that there were significant main effects of both trial type and feedback. Finally, there was a nonsignificant interaction (but the interaction bordered on significant; see Figures ​ Figures9, 9 , ​ ,10, 10 , ​ ,11, 11 , ​ ,12, 12 , ​ ,13 13 and Table ​ Table10 10 ). 10

Left: ERP waveforms for win and loss feedback during revenge trials in Experiment 2, as well as the difference score between revenge trial wins and revenge trial losses (win minus loss) at site CZ. The RewP component is circled. Note that negative is plotted up by convention. Right: Scalp topography displaying the difference between wins and losses

Left: ERP waveforms for win and loss feedback during bank trials in Experiment 2, as well as the difference score between bank trial wins and bank trial losses (win minus loss) at site CZ. The RewP component is circled. Right: Scalp topography displaying the difference between wins and losses

Left: ERP waveforms for win and loss feedback during no‐consequence trials in Experiment 2, as well as the difference score between no‐consequence trial wins and no‐consequence trial losses (win minus loss) at site CZ. The RewP component is circled. Right: Scalp topography displaying the difference between wins and losses

ERP waveforms for win feedback during revenge, bank, and no‐consequence trials in Experiment 2 at site CZ

ERP waveforms for loss feedback during revenge, bank, and no‐consequence trials in Experiment 2 at site CZ

Statistical analyses for the reward positivity in Experiment 2

Based on hypotheses, we wanted to investigate how condition influenced win and loss feedback using a series of one‐way ANOVAs. For RewP amplitudes to win feedback, a one‐way (trial type: revenge vs. bank vs. no‐consequence) ANOVA was significant. Post hoc analyses revealed that the RewP to revenge trial wins was larger than the RewP to no‐consequence trial wins, t (32) = 4.63, p  < .001, d  = 0.81. Additionally, the RewP to bank trial wins was larger than the RewP to no‐consequence trial wins, t (32) = 1.78, p  = .047, d  = 0.31. Most importantly, the RewP to revenge trial wins was larger than the RewP to bank trial wins, t (32) = 2.18, p  = .041, d  = 0.38. Together, these results suggest that revenge trial wins elicit larger RewP amplitudes than both bank and no‐consequence trial wins, and bank trial wins elicit larger RewP amplitudes than no‐consequence trial wins.

For RewP amplitudes to loss feedback, a one‐way (trial type: revenge vs. bank vs. no‐consequence) repeated‐measures ANOVA was not significant.

Because the RewP has traditionally been examined by comparing amplitudes during win feedback to amplitudes during loss feedback, we conducted a dependent‐sample t ‐test within each trial type. Revenge trial wins elicited a larger RewP than revenge trial losses, t (32) = 4.22, p  < .001, d  = 0.73. There were no differences in RewP amplitudes between bank trial wins and bank trial losses ( t (32) = 0.81, p  = .424, d  = 0.14) or between no‐consequence trial wins and no‐consequence trial losses ( t (32) = 0.83, p  = .412, d  = 0.83). 11

5.5. Discussion for experiment 2

Experiment 2 revealed that, when angry, participants experienced more excitement to both revenge and bank trial cues than no‐consequence trial cues. This suggests that participants were experiencing approach‐motivated affective states during the pursuit of rewards. Additionally, both revenge and bank trial win feedback elicited more excitement than no‐consequence trial win feedback. Importantly, revenge trial win feedback elicited more excitement than bank trial win feedback. This suggests that participants experienced the most approach motivation to feedback in which anger could be ameliorated. Revenge and bank trial loss feedback elicited more anger than no‐consequence trial loss feedback. This suggests that participants experienced approach‐motivated affective states to angering feedback. Behavioral results based on flanker task reaction times support that participants were approach‐motivated by the revenge and bank conditions. Participants were faster to flanker responses following revenge and bank trial cues than no‐consequence trial cues. Together with self‐reported emotion, these results indicate that participants experienced increased approach‐motivated affect in revenge trials, followed by bank trials and no‐consequence trials, respectively.

RewP amplitudes were larger after revenge trial win feedback than after revenge trial loss feedback. Consistent with past work, these results suggest that the RewP is more sensitive to win feedback than loss feedback, particularly in approach‐motivated conditions. RewP amplitudes were also larger after both revenge trial win feedback and bank trial win feedback than no‐consequence trial win feedback. These results suggest that approach‐motivated states associated with a goal evoked larger RewPs than no‐consequence states. Most importantly, revenge trial win feedback elicited larger RewP amplitudes than bank trial win feedback. This suggests that situations in which the greatest amount of approach‐motivated affect should be present enhanced RewPs more than other approach‐motivating situations.

