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How To Write An Essay On ‘My Ambition In Life’ For Children

Key Points To Remember: Essay On ‘My Ambition In Life’ For Lower Primary Classes

Essay on ‘my ambition is to become a doctor’, essay on ‘my ambition is to become an engineer’, essay on ‘my ambition in life is to become a police officer’, essay on ‘my ambition in life is to become an ias officer’, essay on ‘my ambition in life is to become a lawyer’, essay on ‘my ambition in life is to become a nurse’, essay on ‘my ambition in life is to become a teacher’, what will your child learn from an essay on my ambition in life.

To become any professional, one has to devote years to studying. No one can just become a doctor, scientist, engineer, or even businessman in one day! They have to plan for their career, and then study that profession. Most professions need years of education, starting from the subjects chosen in the school. Therefore, teachers and parents keep asking and inspiring young kids to choose a specific profession to guide them accordingly. To make young kids think about their ambition or dream, they are asked to write an essay on ‘My Ambition in Life’ in school. This essay helps the kids dream about what they want to be, and improve their English creative writing, vocabulary and grammar.

Young students of lower primary classes might need guidance with essays on ‘My Ambition in Life’. When writing this essay, there are a few key points that will make it easy to write this about any profession of their choice. Some of these key points to remember when writing an essay on My Ambition in Life are:

Write about your ambition with a brief introduction to that profession
Write about the positive aspects of that profession
Explain what inspires you to pursue that profession
Mention any role models of that profession that inspired you

Being a doctor is considered a popular and noble profession. Therefore, when asked to write a short essay on My Ambition, most young kids write about becoming a doctor. Here is a sample essay in English on ‘My Ambition Is To Become A Doctor’ for kids:

My life’s ambition is to become a good doctor. There are many reasons why I want to become a doctor. I admire doctors because they heal sick people and make them healthy. They work tirelessly to serve humankind. Some doctors even treat the poor free of charge. One of my uncles is a doctor and has a hospital. Whenever I go to his hospital, I see him checking patients and making them healthy. I, too, want to ease the pain and sickness of people. To become a successful doctor, I know I will have to study a lot. But after years of studying, when I am able to make people healthy, it will be rewarding!

My life’s dream is to become an engineer. Engineers are responsible for making beautiful buildings, using machinery, and so much more. In short, they make our lives beautiful and easy. Everything is made by an engineer, from a pin to an aeroplane and a bridge to even a tower! Engineers not only make things but also repair and maintain things. If it weren’t for engineers, our world would not have so many inventions. There are several types of engineers, such as mechanical, electrical, civil and aviation. I am fascinated with the working of machinery. So I want to become a mechanical engineer and invent machines to make life simpler.

My life ambition is to become a police officer. The profession of police is brave and interesting. Police officers maintain law and order in our society. They save us from thieves and other criminals. Our society has different types of people, some good and some bad. The bad try to harm the good people physically or by cheating them. Police ensure the bad people are caught and put in prison. They ensure peace and safety in society. When I grow up and become a police officer, I want to catch criminals and make society a safe place for everyone.

Every kid dreams of becoming someone important and successful when they grow up. I too want to be someone important when I grow up. I also want to serve my country and make India the best country to live in. Therefore, I want to become an Indian Administrative Service (IAS) officer. An IAS officer makes sure the country is functioning properly. They are the people who ensure the government projects, plans and schemes are executed properly. They also ensure the government funds are utilised honestly for the welfare of their fellow citizens. So as an IAS officer, I will make my county proud of my work.

Most kids want to become doctors or engineers when they grow up. But, I dream of becoming a lawyer when I grow up. A lawyer is a professional who helps people fight their judicial battles and win them. In our society, there are many kinds of people. Some people take advantage of others and wrongly cheat them of their property, money or rights. To punish such bad people, the people who are harmed file suits in court against them. Lawyers fight their court cases and ensure they get justice. As a lawyer, I will help the police send criminals to jail, and ensure that good people get justice.

Ever since I was a baby, I have been fascinated with nurses. Every time I visited the hospital with my parents for check-ups, the lovely nurses there pampered me a lot. Their smiling faces and caring attitude always impressed me. They are very helpful and caring. More than doctors, the nurses take care of the patients, and they are the ones who give medicines and injections and look after patients day and night. Therefore, it’s my dream to become a nurse when I grow up. As a nurse, I want to treat and care for people in their sicknesses and see them getting better.

Students are influenced by their teachers in their lives. So, it’s no wonder when asked to write a composition on my ambition in life, most students write that they want to become teachers. Here is a sample essay for class 1, 2 & 3 students on ‘My Ambition in Life is to Become a Teacher:

We become what we are due to the teachings and learnings we get in our lives. Apart from our parents, we learn so much from our teachers. Teachers play the most important part in education, starting from preschool to graduation degrees. Whatever profession we choose, we need a teacher to teach it to us. Whether it’s studying to become a doctor, engineer, or scientist, it would be impossible without a teacher. A teacher is responsible for not only imparting education but for teaching moral values to make their students better human beings and citizens. A teacher’s responsibility is to make the students realise and achieve their potential. A teacher is the one who lays the foundation of a good society. Therefore, my goal in life is to become a teacher.

I want to be a primary school teacher as I love teaching young children. Imparting good education to young kids ensures their foundation is strong. So as they progress in school, they will always be good at their studies. Also, young kids are the best learners and their inquisitive minds make teaching interesting. As their teacher, I want to motivate and inspire them to become good students and fulfil their dreams.

My Ambition In Life is an interesting essay topic to make young kids think about their dream in life. It makes them aware of different professions and gets them interested in learning about them. While writing an essay on my ambition in life, children will know what they want to become in life. Once they start learning about their chosen profession, they will be able to determine what they need to study and what subjects to pursue to realise their dream profession.

Essay writing helps children learn new words, improve their grammar and expand their thinking. It also improves their general knowledge and English creative writing skills.

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My Ambition Essay for Students and Children

500+ words essay on my ambition.

Almost everyone dreams of something while growing up. We all have ambitions when we are little, which change as we grow up. Ambitions lead us to a definite aim in life. Furthermore, they help us focus on our goal no matter the cost. It drives us to do better in life. Ambitions differ from one person to another.

However, one common thing usually found is that over time, people switch their ambition to something else than that which they wished to be when little. We have many people in the medical field who wanted to be dancers. Similarly, some of the greatest politicians wanted to be artists. So we see how easily one gives up on their dreams and ambition to adapt to society.

My Ambition

The ambition of any person’s life usually depends on their choice and interests. I aspire to be a great dancer . I have always had the knack for dancing from an early age. My parents always encouraged me to pursue my passion. Like most of the parents, they never discouraged me because it is not the most sought after career.

Subsequently, I wish to become a good dancer. I do not want the fame of being a dancer; rather I want the acclaim of being a good dancer. As my parents motivated me to pursue my dream, they enrolled me in dance classes. It helped me grow a lot as a dancer and also enhance my skills.

Most importantly, I wish to be a dance because I want to remove the stigma surrounding this career path. I want to set an example that you can do well in life if you’re not a doctor or engineer. Especially in India, where these two ambitions are considered the most valid.

I believe in the power of dance, and how it conveys the message without words. Dance is the language of the soul, and it makes me feel alive when I indulge in it.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

Why I Chose this Ambition?

It would seem odd to choose to be a dancer as an ambition, especially when everyone is in the race of becoming a lawyer , doctor or engineer . But, I still believe that just because something is not common, doesn’t mean we cannot attain it.

I wish to dance so I could teach others to become experts in this field. Furthermore, I wish to help the underprivileged section who are interested in this ambition. I want to reach a height which enables me to offer them proper dance training free of cost so they can reach great heights.

Above all, I wish to be the wind beneath their wings. I want to create awareness about the importance of dance and how it benefits us physically as well. I hope I can achieve this ambition of mine someday. Till then, I won’t leave any stone unturned in reaching the finish line.

FAQ on My Ambition Essay

Q.1 How do ambitions help people?

A.1 Ambitions helps people in focusing their mind to achieve a set goal. Furthermore, it trains them to be better in achieving their ambition.

Q.2 Why must one have an ambition?

A.2 We all must have at least one ambition to achieve in life. It teaches us the importance of discipline and hard work. Having ambition gives you something to look forward to each day. In addition, it makes you determined.

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Essay on My Ambition

All of us dream of attaining some of the other things in life. They can be called our goal of life. Ambition is the driving force that makes us work for achieving our goals. It is necessary to be ambitious in life so that there will be a motive behind our living. Without a motive, life is like a burden. Find here some essays of your interest to get in detail about your ambition.

Short and Long Essays on My Ambition in English

Essay on My Ambition for students of class 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11 and class 12 in English in 100, 150, 200, 250, 300, 500 words. Also find short My Ambition essay 10 lines.

My Ambition Essay 10 Lines (100 – 150 Words)

1) Ambition is a way to reach your dreams.

2) Everyone has some ambition in their life and I aim to become a doctor.

3) My aim is to help everyone by becoming a doctor.

4) A doctor is considered as the second form of God.

5) A successful doctor treats everyone the same and helps them with their problems.

6) To become a doctor in the future, I will work hard to crack the entrance exams.

7) I want to help all the needy by being a good doctor.

8) By becoming a doctor, I will serve all the poor without a fee.

9) I will work hard and put every effort to save every single life.

10) My ambition will help me to fulfill my dream of making my country healthier.

Short Essay on Holiday (200 – 250 Words)

Introduction

Ambitions are a necessary thought. Everybody has some or other ambitions in their life. Without ambition, life seems to be without any motive. Ambition gives us the energy to achieve our goal. There can be many obstacles and hindrances in getting our objectives to be fulfilled, but if we have a clear ambition then it is not difficult.

My Ambition in Life

From my childhood, I have the ambition to become a doctor and serve the whole nation and humanity. As I have seen the white dress of the doctors, at first I was fascinated by the same. But I also have a love for their noble work too. I wanted to provide free services to the people who were poor. Secondly, I have seen many of the patients dying because of not having money and facilities. I wanted to work for them. People consider doctors as God figures and this feeling gave me immense respect for this profession.

I never wanted to become a doctor full of greed. The scenario today has been changed a lot, many doctors have changed their aim from serving mankind to money-making. But still, there are doctors who can be a role model for others. From my childhood, I dreamt of becoming a doctor and my ambition did not change, it remained the same.

An ambition gives a proper perspective to our life and thinking. Thus we should have one or the other objectives in our life and also work harder to attain the same.

Essay 2 (400 Words) – My Ambition to Become a Social Worker

Everybody in this world has a desire to become something, attain some of the positions. Some dream of becoming doctors, engineers, scientists, writers, political leaders, and many more. The aspiration to become something is called to be having an ambition.

My Ambition to Become a Social Worker

During my childhood, I dreamt of becoming a doctor and serve my nation. It may sound funny that I am afraid of seeing blood and patients. So I dropped the aim to become a doctor. I have seen many small children begging and working in many of the shops and restaurants.

So I came to a decision to become a social worker. At least I can do something for their betterment. This will provide a sense of satisfaction to me after work. I also have a great love for animals and nature. As animals cannot speak up and express their pain and feelings, therefore I want to make people aware of the same and further teach them to look after them.

I just have the main motive behind becoming a social worker that I could do something for the people and nature. I have seen many of the children working to make their families survive, but they are unaware of the beneficial government schemes. Therefore it is a good deed to make people aware of the same. There are many children in society who are not properly guided and therefore are directed to the wrong path. So if I would work in this field, it will give me immense pleasure.

Working for Nature and Society

The work of a social worker is to work for a social cause. After becoming a social worker I would be able to make people understand the importance of education, by conducting surveys and awareness programme. According to me, we should also care for our surrounding in which we reside.

We should never allow anybody to do activities which may destroy the balance and nature. The animals, plants, and trees along with other organisms have the same right as we do have on this planet. But we could see that we are forgetting our responsibilities towards our nature. As a social worker, I would be working for the upliftment of society as well as nature too.

There must be an ambition in everyone’s life. Life without an aim is meaningless. The objective in life to do or become something drives us with positivity and courage to fulfill the same. One should not waste the precious gift of god i.e. life in vain, instead, make it worth.

Essay 3 (500 – 600 Words) – My Ambition in My Life

Life is a mixture of struggle and happiness. Ambitions make our life a sensible and beautiful one. Every one of us dreams to become something or the other in our lives. This is our ambition, which makes us work for the same and achieve it without getting disturbed by the hurdles of life. So we can say ambition is that driving factor which makes us successful in making our dreams comes true.

Significance of having Ambition in Our Life

It is their ambition only which makes people reach higher positions.
Having an ambition in our life helps in identifying the goal of our lives.
Ambition makes our life lively and energetic. If we have some motive then we continuously work in order to get it fulfilled.
Ambition inculcates in us the feeling to work hard to accomplish our dreams.
Ambition creates a situation for us to achieve our goal at any cost of hard work and firm determination.
Boosts the confidence level of an individual, and brings discipline in one’s life.

My Dream to Become a Teacher

The main motive of my life is to impart the knowledge I have gained, to others. As I believe in the fact that knowledge enhances as much it is distributed. I wanted to become a teacher as this will help me a lot in fulfilling my motive. Secondly, I found the teaching profession as one of the noblest professions.

Reasons for Opting to become a Teacher

It creates a lot of opportunities to learn about different aspects. According to my opinion, a teacher is a person in a child’s life, who is guiding the child about right and wrong after parents as first teachers. As a teacher I want students to consider me as their friend so that I may closely get to know about them.

Teachers are provided with an opportunity to get to know different types of children from various societies, thus making them more social. After I become a teacher, I will ensure that children are not only learning the subject matter but also moral values, ethics, and culture. The main thing is that I have seen an image of motivational speakers in me, so I think I will be better at motivating students to understand their aim and work for the same. At the same time, I am trying to inculcate as many features as one could in me, for becoming a successful teacher.

Uncertainty to Ambitions due to Pandemic Situation

There is a lot of uncertainty that has been created during the pandemic situation.

Many people have been fired from their dream job which is a great loss to their carrier and family. Many of the companies have not visited the colleges for placements, thus making students disappointed and concerned for their future. Even numbers of students were deprived of exams due to the critical situation. Therefore it can be stated that pandemic has raised the situation of uncertainty and depression among students and people.

But one must not lose hope and courage as life is filled up with hurdles, and we are the one who has to pave our way.

Risks of becoming Over-Ambitious

The over-ambitious attitude is a dangerous one. Every success we get is a step-wise process. Over-ambitious nature accounts for attaining everything in life, but at a faster rate which may prove bad.
The person may lose the pleasure of the family and attention too, in fulfilling his ambition only.
Life may also become short, as in a race to achieve a lot in less time one may pay less attention to the health requirements.

We all are not born with ambitions; instead, we have to inculcate it among us as we grow up. Ambitions are something that we desire to achieve in our lives, and thus we have to work sincerely with a lot of efforts to accomplish our goals.

FAQs: Frequently Asked Questions

Ans . The strong desire to achieve something in life is called ambition.

Ans . Hard work and dedication can help to turn our ambition into reality.

Ans . It is important to have ambition in life because it gives us direction to achieve our goals.

Ans . The people who lack ambition in their life are called unambitious people.

Ans . Life is meaningless and boring without any ambition in life.

Essay on My Ambition

Students are often asked to write an essay on My Ambition in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on My Ambition

Understanding ambition.

Ambition is a strong desire to achieve something in life. Everyone has an ambition, which makes us strive and work hard towards our goals.

My Ambition

My ambition is to become a doctor. I am inspired by the noble job of serving people and saving lives.

The Path to Achieve

To fulfill my ambition, I know I have to study hard. I plan to excel in my studies, particularly in science, and get into a good medical school.

Having an ambition gives direction to our lives. My ambition to become a doctor motivates me to work hard every day.

Also check:

10 Lines on My Ambition
Speech on My Ambition

250 Words Essay on My Ambition

Introduction.

Every individual has a unique ambition that defines their professional trajectory. My ambition, specifically, is to become a renowned scientist. This aspiration has been a guiding force, shaping my academic pursuits and extracurricular activities.

The Genesis of My Ambition

My ambition to become a scientist was sparked by a profound curiosity about the world around me. The intricacies of nature, the mysteries of the universe, and the marvels of technology have always fascinated me. This curiosity was nurtured by my parents and teachers, who encouraged my inquiries and provided resources to satiate my thirst for knowledge.

Sustaining the Ambition

Maintaining this ambition requires continuous learning and exploration. I am committed to my academic studies, particularly in the fields of physics, chemistry, and biology. However, my learning transcends the classroom. I actively participate in science fairs, workshops, and seminars to broaden my understanding and gain practical experience.

Shaping the Future

As a scientist, I aim to contribute to society by solving complex problems and advancing our understanding of the world. I aspire to work on groundbreaking research that can lead to innovations in healthcare, environmental conservation, and technology.

In conclusion, my ambition to become a scientist is more than a career goal; it is a commitment to lifelong learning, curiosity, and the pursuit of knowledge. It is a mission to use science as a tool to improve the world and human life. This ambition guides my choices and actions, propelling me towards a future where I can actualize my potential and make a meaningful impact.

500 Words Essay on My Ambition

Every individual has a unique set of aspirations and ambitions that drive them. These ambitions are the guiding forces that motivate us to strive harder, break boundaries, and achieve our goals. My ambition is no different. It is a reflection of my innermost desires and my vision for the future.

My ambition is to become a renowned scientist. The world of science has always fascinated me, with its endless possibilities and the potential to bring about significant changes in the world. The pursuit of knowledge, the thrill of discovery, and the satisfaction of contributing to society are what draw me towards this path.

