essay of road to democracy in south africa

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ROAD TO DEMOCRACY ESSAY GRADE 12

ROAD TO DEMOCRACY ESSAY SAMPLE (TALKS/NEGOTIATIONS) NOTE:your introduction and conclusionis highlighted with green colour.Your lines of arguments are highlighted withred colour.

One would totally agree with the statement that it was leadership,negotiations and compromises among various leaders that ensured that South Africa become a democratic state.For example,Nelson Mandela and De Klerk worked together including ot her organisations to bring democratic South Africa on 1994. (Make sure your introduction is not longer than 5 pages) In1981,FW De Klerk replaced PW Botha as a state president of South Africa and immediately made drastic changes by unbanning political parties and release political prisoners.De Klerk made an announcement for the release of Nelson Mandela on 11 February 1990.This was a huge step taken by De Klerk and it gave people hope that the apartheid was coming to a nend. (Make sure your back ground is not more than 5 lines).

The National Party(NP) and African National Congress(ANC) delegation met at two locations to discuss the way on how they will work together towards the democratic South Africa.The first meeting was held in 2 May1990 at the official resident house of Groote Schuur and it was called the Groot Schuur Meeting.In this meeting both ANC and NP agreed on ending violence which were occurring in the country and to work together towards the process of negotiations or talks to bring a democratic South Africa.The second meeting were held at Pretoria on 6 August 1990 which led to an agreement called the Pretoria Minutes.Here the ANC government agreed that they will suspend the armed struggle and the NP government agreed to end the state of emergency.Other major law were removed.The Group Areas Act and Registration Population were also removed.This convinced countries that imposed sanctions to S.A and boycotts to stop them.Thus,the leadership and negotiations and compromises among various leaders ensured that South Africa become a democratic country in1994.

Although,the violence did not stop in the country between Inkandla Freedom Party(IFP)and ANC.The IFP supporters attacked ANC on commuter trains and led into almost 573 deaths. It was emerged that the NP government handed weapon to IFP supporters to eliminate ANC supporters.This created a huge distrust between ANC and IFP including NP.Another violence occurred in Sebokeng in hostels when the IFP attacked ANC strong hold and almost 30 people died.Moreover,another violence occurred in ZonkizizweTownship in Germistonin Gauteng between supporters of the IFP and the ANC.The ongoing violence between the ANC and IFP members led into a Seven Day Warat Pietermarisburg (PMB).Therefore,the violence and uncertainly that confronted South Africa in the early1980s almost delayed the process of negotiations.

Moreover,the formal negotiations occurred on 20December 1990 at Convention for Democratic South Africa(CODESA1)at Trade Work Centreat Kempton Park.Nineteen political organisations including UNO and common wealth.Even though talks sometimes broke down but the Declaration of Intent was signed.It was agreed that South Africa should be an undivided country.Free from apartheid, discrimination and all other forms of prejudices.This also led into accountability of a meeting by four groups that were preparing for the future meeting which was CODESA2 which were to be held in May2.The PAC and PC boycotted against the CODESA.The IFP and the Independent Bophuthatshwana did not sign it because the irrequest for an extra delegation for the Zulu King was refused.Therefore, compromises among various leaders ensured that South Africa become a democratic state in1994.

Furthermore,DeKlerk called for a white only referendum on1991. Here DeKlerk wanted to see if the white people were still with him from the negotiations he had started making from 1990 to change South Africa.The majority voted positive and it was clear that he should continue.This gave people hope that apartheid was coming to an end.Thus,the compromises also ensured that South Africa become a democratic country in1994.

CODESA2 occurred on May1991.It was agreed that the SABC should presents the neutral view of the negotiations on televisions.The NP and ANC did not agreed on major power sharing like power sharing,majority rule and regional powers.The NP still wanted a major place from the government and the ANC did not admit on that.The ANC and NP did not come into consensus solution on how they will end the violence in South Africa. As a results,ANC and COSATU walked out of the negotiations and called for a mass rally to force government to compromise.Therefore,it was leadership,negotiations and compromises among various leaders that ensured that South Africa become a democratic state.

Even though the official negotiations had ended but the unofficial negotiations continue between Cyril Ramaphosa and Roef Meyer. The Record of Understanding was signed between Cyril Ramaphosa of ANC and Roef Meyer of the NP.This committed and encouraged South Africa to work together again towards the negotiations.Moreover,Joe Slovo came up with Sunset Clause on April 1993.The Sunset Clause allowed the National Party government until 2000.It also protected the security jobs for whites people for more than 10years.Therefore, the commitment and compromises among various leaders ensured that South Africa become a democratic country in 1994.

Moreover, the violence did not end between IFP and ANC.The ANC attacked the squatter camps of the ANC near the township of Boipatong in the Gauteng and almost 49people died.It was said that a white man was the one who handed over the Force Defence Agency to cause violence and chaos.The ANC called for a march to the Cickel to protests against homeland leaders.Here almost 79 people died and 200 people got injured when they were trying to break through the police barriers.The assassination of Chris Hani almost stopped the negotiations process of the elections.Chris Hani was a General Secretary of the Communist Party(CP) and he was assassinated on1993 by members of the Military Wink.There was a violence and chaos in a country after his assassination. DeKlerk realised he could not deal with this anymore and called for Nelson Mandela to address the issue. Mandela addressed that on national television that there must calm down and stop fighting each other.Thus,thev iolence and uncertainty that confronted South Africa in the early 1980s almost delayed the process of negotiations.