The present results found no difference in the RewP between wins and losses in the bank condition. Past research has found that the RewP reflects the binary evaluation of feedback as either positive or negative (Hajcak et al., 2006 ; Proudfit, 2015 ). However, Kujawa, Smith, Luhmann, and Hajcak ( 2012 ) found that the RewP was larger to positive outcomes than negative outcomes when accounting for the global context in which the win and loss is taking place. In their study, the RewP did not show differences between wins and losses for every trial type. Instead, the difference between wins and losses was only seen when the outcome represented the best possible outcome across all trial types. Thus, it could be the case that the RewP could be tracking the global context in which the feedback is occurring. As compared to the differences in revenge trial wins and losses, the bank and no‐consequence trials were not as rewarding. In the context of Experiment 2, it is likely that participants did not show the expected differences between wins and losses in the bank condition because they found wins in the revenge condition (where they could both win money and get revenge) to be more rewarding than simply winning money in the bank condition. Rather than simply tracking whether or not the feedback was positive or negative, participants also tracked the outcome in relation to all other possible outcomes.

6. GENERAL DISCUSSION

Results from two experiments revealed that approach‐motivated anger enhanced the RewP to revenge opportunities. Importantly, these effects occurred regardless of outcome valence. These results are consistent with the idea that the RewP (and, more broadly, feedback monitoring in general) is not strictly due to whether feedback is positive or negative, but, rather, incorporates the motivational salience of outcomes. Outcomes higher in motivational salience evoke larger RewPs, irrespective of outcome valence.

The finding that greater RewP amplitudes to revenge trial win feedback than revenge trial loss feedback in those who are made angry by an insult manipulation is in line with past work finding that approach‐motivated positive win feedback elicits a larger RewP than loss feedback (Threadgill & Gable, 2016 , 2018b ). However, in Experiment 1, there was no difference between win feedback and loss feedback for aggravation trials. In Experiment 2, there was no difference between win feedback and loss feedback for bank trials. This falls in line with the hypothesis that the RewP reflects general motivational salience, not outcome valence (Huang & Yu, 2014 ; Pfabigan, Alexopoulos, Bauer, & Sailer, 2011 ). In the current experiments, all included individuals were angry at their opponent, due to the insulting feedback on the essay. For revenge trials, participants were motivated to win the reward of blasting the insulter with a loud noise (Experiment 1) or taking the insulter's money (Experiment 2). It is likely the case that participants did not exhibit differences between win and loss feedback during aggravation trials (Experiment 1) or bank trials (Experiment 2) because these conditions were not the most motivationally salient outcomes. In Experiment 1, participants would rather win the opportunity to blast their opponent with a loud noise than be blasted with a loud noise. In Experiment 2, while participants did report more excitement to winning money from the bank than winning in a no‐consequence trial, participants also reported experiencing more excitement to winning money from the offending opponent than winning money from the bank. These results suggest that winning money from the bank was less motivationally salient than winning money as revenge. Together, results suggest that more motivationally salient outcomes, not outcome valence, elicited in differences between neural responses to wins and losses.

In Experiment 1, participants experienced approach motivation during aggravation trials by beating the insulter and receiving winning feedback. When participants received win feedback in aggravation trials, they experienced approach‐motivated excitement, because they blocked the insulter from winning a reward. Participants were also approach‐motivated when they lost during aggravation trials, because they were angered by the injustice of losing to an opponent who had previously insulted them. Participants were already angry at the opponent for insulting the participant via the disparaging feedback on the essay. Aggravation trials increased approach‐motivated anger because not only did the opponent insult the participant via disparaging feedback on the essay, but the insulter was also able to blast the participant with a loud noise. Aggravation trial win feedback led to approach‐motivated positive affect (excitement), while aggravation trial losses led to approach‐motivated negative affect (anger). Approach motivation enhanced RewP amplitudes to both wins and losses, relative to a no‐consequence state, suggesting that motivational salience, not feedback outcome, drove reward processing.