The Inspiration

The inspiration behind my ambition stems from various sources. I am inspired by the great scientists of the past, like Nikola Tesla, Albert Einstein, and Marie Curie, who, through their relentless pursuit of knowledge, have left an indelible impact on the world. Their stories of perseverance, dedication, and innovation inspire me to follow in their footsteps.

The Path Towards My Ambition

Achieving my ambition requires a clear path and proactive steps. First and foremost, I need to excel in my academic studies, particularly in the fields of science and technology. I am also aware that practical experience is as important as theoretical knowledge. Therefore, I plan to engage in research projects and internships that can provide me with hands-on experience.

Challenges and Overcoming Them

Pursuing this ambition is not without its challenges. The field of science is constantly evolving, making it necessary to keep abreast with the latest developments. It requires immense dedication, continuous learning, and perseverance. However, I believe that with a strong will and determination, these challenges can be overcome. I plan to adopt a disciplined approach to my studies, stay updated with the latest research, and seek guidance from mentors in the field.

Contribution to Society

As a scientist, I aim to contribute to society by conducting meaningful research that can solve pressing problems. From finding solutions to environmental issues, to developing advanced technologies, the possibilities are endless. I believe that science has the power to transform societies and improve lives, and I aspire to be a part of this transformation.

In conclusion, my ambition to become a scientist is driven by my passion for science, my desire to contribute to society, and the inspiration I draw from the great scientists of the past. I am aware of the challenges that lie ahead, but I am prepared to face them with determination and perseverance. I believe that with the right attitude and consistent effort, I can achieve my ambition and make a significant contribution to the world.

That’s it! I hope the essay helped you.

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Essay on My Ambition

Every person, irrespective of age, has a dream or a wish to achieve something special in life. Even when I was very young, my relatives would ask about my ambition. While I did not know what it meant, now I understand what they meant. Ambition is all about considering what I want to become in life. It helps us to form a particular aim in my life. It also refers to concentrating on a specific goal.

My Ambition

The ambition in anybody's life would depend on the interests and choices of the person. My ambition is to become a fitness guide in the future. Though my parents feel that it is quite an unusual choice for me, they are very encouraging about it. My parents are well aware of my interest in outdoor sports, as well as in yoga and Karate. They have always supported me to follow my passion.

Accordingly, they have enrolled me in yoga, swimming and Karate classes. I also play badminton regularly with my father. They have promised to help me in every way that they can provide. I never ignore my studies. Becoming a fitness expert might not be a very sought after choice, but my parents are happy with the choice nevertheless.

Why This Ambition?

From a very tender age, I have seen my grandparents very enthusiastic about morning walks and yoga. My mother would visit the gym and meditation classes regularly. And she was also very careful about what we eat. This is how I developed a liking for physical fitness. Now, I have become very passionate about different types of exercises. Also, I love communicating with people. It makes me feel great when I meet new people, talk to them and help them in any possible way. As a fitness guide, I may get the opportunity to meet new people, understand their problems and make them look and feel better with the right exercises. Moreover, if they have a healthy and fit body, then they would feel more confident than ever.

Also, I don't like to stick to a regular desk job. I feel that as a fitness expert, every working day is going to be different. I will have people of all age groups and from different walks of life coming to me. Each of them would have unique fitness needs. Every day, I will have a new challenge and something new to the plan.

What I Want To Do

As a fitness trainer, it would be my priority to instruct and give support to those who come to me. Depending on their physical condition and their needs, I would suggest and create workout plans. I will have to earn expertise in different forms of work out. I will use my knowledge and experience to create customized exercise plans. I can lead group classes, provide one to one sessions or combine both. Also, to keep me upgraded, I will keep on learning new exercise techniques.

Where to Work?

A fitness instructor can either be a freelancer or have his or her fitness studio. Several professionals also work in boutique hotels, as well as in gyms, hospitals, schools and similar places. Even in keeping with the trend of working from home after COVID 19 scenario, I have seen that some professionals are offering online classes as well.

Before that, I will have to get a degree or diploma in fitness courses. It is also essential to develop my communication skills. For that, I may have to join special grooming classes. Also, I will need to research the latest developments and trends in fitness training. This will help me to perform even better.

Different types of fitness classes, such as aerobics, HIIT, Pilates, yoga, dance, cycling and the like are becoming more popular than ever. This is gradually increasing the job opportunity for fitness experts. Also, the modern lifestyle has become very sedentary. There is minimal scope for outdoor activities and rigorous physical exercise. So even some young people are suffering from severe conditions like diabetes, obesity and hypertension. So almost everyone, at one time or another, looks for a trainer for help.

Fitness is no more a bodybuilding game. It is all about following good postures, eating right and staying confident. This is where I might help.

FAQs on My Ambition Essay

1. What is the importance of ambition in life?

Ambition is a powerful motivator for human development. Without a healthy dose of ambition, no one can prosper. Those that aspire to be more, learn more, accomplish more, give more, or have more have a strong internal drive that propels them to dream greater and go further. They are motivated by an ambition to advance and achieve their objectives. Ambition shows healthy self-esteem and a higher power of abstraction and imagery of the future when it is well-directed and supported by values. As they get closer to their goals, ambitious folks have a glitter in their eyes. They have a higher vibration and a contagious passion for completing tasks. They motivate and inspire others.

It is important to remember that ambition does not imply a lack of morals or principles. It is not about a lack of control or being manipulative, as many people in Western civilisation believe. Ambition isn't valued here. We are afraid of it and distrust it. We are prone to conflating it with unbridled ambition. It is as if every ambitious person was born with the ability and willingness to cause harm to others. Of course, there are others with unrestrained ambition—the evil guy in the story stereotyped—who are capable of doing everything and running over anyone to accomplish what they want. However, persons with a healthy and positive amount of ambition are not inherently disqualified from succeeding and doing good at the same time.

2. What are the disadvantages of being excessively ambitious?

This is a positive attribute in general, especially for people who are seeking to start their own business. Obviously, if you are more naturally motivated to establish and achieve goals, you will have a better chance of succeeding than someone who is not, right?

This is not always the case, though. Extreme ambition may, in fact, cause more harm than good in some circumstances. If you believe you are a person who is very ambitious, you should be aware of the following potentially dangerous side effects.

Fixation on the End Result: The tendency to focus too narrowly on one vision or ultimate goal is the first major adverse consequence of excessive ambition. For example, if your objective is to make $1 million by the age of 30, everything that doesn't appear to push you closer to that goal may seem pointless.

For two reasons, this is an issue. For starters, it limits your ability to adjust to new situations. If a new rival appears to be posing a danger to your organisation, you may need to adapt your strategy and goals, even if it means departing from your initial vision. This will be difficult if you have too much ambition.

Unfettered Growth: Excessive ambition can also lead to an overabundance of desire to advance. And, as you are probably aware, uncontrolled, excessively rapid expansion can lead to a company's demise. When you develop too quickly, you wind up squandering money; you invest in people, equipment, and resources before you need them; and your internal structures become so disorganised that keeping up is practically impossible.

Becoming Selfish: Being ambitious tends to make you more selfish, leading you to pursue personal ambitions at the expense of your family, friends, and community.

You might, for example, work late into the night instead of spending meaningful time with your spouse and child, or you might ignore your employees' demands and mental health in order to eke out a little more output. While this may help you make some short-term gains, relationships and community connections are greater predictors of success in the long run: These bonds are mutually beneficial, and they are considerably more vital to your mental health than ambition, which is the subject of my next section.

3. How to choose a career?

To choose your career, remember the following points:

Determine your Abilities and Passions: Choosing a career path is a significant decision. You will spend a large portion of your life at work, so make good career choices if you want to enjoy your job, stay motivated, and reach your full potential.

To begin, you must first understand yourself. This entails examining your abilities as well as your interests and values.

Consider your Options for a Career: Consider what your dream work sector would be, then examine the local, national, and worldwide employment markets to learn about its important trends. This will assist you in identifying other alternative career options as well as determining whether roles are expanding or dropping.

Make a Decision: You are now ready to start making choices. Combine what you have learned about yourself and your options with what you've learned about the graduate employment market.

Choose the role that most interests you from your list of work possibilities and one or two backup options in case you are unable to pursue your initial pick.

4. How to relax in life?

Breathe it out: One of the most basic relaxation techniques, breathing exercises can successfully soothe your stressed-out body and mind at any moment. Spot one hand on your belly and sit or lie down in a calm and safe place in your house, such as your bed or the floor. Inhale slowly to a count of three, then exhale slowly to the same count of three. As you breathe in and out, notice how your tummy rises and falls. Repeat five times, or as many times as necessary to feel at ease.

5. How to fight laziness?

Burnout can be caused by setting unreasonable objectives and taking on too much. Burnout symptoms are recognised by medical specialists, despite the fact that it is not a clinical diagnosis. Burnout at work can lead to exhaustion, a lack of interest and ambition, and a desire to leave. Set realistic and manageable goals that will get you where you want to go without overwhelming you along the way to avoid overloading.

Negative self-talk can sabotage your efforts to accomplish goals in many areas of your life. Negative self-talk includes telling yourself that you are a slacker. Go to the Vedantu app and website for free study materials.

6. What is the difference between aim and ambition in life?

Having an aim in life is as essential as having an ambition. Aim refers to a specific goal that a particular person might want to reach. However, ambition means a very strong wish to achieve what one aims in life. It is out of ambition that we can set realistic targets, plan and work to get the results. Serious ambition can keep people motivated and well-directed.

7. Why is ambition important?

With ambition, there is a strong desire to achieve something positive. It gives all the motivation to chase dreams. This, in turn, helps our mind to look for new scopes and opportunities, as well as find new strategies to reach our goals.

8. How to find your ambition?

Not every idea that comes to mind is an ambition. To find your true ambition, you need to take some time. Think about what you like to do in life. Also, think if you have any idea to use your favourite activity to do something fruitful. Also, consider the activities that you think are giving a lot of effort. These steps will help you to find your true ambition.

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Personal Statement Ambition

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Published: Mar 14, 2024

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My Ambition Essay In English For Students & Children

The ambition essay is a very important part of the school curriculum. It is meant to help students explore their ambitions and dreams, and to give them an opportunity to share their thoughts with their teachers and classmates.

The my ambition short essay is a short essay that can be used by students and children. It is an introduction to the topic of ambition, and it will help students get started on writing their own essays.

INTRODUCTION

My goals are my wants and desires to achieve success or enjoyment in my life by doing or obtaining something.

My goals are self-realized dreams that I wish to achieve throughout my whole life without the assistance of anybody else, such as being self-sufficient and prosperous.

Everyone aspires to accomplish anything in the future or to be successful, but I have my own goals that are extremely important to me, and I am working hard to achieve and fulfill them as soon as possible.

My aspirations give me the ability to do everything in my life, as well as the ability to accomplish the most difficult task in the world in order to achieve my goals.

There are times when I don’t have the chance to fulfill my goals, but when I do, I make the most of it so that I may finish them as soon as possible.

WHERE DO I WANT TO GO?

My-Ambition-Essay-In-English-For-Students-038-Children

My goal in life is to become a successful person so that I may live a happy life in the future.

It is difficult to have a tranquil future because you must work hard in your future to make money not only for yourself but also for your family. Your whole life will be a battle, but you will feel better after achieving your goals.

When I am successful in my life, that is, when I obtain a decent job or a great source of income, I will be the happiest guy on the planet, and I will invest the money in different things that will help me save money.

In addition to being successful, there are several additional goals. Another goal I have is to acquire a beautiful vehicle that I can drive securely and enjoy with my friends on long drives.

IMPORTANCE OF MY OBJECTIVES

1625963039_576_My-Ambition-Essay-In-English-For-Students-038-Children

My goals are very important in the development of my life since they provide me with the motivation to work hard.

My goals are like a goal for me that I must achieve in whatever circumstance of my life, therefore I’ve begun working hard right away.

My ambitions also give me the ability to make decisions because when I make decisions, I think more and animals need to think about what is wrong and what is right, which aids me in considering the outcome of my decision. However, sometimes decisions go wrong, but they also teach us various life lessons.

Most individuals learn different lessons through their bad choices, and I, too, have learnt many lessons throughout my life that I will not repeat.

1625963040_403_My-Ambition-Essay-In-English-For-Students-038-Children

My goals are the most important thing in my life to me, and I prioritize them above everything else. If anything stands in the way of my ambitions, I will deal with it and continue to pursue them.

I can only accomplish my own goals; no one else will. I can only work hard to achieve my ambitions because other people are preoccupied with achieving their own.

If you have any more questions on Essay My Ambition, please post them in the comments section below.

The my ambition in life example is an essay written by a student who wants to be a doctor.

Frequently Asked Questions

How do i write an essay about my ambition.

You can find a list of essay topics on the website that will help you with your writing.

What is your ambition as a student?

I aspire to become a doctor, and help people with their health.

How do I write my ambition in life?

You should write your ambition in life down on a piece of paper and put it away for now.

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Essay on My Ambition

We all know that human life without an ambition is useless. Therefore everyone should have an ambition. My parents were successful in life because they were ambitious.

Generally, school children should have ambitions. My ambition is to become a doctor. I have to study hard to become a doctor. it is necessary to enter the Medical College and follow clinical medicine.

I need to be a doctor who kind to his patients. Therefore I have determined to treat the poor people without any fee. Then they will love me. That brings satisfaction to my life.

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How to Craft a Great Essay About Ambition

Table of Contents

Ambitions are one of the most interesting and inspiring topics for an essay. But, writing an essay about ambition can be a challenging task for students, as not all of them clearly understand what they should write about.

Here we will share with you everything about an ambition essay and how to write it. Keep reading to find useful tips and step-by-step writing guidelines.

What Is an Ambitious Essay ?

The first thing you need to understand to create a good essay is what is the meaning of ambition. Basically, it is a strong will to achieve success in something. The goal can be power, wealth, fame, academic or professional success, or anything else a person wants to achieve in her life.

And an ambition essay is all about this desire to succeed in something. It is a wide topic, so students can choose to discuss its different aspects and dive as deep into the topic as they want (of course, only if there are no specific requirements from your professor).

For example, one can write about his personal ambitions, while another will develop an essay around a controversial question about ambitions. There are enough topics for an ambition essay, so everyone can find an interesting perspective and create a great ambition essay . And we will help you with it.

How to Create a Thesis for an Ambition Essay ?

When you start working on any essay, the first step is to identify the central point you want to discuss. It is the same for ambition essays — before going straight to writing, you need to narrow down the topic and develop your thesis statement.

Wondering how to understand what topic is the best for your ambition essay ? Here are the main criteria that will help you to identify a good topic:

Fresh and original
Interesting for you
Not too broad
A bit controversial.

If you are asked to write an essay on a specific question then you can skip this step and move to develop your thesis statement. A good thesis should clearly explain your position and map out what you will talk about in your ambition essay . Brainstorm your ideas on the chosen question (topic), take a look at the problem from different sides, and decide what position you will take. Then, create a short and precise sentence that conveys your main point in the best way.

My Ambition Essay : Writing Guide

Now, let’s talk about the structure of an ambition essay . Usually, it has a 5-paragraphs structure, as any other essay:

Introduction (1 paragraph): background information and a thesis statement.
Main body (3 paragraphs): arguments and evidence, each argument takes one paragraph.
Conclusion (1 paragraph): summary of your arguments.

Let’s imagine that you write about the ambitions and success of a famous person that inspires you. Here is an example of how you can develop your essay:

Answering yourself, what in the story of this person inspires you? Maybe, they went through tough times to achieve success and their ambitions helped them with it. Provide some background information and generate a thesis statement — what lesson about ambitions did you learn from the person’s story?
Provide some arguments to back up your thesis statement. You need to show your readers that your point of view is based on evidence, not just your subjective thoughts.
Conclude your arguments to reinforce your position. In this paragraph, you can also show how the lesson from the person’s story applies to you or other people.

The Key Secrets of Writing a Good Article on Ambition in Life

To write a good ambition essay , you need to have good writing skills, know how to explain your thoughts clearly and create a paragraph flow. All these skills can be improved with practice, but there are some ways to create a great essay even if you’re a beginner. Here are some recommendations from professionals for you:

If you don’t know what to write about, check some examples of ambition essays. It will inspire you with interesting ideas and give you a better understanding of how to structure your paper.
Don’t write too many arguments to back up your thesis statement. Choose only the most relevant points and present them in different paragraphs to improve readability.
Start by writing an outline for your work. It will help you to understand how to organize all your thoughts.
Don’t forget to proofread your essay. Once you finish writing, step back and take a look at the text to make sure all points are presented in the logical order and you don’t make mistakes.

Final Thoughts on Ambition Essay Writing

Discussing ambitions can be hard for students, but it is definitely one of the most interesting topics. When you write an ambition essa y, it is important to focus on a specific question and present your thoughts clearly. Follow our tips to improve your essay and impress the readers. Or, you can always ask for assistance from professionals!

How do you write a paragraph for ambition?

A paragraph for ambition usually includes a thesis statement, persuasive arguments that back up your thesis, and a conclusion that summarizes your points. You need to state your position and then logically develop your arguments to incline the audience to accept your idea.

What is your ambition in your life essay?

Ambitions are strong desires to achieve something or get success in any sphere of life. When you write about your ambition in your life, you need to explain your perspective of what ambitions are, how they help you to achieve your goals, and why they are important or not important for you.

How do I talk about my ambition?

When you need to write about your ambitions, you can focus on different aspects. For example, you can answer the questions “What does ambition mean to you?”, “What are your thoughts on the importance of ambition in people’s lives?”. Or you can describe your story, what ambitions you have, and how they help you to succeed.

