social work domestic violence case study

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Introduction, specialist dfv support services, non-specialist support services, data and methods, non-specialist services and dfv: new empirical evidence from administrative data, improving dfv data collection: lessons for non-specialist service providers, implications for social work policy, research and practice, acknowledgements.

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Responding to Domestic and Family Violence: The Role of Non-Specialist Services and Implications for Social Work

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Christine Ablaza, Ella Kuskoff, Francisco Perales, Cameron Parsell, Responding to Domestic and Family Violence: The Role of Non-Specialist Services and Implications for Social Work, The British Journal of Social Work , Volume 53, Issue 1, January 2023, Pages 81–99, https://doi.org/10.1093/bjsw/bcac125

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Social workers play a critical role in responding to the needs of individuals impacted by domestic and family violence (DFV). Social work literature has long been devoted to understanding the functioning, accessibility and effectiveness of specialist DFV services. In contrast, much less is known about how non-specialist services can, and do, support victims of DFV. This study addresses this important gap by empirically examining the links between DFV and a non-specialist service designed to assist people experiencing financial hardship. To accomplish this, we draw on an expansive administrative database of assistance records ( n  = 305,176) from the St Vincent de Paul Society, one of the largest non-specialist support providers in Australia. Descriptive analyses of DFV-related records ( n  = 4,374) yield novel insights into the socio-demographic profile of clients seeking assistance due to DFV, the types of assistance they required and how non-specialist providers respond to DFV-related requests for assistance. Our results demonstrate that non-specialist services play a critical yet under-recognised role in responding to people impacted by DFV. This has significant social work practice implications, highlighting the importance of specialist DFV services working in tandem with non-specialist services to deliver the best outcomes for victims.

Social work is at the forefront of societal action to respond to domestic and family violence (DFV). DFV—defined as any form of violence committed within an intimate partner or family/kinship relationship ( AIHW, 2019 )—is not simply a pervasive injustice and crime in society; it also causes multiple harms that require victims and their families to seek support to manage its consequences. Indeed, the WHO (2018) estimates that intimate partner violence alone affects nearly one in three women worldwide. Moreover, the direct and indirect costs of DFV have been estimated at a staggering US$1.3 trillion, or nearly 2 per cent of world Gross Domestic Product ( UN Women, 2016 ). The literature illustrates that social work has played a key role in responding to DFV primarily through specialised DFV services ( Mandara et al. , 2021 ). Despite these significant contributions, however, the pervasiveness and severity of DFV within society, coupled with the high support needs of victims, renders the problem far too vast for specialist DFV services to respond to alone ( Mandara et al. , 2021 ). Non-specialist services therefore play an equally critical role in providing wraparound support to individuals impacted by DFV. Whilst much research has been conducted into specialist DFV services, there is a vacuum of evidence on the role that non-specialist services also play—possibly unknowingly—in responding to people impacted by DFV. It is therefore necessary that we expand our knowledge to service systems where social workers specialising in DFV may not be employed to understand how non-specialist services can work in tandem with specialist DFV services to ensure that ‘no one is left behind’ ( Kendall, 2020 , p. 6).

Emergency relief (ER) is one particular form of non-specialist support that is prominent in countries such as the UK, the USA and Australia (where the present study is based). ER is defined as ‘the provision of financial and material aid to people in immediate need, or a referral to link people with specialist community services’ ( ACOSS, 2011 , p. iv). Originally designed as a crisis response to people experiencing severe financial hardship, ER now seeks to support people experiencing deep financial disadvantage to participate more fully in society over the long term. Existing social work scholarship demonstrates strong links between financial hardship and experiences of DFV, suggesting that a proportion of people who access ER support may also be experiencing DFV ( Engels et al. , 2012 ; Slabbert, 2017 ). ER therefore represents one type of non-specialist support service that merits further investigation into its role in assisting people who are impacted by DFV. Throughout the article, we refer to ER support as non-specialist support.

In this article, we take on this task by providing new and unique insights into how non-specialist support providers respond to clients seeking DFV-related support. To accomplish this, we leverage unique and powerful administrative data from the St Vincent de Paul Society Queensland (SVdP Queensland), one of the largest providers of non-specialist support services in Australia. The term administrative data refers to data that are routinely gathered by an organisation for operational rather than research purposes ( Connelly et al. , 2016 ). In our context, administrative data represent both a highly valuable and an underutilised source of information. Indeed, in 2013, the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women called for United Nations Member States to ‘Improve the collection, harmonization and use of administrative data … and improving the effectiveness of the services and programs provided’ ( UN Women, 2013 , p. 14). The United Nations foregrounds the value of administrative datasets because they have the ability to improve our understandings of the number and characteristics of individuals accessing specific services due to DFV, the costs of providing a particular service to individuals impacted by DFV and the capacity to meet the demand for a specific service ( Kendall, 2020 ). Knowledge on each of these factors is key to ensuring that the needs of individuals impacted by DFV are adequately met.

As well as enabling us to respond to the United Nations call for improved use of administrative data, our use of such data in the current study enables us to illuminate a major ‘blind spot’ in the literature on responses to DFV. Specifically, it allows us to determine if and how non-specialist services play a role in responding to people whose lives are impacted by DFV. Drawing on an analysis of SVdP Queensland’s administrative data, this article addresses three questions: (1) who are the DFV clients requesting non-specialist support? (2) what types of assistance do they request? and (3) how do non-specialist services respond to the needs of DFV clients?

The answers to these questions bring us a step closer to identifying who may be slipping through the gaps of the specialist DFV service system, and how social work can play an active role in reimagining service systems to better meet the needs of people impacted by DFV. In particular, we highlight the importance of: systematic and rigorous administrative data collection; DFV training for social workers, other staff and volunteers in the non-specialist sector; and utilising the full capacity of referral systems to improve linkages between DFV and non-DFV support services. Together, these recommendations present opportunities for how specialist and non-specialist services can work in tandem to ensure the service system as a whole is responding to DFV in the most effective and efficient way possible.

Specialist DFV support services are specifically targeted at responding to the range of complex and intersecting issues experienced by those who are impacted by DFV. Typically, specialist DFV services are administered by a range of professionals to victims of DFV and include various forms of support to help keep women safe and prevent them from experiencing future violence. These supports include temporary accommodation to enable victims to leave the perpetrator and access a safe living environment ( Murray et al. , 2022 ), and financial support to provide victims with the financial capacity and budgeting skills to enable them to begin to live independently of the perpetrator ( valentine and Breckenridge, 2016 ). They also include legal services that provide advice, representation and advocacy, and facilitate women’s fair and equitable access to the justice system ( Stubbs and Wangmann, 2017 ), as well as counselling services, to provide victims with mental-health support and enable them to process their trauma ( Spangaro, 2017 ). Social workers play a key role in these responses as both providers of intervention alongside other professionals, and as a source of referrals for people requiring other forms of support ( Spratt et al ., 2022 ).

Much research has been conducted internationally and in Australia on the role of specialist services in supporting victims of DFV—for instance, to ascertain and improve their efficiency and effectiveness ( Morrison et al. , 2007 ; Kelly and Dubois, 2008 ). In Australia, specifically, there is an increasing focus on the nature and characteristics of the specialist DFV workforce ( Wendt et al. , 2020 ; Mandara et al. , 2021 ). However, knowledge regarding some types of services—such as women’s refuges—remains limited ( Theobald et al. , 2021 ). Moreover, despite the range of specialist services available, not all DFV victims access these supports. The existing literature points to multiple barriers that may prevent DFV victims from seeking help from specialist DFV services. One such barrier is the tendency for specialist services to focus on supporting victims to leave the perpetrator ( Keeling and van Wormer, 2012 ). Indeed, many of the services provided to victims—including temporary accommodation, legal services, security services and financial support—are premised on the assumption that for the violence to end, victims must remove themselves from the home of the perpetrator ( Goodmark, 2018 ). For victims who are unable to leave their perpetrator or who do not want to (e.g. for fear of being unable to financially support themselves and their children alone), many specialist DFV services may have limited support to offer.

Another critical barrier to accessing specialist DFV support is concerns about child-protection intervention. The literature documents how some mothers who are victims of DFV fear that disclosing the situation to specialist services may result in their children being removed due to a threat of violence or failure to protect ( Keeling and van Wormer, 2012 ). Other scholars have pointed to a reluctance to access DFV-specific support services because of the shame and stigma associated with DFV ( Pajak et al. , 2014 ). Some women do not even recognise that the behaviours they are being subjected to are, in fact, abuse, and therefore do not present to specialist services available to DFV victims—a barrier that can be exacerbated by cultural practices that marginalise women ( Afrouz et al. , 2021 ). At the same time, high levels of demand for specialist DFV support can overwhelm the system and prevent services from assisting all those who require support. In Australia, persistently high rates of DFV coupled with consistent under-funding by government, have stretched the specialist DFV sector to its limits. As a 2017 DFV workforce survey revealed, nearly one in three specialist DFV practitioners were considering leaving their job due to burnout ( Pfitzner et al. , 2022 ). Given these factors, it is crucial to understand if and how victims draw on non-specialist services to access the support they require.

In contrast to specialist DFV services, non-specialist support services provide more general support for people experiencing hardship or other forms of disadvantage. In Australia, such services tend to provide three primary forms of support: (i) health and mental-health care, to ensure equitable access for people with limited means ( Department of Health, 2020 ); (ii) housing assistance, to assist people experiencing—or at risk of—experiencing homelessness ( Parsell et al. , 2013 ); and (iii) ER, to provide immediate financial and practical assistance to people who are experiencing a financial crisis ( ACOSS, 2011 ). In Queensland, as in the rest of Australia, these non-specialist supports are typically funded by government and provided by not-for-profit and charitable organisations. Like specialist DFV services, these organisations employ both professional staff (including social workers) and volunteers ( Parsell et al. , 2021 ).

An increasing body of literature examines how and why victims of DFV engage with non-specialist services. For example, Spangaro’s (2017) systematic review demonstrates that the health system is a key point of entry to specialist support systems for victims of DFV. This is driven by fewer barriers to accessing mainstream health services as opposed to specialist DFV services. Furthermore, given that DFV can often result in physical injuries and mental-health problems, victims seek medical help as a direct consequence of those injuries. As a result, scholars advocate for the establishment of procedures to support health professionals to identify DFV, appropriately respond to disclosures of DFV and refer victims to specialist DFV services ( Spangaro, 2017 ; Dawson et al. , 2019 ).

Similarly, Spinney and Zirakbash (2017) and Murray et al. (2022 ) comment on the role of general housing assistance services in responding to DFV. Spinney and Zirakbash (2017) argue that women who experience homelessness as a result of DFV may seek support from general housing services, but will not identify themselves as victims of DFV. Murray et al. (2022) , on the other hand, suggest that general housing services may serve as a ‘last resort’ for victims of DFV who are unable to be accommodated through specialised services due to limited resources and places available. Problematically, general housing services are not well equipped to respond to the safety risks or other support needs of DFV victims (e.g. trauma support, protection from violent perpetrators) ( Spinney and Zirakbash, 2017 ). Spinney and Zirakbash (2017) and Murray et al. (2022) thus foreground the importance of encouraging clients of housing services to recognise that their experiences constitute DFV, to self-identify as having experienced DFV and to access appropriate specialist services.