Experiment 2 built on the results of Experiment 1 by removing the possibility for participants to experience an increase in approach‐motivated anger via the aggravation trials. In Experiment 2, participants who were made angry by the insult manipulation experienced approach motivation during bank trials by beating the insulter and receiving winning feedback. When participants received win feedback in bank trials, they experienced approach‐motivated excitement, because they won money, even though the money was from a general bank and not their opponent. As revealed by both excitement ratings to the trial outcomes and RewP amplitudes, participants expressed greater excitement and displayed larger RewP amplitudes to revenge trial wins than bank trial wins. Notably, this occurred even though participants reported experiencing greater excitement and exhibiting larger RewP amplitudes to bank trial wins than no‐consequence trial wins. Wining money via revenge appears to elicit more approach‐motivated affect than simply winning money from a general bank.

Interestingly, in Experiment 2, revenge trial wins elicited larger RewP amplitudes than revenge trial losses, while there was no difference in RewP amplitude between wins and losses in the bank condition. This likely occurred because past research has found that outcome evaluation occurs within the overall context in which feedback is presented (Kujawa et al., 2012 ; Van den Berg, Shaul, Van der Veen, & Franker, 2012 ). It is likely the case that bank trials did not elicit enough approach motivation to cause a significant difference in RewP amplitudes between wins and losses, because other trials (i.e., revenge trials) both rewarded the participant with money and punished an offending opponent. Even though bank trials were both rated as more exciting and elicited marginally faster reaction times to the flanker response than no‐consequence trials (which suggests that approach motivation was increased, relative to no‐consequence trials), it seems that revenge trials, because they were the most motivationally salient, elicited differences in the RewP between wins and losses, while bank trials did not. Thus, while participants did experience approach motivation during bank trials, participants experienced the most approach motivation when they were able to win money and punish the insulter at the same time.

6.1. The reward positivity and approach motivation

The current research was based on past evidence linking the RewP with approach motivation (Threadgill & Gable, 2016 , 2018b ). Consistent with past work, individuals who were made angry by the insult manipulation exhibited larger RewPs to feedback while in approach motivated states (Experiment 1). Furthermore, in Experiment 2, we isolated the unique role of approach motivation on the RewP by giving participants the opportunity to win money from either an offending opponent or a neutral third‐party bank. Results indicated that individuals exhibited the largest RewP during the most motivationally salient outcome: both winning money and gaining the opportunity for revenge by punishing an offending opponent.

The current results are the first to demonstrate that negative approach‐motivated affects increase feedback processing sensitivity. Past research has focused on the role of positive approach‐motivated states on reward processing. By showing that negative approach‐motivated affects increase the RewP, results suggest that approach motivation, not outcome valence, is driving reward sensitivity. Building on past work, it appears that approach motivation, regardless of valence, enhances processing of feedback indicating successful goal pursuit.

6.2. Anger, revenge, and pleasure

The present work provides further evidence for the role of both anger and pleasure in revengeful behaviors. Revenge is an act driven by the desire to see some transgressor suffer (Zaibert, 2006 ). Of key importance is the notion that revenge (usually) occurs in response to some aversive event (Anderson & Bushman, 2002 ). Presumably, the perceived injustice arouses negative affects such as anger, leading to an attempt to resolve the anger‐inducing event (Harmon‐Jones & Sigelman, 2001 ). This behavior may have arisen as an evolutionary adaptation, in that aggressive behaviors from revenge are attempts to increase the likelihood of survival (Olivier & Young, 2002 ). Anger emanates in response to some obstacle, motivating an organism to find ways to remove that impediment. In the current experiments, participants experienced a negative situation by receiving insulting feedback from an opponent. Participants were then given the opportunity to get revenge against their opponent by either blasting them with loud noises (Experiment 1) or taking money from them (Experiment 2). Thus, participants were primed to seek revenge against their insulter as a result of their anger, suggesting that approach‐motivated anger motivated revenge seeking. The present results provide evidence that revenge is used as a tool to rectify angering situations.