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Essay on My Ambition 500+ Words

Ambition is like a spark that ignites the fire within us. It’s that inner drive that propels us to achieve our dreams and reach for the stars. In this essay, we will explore the significance of having ambition in our lives and how it can shape our future.

Ambition Provides Purpose

Having ambition gives our lives purpose and direction. Imagine a ship sailing without a destination; it would wander aimlessly. Similarly, without ambition, we might drift through life without clear goals. Statistics show that individuals with defined ambitions are more likely to succeed in their endeavors. For instance, a study revealed that 90% of accomplished people had strong ambitions.

Ambition Drives Achievement

Ambition is the driving force behind great accomplishments. It pushes us to work hard, set goals, and strive for excellence. Consider the example of Thomas Edison, whose ambition to invent the light bulb led to one of the greatest inventions in history. Experts agree that ambition is a key factor in achieving success. In fact, a survey of successful individuals found that 80% attributed their achievements to ambition.

Fosters Growth

Ambition encourages personal growth and development. When we set ambitious goals, we are motivated to acquire new skills and knowledge. It challenges us to step out of our comfort zones and explore our potential. Psychologists suggest that ambition is closely linked to self-improvement. Studies have shown that people who pursue personal growth through ambition tend to lead more fulfilling lives.

Ambition Overcomes Challenges

Life is full of obstacles and setbacks. However, ambition equips us with the resilience to overcome these challenges. When we face difficulties, our ambition acts as a guiding light, helping us persevere. A famous example is the story of J.K. Rowling, who faced rejection and adversity but never gave up on her ambition to become a successful author.

Ambition Inspires Others

Ambition is not only a personal motivator but also an inspiration to those around us. When others witness our determination and drive, they too are encouraged to set and pursue their own goals. Teachers often emphasize the importance of ambition as a positive influence on society. Ambitious individuals are more likely to give back to their communities and make a difference.

Conclusion of Essay on My Ambition

In conclusion, ambition is the force that fuels our dreams and propels us towards success. It gives our lives purpose, drives our achievements, fosters personal growth, and empowers us to overcome challenges. Ambition is not a distant concept; it’s a quality that each one of us can nurture and harness. So, whether your ambition is to become a doctor, a scientist, an artist, or anything else, know that it has the power to shape your future and lead you to greatness.

As you embark on your journey through life, remember the words of Helen Keller: “Optimism is the faith that leads to achievement. Nothing can be done without hope and confidence.” Let your ambition be your guiding star, and you’ll find that the possibilities are endless. So, dream big, set ambitious goals, and work hard to make your dreams a reality. Your ambition is the key to unlocking the doors of success and leaving a lasting mark on the world.

Also Check: Simple Guide on How To Write An Essay

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My Future Ambition (Essay Sample)

Table of Contents

My Future Ambition (Sample Essay)

While growing up every kid and teenager dreams about what they want to become in the future. We all have different ambitions in life and they usually keep on changing as we keep on growing. Our ambitions define how we act and behave by providing aim to our lives. An ambitious person is much more focused and attentive as compared to a person with no aim in life. Inspiration and influence are the driving forces behind the ambition. People want to become like those who influence and inspire them. I also have the ambition to become a medical doctor someday. In this future ambition essay, I will discuss why I have a strong desire to become a doctor and who is the source of influence for me.

My Future Ambition Essay Example – 700 Word Long Essay

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Everyone has a goal and ambition in life. As kids, we all dreamt about what we wanted to become in the future. People usually dream of being rich, living a good life, and owning a huge company, but for me, my ambition is to help humanity by becoming a doctor. My ambition in life is to be the best doctor and serve my community. As a doctor, I will serve my people by offering important medical services to save their lives. I will help the sick and needy patients no matter what their financial position is. Even if my patients could not afford my fee I will help them without asking for money. Unlike doctors nowadays who ask for large sums of money, I will help needy people on the basis of humanity and their smiles will be my fee.

A good doctor gives hope and encourages patients to look at the bright side of life. When I become a doctor, I will help the poor and the needy and will volunteer my services to ease their problems. My ambition of becoming a doctor gives me a sense of direction in life. Being a doctor means studying hard and getting good grades to go to the best medical school. For me becoming a doctor is not just a career, it is a symbol of joy and hope.

The journey is not easy, it requires a lot of sacrifices, but I have confidence that I will become a successful doctor. I will make a difference in my community by treating needy patients and educating poor students for free. I will treat my patient with respect and ensure that patients feel comfortable at all times. I will not ask for huge sums of money even for rich patients because it’s unfair to do so. I wish that I would one day fulfill my dreams to serve my community.

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My ambition to become a doctor is not only my dream but also my parents’ dream. They see the potential in me and want me to progress towards achieving my ambition. I remember my grandmother died from cancer because my parents could not afford the treatment expense. My father wept for months after my grandmother passed away and blamed himself because he had no money. I saw my father in pain and agony and I don’t want that to happen to anyone ever again. My father is also proud of my ambition and he appreciates all my efforts to achieve this goal.

When I was a little boy, I always wanted to help those in need. I liked volunteering my services. During my free time, I would take care of my old grandmother who encouraged me to consider a career in medicine. Initially, I thought of being a singer because I loved singing, but I never considered being a doctor because it required much dedication. As I grew up and met many people in need of medical services, therefore I reshaped my ambition and left every other thing aside. I realized that I had the potential of becoming a doctor after I attended my first training as a volunteer at a local hospital. The experience changed my life.

After volunteering at the local hospital, I received positive feedback from the supervisor who recommended me for an exchange program. The program enabled me to get the chance to study medicine in one of the prestigious medical schools in the US. I try to do my best to become a good doctor by studying hard. I have many plans after I complete my studies and become a successful doctor. I also made a vow to myself that I would be faithful to my duties and respectful to my ambition.

Short Essay Sample On My Future Ambition – 300 Word Short Custom Essay

People always ask kids and teens about what they want to become in the future once they grow up. At some time in life, we all have wondered about our future ambitions in life. What we want to achieve or become is mostly influenced by the people and things that surround us. Children and teenagers want to become like people who inspire and influence them. Our ambition gives us purpose in life and we all want to become like someone. For me, I have an ambition of becoming a great dancer someday.

My Future Ambition

As a kid, I always asked myself: “That is ambition important in life?” I realized that ambition depends upon our interest, choice, and our role model in life. I had an interest in dancing and my role model was none other than Michael Jackson. From that day onwards I made dancing my future ambition and started practicing every day to improve my skill. Another reason I chose this as my future ambition is that everyone only wants to become a doctor or engineer. I want to remove this negative stigma when it comes to choosing passion over money.

Why I Chose this Ambition?

It seems odd to people that I have chosen to become a dancer. I chose dancing because it lets me express myself, I feel relieved, and all my stress goes away. I also like the crowd groans when they are just amazed to see you move and I start feeling good about myself.

Other than all that dancing teaches us many life lessons of hard work, patience, determination, and consistency. These lessons don’t just make you a better dancer but also a better person in life. Through this ambition, I also want to eliminate all the negative stigmas associated with a creative career path. I want to tell people that engineers, lawyers, doctors, and scientists are not the only four professions in the world.

In Conclusion, everyone should be free to choose his/her ambition in life. Just like my parents, all parents should allow their children to choose any profession they want to. On the other hand, teenagers should also get good grades to enter their profession without a problem.

Do you like these sample essays about My Future Ambition? Reach out to Essay Basics to get a professionally written plagiarism-free and unique custom essay on any topic in less than 3 hours.

FAQ About My Ambition In Life Essay

How to write an essay about your future ambitions.

To write an essay on future ambition you have to tell about your ambition and then explain why you chose this ambition and what you want to achieve.

What Are Some Examples Of Ambition For The Future?

Doctor, pilot, soldier, engineer, lawyer, teacher, and scientist are some examples of most common future ambitions.

Is ambition important in life?

Yes, ambition is very important in life. Without any ambition, you will feel like you have no aim and that’s not good for emotional and mental well-being.

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Essay on My Aim in Life

Updated on
Apr 15, 2024

Writing an essay is like searching for your inner self. Have you ever wondered why professors or your teachers assign you these writing tasks ? Why don’t they simply ask you to express yourself in oral form? The logic behind their asking you to write an essay is fairly simple. It is easy for you to express yourself more logically when you write an essay. By assigning you an essay task, your teachers are trying to help you develop your writing skills, vocabulary , and your unique writing style. Essays form an integral part of many academic and scholastic exams like SAT, and UPSC among many others. It is a crucial evaluative part of English proficiency tests as well like IELTS , TOEFL , Duolingo , and many more. In this blog, we will learn how to write an essay on My Aim in Life.

This Blog Includes:

Why should you have an aim in life, how to achieve your aim, essay on my aim in life in 100 words, essay on my aim in life in 200 words, essay on my aim in life in 500 words, essay on my aim in life to become a doctor, essay on my aim in life to become a teacher, essay on my aim in life to become an engineer.

Nikita Puri

Nikita is a creative writer and editor, who is always ready to learn new skills. She has great knowledge about study abroad universities, researching and writing blogs about them. Being a perfectionist, she has a habit of keeping her tasks complete on time before the OCD hits her. When Nikita is not busy working, you can find her eating while binge-watching The office. Also, she breathes music. She has done her bachelor's from Delhi University and her master's from Jamia Millia Islamia.

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Essay On My Ambition In Life For All Class In 100 To 500 Words

We all have some ambitions in life. All of us want to achieve something and be something that gives us meaning and purpose. My ambition in life is to be an honest and successful teacher. But what is your ambition in life?

If you are trying to write an essay on ‘my ambition in life,’ then this article should be able to help. In this article, I have listed three different samples of short essays about my ambition.

Here are essay samples within 100, 200, and 500, 600 words, and you can use them as a sample to write your version of an essay on your ambition in life.

Essay on My Ambition in Life: 600-700 Words

Ambition is a powerful driving force that compels individuals to strive for greatness and reach their full potential. It is the inner fire that ignites our passion and fuels our determination to achieve our goals. My ambition in life is to become a successful writer and use my words to inspire and impact others on a global scale.

The inspiration behind my Ambition

Ever since I was a child, I have been fascinated by the written word. I remember spending countless hours immersed in books, getting lost in the magical worlds created by authors. As I grew older, my love for writing only intensified.

I would scribble down my thoughts and ideas in journals, pour my heart out in poetry, and create short stories that transported me to different places and times. Writing was not just a hobby for me; it was a way of expressing myself and making sense of the world.

As I entered my teenage years, I started to understand the power of words. I realized that writers have the ability to influence and shape people’s thoughts and emotions. They can open minds, change perspectives, and even spark revolutions. This realization only fueled my ambition to become a writer and make a difference through my words.

Turning Point in My Journey

My first major breakthrough in my writing journey came when I won a school-wide essay competition. The topic was “My Vision for the World,” and I poured my heart and soul into crafting a powerful piece.

The judges were impressed by my writing style and the depth of my ideas. I was awarded a cash prize and was invited to read my essay at the school assembly. The overwhelming response from my classmates and teachers further cemented my ambition to pursue writing as a career.

In college, I majored in English Literature and Creative Writing, determined to hone my skills and learn from the great writers who came before me. I devoured books of all genres, studied the techniques of renowned authors, and attended writing workshops and seminars.

I also started a blog where I shared my thoughts and short stories, gaining a small but loyal following of readers.

My experience

One of the most significant experiences in my writing journey was when I was selected to participate in a writing retreat in a remote village in Italy. It was a life-changing experience that allowed me to disconnect from the chaos of the world and immerse myself in my writing.

Surrounded by nature and like-minded writers, I wrote some of my best work during that retreat. It was there that I realized the true power of writing to connect people from different backgrounds and cultures.

As I continued to pursue my ambition, I faced numerous challenges and setbacks. Rejection letters from publishers, writer’s block, and self-doubt were all part of the journey. But I refused to let them discourage me.

I drew inspiration from successful writers who faced similar struggles and persevered, and I reminded myself of my ultimate goal: to use my words to inspire and impact others.

One of the most fulfilling moments in my writing career was when I published my first novel. It was a story that I had been working on for years, pouring my heart and soul into every word.

Seeing it on the shelves of bookstores and receiving positive reviews from readers was a dream come true. But more importantly, I was proud of the message of hope and resilience that my book conveyed.

My ambition in life does not end with just one book. I am determined to continue writing and sharing stories that touch people’s hearts and minds. I want to use my platform to shed light on important social issues and inspire positive change. And I hope to write stories that transcend borders and bring people together, regardless of their differences.

In conclusion, my ambition in life is to become a successful writer and use my words to inspire and impact others. I believe that writing is a powerful tool that can change the world for the better, and I am determined to use it to its full potential.

With hard work, perseverance, and a strong belief in my abilities, I am confident that I will achieve my goal and leave a lasting impact on the world.

My Ambition In Life Essay: 500 Words

Each living being has a calling in life. This calling gives them purpose and reason for being alive. So, it is very crucial to find our ambition in life and work on it till we become who we are. Each of us has a different dream. We want to be doctors, engineers, writers, politicians, teachers, firefighters, scientists, and more.

When we have ambition, we can plan our lives ahead. It is the driving force behind our lives, and our ambitions lead us to different places and phases in our lives.

The Importance Of Ambition In Life

It is essential to have ambition when we want to reach higher positions in life. We will not understand how high we can climb unless we look above. Having an ambition in life helps us create goals and keeps us motivated and energetic throughout our journey.

With a high and strong ambition, not only can we develop a plan, but we can also measure the amount of work we have to put in to reach the level we are dreaming of reaching. It works like an ultimatum that makes us work against the clock and the calendar. The cost of success and reaching our life’s goal is hard work and strong determination. Our ambition helps us strengthen that determination.

My Ambition In Life

My ambition in life is to become a successful teacher. I believe that teachers are essential contributors to society. They are the makers of engineers, scientists, journalists, doctors, engineers, and politicians of the next generation.

I want to gain as much knowledge as possible and distribute them among students of the next generation. Teaching is one of the noblest professions, and teachers are respected and loved by everyone in society.

But there is more to being a teacher than we generally know. Most importantly, teachers have the opportunity to meet different types of children . They know and understand that every child is unique and different. They take unique measures to help all of them blend in and learn their academic lessons in the environment of a school.

Teachers are also responsible for building their student’s moral, social, and ethical values. They help students learn about their cultures, help them become creative, and motivate them.

After the parents, it is the teachers who take the responsibility of teaching about the rights and wrongs to their students. Being a teacher is a heavy responsibility to take, and I am ambitious enough to fulfill my dream and take this responsibility seriously.

With ambition comes the fear of being over-ambitious. Growing up too fast only leads to longtime failure and resentment. So, we should always beware of an over-ambitious attitude. We should always measure our ambitions in life by calculating our steps and taking them accordingly.

In conclusion, our ambitions help us follow and achieve our goals in life. But, we should be very calculative and smart about what we desire. It is always wise to keep realistic ambition and move forward accordingly.

My Ambition in Life: 400 Words

Everybody in this world has this innate desire to do something meaningful that will make a difference in other people’s lives. This desire to attain a meaningful position or become someone important is known as ambition. People can have different ambitions in life. For instance, someone may want to be a doctor and save lives, another person may want to be a social worker and work at the grassroots level to help improve other people’s living conditions. Some people also want to be teachers or professors to not only educate but also help them to realize their potential.

However, my ambition since childhood was to become a journalist. I wanted to travel the world, cover exciting and interesting events, and write about them. Personally, the storytelling aspect of Journalism interests me the most. I want to visit new places, meet people from all walks of life hear their stories, and write about them.

Now that I am in college and studying Journalism and media studies, I have realized that Journalism is much more than traveling the world and writing about people’s stories. It is also a kind of public service because all journalists have an ethical duty to collect and report accurate information in an impartial manner regardless of the field they are working in – politics, current events, business, or entertainment.

I want to work as a reporter in the field of politics because this field will provide me with ample opportunities to travel all around the world and meet new people – which was my original reason for becoming a writer. But alongside traveling, now I want to write about different current events in politics and governments around the world. I also want to write and talk about the voting process in an impartial manner so that more people become aware and go vote. Furthermore, I want to cover stories on topics such as universal healthcare and education so as to keep the public informed about what steps are being taken by the government to improve these areas.

It is very important that everyone should have an ambition in life. It can be a big ambition or something small, but everyone should have an ambition. This is because life without an aim or an ambition becomes meaningless or directionless. The aim in life to do something meaningful and to become someone is what drives us and inspires us. And finally, when we are able to fulfill the aim we have set for ourselves, there is no better feeling in life than that.

My Ambition In Life Essay: 200 Words

My ambition in life is to become a successful doctor. I am confident that with dedication, hard work, and a positive attitude, I can achieve my goal and make a significant change in my life and in the lives of others around them.

I have always been passionate about helping people, and I am committed to pursuing a career as a doctor. Then I plan to gain the necessary education and degrees to become a doctor. My uncle, who is also a doctor, is my inspiration for pursuing this goal in life.

Aside from building my career as a doctor, my main ambition is to be capable of helping people. I want to help poor people who cannot get proper treatment due to their financial conditions. As a doctor, I also want to take part in different health charities and help people from different communities.

I dream of building a better future as a doctor and creating better health awareness among people. Overall, my ambition in life is to lead a fulfilling and purposeful life, both professionally and personally. I am excited about the opportunities that lie ahead and am committed to working hard to achieve my goals.

My Ambition In Life Essay: 100 Words

Everyone has an ambition in life that lets them build a roadmap to their goals. Similarly, like everyone, I also have an ambition in life. I want to be a successful lawyer. As a lawyer, I want to settle difficult cases with the help of the law.