Moreover, the Multi talks began on 1993April1. It was said that the date of the election was going to be 27thApril1994 on this meeting which was held at World Trade Centre. Furthermore, the AWB and Volk front stormed the World Trade Centre attempt to disturb the negotiations.They vandalised the entrance and threatened delegation.The AWB was killed by the South African Defence Force.The APPLA opened on fire on St James Church and killed 11 people.The IFP marched to Shell House and was killed by ANC security.This led to a Shell House Massacre.Then DeKlerk, Mandela and Buthelezihada meeting led to IFP joining the negotiations.Then finally the election held free and fairly. ANC won the elections and Nelson Mandela became the first president of South African Democratic Country.The election were held on 27 April 1994. DeKlerk and Thabo Mbheki became deputy president. Therefore, the compromises, negotiations and leadership ensured that South Africa become a democratic country in 1994.

To conclude, it was leadership,negotiations and compromises among various leaders that ensured that South Africa become a democratic state in 1994. For example Nelson Mandela and De Klerk compromised so much working with other organisations to bring democracy in South Africa. (Your conclusion must be less than5lines).

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South Africa - First 20 Years of Democracy (1994 - 2014)

South Africa’s advent to democracy was ushered through the 1993 Interim Constitution, drawn up through negotiations among various political parties, culminating in the country’s first non-racial election in 1994.

All legally eligible South Africans were able to cast their vote for the first time on 27 April 1994 to mark the end of apartheid rule and establish a new Constitutional order.

This year, 2014, marks 20 years of democracy in South Africa, coinciding with the fifth national elections as a democratic country.

The road to democracy in South Africa was marked by centuries of racial and economic discrimination and oppression as well as an unyielding sacrifice and resistance of the oppressed peoples, together with a minority of their White compatriots. Today South Africa is a new society built on a foundation of freedom and democracy.

In order to mark these 20 years of democracy, it is important to reflect on some of the key issues/features of the country’s young democracy. This feature focuses on a range of aspects such as socio-economic and health policies; formation of new political parties; establishment of institutions such as the Independent Electoral Commission, Public Protectors Office, Labour Court, Equality Court and the Constitutional Court; and major events such as 2010 Fifa World Cup and so on.

National Development Plan, delivered at the 53rd ANC Conference, 2012 South Africa at 20: Storms behind the Rainbow South Africa at 20: The re-awakening of “the left” in post-apartheid South Africa?

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From south africa, a success story for democracy.

In a new book, MIT political scientist Evan Lieberman examines a quarter-century of post-Apartheid government and finds meaningful progress.

May 19, 2022 Peter Dizikes MIT News

MIT political scientist Evan Lieberman’s new book, “Until We Have Won Our Liberty,” examines the condition of South Africa, a quarter-century after it became a multiracial democracy.

Image: Evan Lieberman photo by Stuart Darsch

Back in April 1994, the world watched a remarkable event: South Africa’s first democratic election with universal suffrage. The country whose Apartheid system had legalized racial segregation since the late 1940s went to the polls and elected a new national assembly. In turn, that assembly picked a Black president: Nelson Mandela, who, after decades in prison, became the South Africa’s new leader.

Those events were a major part of the global 1990s-era shift toward democratic rule. But in recent years, critics have increasingly questioned the success of South Africa’s democracy, citing uneven economic development, malfeasance, and more. One post-Mandela president of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, notoriously doubted the links between HIV and AIDS, exacerbating a health crisis in the country; another, Jacob Zuma, was beset by multiple corruption charges.

Today, with democracy being threatened in many countries around the world, the stakes seem higher than ever for a clear-headed assessment of the South African experiment. And MIT political scientist Evan Lieberman, a career-long scholar of the country, thinks South Africa’s quarter-century of democracy has been a success. Despite various setbacks, Lieberman contends, the government has delivered material gains while ensuring rights and liberties far beyond what most people could have imagined 30 years ago.  

“The most unjust society on the planet was South Africa,” Lieberman says. “How did this get fixed? With a democracy that’s open to people of all races.”

Now Lieberman makes that case at length in a new book, “Until We Have Won Our Liberty: South Africa after Apartheid,” which will be published in June by Princeton University Press. (The title refers to a phrase from the 1955 “Freedom Charter” backed by the country’s best-known anti-Apartheid group, the African National Congress.)

In the book, Lieberman contends that South Africa has successfully pursued “dignified development,” material growth along with a respect for the rights and inherent equality of people; and, despite the foibles of some corrupt officials, has been building a robust set of democratic practices, in stark contrast to the Apartheid era.

“We can acknowledge the problems but also highlight the fact that so much has gone right,” Lieberman says. “If we fail to appreciate that, then we’re missing some really important things,” he adds. This includes “overall levels of service provision, the function of democratic practice, and the civil exchange of ideas,” all things Black South Africans had largely been denied before the 1990s.

“To me that’s the big picture of this incredible story that is so important,” Lieberman says. “There is a vast improvement in how things were, which has been obtained through democratic measures.”

On the ground in Mogale City

“Until We Have Won Our Liberty” does not entirely have the typical form of an academic book. In it, Lieberman interweaves a reporting narrative from the eve of South Africa’s 2019 elections, talking to citizens in Mogale City municipality, centered in the midsize gold-mining city of Krugersdorp, where he was doing research.

“I wanted to see what I could learn and how well I could capture what was happening along the way,” Lieberman says. “I thought this would be a nice way for readers to see what I saw.”

As it happens, in 2019 the African National Congress (ANC) — the party descended from the Apartheid-era opposition group — retained power but with a narrowed majority. As Lieberman details in the book, there is plenty of discontent on the ground with the ANC. In one survey Lieberman conducted in Mogale City, near Krugersdorp, 55 percent of whites said life was worse today than in the Apartheid era — but 50 percent of Blacks, did, too.