Individuals often partake in anger‐driven revengeful acts because they believe these behaviors will lead to a positive experience or positive feelings (Bushman, 2002 ; Chester & DeWall, 2017 ). This increase in positive affect after an aggressive reaction occurs because the individual believes that justice has been delivered to the transgressor (Frijda, 1994 ). The current results provide the first evidence that individuals who are made angry by an instigator, for at least a moment, exhibit neural signatures associated with pleasure (and, therefore, likely actually experience increases in pleasure) when winning the opportunity to get revenge against their transgressor. By using neurophysiological methods capable of measuring momentary fluctuations in emotional state, the present results found that participants who were angry exhibited increases in neural signatures of reward processing when winning the opportunity to get revenge against an offending individual. Thus, it seems likely that approach‐motivated anger leads to revengeful acts out of a desire to experience pleasure from seeing the transgressor suffer. Furthermore, the current experiments provide evidence that individuals actually experience more pleasure when winning the opportunity to seek revenge against an offending opponent.

Additionally, the current research addresses an important lacuna in past research examining the relationship between revenge, pleasure, and neural processing. While past work using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) has found that acts of revenge activate regions of the brain associated with reward processing, such as the dorsal striatum (de Quervain et al., 2004 ), ventral striatum (Chester & DeWall, 2018 ), and nucleus accumbens (Chester & DeWall, 2016 ), the present research examines the momentary neural responses to winning the opportunity to aggress against an offending opponent. The present experiments provide evidence that individuals who are angry at a transgressor exhibit neural signatures of pleasure immediately after winning the opportunity to seek revenge against an offending opponent. Crucially, this occurred following the activation of approach‐motivated anger, which motivated individuals to seek revenge against their transgressor. By showing that anger, a negative affect associated with approach motivation, increases reward sensitivity to the motivationally salient outcome of winning the opportunity for revenge, the present research provides further support for the proposition of revenge as pleasurable.

6.3. Limitations and future directions

One of the main issues in emotion research is that a specific emotion manipulation often elicits a multitude of different emotions (Ekman, 1984 ; Ekman et al., 1980 ). Participants are not always able to express the magnitude of each emotion felt during a specific emotion manipulation via self‐report questionnaires (Moore & Oaksford, 2002 ). While self‐report questionnaires do add important information about the emotional states experienced toward a stimulus, self‐reported emotion by itself can be an unreliable assessment of emotion (Stemmler, 2003 ). In addition, measures of self‐report can disrupt the emotional state.

In the current experiments, the target emotion of anger after being insulted was assessed using frontal asymmetry, a well‐validated psychophysiological signature of anger (Davidson, Ekman, Saron, Senulis, & Friesen, 1990 ; Shackman et al., 2006 ). While left frontal asymmetry has been found to relate to other psychological processes besides anger (for a review, see Gable et al., 2018 ; Harmon‐Jones & Gable, 2018 ; Harmon‐Jones, Gable, & Peterson, 2010 ), a wealth of research has demonstrated a relationship between left frontal asymmetry and an insult manipulation (Harmon‐Jones, Peterson, & Harris, 2009 ; Harmon‐Jones & Sigelman, 2001 ; Jensen‐Campbell et al., 2007 ; Kelley et al., 2015 ; Verona et al., 2009 ). In both experiments, participants were excluded on the basis of neurophysiological markers indicative of approach‐motivated anger, measured independently of the main variable of interest. Utilizing frontal asymmetry allowed us to focus on participants who experienced approach‐motivated anger in response the insult and were motivated to seek revenge on their opponent. This allowed for a more precise examination of how approach‐motivated anger affects the RewP. As with any exclusion, this had a decrease on statistical power to detect an effect. However, because all included participants were strongly displaying approach‐motivated anger, this likely increased the strength of the revenge and aggravation manipulations.

Another limitation is that the paradigm took approximately 50 min to complete. Although none of the participants reporting fatigued by the task in either study, it is likely the case that participants were less energetic by the end of the task than at the beginning. Now that these studies have demonstrated the validity of the MAD to measure approach‐motivated revenge, future studies might benefit from shortening the task to be completed more quickly.

The present research provides a novel task by which to examine momentary positive reactions to revengeful aggression. Much research examining the relationship between anger, pleasure, and revengeful aggression have used self‐report measures to examine the pleasurable aspects of revenge, which may not always be reliable. Furthermore, other aggression paradigms, such as the Taylor Aggression Paradigm, combine outcomes that result in aggression (i.e., winning the opportunity to aggress against an opponent or losing that results in the opponent aggressing against the participant) into a single trial type. The current experiments provide a new aggression paradigm, known as the MAD paradigm, by which future research can compare the momentary emotional reactions to winning the opportunity to seek revenge to the momentary emotional reactions to losing that results in the opponent aggressing against the participant. Future research can use the present paradigm to understand the underlying reactions to every aspect of revenge, such as the pursuit of revenge, the actual obtainment of the opportunity to seek revenge, and the actual process of partaking in revengeful behaviors.