Whilst the role of generalist health and housing services in responding to DFV has been examined in existing literature, considerably less is known about the role of ER. ER is a type of crisis support that can take a variety of forms, including cash, food parcels and/or food vouchers, clothing, furniture and other household goods, as well as payments to utility providers and creditors ( ACOSS, 2011 ; Engels et al. , 2012 ). In addition to financial or material aid, assistance can also be provided in the form of information, advocacy and referrals to other organisations ( ACOSS, 2011 ). Previous studies of ER users in Australia show that they are predominantly female, aged between twenty-five and forty-five years, more likely to be born in Australia, more likely to be single parents or single individuals and are usually receiving government support ( Engels et al. , 2012 ; Homel and Ryan, 2012 ).

In this article, we examine the role that non-specialist services play in responding to requests for DFV-related support. Little is currently known about who is accessing non-specialist support for DFV-related reasons, what forms of assistance they require or how well the non-specialist service system is equipped to respond to their needs. Given the barriers to help-seeking faced by people impacted by DFV, it is critical that we improve our understanding of if, and how, people with DFV-related needs access non-specialist support. It is equally important to understand how non-specialist services respond to these needs, and how it may work in tandem with specialist DFV services. The purpose of this article is to begin to develop this knowledge.

In this study, we draw on administrative data to investigate the role of non-specialist support services in responding to DFV. An ethics exemption for the use of de-identified data was provided by our institution’s Human Research Ethics Committee. The data used are derived from the Compassion, Advocacy, Response and Empathy (CARE) database maintained by SVdP Queensland. SVdP Queensland is a non-profit organisation providing non-specialist material support (e.g. food, clothing, furniture, finance) to disadvantaged populations in Queensland. Support is primarily administered by conferences, or local parish groups comprising voluntary members. Each conference is tasked with providing support to clients that are located within their specific geographic area.

The data used here span the period from January 2018 to April 2021. They encompass 305,176 records of assistance corresponding to 76,044 clients. The database itself contains two main types of information for each client. The first captures the client’s socio-demographic characteristics, such as age, gender, Indigenous status, country of birth and main income source. The individuals in our database are predominantly female (59.1 per cent), aged between twenty-five and forty-four years (51.6 per cent), mostly born in Australia (86.5 per cent) and overwhelmingly recipients of government income support payments. These characteristics reflect the characteristics of ER users found in national-level Australian studies, suggesting that our Queensland sample is broadly representative of the Australian population ( Engels et al. , 2012 ; Homel and Ryan, 2012 ). The second type of information pertains to details of the assistance request and the corresponding assistance provided to the client. This includes, amongst others, the type of material assistance requested, the monetary equivalent of the assistance provided to the client, whether the client was referred internally or externally to other organisations and the time spent assisting the client. In addition, each client record contains two free-form text fields—reason for assistance and further information—which can be used to provide additional background on the client, including their exposure to, or history of, DFV. These two text fields, which were populated for 94.3 per cent of assistance records, constitute an important component of our analyses.

Given the large number of assistance records, we deployed a semi-automated text mining procedure using Stata 16 to identify DFV-related requests. Specifically, we identified keywords or phrases associated with DFV such as ‘DV/DFV’, ‘domestic abuse’, ‘violent ex’, ‘abusive relationship’ and ‘fled home’. We then tagged assistance records containing any of these keywords in either of the two free-form text fields. To ensure that all tagged records were indeed DFV related, we manually screened a randomly drawn subset of records. We also drew random subsamples of assistance records not tagged as DFV related to ensure that no DFV cases were missed out in the screening process. Following this procedure, we identified a total of 4,374 records involving DFV. This corresponds to 1.4 per cent of all assistance records. The remaining records originated from assistance provided for non-DFV-related reasons (e.g. housing eviction, loss of employment) and were used to compare support provided for DFV and non-DFV-related requests.

In this section, we provide a detailed quantitative description of the DFV-related records focusing on three main dimensions: the profile of clients making DFV-related requests, the types of assistance requested by these clients and the level and nature of resources provided to these clients.

Who are the DFV clients seeking non-specialist support?

Before analysing the characteristics of DFV clients requesting ER, it is important to understand how they become involved with SVdP Queensland. Similar to non-DFV clients, this occurs primarily through a system of referrals. Referral sources are highly varied, encompassing self-referrals, family and friends, government agencies and other actors in the social service sector. Our analyses revealed that, of these different sources, self-referrals are the most common, accounting for 95.7 per cent of DFV-related requests. Requests originating from community and health services (2.4 per cent), other programmes run by SVdP Queensland (0.5 per cent) and the government agency in charge of administering welfare payments in Australia, Centrelink (0.4 per cent), are much less prevalent. These patterns are similar to those of non-DFV clients, where 98.2 per cent of requests originate from self-referrals.

The vast majority (91.2 per cent) of DFV-related requests were made by women. This resonates with Australian ( AIHW, 2019 ) and international ( Buzawa and Buzawa, 2017 ) evidence that DFV is a highly gendered issue, with most victims being women and most perpetrators being men. This suggests that the majority of DFV clients seeking non-specialist support may be victims of DFV as opposed to perpetrators. However, visual inspection of textual data suggests that some requests may have been initiated by individuals who were indirectly impacted by DFV (e.g. extended relatives supporting victims) or perpetrators (e.g. due to unemployment upon exiting the criminal justice system, or displacement from their homes due to court orders).

Figure 1 provides a more detailed breakdown of the socio-demographic characteristics of clients making DFV-related requests. It shows that these requests are primarily initiated by individuals aged between fifteen and forty-four years, people who identify as Indigenous and people who were born in Australia. In particular, DFV-related requests from Indigenous clients accounted for 17/1,000 records compared to 13/1,000 records amongst non-Indigenous clients. Similarly, requests from Australian-born clients were more common at 15/1,000 records compared to 10/1,000 records for overseas-born clients. In addition to these characteristics, DFV-related requests are disproportionally made by those who are experiencing homelessness or housing instability (as proxied by not having a fixed address) and those with children. Indeed, clients with children were twice as likely to make a DFV-related request as clients without children.

Number of DFV records by socio-demographic characteristics.

What type of assistance do DFV clients seek?

Having established the link between DFV and ER, we now turn to specific forms of help sought by individuals impacted by DFV. In this regard, the data demonstrate that individuals impacted by DFV have greater needs for assistance than other clients. This is illustrated by greater shares of DFV clients seeking material assistance in the form of food, clothing, finance and furniture as compared to non-DFV clients. Strikingly, the share of DFV clients requesting clothing and furniture is more than double that of non-DFV clients ( Figure 2 ). Indeed, only 9.2 and 7.5 per cent of non-DFV clients request clothing and furniture, respectively, compared to 22.2 and 15.6 per cent of DFV clients. The greater need for clothing and furniture amongst DFV clients speaks to DFV being a key driver of homelessness and housing instability amongst victims. More broadly, these patterns highlight the economic burden associated with DFV. This may be direct, such as when violence results in damages to a victim’s property, finances and other material resources. At the same time, there are also indirect costs arising from DFV. This includes the costs of relocation (e.g. bonds, rental deposits and furnishings), health care costs to address the physical and psychological damages caused by DFV and legal costs associated with filing restraining orders and settling issues of child custody and support ( Spangaro, 2017 ). For clients with children, child-rearing expenses further exacerbate the financial pressures that result from DFV.

Distribution of emergency relief requests by DFV status and item requested.

Importantly, a considerable share of DFV clients makes repeat requests for ER. Out of the 3,499 individuals who made a DFV-related request, 602 (17.2 per cent) had at least two DFV-related records in the database. Moreover, these requests occur within a relatively short timeframe, with roughly one in three repeat DFV requests occurring within a month. The incidence of repeat DFV requests is nevertheless likely to be underestimated, as clients may not always disclose their DFV background when making a request. As DFV is generally an ongoing pattern of abuse rather than a one-off incident ( Stark, 2012 ), it is likely that DFV clients who make subsequent requests within short timeframes are still being impacted by DFV, even if they do not specifically identify as such. Summing up all requests per individual—including those that do not explicitly pertain to DFV—the incidence of repeat requests amongst DFV clients is substantially higher at 80.1 per cent compared to 57.7 per cent for non-DFV clients. In other words, eight out of ten clients impacted by DFV made a repeat request. Whilst this figure may result from reasons not directly related to DFV, it does highlight the presence of multiple overlapping issues faced by DFV clients. Particularly, it underscores the way in which DFV victimisation is a gateway into other forms of socio-economic exclusion and material deprivation. It also resonates with arguments that DFV may have long-term effects, and that there is a dire need for longer-term support for those impacted by it ( valentine and Breckenridge, 2016 ).

How do non-specialist support providers respond to the needs of DFV clients?

Having established the intensity of need associated with DFV, we now turn to quantifying the amount of resources needed to assist DFV-impacted clients. Summing up the total amount spent by SVdP Queensland for in-kind assistance (e.g. food vouchers, prescription medicines, utility bills) and cash assistance, the data show that DFV clients received higher levels of assistance than non-DFV clients. On average, clients received AUD$132 in total per DFV-related request compared to AUD$96 for non-DFV-related requests. However, given the high level of need experienced by individuals impacted by DFV, this does not mean that SVdP Queensland was able to meet their requests. To gauge how well requests for assistance were met, we examined how ‘requests’ for assistance compared with the ‘actual’ assistance provided. Requests for food were addressed in approximately nine out of ten cases, either through in-kind assistance or electronic vouchers. In contrast, requests for furniture presented a greater challenge. Of the 682 requests for furniture made by clients impacted by DFV, only 380 (55.7 per cent) were either partially or fully addressed through in-kind or financial assistance. The relatively large share of unfulfilled requests for furniture may be explained by the constraints some conferences face in terms of the types of assistance they can provide, as well as a lack of furniture stock in SVdP Queensland’s warehouses.

These resourcing constraints are particularly important when we consider the concentration of requests across different conferences. Out of 185 active conferences, 19 (or 10.3 per cent) account for approximately 50 per cent of all DFV-related requests. Twelve of the nineteen conferences that have the highest number of DFV-related requests are located in regional areas, while only seven are in metropolitan areas. While these conferences are also amongst the largest in terms of non-DFV requests, their size does not fully account for the disproportionate number of DFV-related requests in these areas. Factors such as the availability of human and financial resources as well as existing relationships with other DFV service providers may explain the disparate trend in DFV-related requests across conferences.

The concentration of DFV requests in specific areas has repercussions for service delivery, as some conferences must impose limits on support or restrict the number of requests per client. The inability of the provider to respond to such requests suggests that the needs of many DFV clients are unmet, thereby forcing them to seek support from other service providers. This is particularly problematic because requests by DFV clients are concentrated in rural areas. In Australia, rural areas typically have significantly fewer support services available than urban areas, and several key measures of deprivation are higher in rural compared to urban areas ( Wendt, 2010 ). The scarcity of support services in non-urban areas results in longer waits for services, slower response times and higher costs of service provision ( Campo and Tayton, 2015 ).

In some instances, when conferences are unable to meet the needs of the client, they will refer the client to other service providers who may be better positioned to help support the client. However, the data illustrate that rates of referral for DFV clients are very low. In particular, only 1.1 per cent of DFV clients were referred internally to SVdP Queensland’s other programmes (e.g. housing programme, short-term financing programme, employment programme), while just 2.3 per cent were referred externally to other service providers. This suggests that, not only is non-specialist support often unable to fully meet the needs of DFV clients, but also that these clients are rarely assisted in accessing alternative forms of support.