To an extent, Lieberman notes, that level of sentiment is partly explained by a widespread human tendency to be nostalgic about the past. More broadly, it may speak to the way democracy can suffer from an expectations problem.

“It’s easy for everyone everywhere to look back on the past with rose-colored glasses,” Lieberman says. “I think particularly in recently democratized countries, there’s a pervasive problem of democratic disappointment — which is that there’s a buildup of expectations that a major change in regime is going to change everything.”

Black South Africans have in general not caught up to the European-level standard of living that white South Africans have long enjoyed. But progress is demonstrable in other ways. In 1996, only 58 percent of South Africans had access to electricity. Today, 90 percent of South Africans are on the grid. There have also been substantial gains in access to housing, water, refuse removal, and more.

Moreover, Lieberman says, a substantial part of dignified development “is not just about economic growth, but about being treated like humans in everyday life,” where he believes South Africa has performed well.

“Political parties organize and compete for power, people vote, the allocation of power reflects those votes, and people are free to speak their voices,” Lieberman says. “When the government does something wrong, lawyers can take the government to court, and the court frequently rules against the government, and the government has to comply. That’s democracy working, and it’s what we hoped for, that this society might have that, rather than what they had before, which was racial oligarchy where a small minority of white people ruled.”

Curbing inequality and violence

Still, as global events in recent years have shown, democracy, once constructed, does not always remain standing. If South Africa has had a successful 25 years (as of the 2019 elections) of democracy, what factors are most crucial in ensuring another 25 years of democratic rule?

“The biggest threats to democracy [in South Africa] are profound inequality and the tendency to resolve disputes and frustrations through violence,” Lieberman says.

On the first point, he adds, “I think much more has to be done, not just through the public sector, but through the private sector, to improve opportunities for material gain.” On the second matter, he observes, “the propensity for people to resolve disputes through violence is really troubling, [and] one thing I would hope to consolidate through democracy would be a reduction of [that]. Overall there’s been a significant reduction in violence, compared to the 1980s and 1990s in South Africa — but there have been some upticks that are troubling.”

Other scholars say “Until We Have Won Our Liberty” is an important contribution to both political science and recent political history.

Daniel Ziblatt, a professor of political science at Harvard University, has called the book an “evocative personal narrative and judicious empirical analysis,” leaving readers with not only “a new appreciation for the momentous accomplishments of post-Apartheid South Africa, but also with a moving and powerful defense of democracy’s enduring value.”

For his part, Lieberman hopes readers will both absorb the substantive case for regarding South African democracy as a success, while also considering that speaking up about the value of democracy is a part of sustaining it.

“In some ways, that’s one of the hopes for the book,” Lieberman says. “It’s not an A+ report card for South African government. It’s not saying government officials have all acted well or citizens have all acted well. But it’s trying to recognize the fact that this democratic experiment has gone very well. Lots of people have worked hard to build a better life and society out of a very divided past. I hope those who risked their lives [and] resisted the temptation to enrich themselves will take some comfort in having someone acknowledge that their work is not for nothing, and should be recognized.”

Reprinted with permission of MIT News .

3 Questions: The future of international education

February 16, 2022 Anna-Rose Stember/MISTI MIT News

New MISTI faculty director Evan Lieberman discusses the crucial role of international education for global solutions.

Study reveals mixed reactions about Covid-19 health disparities

May 10, 2021 Peter Dizikes MIT News

A new study co-authored by an MIT professor identifies different social groups have different reactions to the health inequities generated by Covid-19.

Unisa Press

• History and Political Africa

The Road to Democracy in South Africa – Abridged Version Vol 6

About the book

Volume 6 of the Road to Democracy in South Africa Abridged Edition series tells the crucial period from the unbanning of the liberation organisations in 1990 to the triumph of South Africa’s first democratic elections in April 1994. The events detailed in this volume move beyond 1994 to discuss the aftermath of the elections; the on-going violence in areas such as Natal and the PWV region; and how South Africans of all political persuasions adjusted to the new dispensation and worked together to devise the 1996 Constitution that has received worldwide recognition as one of the most equitable and praiseworthy of its kind.

Other significant liberation struggle themes such as the struggle for non-racial sport, and the role of black students, that were woven into the tapestry of the struggle, have been given recognition in this final volume of the first phase of the Road to Democracy project.

Unlike the bulky academic versions of SADET’s Road to Democracy in South Africa, the Abridged Edition series is much shorter; it is quicker and easier to read. The footnotes, the lengthy quotations, and overwhelmingly intricate detail have been removed.

The names of authors of the Road to Democracy in South Africa Abridged Edition series have been removed from each chapter but theirs is the credit for researching and creating them. SADET acknowledges the sterling work by all these international scholars.

This Abridged Editions series should be read by every South African. The hope is that others on the African continent and elsewhere in the world will find much of interest in its pages. After all, the history of the liberation struggle in South Africa is one of Africa’s greatest success stories.