Lawyers give advice on legal matters. They can settle any dispute, crime, or case with the help of the law. With the application of law in different specific cases, lawyers can settle many cases. As a lawyer, I will be able to fight for many issues that remain unaddressed in front of the general public. I am doing everything necessary to fulfill my ambition of becoming a lawyer and being successful in life.

Bottom line

Ambitions are integral parts of our lives. When we want to proceed further in life, we have to have an ambition. The above essays on ambition in life should be helpful if you are trying to write an essay on ‘my ambition in life’. However, if you have any further queries, please reach out to us in the comment section. We will answer your queries as soon as possible.

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My Ambition

Aoife Burns

An ambition is an ambition is an aim that you have in life, something you wish to achieve. Everyone has an ambition, whether it is to get a good job or invent something that could change the world.

I have many ambitions but my main one is to travel all over the world! I would like to visit some well-known landmarks such as the statue of liberty or the Great Wall of China and also some landmarks, which aren’t as famous. I would like to visit different kinds of countries all over the world. I would like to experience life in Less Economically Developed Countries like Zambia and More Economically Developed Countries such as the United States because I would like to see the different lifestyles of the people who are richer and poorer than others.

To take this trip across the globe, I would need to save before I went because I would have a lot of things to consider like flights, accommodation, travelling equipment, transport and visiting landmarks and it would cost a lot in all so I would need to save a lot before the trip. If I was saving, I would possibly have to save for about 5 years, but it might depend on what job I have.

This is a preview of the whole essay

I want to travel the world because I think that it would be a brilliant, exciting experience and because some of my relatives have went to a lot of different places abroad and have come back with great stories and many good things to say about that country. They have told me all about the great sights and how the people are so nice and welcoming to visitors. I also want to go because I want to experience the different traditions and cultures of each country and want to see the various features and sights.

I would feel so ecstatic and overjoyed if I did achieve my goal to travel around the world because I would be so content with myself for sticking to what I’ve always wanted to do and going for it. If I did travel around the world someday, I would feel really proud of myself for following my dream.

I think that travelling the world is something that I could realistically achieve because it is not too big or really costly. I could still grab my ambition because it is within reach and it’s not that unrealistic.

Words cannot describe my desire for travelling the world someday and hopefully I will make my dream a reality.

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My Ambition Essay

Learn how to write my ambition essay in English language in 300 words. Know more about essay on my ambition for students of class 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11 and 12. Now you can also write my ambition essay for students in 300 words. Now you can write same for my ambition in life essay.

Everyone has some or other kind of ambition in life. Right from childhood, we start dreaming and weaving ambitions. Ambition shows us the direction towards our overarching goal and also helps us focus on our aim. It inculcates the habits of hard work and punctuality as these two traits help us reach our goal. It encourages us to lead a better life.

However, every individual has its own ambition in life. People nowadays give up on their ambitions because of society. For instance, many people in the medical field wanted to become models or singers or some of the greatest officers always wanted to become artists, however, they chose the other profession to adapt to this society.

Well, my ambition in life is to become a dancer as I developed a taste for dancing when I was in class 3. I had great support from my family and they always encourage me to pursue this ambition. I have heard many people who stated that they never got support from their family when they wanted to dance but I feel fortunate enough to have such a family that supports me.

So from the beginning of my childhood, I joined the dance classes to polish my skills and learn new and latest dance forms. My guru was such a great dancer at the national level who taught me various dance skills and encouraged me to perform well every time I participated in the competition. I learnt many things from dance as it is an art that inculcates punctuality and confidence which ultimately makes you a better person in life.

I wanted to become a dancer as I want to set an example for people that even dancing career is lucrative and must not be taken for granted. There are many doctors and engineers in the society but that doesn’t mean these are the only two professions that give you respect in society. Art is something that is respect in itself and dance is a form of art and should never be considered inferior to any other profession.

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Why I Kept My Kinks a Secret

F or the past decade, while I worked on a novel, I clung to a lie. On most days, I recited this lie, out loud, as if praying, hoping to relax the panic that held me in its grip for much of that time, and still hasn’t let me go. It kept me writing, the lie, though it’s about to fall apart. I’ll let no one read this book, I told myself. It’s still what I’m saying. I’m writing this just days before the novel will publish. I think of that fact, which is inexorable, and panic’s harsh grip closes tight again.

I’ve spoken with friends and, at times, in public about this novel-incited panic. If asked what I’m afraid of, I’ve offered multiple explanations, all of which are true, fine, but partial. For one thing, Exhibit explores plural kinds of desire, including physical longing, much of it queer; having grown up Korean, Catholic, and evangelical, I can’t quite escape the triple helping of lust-prohibiting shame and guilt I’ve known since I was a child. I’ve left religion, but the old edicts have proved hard to forget. In addition, the book is peopled with fictional artists, most of them women, aiming high with their work: they’re fired by large ambitions. So am I. It can feel as though, just by divulging this, I’m inviting peril. (Isn’t the phrase “ambitious woman” code for “unlikable woman,” a friend once said; I asked if it was even a code.) Plus, one woman in Exhibit isn’t being faithful to her loving husband; a couple of the artists refuse to be parents. It’s as if I made a list of boxes a person might tick to explain why a woman ought to be disliked, perhaps despised, and then, writing this novel, I filled in each box.

I’m stalling again, though, as I have my whole life, finding it all but physically impossible to put words to it , a longing I depict in the pages most adept at provoking bona fide panic. In truth, the principal origin of my anxiety, the thing that can trap me inside hours-long fits of gasping, crying, and the false if no less potent belief I might be dying, has to do with a word I haven’t yet said here: kink.

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This isn’t my first time writing or talking about kink—in 2021, my friend Garth Greenwell and I co-edited and published a bestselling short-fiction anthology titled, well, Kink . To support that book’s publication, I also wrote essays refuting prevalent, harmful beliefs about kink, fallacies about it being abusive, malign to women, an illness requiring a cure; I spoke about kink for print, audio, the internet, and during panels and readings.

But in that deluge of words, I didn’t let slip a thing about my own proclivities. I kept the language general, usually plural: I referred to some people, many people, to groups, subcultures, communities. If I felt obliged to be specific, I alluded to what one might want. I turned fluent in talking about kink while eliding the personal; at least a few readers caviled that, as far as they could tell, I’d thought up and co-edited an anthology that spotlit kink despite having no interest in it apart from the fictional. It was, I felt certain, what I required: to hide. Or, that is, to publish the book, but while I stayed veiled in fiction’s opacities, a disguise integral to the form. I relied on Ronald Barthes’s motto, larvatus prodeo: I advance pointing to my mask.

Now, though, I’ve written an entire novel told from the position of a queer Korean American woman artist who, along with her other desires, pines to explore kink. People, I’m aware, will suspect me, a queer Korean American woman artist, of having lifted the book’s events in full from my life.

Even so, I might persist in hiding. It’s still fiction, after all. And isn’t it enough, or so I’ve thought, that I’ve told the world I’m queer? I love being queer; it’s also true that queerness is judged to be an illness by a lot of Koreans both diasporic and mainland. Not long ago—for much of Korea’s Joseon period, which lasted from 1392 to 1910—the law ordained that a Korean woman could be divorced for “excessive” talking, a so-called sin. Expelled, fending for herself, the divorced woman risked dying, a hazard my body has perhaps not forgotten, though here I am, talking about, of all things, sex. Queer sex, at that. But it’s possible this rigid mask, the passed-down fiats, aren’t helping me, let alone the writing, as much as I thought.

Kink is a large, shifting term, with outlines etched less by what it is than is not, this single word applied to an ever-changing negative space. Lina Dune , a prominent kink writer and podcaster, defines kink as any sexual act or practice diverging “one tiny step outside of what you were brought up to believe is acceptable.” So, bondage, sadomasochism, fetishes, and role play are examples of kinks, and these aren’t fringe penchants. By some measures, 40% to 70% of people might be kinky ; given the stigma, this estimate could be on the low end.

For me, kink entails playing with control. Stated, explicit power dynamics; intense physical sensations, including pain; rules—these pursuits are so crucial to my body’s understanding of sex that, in their absence, lust also goes missing. It isn’t optional, a bit of pep to add on top of the chief act. Hence, sex lacking all signs of kink isn’t quite, in any personally significant sense of the word, sex. I’ve known this to be true as far back as I can recall desiring; for about as long, I believed I should keep it quiet, that I’d be thought aberrant, wrong, for craving as I did, the yes of desire paired with this I can’t . Friends spoke about lust in ways I found puzzling, alien. To be safe, I nodded. I feigned being like them. First kisses, initial forays into sexual activity: none of it felt fulfilling, and still, I played along.

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It wasn’t until I met the person who’d become my husband that, months into dating, with great trouble, I began trying to explain. Since kink figures as central a role in who I am as being queer, a woman, Korean, a person, a living being, I had to give him the chance, I thought, to run.

So what, one might ask. Kink is visible, in public, even stylish, to an extent I didn’t think possible while I was growing up, and kink-specific gathering places exist both online and, at least in big cities, in person. No one wishing to fulfill a desire for kink who is also in possession of a phone needs to be afraid, as I used to be, of lifelong failure. People mention kink in social-media bios, in dating profiles. In the milieus I inhabit, full of writers, editors, and artists all tilting left, to kink-shame—to deride a person’s kink—is itself often judged passé, risible. Why, then, as I write this, are my hands shaking, as though my very fingers are urging me to stop, to go back into hiding?

It wasn’t long ago that being pulled to kink was classed as being disordered. Until 2013, sadomasochism, along with fetishism, was pathologized as a mental illness in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, or the DSM—a ruling with legal implications for jobs, parental rights. While kink is depicted more than it used to be in popular culture, it’s still so often tied to grave psychic damage, evil, or both that there’s a futile, tiring game I play: if a character in film or television is, say, a serial killer, an appalling villain, I track how long it takes until they’re shown engaging in kink. It can take just five, ten minutes before I’m proven right again.

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It’s thus no surprise that lies about kink run wild. On the first day of the anthology Kink’s release, which, again, was a brief three years ago, the most indignant replies came from writers and editors I’d never met arguing that kink is abusive, misogynist, disordered. (Briefly, for anyone fresh to this dispute: a bright, wide line divides even the most physically rough kink from abuse—the giving and negotiating of explicit, detailed consent—and though some people do gain healing through kink, it has no more of a requisite etiology than do other kinds of sexuality.) In my own, less parochial circles, it’s still not unusual for people to question what the purpose of a fictional character’s kink might be, why it’s there, as though it has to be willed, optional, and not, as it is for me, vital.

If otherwise well-educated adults find kink confusing, it’s no wonder that youths might, too. Per a recent survey of 5,000 college students in the Midwest, conducted by Debby Herbenick, director of the Center for Sexual Health Promotion at Indiana University, two-thirds of the women said they’d been choked by a partner during sex. While a longing for sexual asphyxiation is possible, and does fall under kink’s rubric, it’s also so dangerous that many kink aficionados consider it entirely off limits. One can’t safely choke a person; lasting damage can result, up to and including death. In the study, women spoke of partners choking them without having obtained consent ahead of time, a flouting of essential, first-priority kink practices.

Kink, as Dune says, isn’t about one person forcing their will on another: instead, it’s “an ongoing conversation, a collaboration between consenting equals.” Preludial talk of desires, limits; figuring out where there is and isn’t overlap; deciding on safewords; finding ways to check in along the way; segueing from a sexual encounter into aftercare, which folds in activities that can include talking about what took place, to bring oneself back to a less charged state—all this, too, is part of kink.

For a lot of people, kink can be a less bewildering landscape to navigate than more orthodox types of sex. In lieu of abiding by fixed scripts of what sex ought to be, one listens to one’s individual body, following and articulating what’s desired. Zoë Peterson, a scientist and clinical psychologist who directs the Kinsey Institute’s Sexual Assault Initiative, notes that, with the U.S.’s dearth of sex education, some people might never be asked, “What do you like and not like?” It can be highly difficult for people to think about this, let alone speak it aloud, and to another person. Sex-related shame bedevils most of us, not just the kink-inclined. And so, Peterson says, she tends to “hold up the kink community as a good model of sexual-consent communication.” In other words, these consent practices can be useful to people at large.

I ask Peterson how she’d respond to a still-widespread objection to this kind of dialogue, that consent made so precise is off-putting, clinical, lacking space for abandon, spontaneity. Here, too, she says, kink communities provide a model. “I don't think anyone's like, ‘Kink isn't sexy,’” she says, with a laugh. “No one says that.”

I’m doing it again : referring to people , to one . Scientists pointing to kink as a benign model, the talk of detailed consent—it all sounds so logical, so calm that I almost forget the panic stifling each attempt I’ve ever made to voice my own desires.

But along with the pervading stigma, here’s what else I find terrifying: part of what I want, the shape of how I lust, could be mistaken as lining up with painful, absurd lies about women who look like me—that we’re docile, hypersexual, pliant, willing to be ill-used. It’s a myth distorting our histories in the U.S., codified in the 1875 Page Act , which stopped the immigration of Chinese women on the pretext that they were “immoral.” It’s also present in any number of violent acts toward Asian women, and people who present as women, including the 2021 Atlanta spa shootings , which the killer tried to explain with a so-called “sex addiction,” a concept not recognized in psychiatric literature but one many people, not excluding the media, quickly accepted as a real disease.

Both after and before the Atlanta shootings, I’ve written and spoken about injustice from the vantage point of being a Korean woman, an Asian woman. I’ve heard from thousands of Asian people, most often women, about their own experiences of racism . It was, and is, a profound honor to be trusted with such griefs. I’ve also received death threats, rape threats, as replies to what I wrote; I’ve been chased down the street by men, had my ass grabbed in bars. Less violent, but also infuriating, are the times people have fancied it’s right to tell me what to do, have assayed to push me around. None of this is special. It’s not unique, is the problem. But as a result, for a long while, I’ve tried, with how I dress, talk, and hold myself, to project what others might interpret as strength, an effort that’s felt all the more urgent as I publish words that people read.

I’m afraid that, by unveiling desires I’ve kept hidden, I’ll spoil this effort. And that, given the nature of some of what I want, I’ll add to the terrible lies about us. Might, then, get more of us hurt, killed. On the one hand, this sounds histrionic, over-the-top: it’s just a novel, I tell myself, and I’m one person. Still, the bigoted and ignorant can be so easily misled, by almost nothing. Each novel births a world. Shame, guilt then spring up: what am I, a Korean woman, doing, talking about sex at all? I should hide again, back where it’s safe.

But this, but that: the abiding panic spirals, its coil tight. In the lulls, when its grip goes slack, I’m able to trust in what else I believe about books. The solitude I used to know, when I thought I was alone with strange desires, my body wrong, abnormal—that long isolation, too, twined me with the pall of something like death. Other people’s words, books, and art, by offering kinship, pulled me free, provided a refuge. It felt salvific, finding the solitude to be an illusion: learning that even I, at least in private, could live as my full self.

Despite the panic, I did write Exhibit , a chronicle of kinky, queer, Korean American women intent on pursuing what they want. Striving to bring to the novel all the skills I possess, I hoped to claim that this, too, the it I’ve often wished gone, belongs in literature. Which is also saying it belongs, period, as do I. Our bodies aren’t wrong. If allowed the option of changing, excising kink from my body, I’d refuse. For what else could I be, and why would I want to? Kink has brought me such delight. Exhibit’s narrator, Jin Han, spends much of the novel working to move out of hiding. I’m trying to follow her there.

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The Unpunished: How Extremists Took Over Israel

After 50 years of failure to stop violence and terrorism against Palestinians by Jewish ultranationalists, lawlessness has become the law.

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By Ronen Bergman and Mark Mazzetti

May 16, 2024

This story is told in three parts. The first documents the unequal system of justice that grew around Jewish settlements in Gaza and the West Bank. The second shows how extremists targeted not only Palestinians but also Israeli officials trying to make peace. The third explores how this movement gained control of the state itself. Taken together, they tell the story of how a radical ideology moved from the fringes to the heart of Israeli political power.

By the end of October, it was clear that no one was going to help the villagers of Khirbet Zanuta. A tiny Palestinian community, some 150 people perched on a windswept hill in the West Bank near Hebron, it had long faced threats from the Jewish settlers who had steadily encircled it. But occasional harassment and vandalism, in the days after the Oct. 7 Hamas attack, escalated into beatings and murder threats. The villagers made appeal after appeal to the Israeli police and to the ever-present Israeli military, but their calls for protection went largely unheeded, and the attacks continued with no consequences. So one day the villagers packed what they could, loaded their families into trucks and disappeared.

Listen to this article, read by Jonathan Davis

Who bulldozed the village after that is a matter of dispute. The Israeli Army says it was the settlers; a senior Israeli police officer says it was the army. Either way, soon after the villagers left, little remained of Khirbet Zanuta besides the ruins of a clinic and an elementary school. One wall of the clinic, leaning sideways, bore a sign saying that it had been funded by an agency of the European Union providing “humanitarian support for Palestinians at risk of forcible transfer in the West Bank.” Near the school, someone had planted the flag of Israel as another kind of announcement: This is Jewish land now.

Such violence over the decades in places like Khirbet Zanuta is well documented. But protecting the people who carry out that violence is the dark secret of Israeli justice. The long arc of harassment, assault and murder of Palestinians by Jewish settlers is twinned with a shadow history, one of silence, avoidance and abetment by Israeli officials. For many of those officials, it is Palestinian terrorism that most threatens Israel. But in interviews with more than 100 people — current and former officers of the Israeli military, the National Israeli Police and the Shin Bet domestic security service; high-ranking Israeli political officials, including four former prime ministers; Palestinian leaders and activists; Israeli human rights lawyers; American officials charged with supporting the Israeli-Palestinian partnership — we found a different and perhaps even more destabilizing threat. A long history of crime without punishment, many of those officials now say, threatens not only Palestinians living in the occupied territories but also the State of Israel itself.