The impact of DFV on victims, perpetrators and their families creates a need for various types of support. Previous studies have highlighted the role that specialist services play in addressing the needs of individuals who have been impacted by DFV ( Morrison et al. , 2007 ; Kelly and Dubois, 2008 ). Nevertheless, non-specialist services such as ER also play a unique role in the lives of individuals impacted by DFV. Our analysis illuminates a previously under-explored area by describing the profile of individuals seeking non-specialist support for DFV-related reasons, the types of support they are requesting, and non-specialist support providers’ responses to their requests.

Our analysis shows that people who are impacted by DFV do seek help from non-specialist support providers. Many of the socio-demographic characteristics identified in the data align with the profile of DFV victims in the broader literature ( AIHW, 2019 ). The data also demonstrate that DFV clients have high needs, and often make repeat requests for support. This reflects the pervasive nature of DFV and the recurrent support needs of clients ( AIHW, 2019 ). However, SVdP Queensland was unable to accommodate many requests for support, likely because of resourcing and budgeting constraints. This suggests that, although DFV clients are accessing non-specialist services for support, these services are neither designed nor resourced to effectively respond to their high and recurrent needs.

Significantly, 95.7 per cent of DFV clients accessing non-specialist support were self-referrals, which means that they had not been referred to non-specialist support services by a specialist DFV service. It is also possible that clients who self-referred had previously accessed (or were simultaneously accessing) specialist DFV services, but either did not feel that these services were able to fully support their needs, or had negative experiences engaging with the services ( Gondolf, 2002 ; Pajak et al. , 2014 ). It is also possible that clients who self-referred had not previously accessed DFV specialist services at all, or were forced to seek additional support from non-specialist services due to a lack of capacity and/or resources amongst specialist DFV service providers. Likewise, research points to multiple barriers that may prevent victims from accessing specialist DFV services ( Gondolf, 2002 ; Pajak et al. , 2014 ; Parsell and Clarke, 2022 ).

Importantly, the high rates of self-referral of DFV victims into non-specialist support suggest that they may serve as an underutilised pathway into more specialist DFV services. Our analysis shows that only 2.3 per cent of DFV clients who accessed non-specialist support were referred to services external to SVdP Queensland. This suggests that more could be done by non-specialist providers to identify DFV clients and refer them to specialist support services that may be better positioned to meet their needs. Critically, this raises the need for training and education for volunteers and professional staff in non-specialist services to better help them understand and respond to the needs of people impacted by DFV. Such training has become common practice in other sectors to enable workers to identify DFV, appropriately respond to disclosures of DFV and refer victims to specialist DFV services ( Spangaro, 2017 ; Dawson et al. , 2019 ).

By harnessing the unique features of administrative data, this study generated valuable insights on the use of non-specialist services by individuals impacted by DFV. As the first study of its kind to draw on administrative data to examine DFV clients’ use of non-specialist support, it revealed several data-related issues that merit further discussion. As foregrounded in the United Nations’ background paper on administrative data, there is a critical need to strengthen the collection and use of DFV-related administrative data to maximise its scholarly and practical benefits ( Kendall, 2020 ). As the background paper states, ‘the quality of administrative data is only as good as the human and information system resources that are collecting, entering, sharing, analysing and reporting on these data’ ( Kendall, 2020 , p. 13). The data limitations we discuss below thus hold important lessons for improving the collection of administrative data on DFV by non-specialist service providers, both to maximise their ability to respond effectively to DFV clients and to increase the usefulness of the data for future research.

The first limitation we encountered was the lack of a dedicated DFV indicator in the data, which prevented us from arriving at a more precise estimate of the number of DFV cases. To circumvent this issue, we utilised a text-mining procedure to search SVdP Queensland’s database for records that included certain DFV-related keywords. Whilst text mining is a conventional approach to analysing free-form text ( Kobayashi et al. , 2018 ), it does increase the likelihood of underestimating both the number of clients who have experienced DFV and the number of DFV-related requests made by each client. It is therefore likely that our analysis provides lower-bound estimates of these two statistics.

Secondly, the available data did not allow us to derive useful statistics on who initiated the request (e.g. the victim, the perpetrator or a victim’s relative), the nature of the relationship in which DFV occurred (e.g. an intimate relationship, within the immediate family or by carers) or the type of violence that triggered the request (e.g. physical, emotional, sexual or financial). Collecting this information in the future is vital for service providers to understand the nature and context of violence and ensuring that their service delivery is appropriately matched to need.

A third issue relates to how DFV cases are being identified in the data. In the case of SVdP Queensland, clients seeking assistance are not routinely screened for a history of, or exposure to, DFV. Rather, DFV clients are identified only when they choose to disclose their DFV experiences to workers and volunteers. On the one hand, this can exacerbate the under-reporting of DFV cases, particularly where victims or perpetrators have chosen not to disclose their experiences. On the other hand, DFV screening or the practice of asking clients whether they have experienced DFV may also present challenges when volunteers or workers are not adequately trained in providing trauma-informed responses to DFV ( Kendall, 2020 ). Altogether, these issues clearly point to a need for improved systems of data collection and recording in relation to DFV, as well as the need to train workers (both volunteers and professionals) on how to approach DFV cases. As we explain in the next section, this is an area where social workers can make a valuable contribution.

Drawing both on our findings and the data limitations identified before, our study points to three clear implications for social work. First, it is critical for data collection to be refined to ensure it fully captures the key information needed to adequately understand and respond to the client’s experiences. Indeed, the use of administrative data to understand the demand for support services and to develop tailored solutions to clients hinges on the accuracy and consistency of data collection ( Hood et al. , 2021 ). The UN ( Kendall, 2020 ) recommends nine minimum types of data to collect: the type of violence; the date the violence occurred; information about the person (e.g. the victim’s demographics and relationship to the perpetrator); the date the information is being collected; the city/state where the violence occurred; the place where the violence occurred (e.g. at home, at work, etc.); if cybercrime was involved; and if services were provided. Our study highlights the importance of this information for gaining a comprehensive picture of DFV clients’ needs as well as service providers’ ability to fulfil those needs. It is therefore imperative that non-specialist services begin integrating the collection of such data into their everyday practice. As data systems mature, social workers may benefit from using administrative data in conjunction with their own assessments to better assist clients. However, these benefits rely upon social workers playing a lead role in ensuring that administrative data meaningfully reflect the holistic nature of the work that they do ( Hood et al. , 2021 ).

Secondly, given that non-specialist service providers assist clients with DFV-related needs, it is critical that appropriate training is provided to all workers in this sector. This includes social workers who are not employed in specialist DFV agencies, but who may nevertheless encounter people who have been impacted by DFV ( Mandara et al. , 2021 ). As Mandara et al. (2021 , p. 2) argued, ‘social workers in other service contexts also need to be able to recognise DFV and know how to respond when it presents itself to social workers.’ In this regard, social workers operating within specialist DFV agencies have a critical role to play in building capacity both within and outside the social work sector. As the foregoing analysis showed, this is especially important for non-specialist service providers where there is an absence of a critical mass of social workers with DFV-specific knowledge. DFV training, particularly for workers in non-specialist services, should be grounded on policy frameworks aimed at providing an integrated and well-rounded response to DFV. In Australia, these include the family violence capability framework developed by Family Safety Victoria (2017) and adopted by the Australian Association of Social Workers (2018) .

Thirdly, this study uncovered a need to strengthen linkages between service providers by improving existing referral systems. Within SVdP Queensland alone, there is substantial scope to improve referrals given that material support is only one of the many services offered. Likewise, improving linkages between non-specialist providers is also important, particularly in cases where a particular provider does not have the capacity to fully address the needs of a client. Most importantly, non-specialist service providers must take advantage of their position as a ‘first port of call’ for DFV clients and actively refer these clients to specialist DFV services. At the same time, social workers in specialist DFV services also need to be aware of the unique role that non-specialist services play in addressing DFV. Ultimately, social workers need to think across both specialist and non-specialist sectors and work closely with other professionals and volunteers to deliver an effective and well-rounded response to DFV.

In addition, this study also highlighted the need for more research on the role of non-specialist services in responding to DFV. More specifically, future studies will be needed to understand how non-specialist support can be more responsive to the needs of DFV clients, including by considering the nature of DFV, the party requesting support (e.g. victim, perpetrator), the stage of need and the underlying reasons for the inability to assist DFV clients where applicable. Further research is also needed to examine whether the findings from this study apply to other forms of non-specialist support and to other country contexts where the provision of non-specialist support services may be different. More broadly, future studies should consider whether, and how, specialist and non-specialist DFV services work together to better support people whose lives have been impacted by DFV.

The authors are grateful to the St Vincent de Paul Society Queensland for sharing their data and to Richard Robinson, Nathan Middlebrook and Sangeetha Unbalagan for their valuable inputs.

This research was partially supported by the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for Children and Families over the Life Course (project number CE200100025), an Australian Future Fellowship Research Grant (FT180100250), and the St Vincent de Paul Society Queensland.

Conflict of interest statement . The University of Queensland and St. Vincent de Paul Society Queensland have an ongoing research partnership, but the Society was not involved in the conceptualisation, analysis, and preparation of the study.

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Women escaping domestic violence to achieve safe housing: an integrative review

• Virginia Stulz   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-0275-8531 1 ,
• Lyn Francis   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-9683-3688 2 ,
• Anshu Naidu 3 &
• Rebecca O’Reilly   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-6693-5341 4  

BMC Women's Health volume  24 , Article number:  314 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

Metrics details

This integrative review summarises original research that explores women’s experiences of escaping domestic violence to achieve safe housing.

Integrative review. A robust search strategy was conducted using the following databases: Scopus, Cumulative Index to Nursing and Allied Health (CINAHL), Cochrane, Medline and PubMed. All articles were assessed for quality using the Mixed Methods Appraisal Tools (MMAT) scoring. Whittemore and Knafl’s (2005) five stage approach was used to analyse the primary literature related to women’s and stakeholders’ experiences of escaping domestic violence to achieve safe housing.

A total of 41 articles were retrieved and 12 papers were included in this review (six qualitative, one quantitative and five mixed methods) that fulfilled the inclusion criteria. Four overarching themes were identified: ‘Experiences of leaving domestic violence’, ‘Barriers to achieving safe housing’, ‘Facilitators to achieving safe housing’ and ‘The road to recovery’. The ‘Experiences of leaving domestic violence’ theme included two subthemes: ‘the losses’ and ‘ongoing contact with the perpetrator’. The ‘Barriers to achieving safe housing’ theme included three subthemes: ‘financial insecurity’, ‘being judged by others for leaving and service availability’. The ‘Facilitators to achieving safe housing’ theme included two sub-themes: ‘support, partnership, and collaboration between women and service providers’ and ‘feeling respected and heard’. The ‘Road to recovery’ theme included two sub-themes: ‘being a good mother’ and ‘empowerment after leaving domestic violence’.

Conclusions

This review has highlighted the need for service and health care providers to work together and collaborate effectively with the woman experiencing and escaping domestic violence, especially in rural and remote areas. This means giving women access to the most suitable educational resources and services that are appropriate for their unique situation. Tailoring support for women is crucial to enable women to achieve safe housing and to be able to live a safe life with their children, away from the perpetrator of the domestic violence.