Table of content

Preface viii

List of acronyms xiii

The dismantling of the garrison state 1

The National Party and the changing of the minds: The 1970s and the 1980s 11

Violence in Natal and Zululand: The 1980s 25

The re-establishment of the ANC inside the country: 1990–1994 41

The ANC in Natal: 1990–1995 53

The ANC and the politics of the Orange Free State: 1990–1994 65

Political identity and democracy formation in the Eastern Cape: 1990–1994 75

The ANC and organisation building in the Northern Cape: 1990–1994 87

The re-incorporation of the Transkei into South Africa, 1987–1994: Turning against the master? 97

Political transformations in the bantustans of Lebowa and KwaNdelebe: 1980–1994 109

Bophuthatswana and the transition into the North West province: 123

Survival politics by the Qwaqwa homeland government: Resistance and collaboration, 1990–1994 135

The ANC’s Radio Freedom, its audiences and the struggle against apartheid in South Africa: 1963–1991 145

Supporting war resistance in the South African struggle 155

The struggle for non-racial sport in South Africa 167

The return of the ANC ‘exiles’ and other challenges in the early 1990s 179

The ANC, CODESA, substantive negotiations, and the road to the first democratic elections in South Africa 191

The National Party and negotiations: 1990–1994 209

The Inkatha Freedom Party and the multi-party negotiations in South Africa 223

Violence in Natal and Zululand: The 1990s 233

Unisa Press

• History and Political Africa

The Road to Democracy in South Africa – Abridged Version Vol 4

About the book

Volume 4 of the Road to Democracy in South Africa Abridged Edition series tells the history of the liberation struggle in the 1980s. The liberation movement took major strides that finally broke the backbone of white supremacist rule. By the close of the 1980s, the end was in sight and the apartheid government realised that it could no longer deny the voice of the people.

Unlike the bulky academic versions of SADET’s Road to Democracy, the Abridged Edition series is much shorter; it is quicker and easier to read. The footnotes, the lengthy quotations, and overwhelmingly intricate detail have been removed. What remains is the stark truth; the story of the dramatic 1980s that saw the mobilisation of the popular masses and the escalation of the ANC’s armed struggle inside the country. The decade also witnessed the birth of the United Democratic Front (UDF) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU).

The names of authors of the Road to Democracy in South Africa Abridged Edition series have been removed from each chapter but theirs is the credit for researching and creating them. SADET acknowledges the sterling work by all these international scholars.

This Abridged Edition series should be read by every South African. The hope is that others on the African continent and elsewhere in the world will find much of interest in its pages. After all, the history of the liberation struggle in South Africa is one of Africa’s greatest success stories

Table of content

List of acronyms xv

The crisis of the garrison state 1

The African National Congress and negotiations 17

The ANC’s internal underground political work in the 1980s 33

The ANC underground, armed actions and popular resistance in

Pietermaritzburg and the surrounding Natal Midlands townships 51

The ANC underground and armed actions in Northern Natal 65

The ANC underground and armed actions in Southern Natal 75

Hidden histories of the Eastern Cape underground 89

The struggle in Port Elizabeth: A view from the northern areas, 1979–1990 105

The United Democratic Front in Cape Town: 1983–1986 123

The UDF political resistance and local struggles in the Vaal and West Rand townships in the 1980s 135

The UDF in Lebowa and KwaNdebele during the 1980s 151

Bophuthatswana in the 1980s and the UDF in the Western Transvaal 167

Resistance and repression in the Northern Cape 179

Activist networks and political protest in the Free State: 1983–1990 191

Resistance and conformity in the Qwaqwa homeland: 1975–1990 203

The South African Congress of Trade Unions and labour struggles 215 in the 1980s

Trade union unity summits and the formation of the Congress of South African Trade Unions: 1980–1990 227

The arts in the 1980s 239

Attitudes towards feminism among women in the ANC: 1950–1990 251

The ANC’s armed struggle in the 1980s 263

The South African Communist Party in the 1980s 305

The Pan Africanist Congress’s exile politics: 1980–1990 315

Oh Gosh My Grades

History: south africa’s road to democracy (1990-1994).

This post is all about the process of getting to be a democratic country that SA went through between 1990 and 1994. It is not in full depth but will definitely give you the basic understanding that you can then build on.

The first thing to note is that this journey was not an easy one for the leaders that were involved. They had to get through negotiations with challenges such as violent attacks and lack of compromise to face. Since we see that SA is democratic now, it is clear that the leaders were able to get through the challenges.

One of the largest obstacles was the TOWNSHIP VIOLENCE that occurred during the process of negotiations. The Sebokeng Massacre was the first violent event and this took place after Nelson Mandela was released from prison. Next was the Katlehong Massacre (10/03/1990) which started out as a protest march against the rent and electricity prices that had to be paid and the taxi violence that they faced; 28 people were injured. The Boipatong Massacre was very serious- 46 people were killed and many were injured. This event took place on the 17/06/1990 at one of the ANC strongholds. 300 IFP (Inkatha Freedom Party) members carried arms and shot and hacked their way through Boipatong. The police was warned of this event beforehand but did not make any effort to intervene and the ANC accused this all as a 3rd force* involvement because IFP supporters supposedly arrived in police and government-owned vehicles. This event was so serious that it actually led to the failure of CODESA II. The next tragic event was the Bisho* Massacre on the 10/09/1992 where 28 people were killed and 200 injured. Approximately 70 000 ANC supporters participated in a protest march against Gqozo. He then sent in the army which opened fire on all participants of the march. In KwaZulu Natal , one SA province, the most violence took place. The State of Emergency therefore remained here in 1990 even after being lifted in many other provinces due to the threat that it was perceived to be and the government wanted “attempted to maintain control”. Although violence reigned through the province as a whole, with more people dying here than any other place, some of the hotspots were Port Shepstone, Kwamashu and Richmond.

*Bisho is a town in the Ciskei which was declared an independent homeland, separate from South Africa

*This 3rd force involvement at Boipatong was investigated after Apartheid ended and it was found that there was evidence of this.