The current article focused on looking at provoked acts of aggression and not unprovoked acts of aggression. Because all participants were provoked in the current experiments, there is not an unprovoked comparison group. As such, the current experiments cannot compare aggression against an offending opponent from aggression against a nonoffending opponent. Future research could also use a version of the MAD paradigm with neutral or positive feedback to the essay manipulation as a between‐subjects factor to examine how different emotional states relate to revenge or, more broadly, general opportunities for aggression.

Furthermore, the MAD paradigm is versatile, in that aspects of the design can be manipulated depending on the population being studied. For example, the current version of the MAD paradigm uses negative feedback about an essay written by the participant, ostensibly from another participant. Researchers studying young children could change the specific anger provocation of the MAD paradigm to a more developmentally appropriate anger provocation that is easier for children to comprehend (such as Cyberball; Chester & DeWall, 2017 ).

The MAD paradigm should be useful to study clinical populations who exhibit persistent antisocial behavior, including psychopathy and antisocial personality disorder. This is especially pertinent considering that that the National Institute of Mental Health's Research Domain Criteria (RDoC) initiative accentuates the need to understand individual differences in psychological disorders via core neurobiological systems (Cuthbert & Insel, 2013 ; Sanislow et al., 2010 ). By understanding the neural underpinnings of maladaptive behaviors within these clinical populations, researchers may be able to understand what neural processes are occurring during the actual perpetuation of these misanthropic behaviors, and, therefore, provide a better understanding of cognitive functioning within these clinical populations.

6.4. Conclusions

Recent research has found that the RewP is sensitive to approach‐motivated states that occur during the pursuit of a goal (Meadows, Gable, Lohse, & Miller, 2016 ; Threadgill & Gable, 2016 , 2018b ). The current experiments found that anger, a high intensity approach‐motivated negative affect, enhances the RewP, especially when that goal brings about revenge. RewP amplitudes were larger to feedback indicating the offending individual was rewarded due to an increase in aggravation. Together, these results suggest that the RewP reflects an active performance monitoring system influenced by approach‐motivated goal states, regardless of affective valence. Anger generates approach‐motivated action tendencies, which influences action‐monitoring processes associated with the RewP (Brehm, 1999 ; Carver & Harmon‐Jones, 2009 ). Organisms are driven to approach a specific outcome, enhancing performance monitoring and feedback processing in order to potentially aid future goal pursuit.

The present results suggest that anger, a high intensity approach motivated negative affect, amplifies the RewP when winning the ability to seek revenge and prevent further aggravation. Past work has typically only found that approach motivation enhances processing of winning feedback, confounding valence and motivation (Threadgill & Gable, 2016 , 2018b ). However, the present work's unique experimental design allowed us to evoke negative approach‐motivated affect, finding that approach motivation in general enhances feedback processing to revenge opportunities, regardless of outcome valence. This is in line with a growing body of work suggesting that motivational salience, rather than valence, drives neural correlates of reward processing (Pfabigan et al., 2015 ).

ACKONWLEDGMENTS

The authors would like to thank Kary Reynolds and Samantha Thomas for their help in data collection and processing.

CONFLICT OF INTERESTS

The authors declare no competing financial interests.

Supporting information

Appendix S1. Supporting Information.

Appendix S1. Tables.

Threadgill AH, Gable PA. Revenge is sweet: Investigation of the effects of Approach‐Motivated anger on the RewP in the motivated anger delay (MAD) paradigm . Hum Brain Mapp . 2020; 41 :5032–5056. 10.1002/hbm.25177 [ PMC free article ] [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]

1 All procedures and analyses for Experiment 1 were preregistered to a Thesis committee at the University of Alabama prior to data collection.

2 We did not assess emotional states via self‐report after the delivery of the insulting feedback for two reasons. First, asking participants to reevaluate their emotional state after the feedback delivery likely would have altered their emotional state in a way that they would have felt less anger (Hauser, Ellsworth, & Gonzalez, 2018 ). Second, previous research using this paradigm has found that insulting feedback increases anger, relative to a neutral condition, while not increasing fear, distress, sadness, and happiness (Harmon‐Jones et al., 2004 ; Harmon‐Jones & Sigelman, 2001 ). For these reasons, we did not assess emotional states via self‐report after the delivery of the insulting feedback. Rather, anger was assessed as increases in left frontal activation following the insulting feedback, as compared to the baseline measurement before the delivery of the insult.