Peer Review reports

Violence perpetrated towards women by current or previous intimate partners often leads to dislocation, homelessness, isolation and lack of support for the woman and, if a mother, her children. Domestic violence (DV) is violence that occurs between current or previous intimate partners in the form of physical and/or sexual violence, emotional abuse, or coercive control [ 1 ]. The term DV is used interchangeably with other terms such as intimate partner violence (IPV), abuse against women, domestic and family violence (D&FV). In relation to including ‘family violence’, this extends the context of the violence to between all family members, and not purely intimate partners [ 1 ]. To align with the aim of this paper, the term DV and/or IPV will be used throughout, with the exception of direct quotes.

Women and children are disproportionately affected by male-perpetrated violence [ 2 , 3 ]. Despite having government programs such as Staying Home Leaving Violence Program and national organisations to address domestic violence [ 4 , 5 , 6 ], government reports recognise that supporting women within their homes is not always possible. As DV impacts on women’s housing stability [ 7 ], rehoming women and children is a priority however, when rehoming women and their children, community connections and social support are crucial to consider.

A Domestic Violence Crises Service (DVCS) report, Staying Home after Domestic Violence, found that more than 37% (of 35 women whose cases were analysed) were unable to sustain long-term residency in their family homes following the end of the violent relationship. Over 50% of the women who were homeowners or private renters had lost their homes within 12 months of the separation [ 8 ]. Furthermore, due to the lack of affordable and safe accommodation many women and children remain in violent environments or resort to insecure and potentially unsafe accommodation to escape the violence [ 8 ].

DV is a primary contributor to illness, disability, and death for Australian women between the ages of 18–44 [ 9 ]. One woman is murdered by her current or former partner every week in Australia and this risk of extreme violence and homicide is higher for Indigenous Australian women [ 10 ]. Being in a relationship with a violent partner has detrimental impact on financial security [ 7 , 11 ], and mental health [ 12 ]. Moreover, DV reframes how women understand themselves and their identity negatively, decreasing their self-esteem and sense of agency [ 13 ].

Experiencing DV complicates a mother’s role and identity as a mother which intensifies the effects of violence on their lives and that of their children [ 14 ]. The perpetrator’s coercive behaviours can threaten the mother’s wellbeing and undermine her parenting ability and the relationship shared with her children [ 15 ]. There is no guarantee that leaving a violent partner will stop the violence [ 16 ]. In fact, for many women and children, it exacerbates the risk of harm [ 11 ]. The challenges of leaving a violent partner are compounded for mothers who also have to help children transition into a new life and deal with trauma [ 17 ]. Other than children, safety of their pets is another factor that prevents DV victims from leaving their homes to seek their own safety [ 18 ]. As pets are often seen as family members and survivors often view their pets as a form of support, separation is made more difficult [ 18 ]. Pets are often involved in DV situations and need to be considered in resources, programs and safety plans for women experiencing DV [ 19 ].

Health care practitioners have identified that they value woman-centred care when working with women who have experienced DV and these attributes included asking questions directly, responding holistically and supporting the woman’s choice. Health care practitioners have also identified that midwives are the most appropriate health providers to conduct screening for women experiencing DV and social workers are most suitable for providing a comprehensive response. They have identified support needs as working with a team, knowing their role when working with women experiencing DV and training and mentoring programs [ 19 ]. Adults and children experiencing DV have been able to access the “Orange Door” in Brimbank Melton in Victoria. The ‘Orange Door” is a partnership between non-government organisations, Aboriginal community services, Western Health and the Labour Government [ 20 ]. Additionally, the Family Violence Multi-Agency Risk Assessment Framework (MARAM) [ 21 ] in Victoria ensures services are effectively identifying, assessing and managing family violence risk. The aim of MARAM is to increase the wellbeing and safety of Victorians by ensuring services can effectively identify and manage DV risk [ 21 ]. The MARAM framework has also been evaluated recently and there is solid evidence that it has been broadly effective [ 22 ].

Transient accommodation may thus be required with a multi-service, wraparound approach that supports the woman and her children to seek alternate, safe and permanent housing, and promote recovery of holistic well-being. Collaboration between specialised DV services, police, child protection, social services, health professionals, mental health care, legal services, culturally specific services, and housing services is necessary in responding to the immediate crisis as well as providing follow up care in the post crisis stage [ 8 ]. Such services must work together to provide holistic, individualised and tailored support and service provision for each woman and child experiencing DV. There is much evidence to support that keeping women and children within their established community, and involving the community itself to provide a wraparound, multi-pronged approach to service delivery has multiple benefits. These include improving women’s and children’s social support and belongingness that ultimately result in improved mental health and reduced psychological distress; as well as increasing community awareness about DV and how to best support a known victim-survivor [ 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 ].

Economic abuse by perpetrators has been linked to economic hardship and women who have experienced high levels of emotional and physical abuse have also experienced increased economic hardship. It is important to support survivors to identify strategies for maintaining social supports and developing programs to provide tangible resources to decrease women’s material hardship experiences [ 27 ]. Financial control inducing financial insecurity is a form of domestic violence and causes more uncertainty about leaving a DV situation.

Aim of the integrative review

The aim of the integrative review was to explore women’s experiences of escaping DV and achieving safe housing.

To describe women’s experiences of escaping DV and achieving safe housing.

To explore barriers and facilitators to escaping DV and achieving safe housing, from the perspectives of women.

This study adopted a comprehensive literature search strategy and analysis of articles which met the inclusion criteria using the approach advocated by Whittemore and Knafl [ 28 ]. The six stages of this integrative review approach enabled a rigorous and comprehensive review incorporating the following: problem identification; literature search; data evaluation; data analysis and presentation of the studies’ characteristics and writing the final integrative review. Using the Whittemore and Knafl [ 28 ] approach we identified primary research articles which included six qualitative and four mixed methods studies.

Problem identification

DV reframes negatively how women understand themselves and their identity, decreasing their self-esteem and sense of agency [ 13 ]. Furthermore, experiencing DV, complicates a mother’s role and identity as a mother, which intensifies the effects of violence on their lives and that of their children [ 14 ]. Health care practitioners should be aware of how they can support women experiencing DV to safer housing and demonstrate ‘readiness’ in their roles to assist women in these situations. Understanding the support systems and processes of how women leave DV and IPV situations will contribute to this ‘readiness’ of health care practitioners working with women.

Literature search

Online databases searched included Cumulative Index of Nursing and Allied Health (CINAHL), Cochrane, Medline, Pubmed and Scopus. Articles included peer-reviewed quantitative, qualitative or mixed methods journal articles that were published from 2011 to April 2024 in the English language. The Population Intervention Comparison Outcome (PICO) framework was used to determine correct search parameters. Prior to finalising the review, we conducted another search in November 2023, to identify additional papers published in 2022–2023, but there were no papers found. The population of interest included women, the intervention of interest was safe housing, there was no comparison group and the outcomes of interest included women’s experiences of escaping DV and achieving safe housing. Table 1 provides detail of the inclusion and exclusion criteria. An example of the search terms are shown in Table  2 .

Search outcome

Initial search results generated 41 records identified across all databases. We searched for the abstract and the title. After four duplicates were removed using the Endnote referencing system and manual checking list, 37 articles remained. A total of three articles were removed as they were published prior to 2011 and not in English, leaving 34 articles that were assessed for eligibility. Twenty-two articles were excluded because they did not meet the inclusion criteria of women experiencing DV and seeking shelter in a safe house. In total, 12 articles (six qualitative, one quantitative and five mixed methods) remained in the final review. All included articles focused on the experiences of women leaving DV or IPV situations and seeking safe housing. This robust literature search strategy was conducted using the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic reviews and Meta-Analysis (PRISMA) flow diagram (see Fig.  1 ).

Search strategy using PRISMA flow diagram

Data extraction and evaluation

Data from the 12 articles were extracted including: aim of the study, country, design and methods, sample, data analysis, findings, and the impact of women’s experience in accessing shelter after experiencing DV. All authors evaluated the articles using the Mixed Methods Appraisal Tools (MMAT) [ 29 ] for the six qualitative, one quantitative, and five mixed methods studies (see Table  3 ).

Characteristics of the studies

A summary of the 12 articles that met the inclusion criteria is presented in Table  3 . Six of the articles were qualitative studies, one was quantitative, and five were mixed methods studies. The MMAT quality scores are identified in the table. Although this method does not use numerical scores to determine quality, it was agreed by the authors to use seven as the maximum total score in line with the two questions asked for all studies and five questions assessed for the qualitative and mixed methods studies. The MMAT scores were compared between three authors and consensus was achieved.

Integrative review analysis

Using the Whittemore and Knafl [ 28 ] steps we analysed 12 research articles which met the inclusion criteria. This included six qualitative, one quantitative, and five mixed methods studies. The first step of analysis involved becoming familiar with the data from the identified nine papers and this involved populating and dividing the articles’ content into separate qualitative and quantitative spreadsheets. This process involved tabulation of the studies to identify aims, participants, methods, design, data collection, analysis and findings or outcomes to provide a better understanding of the nuances of each of the articles. The second step of the analysis involved identification of initial codes that were reported by the authors of each study regarding the experiences of women leaving DV situations and seeking safe housing. The third step of the analysis involved populating relevant information from the articles under the coded headings that were compiled from the previous step. The fourth step involved reviewing themes and comparing and amalgamating the overlapping themes with all authors. This resulted in the fifth step of refining, recategorizing and naming the final overarching themes and subthemes and presenting an overall analysis. Some of the themes and sub-themes were named from the women’s words in the articles reviewed. The overarching themes and subthemes are identified in Table  4 .

Two of the 12 articles were led by Nnawulezi et al. [ 37 , 38 ] which were both mixed methods studies that used an exploratory sequential design. Seven of the articles were from the United States of America [ 32 , 34 , 37 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 41 ], two from Australia [ 33 , 35 ], one from Canada [ 31 ], one from the Netherlands [ 36 ] and one from Italy [ 30 ].

Experiences of leaving domestic violence

Experiences of leaving DV situations were addressed in nine of the included articles. Two sub-themes capture the women’s experiences. ‘ The losses ’ that women and their children experience when leaving DV situations are explored in the first sub-theme. This is followed by the sub-theme, ‘ongoing contact with the perpetrator’.

A number of losses for women leaving DV situations were addressed across nine of the included articles. A mixed methods study exploring safety-related trade-offs from the perspectives of 309 female survivors seeking safety through DV services in the USA revealed several losses occurred [ 39 ]. The six key losses identified were “loss of emotional and physical safety for self and loved ones; loss of social support; loss of financial stability; loss of home and rootedness; loss of control over parenting; and loss of freedom” [ 39 , 39 ]. Two of the studies [ 35 , 40 ] highlighted the loss of access to health services that women experienced due to conditions such as diabetes and mental health conditions. This loss came at the expense of their own health as they did not have time or could not afford medication and was coupled with a lack of mental health resources [ 35 , 40 ].

Seven of the articles highlighted the loss of home, community and rootedness and not being able to return to their own community, especially when the women came from isolated rural and regional areas. DV often resulted in women and children having to leave their family home, seeking refuge in women’s shelters [ 31 , 35 , 40 ] or residence in poor quality housing [ 35 , 40 ], where they continued to feel unsafe [ 32 , 40 , 41 ]. For some women and children, leaving the DV situation resulted in homelessness due to a lack of affordable housing options [ 31 , 32 , 34 , 35 , 39 , 41 ]. Alternatively, to attain safe, affordable housing, some DV survivors were forced to relocate, [ 35 , 40 ], experiencing a loss of belonging to a community [ 31 , 39 ].