A SUMMARY OF THE NEGOTIATION PROCESS & OTHER EVENTS AT THE TIME

• PW Botha & Nelson Mandela
• They discussed the unbanning of the ANC and Mandela’s release
• National Party and the ANC
• They met to try and come to a decision on ending the violence that was occurring.
• Both parties agreed that they needed to remove the obstacles that were preventing them from negotiating effectively.
• This laid the foundation for the future negotiations.
• All political prisoners were released & exiled people could return.
• The State of Emergency was lifted everywhere except KZN.
• Involved the ANC & NP again
• The result was the suspension of the armed struggle (Mkonto we Sizwe (MK))
• This compromise showed that Nelson Mandela renounced violence as a means to achieve peace.
• 27 political parties were involved
• Those not involved were: the IFP, PAC and CP
• The parties that participated signed an agreement to ensure that future negotiations would occur.
• This paved the path to CODESA I.
• Involved 19 political partied (IFP and PAC still not involved)
• Reforms were negotiated
• The aim was to make a multiracial transitional government possible in the future
• DECLARATION OF INTENT was signed which meant that they had to meet again at a later stage in order to change the political system that they were under.
• Involved the same groups as CODESA I
• Was supposed to be a continuation of CODESA I but it ended up failing because of majority rule, power sharing, regional powers and the ending of violence.
• The ANC and its allies walked out of the negotiations and said that they would start Rolling Mass Action so that more pressure would be placed on the shoulders of the NP.
• The government was trying to get out of allowing retribution.
• The failure of these negotiations led to the RECORD OF UNDERSTANDING being signed
• Agreement between Cyril Ramaphosa & Roelf Meyer
• Ensured that the negotiation process would continue between the ANC and the NP regardless of the threat of the 3rd force and township violence.
• This was proposed by Joe Slovo
• Power sharing were to be done for a fixed time period
• Involved amnesty clause for security officers
• Any party with 5% of the vote would be proportionally represented in the interim government discussed in the following event.
• The ANC and NP were working together
• It was agreed that there should be a 5 year term (1994-1999) where all parties that get more than 5% of the votes in the general elections would be proportionally represented. This is called a Government of National Unity.
• He was a popular leader
• Former commander of the MK (Mkhonto we Sizwe)
• Assassinated in his driveway in Boksburg by Janus Waluz
• An Afrikaans woman who lived across the road from him reported the crime and gave the numberplate details of the assassin.
• The assassin and his accomplice Clive-Derby Lewis were arrested
• His assassination sparked mass violence nationwide
• Mandela gave a public speech on TV that promoted the fact that it was a white, Afrikaans woman that reported the crime and this prevented the possibility of civil war taking place
• Initially created by the participants at CODESA I & continued talks until they came to a consensus
• Allowed for the Government of National Unity which was the interim government proposed for the ‘new SA’
• They set a date for the first democratic elections
• Everyone voted twice- for the National Assembly and then for the Provincial Assembly
• ANC won 62.65% of the votes which meant that they got 252 seats
• The NP won 20.25% if the votes and thus got 81 seats

THE GOOD AND THE BAD OF THIS WHOLE PEACE PROCESS

• Early negotiations
• Groote Schuur Minute
• Pretoria Minute
• National Peace Accord
• Record of Understanding (after CODESA II)
• Sunset Clause
• Further negotiations
• The violence in townships
• The involvement of the 3rd force
• The right wing opposition
• White opposition
• Black extremists such as the PAC, IFP, AZAPO
• Chris Hani’s assassination

So I hope that this has helped all of you a bit, I might go into a bit more detail on some of these events later.

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27 thoughts on “ history: south africa’s road to democracy (1990-1994) ”.

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Grade 12 history p2 essay road to democracy

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Essay about negotiations that paved way to democracy

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The road to democracy in South Africa

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The Road To Democracy In South Africa Essay Grade 12

How to answer “The Road To Democracy In South Africa Essay Grade 12” correctly?

Let us look at the magic term: Essay . When a question asks a student to write an “essay,” they (students) are expected to provide a structured and well-organised piece of writing that presents and supports a main idea or a position. The essay should have an introduction that introduces the topic and states the position or a side of the writer, body paragraphs that support the thesis or position with evidence and examples based on their country of South Africa, and a conclusion that summarises the main points and restates the position (good/bad). For higher marks, the essay should demonstrate critical thinking, a paragraph with history or background of the topic, and all should be written with clarity and simple english for better understanding.

Shama Nathoo

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Road To Democracy In South Africa (Essay Sample)

Road to democracy in south africa.

South Africa’s road to democracy began with activists fighting to eliminate apartheid.  Major changes in democracy occurred between 1990 and 1994; the road to democracy was not easy for the leaders involved; they had to go through the challenges of negotiations due to violent attacks instigated by different interest groups. One of the obstacles leaders faced was the township violence during the negotiations to end apartheid.

The Sebokeng Massacre took place when Nelson Mandela was released from prison.   The other massacre was in Katlehong in 1990 that began as a protest march against high rent and electricity prices. The Boipatong massacre took place the same year in one of the African National Congress (ANC) party strongholds. Violence took place in one of the largest provinces Kwa Zulu Natal. While a state of emergency was, declared violence continued with more people dying. These were the challenges faced by leaders during negotiation to end apartheid and fight for freedom.

After several-failed attempt to negotiate with the government, and increased violence in protest of government ban of political parties, the president’s announcement in Parliament on 2nd February 1990, changed the course of South Africa’s future.  He dismantled the apartheid regime that ruled the country by lifting the ban on political parties like ANC and PAC. He ordered the release of all political prisoners, including Nelson Mandela in Robben Island. The president announced he was willing to work with political parties to create a more democratic constitution in South Africa.