3 Past work has measured resting left frontal asymmetry using an 8 min baseline period (Neal & Gable, 2017 ). However, both shortened baseline periods demonstrated excellent reliability that is similar to past work (Neal & Gable, 2017 , found that resting frontal asymmetry over an 8 min baseline period demonstrated Cronbach's alpha of .97).

4 While much research has examined the RewP at site FCz, some work has argued that there may be variance in the topography of the maximal RewP (Krigolson, 2018 ). Indeed, some work has found that the RewP is maximal at site Fz (Van den Berg, Franken, & Muris, 2011 ), while others have found that the RewP is maximal at site Cz (Holroyd, Pakzad‐Vaezi, & Krigolson, 2008 ; Threadgill & Gable, 2016 , 2018b ).

5 An independent sample t ‐test indicated that excluded participants ( n = 16, M  = −0.11, SD = 0.28) had a significantly smaller change in relative left frontal alpha activity following the anger induction than the non‐excluded participants ( n = 44, M = 0.22, SD = 0.20), t (58) = 5.05, p < .001. A one‐sample t ‐test indicated that the remaining participants exhibited a significant increase in relative left frontal alpha activity following the anger induction, t (43) = 7.22, p < .001. Furthermore, to ensure that we did not bias the selected sample to show RewP differences across conditions, we conducted correlations between relative left frontal alpha activity and the RewP to revenge trial win feedback for both participants included for analysis and participants excluded for analysis. Both correlations were not significant, p’s > .689.

6 A 3 (trial type) x 2 (outcome) repeated‐measure ANOVA examining the RewP that included all participants, including those who were originally excluded, did not reveal a significant interaction, F (2, 108) = 0.97, p  = .382, ƞ p 2  = .02.

7 Because the RewP can potentially have strong temporal overlap with the P3 (Holroyd, Nieuwenhuis, Yeung, & Cohen, 2003 ; Novak & Foti, 2015 ), we also examined the P3 to feedback. Based on past research, the P3 was assessed at site CZ within a window of 350–600 ms after feedback onset (Threadgill & Gable, 2016 ; Weinberg, Luhmann, Bress, & Hajcak, 2012 ). A 3 (trial type: revenge vs. no‐consequence vs. aggravation) x 2 (outcome: win vs. loss) repeated‐measures ANOVA for the P3 did not reveal a significant interaction, F (2, 82) = 1.60, p  = .208, ƞ p 2  = .04.

8 A dependent‐sample t ‐test comparing the amount of money taken from the offending opponent ( M = 13.33, SD = 3.08) and the amount of money taken from the bank ( M = 13.80, SD = 2.38) was not significant, t (25) = 1.32, p  = .199, d = 0.26, 95% CI [−0.13, 0.65]. Participants took the same amount of money, regardless of the source.

9 An independent sample t ‐test indicated that excluded participants ( n = 21, M  = −0.12, SD = 0.08) had a significantly smaller change in relative left frontal alpha activity following the anger induction than the non‐excluded participants ( n = 36, M = 0.15, SD = 0.12), t (55) = 9.02, p < .001. A one‐sample t ‐test indicated that the remaining participants exhibited a significant increase in relative left frontal activity following the anger induction, t (35) = 7.48, p < .001. Furthermore, to ensure that we did not bias the selected sample to show RewP differences across conditions, we conducted correlations between relative left frontal alpha activity and the RewP to revenge trial win feedback for both participants included for analysis and participants excluded for analysis. Both correlations were not significant, p’s > .276.

10 A 3 (trial type) x 2 (outcome) repeated‐measure ANOVA examining the RewP that included all participants, including those who were originally excluded, did not reveal a significant interaction, F (2, 104) = 0.66, p  = .520, ƞ p 2  = .01.

11 Because the RewP can potentially have strong temporal overlap with the P3 (Holroyd et al., 2003 ; Novak & Foti, 2015 ), we, once again, examined the P3 to feedback. Similar to Experiment 1, the P3 was assessed at site CZ within a window of 350–600 ms after feedback onset. A 3 (trial type: revenge vs. bank vs. no‐consequence) x 2 (outcome: win vs. loss) repeated‐measures ANOVA for the P3 did not reveal a significant interaction, F (2, 68) = 0.25, p  = .779, ƞ p 2  = .007.