Four articles identified that women often make geographical moves to seek safety and shelter and the complexities of this transition. Wood et al. [ 40 ] describe women relocating to a different state so they could be away from their abusive partner which subsequently meant being away from supportive networks and living in violent communities. Bonnycastle et al. [ 31 ] discussed the geographical remoteness of moving away from their First Nations community for safety. Similarly, Meyer and Stambe [ 33 ] report that moving into independent housing post-crisis accommodation proved difficult for women in regional settings. Cultural background further complicated women’s experiences [ 33 ]. Indigenous mothers in Meyer and Stambe’s [ 33 ] study further discussed experiences of being forced to consider substandard housing in the absence of available public housing and an inability to compete in a limited, regional housing market.

Thomas et al. [ 39 ] found that for women seeking safety it also meant relocating their home and community which led to an actual loss or a sense of loss in rootedness. This resulted in difficulties their children would face if “uprooted,” especially regarding friends and school. Overall, the use of phrases such as “having to start over” and “I have lost everything” suggest that the loss of home, relocating to another community and uprooting their children equals a complete overhaul of one’s life to get away from their abusive partner [ 39 ]. Women came to the realisation that they had to move with uncertainty about the future due to the fear of their children being hurt or abused [ 39 ].

Women in Bonnycastle et al.’s [ 31 ] study identified the importance of having your own space at home and that culture and language provide a sense of identity at home. Housing unavailability often led to overcrowded living conditions [ 31 , 40 ]. Similarly, Albanesi et al. [ 30 ] also found that co-housing with other women was difficult due to cultural and structural reasons such as a lack of private space and forced intimacy.

Ongoing contact with the perpetrator

Five of the articles identified ongoing contact with their perpetrator after leaving a DV situation being a major source of concern. Re-traumatisation, disrupted healing and ongoing manipulation by the perpetrator were experienced by many women and their children [ 33 , 35 , 39 ]. Six participants in a mixed methods study reported heightened fear and stress when required to communicate with their perpetrator for their children’s needs, and during exchange of children’s care where shared custody arrangements were in place [ 39 ]. Twenty-six participants in the same study experienced a loss of control over parenting capacity, as well as fear and worry for their children’s safety, where abusive partners sought and obtained partial or full custody of their children. One woman feared for her life, this fear continuing after she left the relationship but had to remain in close vicinity to the perpetrator [ 35 ]. Similarly, Albanesi et al. [ 30 ] found that women reported fear about being chased by the partner, because even if the partner was unaware about where they resided, they knew where their children went to school and where the woman worked.

Ongoing contact with their perpetrator was also an issue for women survivors who lived in a small and/or rural community or had no informal support beyond their violent partners family. Seeking safe housing in a women’s shelter within their community meant they remained near their perpetrator and his family, creating an inability to feel free of the fear of their partner. For some participants, their only option of secure housing was with their partners’ family, intensifying tensions with their violent partner and with other family members [ 31 ]. The experiences of women survivors in leaving DV situations are complex. Across both sub-themes in this section, securing safe living arrangements was of paramount importance to the successful recovery of women and children leaving DV situations.

Barriers to achieving safe housing

Eleven of the articles discussed the barriers to achieving safe housing when considering women’s experiences of escaping DV.

Financial insecurity

Eight of the 11 articles discussed women’s experiences with financial insecurity when leaving DV situations. In Clough et al.’s [ 32 ] study, stable, affordable housing was critical in increasing safety for women and their children and impacted their ability to leave and stay safe. Women needed financial assistance to find safe housing and this resonated with other studies’ findings [ 30 , 31 , 32 , 36 ]. Survivors faced multiple systemic or individual barriers to housing including unscrupulous landlords and poor credit history [ 32 ].

Financial insecurity was also an issue for women not having a job and their role in looking after children [ 30 , 33 , 34 , 39 , 40 ]. Thomas et al. [ 39 ] identified women’s loss of financial security due to the loss of the abusive partner’s income and the added cost of relocation and entering into a shelter. Wood et al. [ 40 ] identified that having the means to pay for permanent housing and time pressures was a constant anxiety. Two of the studies conducted by Meyer and Stambe [ 33 ] and Bonnycastle et al. [ 31 ] identified that experiences of financial disadvantage were worsened by the limited opportunities available in regional settings and the geographical remoteness of some areas. These same two studies [ 31 , 33 ] highlighted the absence of affordable housing particularly for First Nations People being more disadvantaged. Both Indigenous and non-Indigenous single mothers faced discrimination from realtors and landlords due to having multiple children [ 33 ]. One Australian study highlighted the disadvantages of women on low incomes escaping DV as being unemployed meant that they have no chance of gaining a place in a share house [ 35 ].

Being judged by others for leaving

Three of the articles identified the loss of respect felt by women when leaving DV situations. Albanesi et al. [ 30 ] found that women often felt judged by other support services such as social workers and police. Similarly, Nnawulezi et al. [ 38 ] showed that staff in their study agreed that many other formal helping systems for women experiencing DV disrespected, policed, and discriminated against survivors. Participants from two research studies shared their feelings of being re-victimised or feeling judged and blamed by services that were meant to support them [ 30 , 32 ]. Qualitative data from a mixed methods study in the USA alluded to similar barriers, often created by services with obstructive screening policies [ 38 ].

Service availability

Four of the articles identified the lack of service availability that contributed to their vulnerability. Bonnycastle et al. [ 31 ] also identified that women felt unsupported by formal supports (notably First Nation or chief and members of council, law enforcement, and the child welfare system). This could possibly be explained by service providers working in housing, social service or DV agencies being under-resourced, uninformed or unable to respond effectively to the safety and housing needs of survivors. Subsequently, this results in women having to visit multiple offices and with each visit being required to repeat and validate their history of DV [ 32 ]. This often results in women finding it difficult to establish trust with services [ 30 , 39 ].

Bonnycastle et al. [ 31 ], report that informal support from family and friends was not always a viable option, and that seeking formal support was fraught with difficulty. In the same study, some participants revealed that there were little to no formal DV services within their home communities, and where DV services were available, they were often understaffed. A further barrier relevant to feeling judged was that accessing formal support services was only available after an episode of violence, and was governed by restrictive policies based on cultural values and beliefs, nepotism [ 31 ], and service bureaucracy [ 30 , 32 ].

Facilitators to achieving safe housing

Ten of the articles discussed the facilitators to achieving safe housing when considering women’s experiences of escaping DV.

Support, partnership and collaboration between women and service providers

Formal support, including safe housing, resources, psychological support and informal support that included family and friends,’ were an important road to recovery for women when escaping DV and achieving safe, sustainable housing. Albanesi et al. [ 30 ] identified formal supports as essential, to ensure housing solutions that led to safe housing and protection from the perpetrator. This formal support also included information about resources which led to increased access to legal support and services. Women were then ready to increase their skills which included self-actualisation [ 30 ]. Participants in Wood et al.’s [ 40 ] study participants also overcame housing barriers by paying back debt, and accessing legal help. For participants in Sullivan et al.’s [ 41 ] study, survivors who received support from the DV Housing model, reported significant improvements in housing stability in comparison to those receiving standard care. Similarly, Clough et al. [ 32 ], Bonnycastle et al. [ 31 ], and Jonker et al. [ 36 ] identified that stable, affordable housing was critical in increasing safety for the survivor and her children, and women needed financial assistance to find safe housing. Four of the studies also identified that professionals ought to help with financial matters as well as legal procedures [ 30 , 31 , 32 , 36 ].

The importance of informal support was highlighted in three of the studies [ 30 , 31 , 39 ] as provided by family, friends and colleagues that could assist with practical and financial issues such as loans and physical, emotional, and social support from family and friends. The normalisation of these supportive relationships provided the opportunity for intimacy and positive experiences [ 30 ]. When women left their abusive partner, informal support systems were affected by their safety-seeking efforts resulting in women losing their support systems [ 30 , 39 ].

Numerous papers reported findings of support from service providers as an essential facilitator to accessing safe housing for women and children leaving IPV situations. Support in linking women to other supportive agencies, finding suitable accommodation and coordination of care and assistance with work, and learning activities were considered important facilitators [ 30 , 31 , 36 ]. Professional support for assisting with establishing child care arrangements was also reported as beneficial [ 36 ]. Such formalised support and services were reported as best provided as a multi-pronged, collaborative approach [ 36 ]. Women who received support from housing agencies also reported experiencing less violence and economic abuse than those receiving standard care [ 41 ].

Women felt that a safe home “was more than just four walls and a roof “. Home was identified as a connection to family, community, culture, and safety. Culture and language were viewed as providing a sense of identity and belonging. Being able to secure a safe home within their community served to provide the women and children with their own space as well as rootedness. This key finding is emphasised by another study which built on two previous studies by the same authors. The earlier studies first interviewed women about their practical and emotional support needs during their stay in a women’s refuge, and then again six months later in their new lives in independent housing. The most recent study shared findings of re-interviewing 12 women five to seven years later, who were participants in at least one of the previous studies. The participants revealed that when at home, women identified the importance of having their own space at home [ 31 ].

Seven of the studies in this integrative review [ 30 , 31 , 32 , 34 , 36 , 37 , 38 ] highlighted the importance of partnership and collaboration between women and service providers in addressing DV towards women. As important to establishing supportive partnerships between women survivors and service providers were low-barrier and voluntary service policies. Three studies identified organisations that had low-barrier and voluntary service policies. Such policies resulted in a smoother transition for DV survivors into affordable and safe housing [ 34 , 37 , 38 ]. Low-barrier policies are defined as a “compilation of specific policies designed to reduce the eligibility requirements that can be barriers to accessing services” [ 37 , 37 , 38 ].

Trust was also noted as essential as a facilitator of partnership and collaboration between the DV survivor and service provider. Five of the included papers highlighted that trust between the woman and the service provider was essential in facilitating safe housing and a successful, secure future. Trust was reported as established through procedural flexibility in decision making about services, and the supports and needs of the woman and her children [ 31 , 32 , 34 , 36 , 38 ]. Further, the mutual establishment of goals, with a ‘one step at a time’ approach, was reported as essential to the facilitation of women’s trust in the formal services [ 30 , 36 ].

Trust between the women and children and IPV supporting services was a two-way process. All participants in Nnawulezi et al.’s [ 37 ] study noted that it was as equally important for the service provider to trust the women survivors as it was for the women to trust the service provider. The success in the provision of implementing low-barrier and voluntary service policies mutually trusting relationships was an integral part to implementing these core activities between the women survivors and the service provider [ 38 ].

Feeling respected and heard

Five of the studies in the integrative review [ 30 , 32 , 34 , 36 , 37 ] identified the importance of feeling respected and heard in their journey to recovery from leaving a DV situation. Feeling respected and heard by other DV survivors as well as service providers were important facilitators in accessing DV services and securing safe housing. Women who were able to build positive relationships with other women who had similar experiences reported feeling respected and heard. These relationships improved psychological wellbeing and resulted in increased self-efficacy and the forming of positive relationships [ 30 ]. Two studies reported that these factors were instrumental in achieving stability, including safe housing [ 30 , 32 ]. Participants in Clough et al.’s [ 32 ] study describe feeling respected and validated by well-trained, compassionate DV workers. Positive experiences with DV services were noted as non-judgemental emotional support; protection and safe shelter; development of the women’s awareness of the violence as not their fault; and building of the women’s self-esteem, self-awareness, empowerment and overall well-being [ 30 ].