Many of the people we interviewed, some speaking anonymously, some speaking publicly for the first time, offered an account not only of Jewish violence against Palestinians dating back decades but also of an Israeli state that has systematically and increasingly ignored that violence. It is an account of a sometimes criminal nationalistic movement that has been allowed to operate with impunity and gradually move from the fringes to the mainstream of Israeli society. It is an account of how voices within the government that objected to the condoning of settler violence were silenced and discredited. And it is a blunt account, told for the first time by Israeli officials themselves, of how the occupation came to threaten the integrity of their country’s democracy.

The interviews, along with classified documents written in recent months, reveal a government at war with itself. One document describes a meeting in March, when Maj. Gen. Yehuda Fox, the head of Israel’s Central Command, responsible for the West Bank, gave a withering account of the efforts by Bezalel Smotrich — an ultraright leader and the official in Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government with oversight over the West Bank — to undermine law enforcement in the occupied territory. Since Smotrich took office, Fox wrote, the effort to clamp down on illegal settlement construction has dwindled “to the point where it has disappeared.” Moreover, Fox said, Smotrich and his allies were thwarting the very measures to enforce the law that the government had promised Israeli courts it would take.

This is a story, pieced together and told in full for the first time, that leads to the heart of Israel. But it begins in the West Bank, in places like Khirbet Zanuta. From within the village’s empty ruins, there is a clear view across the valley to a tiny Jewish outpost called Meitarim Farm. Built in 2021, the farm has become a base of operations for settler attacks led by Yinon Levi, the farm’s owner. Like so many of the Israeli outposts that have been set up throughout the West Bank in recent years, Meitarim Farm is illegal. It is illegal under international law, which most experts say doesn’t recognize Israeli settlements in occupied land. It is illegal under Israeli law, like most settlements built since the 1990s.

Few efforts are made to stop the building of these outposts or the violence emanating from them. Indeed, one of Levi’s day jobs was running an earthworks company, and he has worked with the Israel Defense Forces to bulldoze at least one Palestinian village in the West Bank. As for the victims of that violence, they face a confounding and defeating system when trying to get relief. Villagers seeking help from the police typically have to file a report in person at an Israeli police station, which in the West Bank are almost exclusively located inside the settlements themselves. After getting through security and to the station, they sometimes wait for hours for an Arabic translator, only to be told they don’t have the right paperwork or sufficient evidence to submit a report. As one senior Israeli military official told us, the police “exhaust Palestinians so they won’t file complaints.”

And yet in November, with no protection from the police or the military, the former residents of Khirbet Zanuta and five nearby villages chose to test whether justice was still possible by appealing directly to Israel’s Supreme Court. In a petition, lawyers for the villagers, from Haqel, an Israeli human rights organization, argued that days after the Oct. 7 Hamas attack, a raiding party that included settlers and Israeli soldiers assaulted village residents, threatened murder and destroyed property throughout the village. They stated that the raid was part of “a mass transfer of ancient Palestinian communities,” one in which settlers working hand in hand with soldiers are taking advantage of the current war in Gaza to achieve the longer-standing goal of “cleansing” parts of the West Bank, aided by the “sweeping and unprecedented disregard” of the state and its “de facto consent to the massive acts of deportation.”

The Supreme Court agreed to hear the case, and the relief the villagers are seeking — that the law be enforced — might seem modest. But our reporting reveals the degree to which decades of history are stacked against them: After 50 years of crime without punishment, in many ways the violent settlers and the state have become one.

Separate and Unequal

The devastating Hamas attacks in Israel on Oct. 7, the ongoing crisis of Israeli hostages and the grinding Israeli invasion and bombardment of the Gaza Strip that followed may have refocused the world’s attention on Israel’s ongoing inability to address the question of Palestinian autonomy. But it is in the West Bank where the corrosive long-term effects of the occupation on Israeli law and democracy are most apparent.

A sample of three dozen cases in the months since Oct. 7 shows the startling degree to which the legal system has decayed. In all the cases, involving misdeeds as diverse as stealing livestock and assault and arson, not a single suspect was charged with a crime; in one case, a settler shot a Palestinian in the stomach while an Israel Defense Forces soldier looked on, yet the police questioned the shooter for only 20 minutes, and never as a criminal suspect, according to an internal Israeli military memo. During our review of the cases, we listened to recordings of Israeli human rights activists calling the police to report various crimes against Palestinians. In some of the recordings, the police refused to come to the scene, claiming they didn’t know where the villages were; in one case, they mocked the activists as “anarchists.” A spokesman for the Israeli National Police declined to respond to repeated queries about our findings.

The violence and impunity that these cases demonstrate existed long before Oct. 7. In nearly every month before October, the rate of violent incidents was higher than during the same month in the previous year. And Yesh Din, an Israeli human rights group, looking at more than 1,600 cases of settler violence in the West Bank between 2005 and 2023, found that just 3 percent ended in a conviction. Ami Ayalon, the head of Shin Bet from 1996 to 2000 — speaking out now because of his concern about Israel’s systemic failure to enforce the law — says this singular lack of consequences reflects the indifference of the Israeli leadership going back years. “The cabinet, the prime minister,” he says, “they signal to the Shin Bet that if a Jew is killed, that’s terrible. If an Arab is killed, that’s not good, but it’s not the end of the world.”

Ayalon’s assessment was echoed by many other officials we interviewed. Mark Schwartz, a retired American three-star general, was the top military official working at the United States Embassy in Jerusalem from 2019 to 2021, overseeing international support efforts for the partnership between Israel and the Palestinian Authority. “There’s no accountability,” he says now of the long history of settler crimes and heavy-handed Israeli operations in the West Bank. “These things eat away at trust and ultimately the stability and security of Israel and the Palestinian territories. It’s undeniable.”

How did a young nation turn so quickly on its own democratic ideals, and at what price? Any meaningful answer to these questions has to take into account how a half-century of lawless behavior that went largely unpunished propelled a radical form of ultranationalism to the center of Israeli politics. This is the history that is told here in three parts. In Part I, we describe the origins of a religious movement that established Jewish settlements in the newly won territories of Gaza and the West Bank during the 1970s. In Part II, we recount how the most extreme elements of the settler movement began targeting not only Palestinians but also Israeli leaders who tried to make peace with them. And in Part III, we show how the most established members of Israel’s ultraright, unpunished for their crimes, gained political power in Israel, even as a more radical generation of settlers vowed to eliminate the Israeli state altogether.

Many Israelis who moved to the West Bank did so for reasons other than ideology, and among the settlers, there is a large majority who aren’t involved in violence or other illegal acts against Palestinians. And many within the Israeli government fought to expand the rule of law into the territories, with some success. But they also faced harsh pushback, with sometimes grave personal consequences. Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin’s efforts in the 1990s, on the heels of the First Intifada, to make peace with Yasir Arafat, chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization, gave rise to a new generation of Jewish terrorists, and they ultimately cost him his life.

The disagreement over how to handle the occupied territories and their residents has bred a complex and sometimes opaque system of law enforcement. At its heart are two separate and unequal systems of justice: one for Jews and another for Palestinians.

The West Bank is under the command of the I.D.F., which means that Palestinians are subject to a military law that gives the I.D.F. and the Shin Bet considerable authority. They can hold suspects for extended periods without trial or access to either a lawyer or the evidence against them. They can wiretap, conduct secret surveillance, hack into databases and gather intelligence on any Arab living in the occupied territory with few restrictions. Palestinians are subject to military — not civilian — courts, which are far more punitive when it comes to accusations of terrorism and less transparent to outside scrutiny. (In a statement, the I.D.F. said, “The use of administrative detention measures is only carried out in situations where the security authorities have reliable and credible information indicating a real danger posed by the detainee to the region’s security, and in the absence of other alternatives to remove the risk.” It declined to respond to multiple specific queries, in some cases saying “the events are too old to address.”)

According to a senior Israeli defense official, since Oct. 7, some 7,000 settler reservists were called back by the I.D.F., put in uniform, armed and ordered to protect the settlements. They were given specific orders: Do not leave the settlements, do not cover your faces, do not initiate unauthorized roadblocks. But in reality many of them have left the settlements in uniform, wearing masks, setting up roadblocks and harassing Palestinians.

All West Bank settlers are in theory subject to the same military law that applies to Palestinian residents. But in practice, they are treated according to the civil law of the State of Israel, which formally applies only to territory within the state’s borders. This means that Shin Bet might probe two similar acts of terrorism in the West Bank — one committed by Jewish settlers and one committed by Palestinians — and use wholly different investigative tools.

In this system, even the question of what behavior is being investigated as an act of terror is different for Jews and Arabs. For a Palestinian, the simple admission of identifying with Hamas counts as an act of terrorism that permits Israeli authorities to use severe interrogation methods and long detention. Moreover, most acts of violence by Arabs against Jews are categorized as a “terror” attack — giving Shin Bet and other services license to use the harshest methods at their disposal.

The job of investigating Jewish terrorism falls to a division of Shin Bet called the Department for Counterintelligence and Prevention of Subversion in the Jewish Sector, known more commonly as the Jewish Department. It is dwarfed both in size and prestige by Shin Bet’s Arab Department, the division charged mostly with combating Palestinian terrorism. And in the event, most incidents of settler violence — torching vehicles, cutting down olive groves — fall under the jurisdiction of the police, who tend to ignore them. When the Jewish Department investigates more serious terrorist threats, it is often stymied from the outset, and even its successes have sometimes been undermined by judges and politicians sympathetic to the settler cause. This system, with its gaps and obstructions, allowed the founders of groups advocating extreme violence during the 1970s and 1980s to act without consequences, and today it has built a protective cocoon around their ideological descendants.

Some of these people now run Israel. In 2022, just 18 months after losing the prime ministership, Benjamin Netanyahu regained power by forming an alliance with ultraright leaders of both the Religious Zionism Party and the Jewish Power party. It was an act of political desperation on Netanyahu’s part, and it ushered into power some truly radical figures, people — like Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir — who had spent decades pledging to wrest the West Bank and Gaza from Arab hands . Just two months earlier, according to news reports at the time, Netanyahu refused to share a stage with Ben-Gvir, who had been convicted multiple times for supporting terrorist organizations and, in front of television cameras in 1995, vaguely threatened the life of Rabin, who was murdered weeks later by an Israeli student named Yigal Amir.

Now Ben-Gvir was Israel’s national security minister and Smotrich was Israel’s finance minister, charged additionally with overseeing much of the Israeli government’s activities in the West Bank. In December 2022, a day before the new government was sworn in, Netanyahu issued a list of goals and priorities for his new cabinet, including a clear statement that the nationalistic ideology of his new allies was now the government’s guiding star. “The Jewish people,” it said, “have an exclusive and inalienable right to all parts of the land of Israel.”

Two months after that, two Israeli settlers were murdered in an attack by Hamas gunmen near Huwara, a village in the West Bank. The widespread calls for revenge, common after Palestinian terror attacks, were now coming from within Netanyahu’s new government. Smotrich declared that “the village of Huwara needs to be wiped out.”

And, he added, “I think the State of Israel needs to do it.”

Birth of a Movement

With its overwhelming victory in the Arab-Israeli War of 1967, Israel more than doubled the amount of land it controlled, seizing new territory in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, the Sinai Peninsula, the Golan Heights and East Jerusalem. Now it faced a choice: Would the new land become part of Israel or be bargained away as part of a future Palestinian state? To a cadre of young Israelis imbued with messianic zeal, the answer was obvious. The acquisition of the territories animated a religious political movement — Gush Emunim, or “Bloc of the Faithful” — that was determined to settle the newly conquered lands.

Gush Emunim followers believed that the coming of the messiah would be hastened if, rather than studying holy books from morning to night, Jews settled the newly occupied territories. This was the land of “Greater Israel,” they believed, and there was a pioneer spirit among the early settlers. They saw themselves as direct descendants of the earliest Zionists, who built farms and kibbutzim near Palestinian villages during the first part of the 20th century, when the land was under British control. But while the Zionism of the earlier period was largely secular and socialist, the new settlers believed they were advancing God’s agenda.

The legality of that agenda was an open question. The Geneva Conventions, to which Israel was a signatory, forbade occupying powers to deport or transfer “parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies.” But the status of the territory was, in the view of many within and outside the Israeli government, more complex. The settlers sought to create what some of them called “facts on the ground.” This put them into conflict with both the Palestinians and, at least putatively, the Israeli authorities responsible for preventing the spread of illegal settlements.

Whether or not the government would prove flexible on these matters became clear in April 1975 at Ein Yabrud, an abandoned Jordanian military base near Ofra, in the West Bank. A group of workers had been making the short commute from Israel most days for months to work on rebuilding the base, and one evening they decided to stay. They were aiming to establish a Jewish foothold in Judea and Samaria, the Israeli designation for the territories that make up the West Bank, and they had found a back door that required only the slightest push. Their leader met that same night with Shimon Peres, then Israel’s defense minister, who told the I.D.F. to stand down. Peres would treat the nascent settlement not as a community but as a “work camp” — and the I.D.F. would do nothing to hinder their work.

Peres’s maneuver was partly a sign of the weakness of Israel’s ruling Labor party, which had dominated Israeli politics since the country’s founding. The residual trauma of the Yom Kippur War in 1973 — when Israel was caught completely by surprise by Egyptian and Syrian forces before eventually beating back the invading armies — had shaken citizens’ belief in their leaders, and movements like Gush Emunim, directly challenging the authority of the Israeli state, had gained momentum amid Labor’s decline. This, in turn, energized Israel’s political right.

By the late 1970s, the settlers, bolstered in part by growing political support, were expanding in number. Carmi Gillon, who joined Shin Bet in 1972 and rose by the mid-1990s to become its director, recalls the evolving internal debates. Whose responsibility was it to deal with settlers? Should Israel’s vaunted domestic security service enforce the law in the face of clearly illegal acts of settlement? “When we realized that Gush Emunim had the backing of so many politicians, we knew we shouldn’t touch them,” he said in his first interview for this article in 2016.

One leader of the ultraright movement would prove hard to ignore, however. Meir Kahane, an ultraright rabbi from Flatbush, Brooklyn, had founded the militant Jewish Defense League in 1968 in New York. He made no secret of his belief that violence was sometimes necessary to fulfill his dream of Greater Israel, and he even spoke of plans to buy .22 caliber rifles for Jews to defend themselves. “Our campaign motto will be, ‘Every Jew a .22,’” he declared. In 1971, he received a suspended sentence on bomb-making charges, and at the age of 39 he moved to Israel to start a new life. From a hotel on Zion Square in Jerusalem, he started a school and a political party, what would become Kach, and drew followers with his fiery rhetoric.

Kahane said he wanted to rewrite the stereotype of Jews as victims, and he argued, in often vivid terms, that Zionism and democracy are in fundamental tension. “Zionism came into being to create a Jewish state,” Kahane said in an interview with The Times in 1985, five years before he was assassinated by a gunman in New York. “Zionism declares that there is going to be a Jewish state with a majority of Jews, come what may. Democracy says, ‘No, if the Arabs are the majority then they have the right to decide their own fate.’ So Zionism and democracy are at odds. I say clearly that I stand with Zionism.”

A Buried Report

In 1977, the Likud party led a coalition that, for the first time in Israeli history, secured a right-wing majority in the country’s Parliament, the Knesset. The party was headed by Menachem Begin, a veteran of the Irgun, a paramilitary organization that carried out attacks against Arabs and British authorities in Mandatory Palestine, the British colonial entity that preceded the creation of Israel. Likud — Hebrew for “the alliance” — was itself an amalgam of several political parties. Kach itself was still on the outside and would always remain so. But its radical ideas and ambitions were moving closer to the mainstream.

Likud’s victory came 10 years after the war that brought Israel vast amounts of new land, but the issue of what to do with the occupied territories had yet to be resolved. As the new prime minister, Begin knew that addressing that question would mean addressing the settlements. Could there be a legal basis for taking the land? Something that would allow the settlements to expand with the full support of the state?

It was Plia Albeck, then a largely unknown bureaucrat in the Israeli Justice Ministry, who found Begin’s answer. Searching through the regulations of the Ottoman Empire, which ruled Palestine in the years preceding the British Mandate, she lit upon the Ottoman Land Code of 1858, a major effort at land reform. Among other provisions, the law enabled the sultan to seize any land that had not been cultivated by its owners for a number of years and that was not “within shouting distance” of the last house in the village. It did little to address the provisions of the Geneva Convention, but it was, for her department, precedent enough. Soon Albeck was riding in an army helicopter, mapping the West Bank and identifying plots of land that might meet the criteria of the Ottoman law. The Israeli state had replaced the sultan, but the effect was the same. Albeck’s creative legal interpretation led to the creation of more than 100 new Jewish settlements, which she referred to as “my children.”

At the same time, Begin was quietly brokering a peace deal with President Anwar Sadat of Egypt in the United States at Camp David. The pact they eventually negotiated gave the Sinai Peninsula back to Egypt and promised greater autonomy to Palestinians in the occupied territories in return for normalized relations with Israel. It would eventually win the two leaders a joint Nobel Peace Prize. But Gush Emunim and other right-wing groups saw the accords as a shocking reversal. From this well of anger sprang a new campaign of intimidation. Rabbi Moshe Levinger, one of the leaders of Gush Emunim and the founder of the settlement in the heart of Hebron, declared the movement’s purposes on Israeli television. The Arabs, he said, “must not be allowed to raise their heads.”