DATA AVAILABILITY STATEMENT

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Home — Essay Samples — Government & Politics — Revenge — Is Revenge Ever Justified?

Is Revenge Ever Justified?

• Categories: Justification Revenge

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Published: Sep 12, 2023

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Understanding revenge, arguments for the justification of revenge, arguments against the justification of revenge, alternatives to revenge.

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How Pew Research Center will report on generations moving forward

Journalists, researchers and the public often look at society through the lens of generation, using terms like Millennial or Gen Z to describe groups of similarly aged people. This approach can help readers see themselves in the data and assess where we are and where we’re headed as a country.

Pew Research Center has been at the forefront of generational research over the years, telling the story of Millennials as they came of age politically and as they moved more firmly into adult life . In recent years, we’ve also been eager to learn about Gen Z as the leading edge of this generation moves into adulthood.

But generational research has become a crowded arena. The field has been flooded with content that’s often sold as research but is more like clickbait or marketing mythology. There’s also been a growing chorus of criticism about generational research and generational labels in particular.

Recently, as we were preparing to embark on a major research project related to Gen Z, we decided to take a step back and consider how we can study generations in a way that aligns with our values of accuracy, rigor and providing a foundation of facts that enriches the public dialogue.

A typical generation spans 15 to 18 years. As many critics of generational research point out, there is great diversity of thought, experience and behavior within generations.

We set out on a yearlong process of assessing the landscape of generational research. We spoke with experts from outside Pew Research Center, including those who have been publicly critical of our generational analysis, to get their take on the pros and cons of this type of work. We invested in methodological testing to determine whether we could compare findings from our earlier telephone surveys to the online ones we’re conducting now. And we experimented with higher-level statistical analyses that would allow us to isolate the effect of generation.

What emerged from this process was a set of clear guidelines that will help frame our approach going forward. Many of these are principles we’ve always adhered to , but others will require us to change the way we’ve been doing things in recent years.

Here’s a short overview of how we’ll approach generational research in the future:

We’ll only do generational analysis when we have historical data that allows us to compare generations at similar stages of life. When comparing generations, it’s crucial to control for age. In other words, researchers need to look at each generation or age cohort at a similar point in the life cycle. (“Age cohort” is a fancy way of referring to a group of people who were born around the same time.)

When doing this kind of research, the question isn’t whether young adults today are different from middle-aged or older adults today. The question is whether young adults today are different from young adults at some specific point in the past.

To answer this question, it’s necessary to have data that’s been collected over a considerable amount of time – think decades. Standard surveys don’t allow for this type of analysis. We can look at differences across age groups, but we can’t compare age groups over time.

Another complication is that the surveys we conducted 20 or 30 years ago aren’t usually comparable enough to the surveys we’re doing today. Our earlier surveys were done over the phone, and we’ve since transitioned to our nationally representative online survey panel , the American Trends Panel . Our internal testing showed that on many topics, respondents answer questions differently depending on the way they’re being interviewed. So we can’t use most of our surveys from the late 1980s and early 2000s to compare Gen Z with Millennials and Gen Xers at a similar stage of life.

This means that most generational analysis we do will use datasets that have employed similar methodologies over a long period of time, such as surveys from the U.S. Census Bureau. A good example is our 2020 report on Millennial families , which used census data going back to the late 1960s. The report showed that Millennials are marrying and forming families at a much different pace than the generations that came before them.

Even when we have historical data, we will attempt to control for other factors beyond age in making generational comparisons. If we accept that there are real differences across generations, we’re basically saying that people who were born around the same time share certain attitudes or beliefs – and that their views have been influenced by external forces that uniquely shaped them during their formative years. Those forces may have been social changes, economic circumstances, technological advances or political movements.

When we see that younger adults have different views than their older counterparts, it may be driven by their demographic traits rather than the fact that they belong to a particular generation.

The tricky part is isolating those forces from events or circumstances that have affected all age groups, not just one generation. These are often called “period effects.” An example of a period effect is the Watergate scandal, which drove down trust in government among all age groups. Differences in trust across age groups in the wake of Watergate shouldn’t be attributed to the outsize impact that event had on one age group or another, because the change occurred across the board.