The importance of engaging in empathetic and nonjudgmental listening, highly relevant to feeling respected and being heard was highlighted in four of the studies. Listening deeply to survivors’ needs was an imperative part of practice when implementing policies. Participating service providers in these studies highlighted that listening to, and hearing, women survivors’ reported needs ensured that organisational programming aligned to what survivors wanted throughout safe housing service provision [ 32 , 34 , 36 , 37 ].

Road to recovery

Nine of the articles examined the road to recovery when contemplating women’s experiences of escaping DV to attain safe housing. Within this theme, ‘being a good mother’ and ‘empowerment after leaving DV’ were deemed as essential to the recovery of the women and her children, and closely linked to securing safe housing.

Being a good mother

The importance, pressure, and responsibility experienced by DV survivors to be a ‘ good mother’ and able to parent their children with safety on their road to recovery was a sub-theme across seven articles [ 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 36 , 39 ]. Being a mother added an additional layer of complexity as their needs to improve their currently unsafe situation, increase their skills to secure economic independence, develop self-esteem and improve overall psychological well-being were inextricably linked to providing safety for their children, and seeing themselves as ‘good mothers’ [ 30 , 31 , 33 , 34 ]. Participating mothers in a mixed methods study reported the challenges of juggling finances, time, and ability to care for their children while seeking safety from their perpetrator [ 39 ]. An Australian study reported on the experiences of nine Indigenous and eight non-Indigenous mothers. Their experiences included feeling the responsibility of ensuring the safety and wellbeing of their children. For Indigenous participants, their identity as a ‘good mother’ was further challenged by social constructs of overcrowded housing, higher rates of family violence, and greater child protection interventions in comparison to their non-Indigenous counterparts [ 33 ].

Three articles discuss the importance of being able to protect, and mother children after leaving DV situations. Safety and suitable childcare for children was found to be the second highest priority in Jonker et al.’s [ 36 ] study which identified 11 priorities for women leaving DV situations. Sullivan et al.’s [ 34 ] study, found that grants including rental assistance and payment for bills increased women’s ability to parent their children and get back on track. Clough et al.’s [ 32 ] study identified that women used whatever was available to ensure a safe environment for their children whilst looking for stable housing. Women used and developed creative strategies to manage complex situations to reduce levels of trauma and stress for their children, such as couch surfing and working with multiple service providers to obtain funds [ 32 ].

Empowerment after leaving DV

Four research studies [ 30 , 36 , 37 , 38 ] identified the impact and importance of empowerment for women after leaving DV situations and finding housing. Nnawulezi et al. [ 37 , 38 ] showed that survivors who had greater autonomy in a shelter program demonstrated higher levels of empowerment. Two other studies concurred, reporting that after immediate needs for support, security and accommodation were met, women were empowered through skills and knowledge acquisition and self-efficacy [ 30 , 36 ]. Jonker et al.’s [ 36 ] study showed empowerment was the seventh highest need for women after leaving a violent relationship and finding safe housing.

The integrative review aimed to explore women’s experiences of escaping DV and achieving safe housing. There were key facilitators for DV survivors in leaving DV situations and securing safe housing. This discussion will focus on the key barrier of ‘The consequences of leaving DV situations’ as well as key facilitators, captured as ‘Being connected to support mechanisms’, and ‘Empowering women regaining their lives with their children’. All of these factors can influence the woman’s decision, and capacity, to leave the violent relationship and secure safe housing.

The consequences of leaving DV situations

Key consequences identified by this review were the increased vulnerability of women with children, the long-term effects of the ongoing contact with the ex-partners, and financial insecurity. Two-thirds of the articles in this review revealed that women experience many losses because of leaving DV relationships and this may include emotional, physical, financial constraints and loss of control over continuing relationships with perpetrators that involve their children [ 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 35 , 39 , 40 ]. Women have been shown to experience a heavy sense of loss when subjected to DV and unable to control emotions. Women have experienced psychological problems caused by the long-term DV from their partners [ 42 ]. Similarly, Māori women in Wilson et al.’s [ 43 ] study reported a loss of control over their continuing relationships with their partners and their children as a barrier to leaving a violent relationship. They recognised the control exerted by their partners exacerbated threats to the women’s life and safety and took a toll on the women’s psychological and emotional wellbeing, diminishing their sense of self-confidence [ 43 ]. Another study [ 44 ] in Iran, has identified that women who have been subjected to violence by their husbands faced challenges that related to their psychological health. Women have also been afraid of the perpetrator’s reaction if they find out about her disclosure about DV to health care practitioners [ 45 ].

Challenges have been identified in finding accommodation for women experiencing DV due to staff shortages and the availability of appropriate resources and DV services. These situations are often exacerbated by isolation, long distances, and lack of transport for women experiencing DV [ 46 ]. As identified in this paper, some included studies linked self-confidence and autonomy to women IPV survivor’s success in securing safety and stability, including safe housing, for themselves and their children [ 30 , 36 , 37 , 38 ].

This integrative review also highlighted the loss of belonging, and rootedness that First Nation peoples experienced due to leaving their tight-knit communities [ 31 , 33 ]. Similarly, Māori women in Wilson et al.’s [ 43 ] study who decided to leave were faced with challenges leaving their homes, due to the isolation from friends and families. This resulted in women experiencing vulnerability when unsuccessful in asking for help from friends, family or agencies [ 43 ]. The importance of culturally safe, responsive and trauma-informed care has been highlighted to ensure that the needs of First Nations people experiencing DV are met [ 47 ].

Women leaving DV situations often experience continuing contact with the perpetrator due to their children’s ongoing custody arrangements and concern for their children’s safety when in the care of their abuser [ 30 , 31 , 33 , 35 , 39 ]. Supporting this as a key barrier to leaving IPV relationships for safer living options, participants in a Canadian qualitative study revealed apprehensions about facing legal custody processes, and fear of shared custody where they had witnessed the perpetration of violence towards their children [ 48 ]. Studies that have explored the use of the legal system, including child custody processes by abused women who have children have reported that children can prevent women from pursuing legal prosecution of their perpetrator, due to concerns about their children’s safety and wellbeing [ 49 , 50 ]. Further research is needed on how such barriers can be navigated and women who are mothers supported in providing safety for themselves and their children where the IPV perpetrator is allowed parental custody.

Financial insecurity can result from women experiencing DV situations [ 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 36 , 39 , 40 ]. Housing instability and exposure to DV also compromises women’s sexual and reproductive health by restricting contraceptive access that may result in unintended pregnancy [ 51 ]. Grace et al. [ 51 ] found in their study that the majority of participants did not use contraception, however, this may have been due to financial instability as one in five women was unable to afford health care and all experienced housing instability as a result of leaving a DV situation.

One study [ 52 ] found that the longer the woman remained in the relationship, the finances were more tied up between the partners. Another study [ 53 ] found that women were financially dependent and did not earn their own income. Despite the abuse, some women were thankful for their partners’ support throughout the years [ 53 ]. Therefore, making the public and health professionals aware of legal advice and financial support that is available from domestic violence services is crucial in overcoming this barrier [ 52 ]. Learning income-generating skills is important to reduce economic dependence of the woman on her partner and increases maternal financial independence [ 54 ].

This integrative review also identified women feeling unsupported by formal supports and being judged by others for leaving the DV situation [ 30 , 31 , 32 , 38 , 39 ]. Women have also feared about being judged for not leaving a DV relationship, and not wanting to be stigmatized from others including health care practitioners [ 45 ]. Similarly, a systematic review [ 55 ] found that victims experiencing DV feared being judged by their friends, family, neighbours and health care providers as a barrier to disclosing that they were in that situation. Carthy and Taylor [ 52 ] also found the social stigma of not wanting to disclose DV created an additional barrier to seeking help. This was exacerbated by societal pressures, and that others would think she should have known better than to put up with the abuse [ 52 ].

The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the situation for some women with organisations having to implement social distancing and reducing the number of women able to access shelters [ 56 , 57 ]. This occurred in tandem with an increase in the number of women experiencing DV during the COVID-19 pandemic due to lockdown conditions [ 58 ]. Therefore, lockdown and social distancing requirements of COVID-19 led to greater difficulty for women accessing DV services, including safe housing options [ 57 , 59 , 60 ]. While some DV agencies had to suspend their services altogether, other DV organisations were able to access additional government support for homelessness and housing services [ 61 ]. However, the challenge for women being able to access such services was hampered by lockdown creating an environment where many DV victims were exposed to 24-h surveillance by their perpetrators. This is further heightened by this paper’s [ 61 ] findings that a lack of support of DV services felt by women attempting to leave violent relationships existed pre-Covid pandemic restrictions, and continues post pandemic restrictions. Further, the United Nations (UN) Women Australia [ 62 ] identified that the COVID-19 pandemic not only resulted in increased levels of DV, but also substantial losses in employment and reductions in unpaid care work for women across the globe. This resonates with the identified barrier in this review of financial instability preventing women from leaving violent relationships and secure safe housing options.

There have been many lessons learnt during the COVID-19 pandemic, including those for better planning in all countries for crisis events. For DV and ensuring women’s and children’s safety, some suggestions have been to ensure resilience in infrastructure and supportive IPV services to survive and thrive during crisis, embracing digital technologies, and increasing capabilities to gather real time data and conduct rapid assessments on gender impacts in crisis situations [ 62 ]. One study [ 63 ] identified insights into ways in which practitioners pivoted services during COVID-19, to respond remotely to women experiencing DV and the challenges of undertaking safe planning and risk assessment when working on video, and phone-based delivery. These align with the key facilitators identified in this review as being connected to support mechanisms and women regaining their lives with their children after leaving an DV situation.

Being connected to support mechanisms

Formal and informal supports were extremely important findings in this integrative review to facilitate women’s experiences of leaving DV relationships to achieve safe housing [ 30 , 31 , 32 , 36 , 37 , 39 , 40 , 41 ]. Informal supports such as family and friends need to know what formal services are available and DV organizations should distribute information about hours of operation and who to contact so that referrals can be completed in a timely manner [ 64 ]. The importance of service providers being able to provide ongoing training about DV to workforce members and education to all people about how to respond and recognize DV cannot be emphasised enough [ 64 , 65 ]. Health care systems could empower women by improving the capacity of health care providers in providing information to women about DV, especially legal issues, and supportive referral centres [ 54 ]. A recent Cochrane review [ 66 ] found that healthcare providers are ready to respond to learn about training about intimate partner violence towards women. One study [ 67 ] in India has indicated that healthcare providers demonstrated a significant increase in knowledge, preparedness and attitudes following training in responding to women’s needs escaping DV, as well as supportive practices including talking to women and validating their needs. This level of training also included integration of system-level changes that involved clinicians to deliver the training who had managerial responsibilities that ensured mentorship [ 67 ]. Women experiencing DV often need practical support such as social security benefit, housing, parenting support and finding employment and women value advocacy support as helpful in finding a house or a job [ 68 ].

In light of the previous reference about rural challenges in organizing accommodation for women due to lack of appropriate and services [ 46 ], future training could be targeted to rural areas to provide opportunities to co-train with local services that could strengthen integration, collaboration and mutual understanding. Specifically, maternal child and family health nurses are best placed to deliver care for women experiencing DV. However, greater support is required for sustainable nurse DV work, especially rural nurses who experience greater practice barriers [ 65 ]. Despite these barriers, relationship building is sometimes easier in regional and rural areas that already have existing connections with communities [ 46 ]. Similarly, Māori women in Wilson et al.’s [ 43 ] study found the support and strength of others enabled them to tolerate difficulties in leaving their violent relationships.