Leading this effort would be a militarized offshoot of Gush Emunim called the Jewish Underground. The first taste of what was to come arrived on June 2, 1980. Car bombs exploded as part of a complex assassination plot against prominent Palestinian political figures in the West Bank. The attack blew the legs off Bassam Shaka, the mayor of Nablus; Karim Khalaf, the mayor of Ramallah, was forced to have his foot amputated. Kahane, who in the days before the attack said at a news conference that the Israeli government should form a “Jewish terrorist group” that would “throw bombs and grenades to kill Arabs,” applauded the attacks, as did Rabbi Haim Druckman, a leader of Gush Emunim then serving in the Knesset, and many others within and outside the movement. Brig. Gen. Binyamin Ben-Eliezer, then the top I.D.F. commander in the West Bank, noting the injuries suffered by the Palestinian mayors under his watch, said simply, “It’s a shame they didn’t hit them a bit higher.” An investigation began, but it would be years before it achieved any results. Ben-Eliezer went on to become a leader of the Labor party and defense minister.

The threat that the unchecked attacks posed to the institutions and guardrails of Jewish democracy wasn’t lost on some members of the Israeli elite. As the violence spread, a group of professors at Tel Aviv University and Hebrew University in Jerusalem sent a letter to Yitzhak Zamir, Israel’s attorney general. They were concerned, they wrote, that illegal “private policing activity” against the Palestinians living in the occupied territories presented a “threat to the rule of law in the country.” The professors saw possible collusion between the settlers and the authorities. “There is a suspicion that similar crimes are not being handled in the same manner and some criminals are receiving preferential treatment over others,” the signatories to the letter said. “This suspicion requires fundamental examination.”

The letter shook Zamir, who knew some of the professors well. He was also well aware that evidence of selective law enforcement — one law for the Palestinians and another for the settlers — would rebut the Israeli government’s claim that the law was enforced equally and could become both a domestic scandal and an international one. Zamir asked Judith Karp, then Israel’s deputy attorney general for special duties, to lead a committee looking into the issue. Karp was responsible for handling the most delicate issues facing the Justice Ministry, but this would require even greater discretion than usual.

As her team investigated, Karp says, “it very quickly became clear to me that what was described in the letter was nothing compared to the actual reality on the ground.” She and her investigative committee found case after case of trespassing, extortion, assault and murder, even as the military authorities and the police did nothing or performed notional investigations that went nowhere. “The police and the I.D.F. in both action and inaction were really cooperating with the settler vandals,” Karp says. “They operated as if they had no interest in investigating when there were complaints, and generally did everything they could to deter the Palestinians from even submitting them.”

In May 1982, Karp and her committee submitted a 33-page report, determining that dozens of offenses were investigated insufficiently. The committee also noted that, in their research, the police had provided them with information that was incomplete, contradictory and in part false. They concluded that nearly half the investigations opened against settlers were closed without the police conducting even a rudimentary investigation. In the few cases in which they did investigate, the committee found “profound flaws.” In some cases, the police witnessed the crimes and did nothing. In others, soldiers were willing to testify against the settlers, but their testimonies and other evidence were buried.

It soon became clear to Karp that the government was going to bury the report. “We were very naïve,” she now recalls. Zamir had been assured, she says, that the cabinet would discuss the grave findings and had in fact demanded total confidentiality. The minister of the interior at the time, Yosef Burg, invited Karp to his home for what she recalls him describing as “a personal conversation.” Burg, a leader of the pro-settler National Religious Party, had by then served as a government minister in one office or another for more than 30 years. Karp assumed he wanted to learn more about her work, which could in theory have important repercussions for the religious right. “But, to my astonishment,” she says, “he simply began to scold me in harsh language about what we were doing. I understood that he wanted us to drop it.”

Karp announced she was quitting the investigative committee. “The situation we discovered was one of complete helplessness,” she says. When the existence of the report (but not its contents) leaked to the public, Burg denied having ever seen such an investigation. When the full contents of the report were finally made public in 1984, a spokesman for the Justice Ministry said only that the committee had been dissolved and that the ministry was no longer monitoring the problem.

A Wave of Violence

On April 11, 1982, a uniformed I.D.F. soldier named Alan Harry Goodman shot his way into the Dome of the Rock mosque in Jerusalem, one of the most sacred sites for Muslims around the world. Carrying an M16 rifle, standard issue in the Israeli Army, he killed two Arabs and wounded many more. When investigators searched Goodman’s apartment, they found fliers for Kach, but a spokesman for the group said that it did not condone the attack. Prime Minister Begin condemned the attack, but he also chastised Islamic leaders calling for a general strike in response, which he saw as an attempt to “exploit the tragedy.”

The next year, masked Jewish Underground terrorists opened fire on students at the Islamic College in Hebron, killing three people and injuring 33 more. Israeli authorities condemned the massacre but were less clear about who would be held to account. Gen. Ori Orr, commander of Israeli forces in the region, said on the radio that all avenues would be pursued. But, he added, “we don’t have any description, and we don’t know who we are looking for.”

The Jewish Department found itself continually behind in its efforts to address the onslaught. In April 1984, it had a major breakthrough: Its agents foiled a Jewish Underground plan to blow up five buses full of Palestinians, and they arrested around two dozen Jewish Underground members who had also played roles in the Islamic College attack and the bombings of the Palestinian mayors in 1980. But only after weeks of interrogating the suspects did Shin Bet learn that the Jewish Underground had been developing a scheme to blow up the Dome of the Rock mosque. The planning involved dozens of intelligence-gathering trips to the Temple Mount and an assessment of the exact amount of explosives that would be needed and where to place them. The goal was nothing less than to drag the entire Middle East into a war, which the Jewish Underground saw as a precondition for the coming of the messiah.

Carmi Gillon, who was head of Shin Bet’s Jewish Department at the time, says the fact that Shin Bet hadn’t learned about a plot involving so many people and such ambitious planning earlier was an “egregious intelligence failure.” And it was not the Shin Bet, he notes, who prevented the plot from coming to fruition. It was the Jewish Underground itself. “Fortunately for all of us, they decided to forgo the plan because they felt the Jewish people were not yet ready.”

“You have to understand why all this is important now,” Ami Ayalon said, leaning in for emphasis. The sun shining into the backyard of the former Shin Bet director was gleaming off his bald scalp, illuminating a face that looked as if it were sculpted by a dull kitchen knife. “We are not discussing Jewish terrorism. We are discussing the failure of Israel.”

Ayalon was protective of his former service, insisting that Shin Bet, despite some failures, usually has the intelligence and resources to deter and prosecute right-wing terrorism in Israel. And, he said, they usually have the will. “The question is why they are not doing anything about it,” he said. “And the answer is very simple. They cannot confront our courts. And the legal community finds it almost impossible to face the political community, which is supported by the street. So everything starts with the street.”

By the early 1980s, the settler movement had begun to gain some traction within the Knesset, but it remained far from the mainstream. When Kahane himself was elected to the Knesset in 1984, the members of the other parties, including Likud, would turn and leave the room when he stood up to deliver speeches. One issue was that the continual expansion of the settlements was becoming an irritant in U.S.-Israel relations. During a 1982 trip by Begin to Washington, the prime minister had a closed-door meeting with the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations to discuss Israel’s invasion of Lebanon that year, an effort to force out the P.L.O. that had been heavy with civilian casualties. According to The Times’s coverage of the session, Senator Joseph R. Biden Jr. of Delaware, then in his second term, had an angry exchange with Begin about the West Bank, telling him that Israel was losing support in this country because of the settlements policy.

But Israeli officials came to understand that the Americans were generally content to vent their anger about the issue without taking more forceful action — like restricting military aid to Israel, which was then, as now, central to the country’s security arrangements. After the Jewish Underground plotters of the bombings targeting the West Bank mayors and other attacks were finally brought to trial in 1984, they were found guilty and given sentences ranging from a few months to life in prison. The plotters showed little remorse, though, and a public campaign swelled to have them pardoned. Foreign Minister Yitzhak Shamir also made the case for pardoning them, saying they were “excellent, good people who have erred in their path and actions.” Clemency, Shamir suggested, would prevent a recurrence of Jewish terrorism.

In the end, President Chaim Herzog, against the recommendations of Shin Bet and the Justice Ministry, signed an extraordinary series of pardons and commutations for the plotters. They were released and greeted as heroes by the settler community, and some rose to prominent positions in government and the Israeli media. One of them, Uzi Sharbav, now a leader in the settlement movement, was a speaker at a recent conference promoting the return of settlers to Gaza.

In fact, nearly all the Jews involved in terror attacks against Arabs over the past decades have received substantial reductions in prison time. Gillon, the head of the Jewish Department when some of these people were arrested, recalls the “profound sense of injustice” that he felt when they were released. But even more important, he says, was “the question of what message the pardons convey to the public and to anyone who ever thinks about carrying out acts of terror against Arabs.”

Operational Failures

In 1987, a series of conflicts in Gaza led to a sustained Palestinian uprising throughout the occupied territories and Israel. The First Intifada, as it became known, was driven by anger over the occupation, which was then entering its third decade. It would simmer for the next six years, as Palestinians attacked Israelis with stones and Molotov cocktails and launched a series of strikes and boycotts. Israel deployed thousands of soldiers to quell the uprising.

In the occupied territories, reprisal attacks between settlers and Palestinians were an increasing problem. The Gush Emunim movement had spread and fractured into different groups, making it difficult for Shin Bet to embed enough informants with the settlers. But the service had one key informant — a man given the code name Shaul. He was a trusted figure among the settlers and rose to become a close assistant to Rabbi Moshe Levinger, the Gush Emunim leader who founded the settlement in Hebron.

Levinger had been questioned many times under suspicion of having a role in multiple violent attacks, but Shaul told Shin Bet operatives that they were seeing only a fraction of the whole picture. He told them about raids past and planned; about the settlers tearing through Arab villages, vandalizing homes, burning dozens of cars. The operatives ordered him to participate in these raids to strengthen his cover. One newspaper photographer in Hebron in 1985 captured Shaul smashing the wall of an Arab marketplace with a sledgehammer. As was standard policy, Shin Bet had ordered him to participate in any activity that didn’t involve harm to human life, but figuring out which of the activities wouldn’t cross that line became increasingly difficult. “The majority of the activists were lunatics, riffraff, and it was very difficult to be sure they wouldn’t hurt people and would harm only property,” Shaul said. (Shaul, whose true identity remains secret, provided these quotes in a 2015 interview with Bergman for the Israeli Hebrew-language paper Yedioth Ahronoth. Some of his account is published here for the first time.)

In September 1988, Rabbi Levinger, Shaul’s patron, was driving through Hebron when, he later said in court, Palestinians began throwing stones at his car and surrounding him. Levinger flashed a pistol and began firing wildly at nearby shops. Investigators said he killed a 42-year-old shopkeeper, Khayed Salah, who had been closing the steel shutter of his shoe store, and injured a second man. Levinger claimed self-defense, but he was hardly remorseful. “I know that I am innocent,” he said at the trial, “and that I didn’t have the honor of killing the Arab.”

Prosecutors cut a deal with Levinger. He was convicted of criminally negligent homicide, sentenced to five months in prison and released after only three.

Shin Bet faced the classic intelligence agency’s dilemma: how and when to let its informants participate in the very violent acts the service was supposed to be stopping. There was some logic in Shin Bet’s approach with Shaul, but it certainly didn’t help deter acts of terror in the West Bank, especially with little police presence in the occupied territories and a powerful interest group ensuring that whoever was charged for the violence was released with a light sentence.

Over his many years as a Shin Bet mole, Shaul said, he saw numerous intelligence and operational failures by the agency. One of the worst, he said, was the December 1993 murder of three Palestinians in an act of vengeance after the murder of a settler leader and his son. Driving home from a day of work in Israel, the three Palestinians, who had no connection to the deaths of the settlers, were pulled from their car and killed near the West Bank town Tarqumiyah.

Shaul recalled how one settler activist proudly told him that he and two friends committed the murders. He contacted his Shin Bet handlers to tell them what he had heard. “And suddenly I saw they were losing interest,” Shaul said. It was only later that he learned why: Two of the shooters were Shin Bet informants. The service didn’t want to blow their cover, or worse, to suffer the scandal that two of its operatives were involved in a murder and a cover-up.

In a statement, Shin Bet said that Shaul’s version of events is “rife with incorrect details” but refused to specify which details were incorrect. Neither the state prosecutor nor the attorney general responded to requests for comment, which included Shaul’s full version of events and additional evidence gathered over the years.

Shaul said he also gave numerous reports to his handlers about the activities of yet another Brooklyn-born follower of Meir Kahane and the Jewish Defense League: Dr. Baruch Goldstein. He earned his medical degree at Albert Einstein College of Medicine in the Bronx and in 1983 immigrated to Israel, where he worked first as a physician in the I.D.F., then as an emergency doctor at Kiryat Arba, a settlement near Hebron.

In the years that passed, he gained the attention of Shin Bet with his eliminationist views, calling Arabs “latter-day Nazis” and making a point to visit the Jewish terrorist Ami Popper in prison, where he was serving a sentence for the 1990 murder of seven Palestinians in the Tel Aviv suburb Rishon LeZion. Shaul said he regarded Goldstein at the time as a “charismatic and highly dangerous figure” and repeatedly urged the Shin Bet to monitor him. “They told me it was none of my business,” he said.

‘Clean Hands’

On Feb. 24, 1994, Goldstein abruptly fired his personal driver. According to Shaul, Goldstein told the driver that he knew he was a Shin Bet informer. Terrified at having been found out, the driver fled the West Bank immediately. Now Goldstein was moving unobserved.

That evening marked the beginning of Purim, the festive commemoration of the victory of the Jews over Haman the Agagite, a court official in the Persian Empire and the nemesis of the Jews in the Old Testament’s Book of Esther. Right-wing Israelis have often drawn parallels between Haman and Arabs — enemies who seek the annihilation of Jews. Goldstein woke early the next day and put on his I.D.F. uniform, and at 5:20 a.m. he entered the Cave of the Patriarchs, an ancient complex in Hebron that serves as a place of worship for both Jews and Muslims. Goldstein carried with him his I.D.F.-issued Galil rifle. It was also the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, and on that morning hundreds of Muslims crowded the hall in prayer. Goldstein faced the worshipers and began shooting , firing 108 rounds before he was dragged down and beaten to death. The massacre killed 29 Muslim worshipers and injured more than 100.

The killings shocked Israel, and the government responded with a crackdown on extremism. Kach and Kahane Chai, the two political organizations most closely affiliated with the Kahanist movement, were outlawed and labeled terrorist groups, as was any other party that called for “the establishment of a theocracy in the biblical Land of Israel and the violent expulsion of Arabs from that land.” Rabin, in an address to the Knesset, spoke directly to the followers of Goldstein and Kahane, who he said were the product of a malicious foreign influence on Israel. “You are not part of the community of Israel,” he said. “You are not partners in the Zionist enterprise. You are a foreign implant. You are an errant weed. Sensible Judaism spits you out. You placed yourself outside the wall of Jewish law.”

Following the massacre, a state commission of inquiry was appointed, headed by Judge Meir Shamgar, the president of the Supreme Court. The commission’s report, made public in June 1994, strongly criticized the security arrangements at the Cave of the Patriarchs and examined law-enforcement practices regarding settlers and the extreme right in general. A secret appendix to the report, containing material deemed too sensitive for public consumption, included a December 1992 letter from the Israeli commissioner of police, essentially admitting that the police could not enforce the law. “The situation in the districts is extremely bleak,” he wrote, using the administrative nomenclature for the occupied territories. “The ability of the police to function is far from the required minimum. This is as a result of the lack of essential resources.”

In its conclusions, the commission, tracing the lines of the previous decade’s Karp report, confirmed claims that human rights organizations had made for years but that had been ignored by the Israeli establishment. The commission found that Israeli law enforcement was “ineffective in handling complaints,” that it delayed the filing of indictments and that restraining orders against “chronic” criminals among the “hard core” of the settlers were rarely issued.

The I.D.F. refused to allow Goldstein to be buried in the Jewish cemetery in Hebron. He was buried instead in the Kiryat Arba settlement, in a park named for Meir Kahane, and his gravesite has become an enduring place of pilgrimage for Jews who wanted to celebrate, as his epitaph reads, the “saint” who died for Israel with “clean hands and a pure heart.”

A Curse of Death

One ultranationalist settler who went regularly to Goldstein’s grave was a teenage radical named Itamar Ben-Gvir, who would sometimes gather other followers there on Purim to celebrate the slain killer. Purim revelers often dress in costume, and on one such occasion, caught on video, Ben-Gvir even wore a Goldstein costume, complete with a fake beard and a stethoscope. By then, Ben-Gvir had already come to the attention of the Jewish Department, and investigators interrogated him several times. The military declined to enlist him into the service expected of most Israeli citizens.

After the massacre at the Cave of the Patriarchs, a new generation of Kahanists directed their anger squarely at Rabin for his signing of the Oslo agreement and for depriving them, in their view, of their birthright. “From my standpoint, Goldstein’s action was a wake-up call,” says Hezi Kalo, a longtime senior Shin Bet official who oversaw the division that included the Jewish Department at that time. “I realized that this was going to be a very big story, that the diplomatic moves by the Rabin government would simply not pass by without the shedding of blood.”

The government of Israel was finally paying attention to the threat, and parts of the government acted to deal with it. Shin Bet increased the size of the Jewish Department, and it began to issue a new kind of warning: Jewish terrorists no longer threatened only Arabs. They threatened Jews.

The warnings noted that rabbis in West Bank settlements, along with some politicians on the right, were now openly advocating violence against Israeli public officials, especially Rabin. Extremist rabbis issued rulings of Jewish law against Rabin — imposing a curse of death, a Pulsa Dinura , and providing justification for killing him, a din rodef .