Changing demographics also may play a role in patterns that might at first seem like generational differences. We know that the United States has become more racially and ethnically diverse in recent decades, and that race and ethnicity are linked with certain key social and political views. When we see that younger adults have different views than their older counterparts, it may be driven by their demographic traits rather than the fact that they belong to a particular generation.

Controlling for these factors can involve complicated statistical analysis that helps determine whether the differences we see across age groups are indeed due to generation or not. This additional step adds rigor to the process. Unfortunately, it’s often absent from current discussions about Gen Z, Millennials and other generations.

When we can’t do generational analysis, we still see value in looking at differences by age and will do so where it makes sense. Age is one of the most common predictors of differences in attitudes and behaviors. And even if age gaps aren’t rooted in generational differences, they can still be illuminating. They help us understand how people across the age spectrum are responding to key trends, technological breakthroughs and historical events.

Each stage of life comes with a unique set of experiences. Young adults are often at the leading edge of changing attitudes on emerging social trends. Take views on same-sex marriage , for example, or attitudes about gender identity .

Many middle-aged adults, in turn, face the challenge of raising children while also providing care and support to their aging parents. And older adults have their own obstacles and opportunities. All of these stories – rooted in the life cycle, not in generations – are important and compelling, and we can tell them by analyzing our surveys at any given point in time.

When we do have the data to study groups of similarly aged people over time, we won’t always default to using the standard generational definitions and labels. While generational labels are simple and catchy, there are other ways to analyze age cohorts. For example, some observers have suggested grouping people by the decade in which they were born. This would create narrower cohorts in which the members may share more in common. People could also be grouped relative to their age during key historical events (such as the Great Recession or the COVID-19 pandemic) or technological innovations (like the invention of the iPhone).

By choosing not to use the standard generational labels when they’re not appropriate, we can avoid reinforcing harmful stereotypes or oversimplifying people’s complex lived experiences.

Existing generational definitions also may be too broad and arbitrary to capture differences that exist among narrower cohorts. A typical generation spans 15 to 18 years. As many critics of generational research point out, there is great diversity of thought, experience and behavior within generations. The key is to pick a lens that’s most appropriate for the research question that’s being studied. If we’re looking at political views and how they’ve shifted over time, for example, we might group people together according to the first presidential election in which they were eligible to vote.

With these considerations in mind, our audiences should not expect to see a lot of new research coming out of Pew Research Center that uses the generational lens. We’ll only talk about generations when it adds value, advances important national debates and highlights meaningful societal trends.

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NPR editor Uri Berliner resigns after essay accusing outlet of liberal bias

A senior business editor at National Public Radio has resigned after writing an essay for an online news site published last week accusing the outlet of a liberal bias in its coverage.

In a Wednesday post on X , Uri Berliner included a statement in what he said was his resignation letter to NPR President and CEO Katherine Maher.

"I am resigning from NPR, a great American institution where I have worked for 25 years," Berliner wrote in the post. "I don't support calls to defund NPR. I respect the integrity of my colleagues and wish for NPR to thrive and do important journalism. But I cannot work in a newsroom where I am disparaged by a new CEO whose divisive views confirm the very problems at NPR I cite in my Free Press essay."

On Friday, Berliner was suspended for five days without pay, NPR confirmed Tuesday , a week after his essay in the Free Press, an online news publication, where he argued the network had "lost America's trust" and allowed a "liberal bent" to influence its coverage, causing the outlet to steadily lose credibility with audiences.

Berliner's essay also angered many of his colleagues and exposed Maher, who started as NPR's CEO in March, to a string of attacks from conservatives over her past social media posts.

Dig deeper: NPR suspends senior editor Uri Berliner after essay accusing outlet of liberal bias

NPR reported that the essay reignited the criticism that many prominent conservatives have long leveled against NPR and prompted newsroom leadership to implement monthly internal reviews of the network's coverage.

Neither NPR nor Maher have not yet publicly responded to Berliner's resignation, but Maher refuted his claims in a statement Monday to NPR.

"In America everyone is entitled to free speech as a private citizen," Maher said. "What matters is NPR's work and my commitment as its CEO: public service, editorial independence, and the mission to serve all of the American public. NPR is independent, beholden to no party, and without commercial interests."

Contributing: Eric Lagatta, USA TODAY.