One systematic review [ 69 ] has shown how DV survivors benefited from support from external agencies including employment opportunities, legal aid and tangible resources such as clothing vouchers. One other helpful resource included educational information about DV and abusive relationships [ 69 ]. Enhanced collaboration between services may ensure that a culturally responsive approach may strengthen partnerships and rely less on individuals’ work practices to enhance women and childrens’ safety and wellbeing [ 70 ]. Practitioners have identified the importance of collaborating with internal team members of their organisations as well as specialist professionals external to their team, as these collaborations provide support, comfort, and specialist knowledge about social sector services and abuse. Health practitioners have highlighted how other team members have provided emotional support and inspiration to address DV [ 71 ].

In Canada, service providers and program staff have previously noted the importance of partnerships between their own service and other aspects of the system in easing referral processes. This resulted in pregnant women experiencing substance abuse being more likely to access the correct services and experience reduced service fragmentation. Sharing of program information within this system enabled information to be shared and service providers to become familiar with each other’s roles and develop trusting relationships [ 72 ]. Another review has highlighted the importance of working locally with service providers to ensure programs are contextually aligned and interventions are appropriate [ 73 ].

In Australia, for women experiencing DV in Aboriginal families, community partnerships amongst service providers have been identified to enable cross-agency work in a culturally safe environment, helping access to housing and programs for health and wellbeing. Referral pathways to other trusted service and community providers alleviates the shame for Aboriginal women experiencing DV [ 47 ]. Similarly, half of the women experiencing DV in Prosman et al.’s [ 68 ] study reported the importance of expressing themselves in their culture and language helped them to address barriers to source support more easily. Culturally sensitive support enabled them to accept help and share their sorrows more easily. Speaking in their own foreign language enhanced the bonding between the mentor mothers and the abused women [ 68 ].

One systematic review has highlighted the need to create a supportive environment for pregnant women experiencing DV [ 74 ]. Another qualitative metasynthesis [ 71 ] has shown that clinicians see their role as the most appropriate for responding to women experiencing DV as they are able to develop trusting relationships and talk to women over a period of time. They recognised continuity of care as an important component of forming strong relationships with women and being able to respond to DV [ 71 ].

Empowering women regaining their lives with their children

One study [ 75 ] showed that women escaping DV enabled them to refocus on the child’s needs. Even though mothers and children may have endured undermining of DV over many years, positive perceptions have been demonstrated and this is testimony to resilience of these relationships. Health care providers should build on these relationships when working with women and children and create spaces to work together [ 75 ]. Empowering couples by improving couple’s life skills, and economic empowerment could reduce DV, especially during pregnancy [ 54 ].

Māori women in Wilson et al.’s [ 43 ] study found strength in their own values and beliefs. Staying strong for these Māori women experiencing DV provided a platform for reviving and healing their well-being [ 43 ]. In Sapkota et al.’s [ 74 ] review, the main component of interventions included mentoring and supportive counselling that aimed to empower women in their flight from DV. Interventions were targeted around empowerment and assisting women to disclose their experiences of abuse as well as identifying the best resources to find a solution that was most suitable with her situation. Interventions should seek to provide services that are tailored to meet the woman’s individual circumstances and needs [ 74 ].

Limitations

We appreciate that the included studies show a diverse range of contexts of DV and IPV globally and that all of the countries represented in this integrative review may view this topic differently. Some of the studies included participants from Indigenous backgrounds (Australia and Canada) and regional areas (Australia). These studies may not be representative or generalizable to other areas of these countries.

This review has highlighted the need for service and health care providers to work together and collaborate effectively with the woman experiencing and escaping DV. This means being able to receive training and education to provide her access to the most suitable educational resources and services that are most suitable for her situation. Providing women support, encouragement and counselling who are experiencing DV will facilitate their path towards recovery to achieve safe housing.

Availability of data and materials

The datasets generated and/or analysed during the current study are not publicly available due to this being an integrative review and data were not collected. The literature reviewed is displayed in a table within the manuscript.

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Exploring factors influencing domestic violence: a comprehensive study on intrafamily dynamics

Cintya lanchimba.

1 Departamento de Economía Cuantitativa, Facultad de Ciencias Escuela Politécnica Nacional, Quito, Ecuador

2 Institut de Recherche en Gestion et Economie, Université de Savoie Mont Blanc (IREGE/IAE Savoie Mont Blanc), Annecy, France

Juan Pablo Díaz-Sánchez

Franklin velasco.

3 Department of Marketing, Universidad San Francisco de Quito USFQ, Quito, Ecuador

Associated Data

The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors, without undue reservation.

Introduction

This econometric analysis investigates the nexus between household factors and domestic violence. By considering diverse variables encompassing mood, depression, health consciousness, social media engagement, household chores, density, and religious affiliation, the study aims to comprehend the underlying dynamics influencing domestic violence.

Employing econometric techniques, this study examined a range of household-related variables for their potential associations with levels of violence within households. Data on mood, depression, health consciousness, social media usage, household chores, density, and religious affiliation were collected and subjected to rigorous statistical analysis.

The findings of this study unveil notable relationships between the aforementioned variables and levels of violence within households. Positive mood emerges as a mitigating factor, displaying a negative correlation with violence. Conversely, depression positively correlates with violence, indicating an elevated propensity for conflict. Increased health consciousness is linked with diminished violence, while engagement with social media demonstrates a moderating influence. Reduction in the time allocated to household chores corresponds with lower violence levels. Household density, however, exhibits a positive association with violence. The effects of religious affiliation on violence manifest diversely, contingent upon household position and gender.

The outcomes of this research offer critical insights for policymakers and practitioners working on formulating strategies for preventing and intervening in instances of domestic violence. The findings emphasize the importance of considering various household factors when designing effective interventions. Strategies to bolster positive mood, alleviate depression, encourage health consciousness, and regulate social media use could potentially contribute to reducing domestic violence. Additionally, the nuanced role of religious affiliation underscores the need for tailored approaches based on household dynamics, positioning, and gender.

1. Introduction

Intimate partner violence is a pervasive global issue, particularly affecting women. According to the World Health Organization ( 1 ), approximately 30% of women worldwide have experienced violence from their intimate partners. Disturbingly, recent studies indicate that circumstances such as the COVID-19 pandemic, which disrupt daily lives on a global scale, have exacerbated patterns of violence against women ( 2 – 4 ). Data from the WHO ( 1 ) regarding gender-based violence during the pandemic reveals that one in three women felt insecure within their homes due to family conflicts with their partners.

This pressing issue of intimate partner violence demands a thorough analysis from a social perspective. It is often insidious and challenging to identify, as cultural practices and the normalization of abusive behaviors, such as physical aggression and verbal abuse, persist across diverse socioeconomic backgrounds. However, all forms of violence can inflict physical and psychological harm on victims, affecting their overall well-being and interpersonal relationships WHO ( 5 ). Furthermore, households with a prevalence of domestic violence are more likely to experience child maltreatment ( 6 ).

In this context, the COVID-19 pandemic has had profound effects on individuals, families, and communities worldwide, creating a complex landscape of challenges and disruptions. Among the numerous repercussions, the pandemic has exposed and exacerbated issues of domestic violence within households. The confinement measures, economic strain, and heightened stress levels resulting from the pandemic have contributed to a volatile environment where violence can escalate. Understanding the factors that influence domestic violence during this unprecedented crisis is crucial for developing effective prevention and intervention strategies.

This article aims to explore the relationship between household factors and domestic violence within the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. By employing econometric analysis, we investigate how various factors such as mood, depression, health consciousness, social media usage, household chores, density, and religious affiliation relate to violence levels within households. These factors were selected based on their relevance to the unique circumstances and challenges presented by the pandemic.

The study builds upon existing research that has demonstrated the influence of individual and household characteristics on domestic violence. However, the specific context of the pandemic necessitates a deeper examination of these factors and their implications for violence within households. By focusing on variables that are particularly relevant in the crisis, we aim to provide a comprehensive understanding of the dynamics that contribute to intrafamily violence during the pandemic.

The findings of this study have important implications for policymakers, practitioners, and researchers involved in addressing domestic violence. By identifying the factors that either increase or mitigate violence within households, we can develop targeted interventions and support systems to effectively respond to the unique challenges posed by the pandemic. Furthermore, this research contributes to the broader literature on domestic violence by highlighting the distinct influence of household factors within the context of a global health crisis.

The structure of this paper is organized as follows. Section 2 provides a comprehensive review of the relevant literature on household violence. Section 3 presents the case study that forms the basis of this research. Section 4 outlines the methodology employed in the study. Section 5 presents the results obtained from the empirical analysis. Finally, Section 6 concludes the paper, summarizing the key findings and their implications for addressing domestic violence.

2. Literature review

2.1. violence at home.

Throughout human history, the family unit has been recognized as the fundamental building block of society. Families are comprised of individuals bound by blood or marriage, and they are ideally regarded as havens of love, care, affection, and personal growth, where individuals should feel secure and protected. Unfortunately, it is distressingly common to find alarming levels of violence, abuse, and aggression within the confines of the home ( 7 ).

Domestic violence, as defined by Tan and Haining ( 8 ), encompasses any form of violent behavior directed toward family members, regardless of their gender, resulting in physical, sexual, or psychological harm. It includes acts of threats, coercion, and the deprivation of liberty. This pervasive issue is recognized as a public health problem that affects all nations. It is important to distinguish between domestic violence (DV) and intimate partner violence (IPV), as they are related yet distinct phenomena. DV occurs within the family unit, affecting both parents and children. On the other hand, IPV refers to violent and controlling acts perpetrated by one partner against another, encompassing physical aggression (such as hitting, kicking, and beating), sexual, economic, verbal, or emotional harm ( 9 , 10 ). IPV can occur between partners who cohabit or not, and typically involves male partners exerting power and control over their female counterparts. However, it is crucial to acknowledge that there are cases where men are also victims of violence ( 11 ).

Both forms of violence, DV and IPV, take place within the home. However, when acts of violence occur in the presence of children, regardless of whether they directly experience physical harm or simply witness the violence, the consequences can be profoundly detrimental ( 12 , 13 ).

Understanding the intricacies and dynamics of domestic violence and its impact on individuals and families is of paramount importance. The consequences of such violence extend beyond the immediate victims, affecting the overall well-being and social fabric of society. Therefore, it is crucial to explore the various factors that contribute to domestic violence, including those specific to the current context of the COVID-19 pandemic, in order to inform effective prevention and intervention strategies. In the following sections, we will examine the empirical findings regarding household factors and their association with domestic violence, shedding light on the complexities and nuances of this pervasive issue.

2.2. Drivers of domestic violence

As previously discussed, the occurrence of violence within the home carries significant consequences for individuals’ lives. Consequently, gaining an understanding of the underlying factors that contribute to this violence is crucial. To this end, Table 1 provides a comprehensive summary of the most commonly identified determinants of domestic violence within the existing literature.

Determinants of domestic violence.

Adapted and improved from the classification proposed by Visaria ( 16 ).

Identifying these determinants is a vital step toward comprehending the complex nature of domestic violence. By synthesizing the findings from numerous studies, Table 1 presents a consolidated overview of the factors that have been consistently associated with domestic violence. This compilation serves as a valuable resource for researchers, practitioners, and policymakers seeking to address and mitigate the prevalence of domestic violence.