After the announcement, ended violence and negotiations continued between the government official and the ANC leaders in Cape Town to discuss the way forward.  The negotiation included granting immunity to prosecuted political offenders, releasing other political prisoners, allowing political leaders who went into exile to return to South Africa. On March 1993 marked the beginning of democracy in South Africa, a new multi party negotiation began to discuss a power sharing system where all parties would get equal representation in parliament.

Devolving power to the provinces was granted and people were to elect their leaders at the constituent assembly that would form an interim government to run the country for the next five years. All the parties were involved in drafting the new constitution and bill of rights was included in the Constitution for the first time. The negotiations agreed that the government would remain the highest authority and would facilitate the adoption of the new constitution and the upcoming elections. The government was to consult with all party authorities. The ANC promoted black advancement through an affirmative action and compensation of losses incurred during apartheid. ANC was keen to end the white rule by negotiating for a multi-party conference or constituent assembly.

During the April 1994, the election saw a major transition from an authoritarian rule to a more democratic country. The large queues seen at the voting stations were a clear indication that power was changing hands. This was the first election that allowed South Africans to participate in the democratic process by choosing their rulers regardless of their background. Nelson Mandela was elected the president as South Africa exercised their democratic right; all citizens were allowed to vote with over 19 million people voting.  After the 3 stages of negotiations for the transition to liberate South Africans, apartheid was defeated, and black Africans were on the edge of attaining the long awaited freedom. When Nelson Mandela took an oath to serve the country, his famous words were “Never, never and never again shall the beautiful and will again experience such oppression”. There were many challenges that hindered democracy in the country, but eventually, through the persistence of its leaders, the country finally attained freedom.

Grade 12 Students: Download This PDF for Acing Your Road To Democracy Essay!

• August 25, 2023

Austin Finnan

The Road to Democracy in South Africa was a long and difficult one, marked by many setbacks, detours and dead ends. But ultimately it was a journey that led to the country’s first truly democratic elections in 1994 and the inauguration of Nelson Mandela as its first black president.

The road to democracy in South Africa began long before 1994. It was the product of centuries of struggle by the country’s black majority against the white minority rule that was imposed on them by the British colonialists who first settled in the country in the 17th century .

The struggle against colonialism and white minority rule took many different forms over the years. It was a struggle for political rights, for economic justice, for social equality and for human dignity.

It was a struggle that was fought in the courts, in the streets, in the townships and in the forests. It was a struggle that was led by many different leaders, each of whom left their own indelible mark on the history of the country.

The road to democracy in South Africa was not an easy one. But it was a journey that was worth taking, because it led to a better future for all South Africans , black and white.

• 1 Road To Democracy Essay Grade 12 Pdf Download
• 2 Benefits of democracy
• 3 Challenges of democracy
• 4 Strategies to promote democracy
• 5 Conclusion

Road To Democracy Essay Grade 12 Pdf Download

The Road to Democracy Essay Grade 12 PDF Download is an invaluable resource for any student wishing to gain a better understanding of the path to democracy. This educational resource offers a comprehensive overview of the different stages of democracy, including its origins, development, and current state. It also provides insight into the various challenges faced by democratic countries as well as the potential solutions to these issues. Furthermore, the essay provides a detailed analysis of the roles of citizens in maintaining a democracy, as well as the importance of civic education and civic engagement. With its in-depth analysis of these topics, the Road to Democracy Essay Grade 12 PDF Download is an excellent resource for students seeking to gain a better understanding of the path to democracy.

Benefits of democracy

Democracy is an essential form of government that has been embraced by countries around the world. It is based on the idea of free and fair elections, majority rule, and the protection of minority rights. Democracy has brought with it many benefits that have helped to improve the lives of people in many countries. Here are some of the major benefits of democracy that make it so appealing.

The first benefit of democracy is the protection of individual rights and freedoms. In a democratic system, all citizens have the right to freedom of speech, freedom of religion, and the right to vote. Furthermore, the government must respect and uphold these rights, as outlined in the country’s constitution. This ensures that citizens can express their opinions without fear of retribution and gives them a say in the decisions that affect their lives.

Another benefit of democracy is the promotion of economic growth and development. Democracies are more likely to have open and competitive markets, which encourages investment and creates jobs. This, in turn, helps to reduce poverty and inequality. Furthermore, democracies tend to have higher levels of education, which helps to promote innovation and productivity.

Finally, democracy is beneficial for international relations. Democracies tend to be more stable and less prone to conflict. They are also more likely to sign international agreements and treaties, which can help to promote peace and cooperation between countries.

Overall, democracy has a number of benefits that make it an attractive form of government. It protects individual rights and freedoms, promotes economic growth and development, and contributes to international peace and cooperation. It is no wonder that so many countries around the world have embraced democracy as the best way to ensure the well-being of their citizens.

Challenges of democracy

The road to democracy is often a difficult and winding one, filled with numerous challenges and obstacles. As we progress towards a better, more representative form of government, it is essential to consider the challenges that stand in the way of achieving a true democracy. The Grade 12 Road To Democracy Essay PDF Download is a comprehensive resource that delves into these challenges, providing insightful analysis and valuable information on the path to a more equitable society.

One of the most significant challenges of democracy is the lack of representation for minority groups. In many democracies, certain populations are underrepresented, leaving them unable to have their voices heard or their interests represented. This can lead to a lack of access to resources and opportunities, as well as an increased risk of discrimination and marginalization. The Grade 12 Road To Democracy Essay PDF Download discusses the importance of ensuring that all citizens have access to representation, regardless of age, gender, ethnicity, or socioeconomic status.