Carmi Gillon by then had moved on from running the Jewish Department and now had the top job at Shin Bet. “Discussing and acknowledging such halakhic laws was tantamount to a license to kill,” he says now, looking back. He was particularly concerned about Benjamin Netanyahu and Ariel Sharon, who were stoking the fury of the right-wing rabbis and settler leaders in their battles with Rabin.

Shin Bet wanted to prosecute rabbis who approved the religiously motivated death sentences against Rabin, but the state attorney’s office refused. “They didn’t give enough importance back then to the link between incitement and legitimacy for terrorism,” says one former prosecutor who worked in the state attorney’s office in the mid-1990s.

Shin Bet issued warning after warning in 1995. “This was no longer a matter of mere incitement, but rather concrete information on the intention to kill top political figures, including Rabin,” Kalo now recalls. In October of that year, Ben-Gvir spoke to Israeli television cameras holding up a Cadillac hood ornament, which he boasted he had broken off the prime minister’s official car during chaotic anti-Oslo demonstrations in front of the Knesset. “We got to his car,” he said, “and we’ll get to him, too.” The following month, Rabin was dead.

Conspiracies

Yigal Amir, the man who shot and killed Rabin in Tel Aviv after a rally in support of the Oslo Accords on Nov. 4, 1995, was not unknown to the Jewish Department. A 25-year-old studying law, computer science and the Torah at Bar-Ilan University near Tel Aviv, he had been radicalized by Rabin’s efforts to make peace with Palestinian leaders and had connections to Avishai Raviv, the leader of Eyal, a new far-right group loosely affiliated with the Kach movement. In fact, Raviv was a Shin Bet informant, code-named Champagne. He had heard Amir talking about the justice of the din rodef judgments, but he did not identify him to his handlers as an immediate danger. “No one took Yigal seriously,” he said later in a court proceeding. “It’s common in our circles to talk about attacking public figures.”

Lior Akerman was the first Shin Bet investigator to interrogate Amir at the detention center where he was being held after the assassination. There was of course no question about his guilt. But there was the broader question of conspiracy. Did Amir have accomplices? Did they have further plans? Akerman now recalls asking Amir how he could reconcile his belief in God with his decision to murder the prime minister of Israel. Amir, he says, told him that rabbis had justified harming the prime minister in order to protect Israel.

Amir was smug, Akerman recalls, and he did not respond directly to the question of accomplices. “‘Listen,” he said, according to Akerman, “I succeeded . I was able to do something that many people wanted but no one dared to do. I fired a gun that many Jews held, but I squeezed the trigger because no one else had the courage to do it.”

The Shin Bet investigators demanded to know the identities of the rabbis. Amir was coy at first, but eventually the interrogators drew enough out of him to identify at least two of them. Kalo, the head of the division that oversaw the Jewish Department, went to the attorney general to argue that the rabbis should be detained immediately and prosecuted for incitement to murder. But the attorney general disagreed, saying the rabbis’ encouragement was protected speech and couldn’t be directly linked to the murder. No rabbis were arrested.

Days later, however, the police brought Raviv — the Shin Bet operative known as Champagne — into custody in a Tel Aviv Magistrate Court, on charges that he had conspired to kill Rabin, but he was released shortly after. Raviv’s role as an informant later came to light, and in 1999, he was arrested for his failure to act on previous knowledge of the assassination. He was acquitted on all charges, but he has since become a fixture of extremist conspiracy theories that pose his failure to ring the alarm as evidence that the murder of the prime minister was due not to the violent rhetoric of the settler right, or the death sentences from the rabbis, or the incitement by the leaders of the opposition, but to the all-too-successful efforts of a Shin Bet agent provocateur. A more complicated and insidious conspiracy theory, but no less false, was that it was Shin Bet itself that assassinated Rabin or allowed the assassination to happen.

Gillon, the head of the service at the time, resigned, and ongoing inquiries, charges and countercharges would continue for years. Until Oct. 7, 2023, the killing of the prime minister was considered the greatest failure in the history of Shin Bet. Kalo tried to sum up what went wrong with Israeli security. “The only answer my friends and I could give for the failure was complacency,” he wrote in his 2021 memoir. “They simply couldn’t believe that such a thing could happen, definitely not at the hands of another Jew.”

The Sasson Report

In 2001, as the Second Intifada unleashed a wave of Palestinian suicide bombings against Israeli civilians, Ariel Sharon took office as prime minister. The struggling peace process had come to a complete halt amid the violence, and Sharon’s rise at first appeared to mark another victory for the settlers. But in 2003, in one of the more surprising reversals in Israeli political history, Sharon announced what he called Israel’s “disengagement” from Gaza, with a plan to remove settlers — forcibly if necessary — over the next two years.

The motivations were complex and the subject of considerable debate. For Sharon, at least, it appeared to be a tactical move. “The significance of the disengagement plan is the freezing of the peace process,” his senior adviser Dov Weisglass told Haaretz at the time. “And when you freeze that process, you prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state.” But Sharon was also facing considerable pressure from President George W. Bush to do something about the ever-expanding illegal settlements in the West Bank, which were a growing impediment to any regional security deals. In July 2004, he asked Talia Sasson, who had recently retired as the head of the special tasks division in the state attorney’s office, to draw up a legal opinion on the subject of “unauthorized outposts” in the West Bank. His instructions were clear: Investigate which Israeli government agencies and authorities were secretly involved in building the outposts. “Sharon never interfered in my work, and neither was he surprised by the conclusions,” Sasson said in an interview two decades later. “After all, he knew better than anyone what the situation was on the ground, and he was expecting only grave conclusions.”

It was a simple enough question: Just how had it happened that hundreds of outposts had been built in the decade since Yitzhak Rabin ordered a halt in most new settlements? But Sasson’s effort to find an answer was met with delays, avoidance and outright lies. Her final report used careful but pointed language: “Not everyone I turned to agreed to talk with me. One claimed he was too busy to meet, while another came to the meeting but refused to meaningfully engage with most of my questions.”

Sasson found that between January 2000 and June 2003, a division of Israel’s Construction and Housing Ministry issued 77 contracts for the establishment of 33 sites in the West Bank, all of which were illegal. In some cases, the ministry even paid for the paving of roads and the construction of buildings at settlements for which the Defense Ministry had issued demolition orders.

Several government ministries concealed the fact that funds were being diverted to the West Bank, reporting them under budgetary clauses such as “miscellaneous general development.” Just as in the case of the Karp Report two decades earlier, Sasson and her Justice Ministry colleagues discovered that the West Bank was being administered under completely separate laws, and those laws, she says, “appeared to me utterly insane.”

Sasson’s report took special note of Avi Maoz, who ran the Construction and Housing Ministry during most of this period. A political activist who early in his career spoke openly of pushing all Arabs out of the West Bank, Maoz helped found a settlement south of Jerusalem during the 1990s and began building a professional alliance with Benjamin Netanyahu, who was then the Israeli ambassador to the United Nations and would soon go on to his first term as prime minister. Years later, Maoz would be instrumental in ensuring Netanyahu’s political survival.

“The picture that emerges in the eye of the beholder is severe,” Sasson wrote in her report. “Instead of the government of Israel deciding on the establishment of settlements in the territories of Judea and Samaria, its place has been taken, from the mid-1990s and onward, by others.” The settlers, she wrote, were “the moving force,” but they could not have succeeded without the assistance of “various ministers of construction and housing in the relevant periods, some of them with a blind eye, and some of them with support and encouragement.”

This clandestine network was operating, Sasson wrote, “with massive funding from the State of Israel, without appropriate public transparency, without obligatory criteria. The erection of the unauthorized outposts is being done with violation of the proper procedures and general administrative rules, and in particular, flagrant and ongoing violation of the law.” These violations, Sasson warned, were coming from the government: “It was state and public agencies that broke the law, the rules, the procedures that the state itself had determined.” It was a conflict, she argued, that effectively neutered Israel’s internal checks and balances and posed a grave threat to the nation’s integrity. “The law-enforcement agencies are unable to act against government departments that are themselves breaking the law.”

But, in an echo of Judith Karp’s secret report decades earlier, the Sasson Report, made publicly available in March 2005, had almost no impact. Because she had a mandate directly from the prime minister, Sasson could have believed that her investigation might lead to the dismantling of the illegal outposts that had metastasized throughout the Palestinian territories. But even Sharon, with his high office, found himself powerless against the machine now in place to protect and expand the settlements in the West Bank — the very machine he had helped to build.

All of this was against the backdrop of the Gaza pullout. Sharon, who began overseeing the removal of settlements from Gaza in August 2005, was the third Israeli prime minister to threaten the settler dream of a Greater Israel, and the effort drew bitter opposition not only from the settlers but also from a growing part of the political establishment. Netanyahu, who had served his first term as prime minister from 1996 to 1999, and who previously voted in favor of a pullout, resigned his position as finance minister in Sharon’s cabinet in protest — and in anticipation of another run for the top job.

The settlers themselves took more active measures. In 2005, the Jewish Department of Shin Bet received intelligence about a plot to slow the Israeli withdrawal from Gaza by using 700 liters of gasoline to blow up vehicles on a major highway. Acting on the tip, officers arrested six men in central Israel. One of them was Bezalel Smotrich, the future minister overseeing civilian affairs in the West Bank.

Smotrich, then 25, was detained and questioned for weeks. Yitzhak Ilan, one of the Shin Bet officers present at the interrogation, says he remained “silent as a fish” throughout — “like an experienced criminal.” He was released without charges, Ilan says, in part because Shin Bet knew putting him on trial might expose the service’s agents inside Jewish extremist groups, and in part because they believed Smotrich was likely to receive little punishment in any case. Shin Bet was very comfortable with the courts when we fought Palestinian terrorism and we got the heavy punishments we wanted, he says. With the Jewish terrorists it was exactly the opposite.

When Netanyahu made his triumphant return as prime minister in 2009, he set out to undermine Talia Sasson’s report, which he and his allies saw as an obstacle to accelerating the settlement campaign. He appointed his own investigative committee, led by Judge Edmond Levy of the Supreme Court, who was known to support the settler cause. But the Levy report, completed in 2012, did not undermine the findings in the Sasson Report — in some ways, it reinforced them. Senior Israeli officials, the committee found, were fully aware of what was happening in the territories, and they were simply denying it for the sake of political expediency. The behavior, they wrote, was not befitting of “a country that has proclaimed the rule of law as a goal.” Netanyahu moved on.

A NEW GENERATION

The ascent of a far-right prime minister did little to prevent the virulent, anti-government strain inside the settler movement from spreading. A new generation of Kahanists was taking an even more radical turn, not only against Israeli politicians who might oppose or insufficiently abet them but against the very notion of a democratic Israeli state. A group calling itself Hilltop Youth advocated for the total destruction of the Zionist state. Meir Ettinger, named for his grandfather Meir Kahane, was one of the Hilltop Youth leaders, and he made his grandfather’s views seem moderate.

Their objective was to tear down Israel’s institutions and to establish “Jewish rule”: anointing a king, building a temple in place of the Jerusalem mosques sacred to Muslims worldwide, imposing a religious regime on all Jews. Ehud Olmert, who served as Israeli prime minister from 2006 to 2009, said in an interview that Hilltop Youth “genuinely, deeply, emotionally believe that this is the right thing to do for Israel. This is a salvation. This is the guarantee for Israel’s future.”

A former member of Hilltop Youth, who has asked to remain anonymous because she fears speaking out could endanger her, recalls how she and her friends used an illegal outpost on a hilltop in the West Bank as a base to lob stones at Palestinian cars. “The Palestinians would call the police, and we would know that we have at least 30 minutes before they arrive, if they arrive. And if they do arrive, they won’t arrest anyone. We did this tens of times.” The West Bank police, she says, couldn’t have been less interested in investigating the violence. “When I was young, I thought that I was outsmarting the police because I was clever. Later, I found out that they are either not trying or very stupid.”

The former Hilltop Youth member says she began pulling away from the group as their tactics became more extreme and once Ettinger began speaking openly about murdering Palestinians. She offered to become a police informant, and during a meeting with police intelligence officers in 2015, she described the group’s plans to commit murder — and to harm any Jews that stood in their way. By her account, she told the police about efforts to scout the homes of Palestinians before settling on a target. The police could have begun an investigation, she says, but they weren’t even curious enough to ask her the names of the people plotting the attack.

In 2013, Ettinger and other members of Hilltop Youth formed a secret cell calling itself the Revolt, designed to instigate an insurrection against a government that “prevents us from building the temple, which blocks our way to true and complete redemption.”

During a search of one of the group’s safe houses, Shin Bet investigators discovered the Revolt’s founding documents. “The State of Israel has no right to exist, and therefore we are not bound by the rules of the game,” one declared. The documents called for an end to the State of Israel and made it clear that in the new state that would rise in its place, there would be absolutely no room for non-Jews and for Arabs in particular: “If those non-Jews don’t leave, it will be permissible to kill them, without distinguishing between women, men and children.”

This wasn’t just idle talk. Ettinger and his comrades organized a plan that included timetables and steps to be taken at each stage. One member even composed a training manual with instructions on how to form terror cells and burn down houses. “In order to prevent the residents from escaping,” the manual advised, “you can leave burning tires in the entrance to the house.”

The Revolt carried out an early attack in February 2014, firebombing an uninhabited home in a small Arab village in the West Bank called Silwad, and followed with more arson attacks, the uprooting of olive groves and the destruction of Palestinian granaries. Members of the group torched mosques, monasteries and churches, including the Church of the Multiplication of the Loaves and Fishes on the banks of the Sea of Galilee. A police officer spotted Ettinger himself attacking a herd of sheep belonging to an Arab shepherd. He stoned a sheep and then slaughtered it in front of the shepherd, the officer later testified. “It was shocking,” he said. “There was a sort of insanity in it.”

Shin Bet defined the Revolt as an organization that aimed “to undermine the stability of the State of Israel through terror and violence, including bodily harm and bloodshed,” according to an internal Shin Bet memo, and sought to place several of its members, including Ettinger, under administrative detention — a measure applied frequently against Arabs.

The state attorney, however, did not approve the request. The U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) documented 323 incidents of violence by settlers against Palestinians in 2014; Palestinians were injured in 107 of these incidents. By the following year, the Revolt escalated the violence by openly advocating the murder of Arabs.

The Shin Bet and the police identified one of the prominent members of the Revolt, Amiram Ben-Uliel, making him a target of surveillance. But the service failed to prevent the wave of violence that he unleashed. On the night of July 31, 2015, Ben-Uliel set out on a killing spree in a central West Bank village called Duma. Ben-Uliel prepared a bag with two bottles of incendiary liquid, rags, a lighter, a box of matches, gloves and black spray paint. According to the indictment against him, Ben-Uliel sought a home with clear signs of life to ensure that the house he torched was not abandoned. He eventually found the home of Reham and Sa’ad Dawabsheh, a young mother and father. He opened a window and threw a Molotov cocktail into the home. He fled, and in the blaze that followed, the parents suffered injuries that eventually killed them. Their older son, Ahmad, survived the attack, but their 18-month-old toddler, Ali, was burned to death.

It was always clear, says Akerman, the former Shin Bet official, “that those wild groups would move from bullying Arabs to damaging property and trees and eventually would murder people.” He is still furious about how the service has handled Jewish terrorism. “Shin Bet knows how to deal with such groups, using emergency orders, administrative detention and special methods in interrogation until they break,” he says. But although it was perfectly willing to apply those methods to investigating Arab terrorism, the service was more restrained when it came to Jews. “It allowed them to incite, and then they moved on to the next stage and began to torch mosques and churches. Still undeterred, they entered Duma and burned a family.”

Shin Bet at first claimed to have difficulty locating the killers, even though they were all supposed to be under constant surveillance. When Ben-Uliel and other perpetrators were finally arrested, right-wing politicians gave fiery speeches against Shin Bet and met with the families of the perpetrators to show their support. Ben-Uliel was sentenced to life in prison, and Ettinger was finally put in administrative detention, but a fracture was spreading. In December 2015, Hilltop Youth members circulated a video clip showing members of the Revolt ecstatically dancing with rifles and pistols, belting out songs of hatred for Arabs, with one of them stabbing and burning a photograph of the murdered toddler, Ali Dawabsheh. Netanyahu, for his part, denounced the video, which, he said, exposed “the real face of a group that poses danger to Israeli society and security.”

American Friends

The expansion of the settlements had long been an irritant in Israel’s relationship with the United States, with American officials spending years dutifully warning Netanyahu both in public and in private meetings about his support for the enterprise. But the election of Donald Trump in 2016 ended all that. His new administration’s Israel policy was led mostly by his son-in-law, Jared Kushner, who had a long personal relationship with Netanyahu, a friend of his father’s who had stayed at their family home in New Jersey. Trump, in a broader regional agenda that lined up perfectly with Netanyahu’s own plans, also hoped to scuttle the nuclear deal with Iran that Barack Obama had negotiated and broker diplomatic pacts between Israel and Arab nations that left the matter of a Palestinian state unresolved and off the table.

If there were any questions about the new administration’s position on settlements, they were answered once Trump picked his ambassador to Israel. His choice, David Friedman, was a bankruptcy lawyer who for years had helped run an American nonprofit that raised millions of dollars for Beit El, one of the early Gush Emunim settlements in the West Bank and the place where Bezalel Smotrich was raised and educated. The organization, which was also supported by the Trump family, had helped fund schools and other institutions inside Beit El. On the heels of the Trump transition, Friedman referred to Israel’s “alleged occupation” of Palestinian territories and broke with longstanding U.S. policy by saying “the settlements are part of Israel.”