Another major challenge of democracy is the issue of corruption. In many democracies, corruption is rampant and has had a damaging effect on the functioning of government. It can lead to a lack of transparency and accountability, as well as a weakening of the rule of law. The Grade 12 Road To Democracy Essay PDF Download highlights the importance of addressing corruption and ensuring that all citizens have access to a fair and just system of government.

Finally, the challenge of polarization is also a significant obstacle to democracy. In many countries, the political divide has grown increasingly deep, leading to an inability to compromise and reach consensus on important issues. The Grade 12 Road To Democracy Essay PDF Download encourages citizens to become more involved in the political process and to work to bridge the divide between different political parties.

The Grade 12 Road To Democracy Essay PDF Download is an invaluable resource for anyone looking to understand the challenges of democracy and the steps we can take to overcome them. By providing detailed analysis and useful information on the path to a more equitable society, this resource is essential for anyone wanting to make a difference and help create a better future.

Strategies to promote democracy

The journey to democracy is a long and winding one, full of twists and turns that can often be difficult to navigate. With so many different paths to take, it is important to understand the strategies necessary to promote democracy and ensure that it is maintained. In this blog post, we will explore some of the strategies to promote democracy and how they can be applied to a grade 12 essay on democracy.

One of the most effective strategies to promote democracy is through education. Education plays an important role in helping individuals understand the principles of democracy, such as the importance of equality, justice, and respect for the rule of law. By providing a comprehensive understanding of these principles, individuals can be better equipped to make informed decisions and participate in the democratic process. To promote this understanding, grade 12 students can research and write an essay on democracy that explores its history, functions, and key principles.

In addition to education, civic engagement is another important strategy to promote democracy. By becoming involved in the democratic process, individuals can have a direct say in the decisions that affect their lives. Civic engagement can come in many forms, such as voting, attending public meetings, or joining political groups. For a grade 12 essay on democracy, students can research and write about the importance of civic engagement and how it can be used to promote democracy.

Finally, the development of strong institutions is another strategy to promote democracy. Strong institutions provide stability and ensure that democratic principles are protected and respected. To encourage the development of strong institutions, grade 12 students can research and write about how institutions such as the judiciary, legislature, and executive can promote democracy.

In conclusion, there are many strategies to promote democracy, and these strategies can be applied to a grade 12 essay on democracy. By educating individuals, encouraging civic engagement, and developing strong institutions, we can ensure that democracy is protected and that individuals have a direct and meaningful say in the decisions that affect their lives.

⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠

The Road to Democracy essay covers a lot of ground and provides detailed insights into the democratic process. It is a well-written and informative essay that should be required reading for anyone interested in the topic.

Austin Finnan is a blogger, traveler, and author of articles on the website aswica.co.za. He is known for his travels and adventures, which he shares with his readers on his blog. Finnan has always been passionate about exploring new places, which is reflected in his articles and photographs. He is also the author of several books about travel and adventure, which have received positive reviews from critics and readers.

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Newzroom Afrika maps the Road to Vote ’24 with special elections coverage

A s the countdown to the most closely contested elections in democratic South Africa continues, Newzroom Afrika has every angle covered, with a team of highly experienced journalists providing insights, analysis, interviews and breaking news from all parts of the country.

“South Africans are getting ready to make their mark on election day, and it is worth remembering how fortunate we are to live in a democracy, regardless of the many challenges we face,” said Newzroom Afrika CEO Thabile Ngwato.

“The freedom we enjoy to vote for the party of our choice and collectively hold those in power to account is the foundation for maintaining all our other rights. For as long as we have a functioning democracy, there will be reason to believe in the future.

“Newzroom Afrika has a crucial role to play in providing citizens with the information they need to make informed choices, and we are proud to be a trusted source of authoritative news, helping to keep our democracy strong.”

Newzroom Afrika’s special elections programming includes the weekly Road to Vote ’24 journey through 30 years of democracy, hosted by contributing politics editor Vuyo Mvoko on Sundays from 5pm to 6pm.

From Mondays to Thursdays between 5pm and 6pm, The Ballot Brief gives voters a comprehensive guide to understanding the intersection of politics and business in the 2024 elections, hosted by Vuyo Mvoko, Stephen Grootes and Tumisang Ndlovu.

Citizens will be the focus of Where to Next: Road to the Presidency , as reporters Malungelo Booi and Ziyanda Ngcobo travel to all nine provinces in nine days to explore the South African story, speaking to people on the ground.

There will also be a special extended Nguni News bulletin on election day, 29 May, as Izindaba Zethu plays from 7pm to 8pm to give viewers additional insights on this significant day. This is an extension of the 30-minute bulletin on Mzansi Wethu, hosted by Thabile Mbhele and Vusizwe Langa.

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As always, Newzroom Afrika will continue to provide up to the minute breaking news coverage, interviews, expert commentary and analysis, along with the views of viewers and communities.

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South Africa Heads to Polls Amid Predictions of ANC Losing Majority

Millions of south africans are voting to elect a new national assembly and provincial legislatures, with predictions indicating the anc may lose its majority for the first time since nelson mandela's election in 1994. despite widespread dissatisfaction, president ramaphosa remains confident his party will return to power..

Millions of South Africans are voting on Wednesday to elect a new National Assembly as well as the provincial legislatures, amid predictions that the President Cyril Ramaphosa-led African National Congress could lose its majority for the first time since Nelson Mandela was elected 30 years ago.

The polling stations opened at 7 am (local time) and will close at 9 pm. Final results are expected by Sunday.

President Ramaphosa, 71, remained confident that his party would return to power in the election, which is the most hotly contested since Mandela was elected as the country's first democratic president in 1994.