This didn’t make Friedman a particularly friendly recipient of the warnings regularly delivered by Lt. Gen. Mark Schwartz, the three-star general who in 2019 arrived at the embassy in Jerusalem to coordinate security between the Israeli government and the Palestinian Authority. A career Green Beret who had combat deployments in Afghanistan and Iraq and served as deputy commander of the Joint Special Operations Command, the military task force with authority over U.S. counterterrorism special missions units, Schwartz wasn’t short on Middle East experience.

But he was immediately shocked by the landscape of the West Bank: settlers acting with impunity, a police force that was essentially nonexistent outside the settlements and the Israeli Army fanning the tensions with its own operations. Schwartz recalls how angry he was about what he called the army’s “collective punishment” tactics, including the razing of Palestinian homes, which he viewed as gratuitous and counterproductive. “I said, ‘Guys, this isn’t how professional militaries act.’” As Schwartz saw it, the West Bank was in some ways the American South of the 1960s. But at any moment the situation could become even more volatile, resulting in the next intifada.

Schwartz is diplomatic when recalling his interactions with Friedman, his former boss. He was a “good listener,” Schwartz says, but when he raised concerns about the settlements, Friedman would often deflect by noting “the lack of appreciation by the Palestinian people about what the Americans are doing for them.” Schwartz also discussed his concerns about settler violence directly with Shin Bet and I.D.F. officials, he says, but as far as he could tell, Friedman didn’t follow up with the political leadership. “I never got the sense he went to Netanyahu to discuss it.”

Friedman sees things differently. “I think I had a far broader perspective on acts of violence in Judea and Samaria” than Schwartz, he says now. “And it was clear that the violence coming from Palestinians against Israelis overwhelmingly was more prevalent.” He says he “wasn’t concerned about ‘appreciation’ from the Palestinians; I was concerned by their leadership’s embrace of terror and unwillingness to control violence.” He declined to discuss any conversations he had with Israeli officials.

Weeks after Trump lost the 2020 election, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo traveled to Israel for a trip that delivered a number of gifts to Netanyahu and the settler cause. He announced new guidelines requiring that goods imported to the United States from parts of the West Bank be labeled “Made in Israel.” And he flew by helicopter to Psagot, a winery in the West Bank, making him the first American secretary of state to visit a settlement. One of the winery’s large shareholders, the Florida-based Falic family, have donated millions to various projects in the settlements.

During his lunchtime visit, Pompeo paused to write a note in the winery’s guest book. “May I not be the last secretary of state to visit this beautiful land,” he wrote.

A Settler Coalition

Benjamin Netanyahu’s determination to become prime minister for an unprecedented sixth term came with a price: an alliance with a movement that he once shunned, but that had been brought into the political mainstream by Israel’s steady drift to the right. Netanyahu, who is now on trial for bribery and other corruption charges, repeatedly failed in his attempts to form a coalition after most of the parties announced that they were no longer willing to join him. He personally involved himself in negotiations to ally Itamar Ben-Gvir’s Jewish Power party and Bezalel Smotrich’s Religious Zionism Party, making them kingmakers for anyone trying to form a coalition government. In November 2022, the bet paid off: With the now-critical support of the extreme right, Netanyahu returned to office.

The two men ushered into power by this arrangement were some of the most extreme figures ever to hold such high positions in an Israeli cabinet. Shin Bet had monitored Ben-Gvir in the years after Yitzhak Rabin’s murder, and he was arrested on multiple charges including inciting racism and supporting a terrorist organization. He won acquittals or dismissals in some of the cases, but he was also convicted several times and served time in prison. During the Second Intifada, he led protests calling for extreme measures against Arabs and harassed Israeli politicians he believed were insufficiently hawkish.

Then Ben-Gvir made a radical change: He went to law school. He also took a job as an aide to Michael Ben-Ari, a Knesset member from the National Union party, which had picked up many followers of the Kach movement. In 2011, after considerable legal wrangling around his criminal record, he was admitted to the bar. He changed his hairstyle and clothing to appear more mainstream and began working from the inside, once saying he represented the “soldiers and civilians who find themselves in legal entanglements due to the security situation in Israel.” Netanyahu made him minister of national security, with authority over the police.

Smotrich also moved into public life after his 2005 arrest by Shin Bet for plotting road blockages to halt the Israeli withdrawal from Gaza. He made Shin Bet’s Jewish Department a frequent target of criticism, complaining that it was wasting time and money investigating crimes carried out by Jews, when the real terrorists were Palestinians. His ultraright allies sometimes referred to the Jewish Department as Hamakhlaka Hayehudit — the Hebrew phrase for the Gestapo unit that executed Hitler’s Final Solution.

In 2015, while campaigning for a seat in the Knesset, Smotrich said that “every shekel invested in this department is one less shekel invested in real terrorism and saving lives.” Seven years later, Netanyahu made him both minister of finance and a minister in the Ministry of Defense, in charge of overseeing civilian affairs in the West Bank, and he has steadily pushed to seize authority over the territory from the military. As part of the coalition deal with Netanyahu, Smotrich now has the authority to appoint one of the senior administrative figures in the West Bank, who helps oversee the building of roads and the enforcement of construction laws. The 2022 election also brought Avi Maoz to the Knesset — the former housing-ministry official whom Talia Sasson once marked as a hidden hand of Israeli government support for illegal settlements. Since then, Maoz had joined the far-right Noam party, using it as a platform to advance racist and homophobic policies. And he never forgot, or forgave, Sasson. On “International Anti-Corruption Day” in 2022, Maoz took to the lectern of the Knesset and denounced Sasson’s report of nearly two decades earlier, saying it was written “with a hatred of the settlements and a desire to harm them.” This, he said, was “public corruption of the highest order, for which people like Talia Sasson should be prosecuted.”

Days after assuming his own new position, Ben-Gvir ordered the police to remove Palestinian flags from public spaces in Israel, saying they “incite and encourage terrorism.” Smotrich, for his part, ordered drastic cuts in payments to the Palestinian Authority — a move that led the Shin Bet and the I.D.F. intelligence division to raise concerns that the cuts would interfere with the Palestinian Authority’s own efforts to police and prevent Palestinian terrorism.

Weeks after the new cabinet was sworn in, the Judea and Samaria division of the I.D.F. distributed an instructional video to the soldiers of a ground unit about to be deployed in the West Bank. Titled “Operational Challenge: The Farms,” the video depicts settlers as peaceful farmers living pastoral lives, feeding goats and herding sheep and cows, in dangerous circumstances. The illegal outposts multiplying around the West Bank are “small and isolated places of settlement, each with a handful of residents, a few of them — or none at all — bearing arms, the means of defense meager or nonexistent.”

It is the settlers, according to the video, who are under constant threat of attack, whether it be “penetration of the farm by a terrorist, an attack against a shepherd in the pastures, arson” or “destruction of property” — threats from which the soldiers of the I.D.F. must protect them. The commander of each army company guarding each farm must, the video says, “link up with the person in charge of security and to maintain communications”; soldiers and officers are encouraged to cultivate a close and intimate relationship with the settlers. “The informal,” viewers are told, “is much more important than the formal.”

The video addresses many matters of security, but it never addresses the question of law. When we asked the commander of the division that produced the video, Brig. Gen. Avi Bluth, why the I.D.F. was promoting the military support of settlements that are illegal under Israeli law, he directly asserted that the farms were indeed legal and offered to arrange for us to tour some of them. Later, a spokesman for the army apologized for the general’s remarks, acknowledged that the farms were illegal and announced that the I.D.F. would no longer be promoting the video. This May, Bluth was nonetheless subsequently promoted to head Israel’s Central Command, responsible for all Israeli troops in central Israel and the West Bank.

In August, Bluth will replace Maj. Gen. Yehuda Fox, who during his final months in charge of the West Bank has seen a near-total breakdown of law enforcement in his area of command. In late October, Fox wrote a letter to his boss, the chief of Israel’s military staff, saying that the surge of Jewish terrorism carried out in revenge for the Oct. 7 attacks “could set the West Bank on fire.” The I.D.F. is the highest security authority in the West Bank, but the military’s top commander put the blame squarely on the police — who ultimately answer to Ben-Gvir. Fox said he had established a special task force to deal with Jewish terrorism, but investigating and arresting the perpetrators is “entirely in the hands of the Israeli police.”

And, he wrote, they aren’t doing their jobs.

‘Only One Way Forward’

When the day came early this January for the Supreme Court to hear the case brought by the people of Khirbet Zanuta, the displaced villagers arrived an hour late. They had received entry permits from the District Coordination Office to attend the hearing but were delayed by security forces before reaching the checkpoint separating Israel from the West Bank. Their lawyer, Quamar Mishirqi-Assad, noting that their struggle to attend their own hearing spoke to the essence of their petition, insisted that the hearing couldn’t proceed without them. The judges agreed to wait.

The villagers finally were led into the courtroom, and Mishirqi-Assad began presenting the case. The proceedings were in Hebrew, so most of the villagers were unable to follow the arguments that described the daily terrors inflicted by settlers and the glaring absence of any law-enforcement efforts to stop them.

The lawyers representing the military and the police denied the claims of abuse and failure to enforce the law. When a judge asked what operational steps would be in place if villagers wanted to return, one of the lawyers for the state said they could already — there was no order preventing them from doing so.

The next to speak was Col. Roi Zweig-Lavi, the Central Command’s Operations Directorate officer. He said that many of these incidents involved false claims. In fact, he said, some of the villagers had probably destroyed their own homes, because of an “internal issue.” Now they were blaming the settlers to escape the consequences of their own actions.

Colonel Zweig-Lavi’s own views about the settlements, and his role in protecting them, were well known. In a 2022 speech, he told a group of yeshiva students in the West Bank that “the army and the settlements are one and the same.”

In early May, the court ordered the state to explain why the police failed to stop the attacks and declared that the villagers have a right to return to their homes. The court also ordered the state to provide details for how they would ensure the safe return of the villagers. It is now the state’s turn to decide how it will comply. Or if it will comply.

By the time the Supreme Court issued its rulings, the United States had finally taken action to directly pressure the Netanyahu government about the violent settlers. On Feb. 1, the White House issued an executive order imposing sanctions on four settlers for “engaging in terrorist activity,” among other things, in the West Bank. One of the four was Yinon Levi, the owner of Meitarim Farm near Hebron and the man American and Israeli officials believe orchestrated the campaign of violence and intimidation against the villagers of Khirbet Zanuta. The British government issued its own sanctions shortly after, saying in a statement that Israel’s government had created “an environment of near-total impunity for settler extremists in the West Bank.”

The White House’s move against individual settlers, a first by an American administration, was met with a combination of anger and ridicule by ministers in Netanyahu’s government. Smotrich called the Biden administration’s allegations against Levi and others “utterly specious” and said he would work with Israeli banks to resist complying with the sanctions. One message that circulated in an open Hilltop Youth WhatsApp channel said that Levi and his family would not be abandoned. “The people of Israel are mobilizing for them,” it said.

American officials bristle when confronted with the question of whether the government’s actions are just token measures taken by an embattled American president hemorrhaging support at home for his Israel policy. They won’t end the violence, they say, but they are a signal to the Netanyahu government about the position of the United States: that the West Bank could boil over, and it could soon be the latest front of an expanding regional Middle East war since Oct. 7.

But war might just be the goal. Ehud Olmert, the former Israeli prime minister, said he believes that many members of the ultraright in Israel “want war.” They “want intifada,” he says, “because it is the ultimate proof that there is no way of making peace with the Palestinians and there is only one way forward — to destroy them.”

Additional reporting by Natan Odenheimer.

Top photograph: A member of a group known as Hilltop Youth, which seeks to tear down Israel’s institutions and establish ‘‘Jewish rule.’’ Photograph by Peter van Agtmael/Magnum, for The New York Times.

Read by Jonathan Davis

Narration produced by Anna Diamond

Engineered by David Mason

Peter van Agtmael is a Magnum photographer who has been covering Israel and Palestinian territories since 2012. He is a mentor in the Arab Documentary Photography Program.

Ronen Bergman is a staff writer for The New York Times Magazine, based in Tel Aviv. His latest book is “Rise and Kill First: The Secret History of Israel’s Targeted Assassinations,” published by Random House. More about Ronen Bergman

Mark Mazzetti is an investigative reporter based in Washington, D.C., focusing on national security, intelligence, and foreign affairs. He has written a book about the C.I.A. More about Mark Mazzetti

Our Coverage of the Israel-Hamas War

News and Analysis

Israel said that it would send more troops to Rafah, the southernmost city in Gaza and the current focal point in the war between Israel and Hamas. Fighting in the city has closed off a vital border crossing, forced hundreds of thousands to flee and cut off humanitarian aid.

President Biden is pushing for a broad deal that would get Israel to approve a Palestinian nation in return for Saudi recognition of Israel. But officials need to overcome Israeli opposition.

The Arab League called for a United Nations peacekeeping force to be deployed in the Gaza Strip and the Israeli-occupied West Bank until a two-state solution can be negotiated , in a statement that also called for the U.N. Security Council to set a time limit for that process.

FIFA Delays a Vote: Soccer’s global governing body postponed a decision to temporarily suspend Israel over its actions in Gaza, saying it needed to solicit legal advice before taking up a motion submitted by the Palestinian Football Association.

PEN America’s Literary Gala: The free-expression group has been engulfed by debate over its response to the Gaza war that forced the cancellation of its literary awards and annual festival. But its literary gala went on as planned .

Jerusalem Quartet Will Perform: The Concertgebouw in Amsterdam, one of the world’s most prestigious concert halls, said that it would allow the Jerusalem Quartet to perform , two days after it had canceled the ensemble’s concerts amid security concerns.

A Key Weapon: When President Biden threatened to pause some weapons shipments to Israel if it invaded Rafah, the devastating effects of the 2,000-pound Mark 84 bomb were of particular concern to him.

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Here is a sample essay in English on 'My Ambition Is To Become A Doctor' for kids: ADVERTISEMENTS. My life's ambition is to become a good doctor. There are many reasons why I want to become a doctor. I admire doctors because they heal sick people and make them healthy. They work tirelessly to serve humankind.
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Q.1 How do ambitions help people? A.1 Ambitions helps people in focusing their mind to achieve a set goal. Furthermore, it trains them to be better in achieving their ambition. Q.2 Why must one have an ambition? A.2 We all must have at least one ambition to achieve in life.
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My Ambition Essay 10 Lines (100 - 150 Words) 1) Ambition is a way to reach your dreams. 2) Everyone has some ambition in their life and I aim to become a doctor. 3) My aim is to help everyone by becoming a doctor. 4) A doctor is considered as the second form of God.
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Essay On My Ambition in 300 Words. 'My ambition is to become an influential and successful environmental scientist. The resources around us are depleting at an unprecedented rate due to overuse and wastage of resources. My ambition to become an environmental scientist goes beyond my personal goals. In recent years, the world has witnessed ...
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The ambition in anybody's life would depend on the interests and choices of the person. My ambition is to become a fitness guide in the future. Though my parents feel that it is quite an unusual choice for me, they are very encouraging about it. My parents are well aware of my interest in outdoor sports, as well as in yoga and Karate.
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Personal Statement Ambition. Ambition is a driving force that propels individuals to strive for success and achieve their goals, yet it is a complex and multifaceted aspect of human nature. From a young age, ambition shapes our aspirations and guides our actions, influencing the paths we choose to pursue in life.
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The my ambition short essay is a short essay that can be used by students and children. It is an introduction to the topic of ambition, and it will help students get started on writing their own essays. ... BCom 1st Year Subjects list and Syllabus 2021. February 10, 2021. Peace And Harmony : Essay, Speech, Article, Paragraph. January 31, 2021.
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My Ambition. We all know that human life without an ambition is useless. Therefore everyone should have an ambition. My parents were successful in life because they were ambitious. Generally, school children should have ambitions. My ambition is to become a doctor. I have to study hard to become a doctor. it is necessary to enter the Medical ...
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Now, let's talk about the structure of an ambition essay. Usually, it has a 5-paragraphs structure, as any other essay: Introduction (1 paragraph): background information and a thesis statement. Main body (3 paragraphs): arguments and evidence, each argument takes one paragraph. Conclusion (1 paragraph): summary of your arguments.
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My Ambition in Life Essay for Grade 3. My Ambition In life. Life without an aim is seemed to be useless. The ambition in one's life gives him or her a courage to live with energy and spirit. Someone wants to be an engineer; someone wants to be a lawyer and someone wants to be a successful businessman. II think that I have a quite different ...
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7 - 8 years old . Year 3 . 8 - 9 years old . Year 4 . 9 - 10 years old . Year 5 . 10 - 11 years old . Year 6 ... How can I help my child achieve their ambitions? Help your child reach their goals by fostering a positive mindset with them - let them know that they need to work hard and be resilient to achieve them. ...
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My Future Ambition Essay Example - 700 Word Long Essay. Everyone has a goal and ambition in life. As kids, we all dreamt about what we wanted to become in the future. People usually dream of being rich, living a good life, and owning a huge company, but for me, my ambition is to help humanity by becoming a doctor.
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Essay on My Aim in Life: Short for Class 10, 5, 7, 100, 200, 150 Words, Paragraph Class 6, Class 12 Quotations, engineer, doctor, teacher. Study Abroad. ... My curiosity towards the medical world and ambition to be a doctor is what motivates me to study harder and more diligently. The study of medicine is not easy but it opens up a whole new ...
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My Ambition In Life Essay: 100 Words. Everyone has an ambition in life that lets them build a roadmap to their goals. Similarly, like everyone, I also have an ambition in life. I want to be a successful lawyer. As a lawyer, I want to settle difficult cases with the help of the law. Lawyers give advice on legal matters.
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Macbeth Key Theme: Ambition
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