''The people of South Africa will give the ANC, as they vote today, a firm majority. So, in my mind, in my head and in my thought processes, there isn't even a doubt about that,'' Ramaphosa said in a brief interaction with the media after he cast his vote in the huge township of Soweto, created during the apartheid era to forcibly resettle the majority Black community of the region.

The predictions of the ANC losing its majority came amid widespread public dissatisfaction with the corruption at all levels of government which has led to poor service delivery, including rolling electricity blackouts for several years and a breakdown of rail and road transport infrastructure, especially at municipal level.

Ramaphosa said the ANC under his leadership ran a formidable campaign and the party workers went through the length and the breadth of the country to reach out to people and to also make those who may have been doubtful about voting to be encouraged to vote.

''We were rather pleased that we saw more and more young people registering to vote and we kept on urging the people of our country that we want to run a clean campaign, which we did, and we are determined to ensure that democracy is the winner in this whole election. So, in the end, it is the democratic process in our country that is going to emerge victorious and the ANC will reap the dividend from that by emerging as the winning party," Ramaphosa said.

More than half of the 26 million registered voters are below the age of 35, most born after 1994, although there was still some level of concern among analysts about them coming out to polling booths today.

Analysts have widely predicted that the ANC, which has been the ruling party since 1994, is likely to lose its majority and may have to enter into a coalition government after the polls.

There are 52 political parties, and for the first time, scores of independent candidates contesting the national and provincial elections. On Wednesday, Ramaphosa reiterated his concern about incidents where people had attempted to intimidate election officials or interfered with delivery to stations of ballot papers over the past few days.

"We are concerned about the incidents that have been reported, where the IEC has raised its concerns. But also, one incident where the police also had to intervene by arresting those who were interfering in the work of the IEC (which is) sacrosanct).

''It should never be interfered with because when you interfere with the work of the IEC you are really interfering with our democracy. You are trying to subvert the will of the people of South Africa (which should) never be obstructed (or) interfered with in any way whatsoever," Ramaphosa said.

"So, we are concerned and we once again call on all South Africans, particularly on this day and the next few days coming, when the results will be counted before they are announced, that all of us must abide by the prescripts of our electoral law and our Constitution as well,'' he said.

Ramaphosa said he had full confidence in South Africa's security officers throughout the country to ensure that those who "seek to embark on ways that will disrupt our election will be dealt with severely." Former President Jacob Zuma is barred from running for parliament because of a contempt of court conviction, but his name is on the ballot paper.

International observers from the African Union have also expressed their confidence in the election process rolled out by the Independent Electoral Commission of South Africa.

There are over 190 international observers at the various polling stations across the country.

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Elections2024: A guide to navigating the three ballot papers

Voters can only put one mark on each ballot, more than one mark will result in a spoiled vote and not counted.

On Wednesday South Africa will hold its seventh democratic elections and voters will for the first time receive three ballot papers instead of two ballots.

The Electoral Commission (IEC) has urged voters to carefully review and mark each of these three ballot papers before depositing them into the ballot box.

“The Universal Ballot Template (UBT), whose dimensions are benchmarked against the longest ballot paper, is in production and will be available in all voting stations.

“The UBT can be used by blind and partially sighted people, low-vision users, people who are dyslexic, and people with motor and neuron conditions which do not allow for a steady hand,” IEC Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) Sy Mamabolo.

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Following the amendment of the Electoral Act, which was signed into law in April 2023, the 27.79 million registered voters will receive three ballot papers to elect candidates to represent them in the National Assembly and Provincial Legislatures.

“This amendment revised the electoral system to allow independent candidates to contest in the regional (province-to-national) tier of the National Assembly and the Provincial Legislatures.

“Although the phenomenon of three ballots will be familiar to voters in various local municipalities, it will be new to voters in metropolitan areas and for the first time in general elections for national and provinces,” Mamabolo said.

The three ballot papers are as follows:

• The National Ballot: this ballot will consist of a list of political parties vying for 200 seats in the National Assembly. This ballot will be used to vote for political parties. There are currently 52 parties who will be on this ballot and the configuration will be a dual column.
• The Regional or Province-to-National Ballots: it will have political parties and independents candidates contesting for the seats reserved for each province in the National Assembly. Voters will use this ballot to elect a political party or an independent candidate to represent them in the National Assembly. The number of contestants range from 30 to 44 on regional ballots. The configuration of this ballot is a single column.
• The Provincial Ballots: this ballot is unique to each province and includes parties and independent candidates competing for seats in each respective provincial legislature. This ballot will allow voters to choose either a political party or an independent candidate to represent them in provincial legislatures. The number of contestants range from 24 to 45 on the provincial legislature ballots.

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The Commission has decided that the design of the ballot papers will be underpinned by the following identifiers:

• Full registered name of the party.
• The photograph of the registered party leader.
• Registered abbreviated name of the party.
• The registered emblem or symbol of the party.

In respect of independent candidate, the ballot papers will have:

• The name of the independent;
• The photograph bearing the face of the independent and
• The word “INDEPENDENT.”

There are a total of 400 contested seats in the National Assembly. The proportional representation compensatory 200 seats will be contested by political parties only and there is a dedicated ballot paper for this tier of the National Assembly.

“The remaining regional or province-to-national 200 seats will be contested by independent candidates and political parties. This tier of the National Assembly will also have a dedicated ballot paper. This means that National Assembly elections will be based on two ballot papers (national ballot and the newly introduced regional or province-to-national ballot).

“Therefore, in respect of the elections of the National Assembly voters may elect a preferred party on the national ballot and elect another preferred party or independent on the regional ballot.

“However, in respect of provincial elections, voters will elect a preferred party or independent candidate on a single provincial ballot,” the said Mamabolo.

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