The determinants presented in Table 1 encompass various variables, including socio-economic factors, mental health indicators, interpersonal dynamics, and other relevant aspects. By examining and analyzing these determinants, researchers have made significant progress in uncovering the underlying causes and risk factors associated with domestic violence.

It is important to note that the determinants listed in Table 1 represent recurring themes in the literature and are not an exhaustive representation of all potential factors influencing domestic violence. The complex nature of this issue necessitates ongoing research and exploration to deepen our understanding of the multifaceted dynamics at play. Thus, we categorize these factors into two groups to provide a comprehensive understanding of the issue.

Group A focuses on variables that characterize both the victim and the aggressor, which may act as potential deterrents against femicide. Previous research by Alonso-Borrego and Carrasco ( 17 ), Anderberg et al. ( 18 ), Sen ( 19 ), and Visaria ( 16 ) has highlighted the significance of factors such as age, level of education, employment status, occupation, and religious affiliation. These individual characteristics play a role in shaping the dynamics of domestic violence and can influence the likelihood of its occurrence.

Group B aims to capture risk factors that contribute to the presence of violence within the home. One prominent risk factor is overcrowding, which can lead to psychological, social, and economic problems within the family, ultimately affecting the health of its members. Research by Van de Velde et al. ( 21 ), Walker-Descartes et al. ( 23 ), Malik and Naeem ( 2 ) supports the notion that individuals experiencing such distress may resort to exerting force or violence on other family members as a means of releasing their frustration. Additionally, Goodman ( 32 ) have highlighted the increased risk of violence in households with multiple occupants, particularly in cases where individuals are confined to a single bedroom. These concepts can be further explored through variables related to health, depression, anxiety, and stress, providing valuable insights into the mechanisms underlying domestic violence.

By investigating these factors, our study enhances the existing understanding of the complex dynamics of domestic violence within the unique context of the pandemic. The COVID-19 crisis has exacerbated various stressors and challenges within households, potentially intensifying the risk of violence. Understanding the interplay between these factors and domestic violence is essential for the development of targeted interventions and support systems to mitigate violence and its consequences.

2.3. Demographic characteristics (A)

2.3.1. education level (a1).

According to Sen ( 19 ), the education level of the victim, typically women, or the head of household is a significant antecedent of domestic violence. Women’s access to and completion of secondary education play a crucial role in enhancing their capacity and control over their lives. Higher levels of education not only foster confidence and self-esteem but also empower women to seek help and resources, ultimately reducing their tolerance for domestic violence. Babu and Kar ( 33 ), Semahegn and Mengistie ( 34 ) support this perspective by demonstrating that women with lower levels of education and limited work opportunities are more vulnerable to experiencing violence.

When women assume the role of the head of the household, the likelihood of violence within the household, whether domestic or intimate partner violence, increases significantly. This has severe physical and mental health implications for both the woman and other family members, and in the worst-case scenario, it can result in the tragic loss of life ( 22 , 23 , 35 ).

Conversely, men’s economic frustration or their inability to fulfill the societal expectation of being the “head of household” is also a prominent factor contributing to the perpetration of physical and sexual violence within the home ( 36 ).The frustration arising from economic difficulties, combined with the frequent use of drugs and alcohol, exacerbates the likelihood of violent behavior.

These findings underscore the importance of addressing socio-economic disparities and promoting gender equality in preventing and combating domestic violence. By enhancing women’s access to education, improving economic opportunities, and challenging traditional gender roles, we can create a more equitable and violence-free society. Additionally, interventions targeting men’s economic empowerment and addressing substance abuse issues can play a pivotal role in reducing violence within the home.

2.3.2. Employment and occupation (A2)

Macroeconomic conditions, specifically differences in unemployment rates between men and women, have been found to impact domestic violence. Research suggests that an increase of 1% in the male unemployment rate is associated with an increase in physical violence within the home, while an increase in the female unemployment rate is linked to a reduction in violence ( 37 ).

Moreover, various studies ( 34 , 35 , 38 , 39 ) have highlighted the relationship between domestic violence and the husband’s working conditions, such as workload and job quality, as well as the income he earns. The exercise of authority within the household and the use of substances that alter behavior are also associated with domestic violence.

Within this context, economic gender-based violence is a prevalent but lesser-known form of violence compared to physical or sexual violence. It involves exerting unacceptable economic control over a partner, such as allocating limited funds for expenses or preventing them from working to maintain economic dependence. This form of violence can also manifest through excessive and unsustainable spending without consulting the partner. Economic gender-based violence is often a “silent” form of violence, making it more challenging to detect and prove ( 40 ).

Empowerment becomes a gender challenge that can lead to increased violence, as men may experience psychological stress when faced with the idea of women earning more than them ( 14 , 18 ). Lastly, Alonso-Borrego and Carrasco ( 17 ) and Tur-Prats ( 41 ) conclude that intrafamily violence decreases only when the woman’s partner is also employed, highlighting the significance of economic factors in influencing domestic violence dynamics.

Understanding the interplay between macroeconomic conditions, employment, and economic control within intimate relationships is crucial for developing effective interventions and policies aimed at reducing domestic violence. By addressing the underlying economic inequalities and promoting gender equality in both the labor market and household dynamics, we can work toward creating safer and more equitable environments that contribute to the prevention of domestic violence.

2.3.3. Religion (A3)

Religion and spiritual beliefs have been found to play a significant role in domestic violence dynamics. Certain religious interpretations and teachings can contribute to the acceptance of violence, particularly against women, as a form of submission or obedience. This phenomenon is prevalent in Middle Eastern countries, where religious texts such as the Bible and the Qur’an are often quoted to justify and perpetuate gender-based violence ( 20 ).

For example, in the book of Ephesians 5:22–24, the Bible states that wives should submit themselves to their husbands, equating the husband’s authority to that of the Lord. Similarly, the Qur’an emphasizes the importance of wives being sexually available to their husbands in all aspects of their relationship. These religious teachings can create a belief system where women are expected to endure mistreatment and forgive their abusive partners ( 15 ).

The influence of religious beliefs and practices can complicate a woman’s decision to leave an abusive relationship, particularly when marriage is considered a sacred institution. Feelings of guilt and difficulties in seeking support or ending the relationship can arise due to the belief that marriage is ordained by God ( 15 ).

It is important to note that the response of religious congregations and communities to domestic violence can vary. In some cases, if abuse is ignored or not condemned, it may perpetuate the cycle of violence and hinder efforts to support victims and hold perpetrators accountable. However, in other instances, religious organizations may provide emotional support and assistance through dedicated sessions aimed at helping all affected family members heal and address the violence ( 20 ).

Recognizing the influence of religious beliefs on domestic violence is crucial for developing comprehensive interventions and support systems that address the specific challenges faced by individuals within religious contexts. This includes promoting awareness, education, and dialog within religious communities to foster an understanding that violence is never acceptable and to facilitate a safe environment for victims to seek help and healing.

2.4. Presence of risk factor (B)

2.4.1. depression, anxiety, and stress (b1).

Within households, the occurrence of violence is unfortunately prevalent, often stemming from economic constraints, social and psychological problems, depression, and stress. These factors instill such fear in the victims that they are often hesitant to report the abuse to the authorities ( 42 ).

Notably, when women assume the role of heads of households, they experience significantly higher levels of depression compared to men ( 21 ). This study highlights that the presence of poverty, financial struggles, and the ensuing violence associated with these circumstances significantly elevate the risk of women experiencing severe health disorders, necessitating urgent prioritization of their well-being. Regrettably, in low-income countries where cases of depression are on the rise within public hospitals, the provision of adequate care becomes an insurmountable challenge ( 21 ).

These findings underscore the urgent need for comprehensive support systems and targeted interventions that address the multifaceted impact of domestic violence on individuals’ mental and physical health. Furthermore, effective policies should be implemented to alleviate economic hardships and provide accessible mental health services, particularly in low-income settings. By addressing the underlying factors contributing to violence within households and ensuring adequate care for those affected, society can take significant strides toward breaking the cycle of violence and promoting a safer and more supportive environment for individuals and families.

2.4.2. Retention tendency (B2)

Many societies, particularly in Africa, are characterized by a deeply ingrained patriarchal social structure, where men hold the belief that they have the right to exert power and control over their partners ( 31 ). This ideology of patriarchy is often reinforced by women themselves, who may adhere to traditional gender roles and view marital abuse as a norm rather than recognizing it as an act of violence. This acceptance of abuse is influenced by societal expectations and cultural norms that prioritize the preservation of marriage and the submission of women.

Within these contexts, there is often a preference for male children over female children, as males are seen as essential for carrying on the family name and lineage ( 43 ). This preference is also reflected in the distribution of property and decision-making power within households, where males are given greater rights and authority. Such gender-based inequalities perpetuate the cycle of power imbalances and contribute to the normalization of violence against women.

It is important to note that men can also be victims of domestic violence. However, societal and cultural norms have long portrayed men as strong and superior figures, making it challenging for male victims to come forward and report their abusers due to the fear of being stigmatized and rejected by society ( 16 ). The cultural expectations surrounding masculinity create barriers for men seeking help and support, further perpetuating the silence around male victimization.

These cultural dynamics underscore the complexity of domestic violence within patriarchal societies. Challenging and dismantling deeply rooted gender norms and power structures is essential for addressing domestic violence effectively. This includes promoting gender equality, empowering women, and engaging men and boys in efforts to combat violence. It also requires creating safe spaces and support systems that encourage both women and men to break the silence, seek help, and challenge the harmful societal narratives that perpetuate violence and victim-blaming.

2.4.3. Density (B3)

Moreover, the issue of overcrowding within households has emerged as another important factor influencing domestic violence. Overcrowding refers to the stress caused by the presence of a large number of individuals in a confined space, leading to a lack of control over one’s environment ( 44 ). This overcrowding can have a detrimental impact on the psychological well-being of household members, thereby negatively affecting their internal relationships.

The freedom to use spaces within the home and the ability to control interactions with others have been identified as crucial factors that contribute to satisfaction with the home environment and the way individuals relate to each other. In this regard, studies have shown that when households are crowded, and individuals lack personal space and control over their living conditions, the risk of violence may increase ( 45 ).

Furthermore, investigations conducted during periods of extensive confinement, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, have shed light on the significance of other environmental factors within homes ( 46 ). For instance, aspects like proper ventilation and adequate living space have been found to influence the overall quality of life and the health of household inhabitants.

These findings emphasize the importance of considering the physical living conditions and environmental factors within households when examining the dynamics of domestic violence. Addressing issues of overcrowding, promoting healthy and safe living environments, and ensuring access to basic amenities and resources are crucial steps in reducing the risk of violence and improving the well-being of individuals and families within their homes.

2.4.4. Reason for confrontation (B4)

Another form of violence that exists within households is abandonment and neglect, which manifests through a lack of protection, insufficient physical care, neglecting emotional needs, and disregarding proper nutrition and medical care ( 47 ). This definition highlights that any member of the family can be subjected to this form of violence, underscoring the significance of recognizing its various manifestations.

In this complex context, negative thoughts and emotions can arise, leading to detrimental consequences. For instance, suspicions of infidelity and feelings of jealousy can contribute to a decrease in the partner’s self-esteem, ultimately triggering intimate partner violence that inflicts physical, social, and health damages ( 32 , 48 ).

Furthermore, it is important to acknowledge the intimate connection between domestic violence and civil issues. Marital conflicts, particularly when accompanied by violence, whether physical or psychological, can lead to a profound crisis within the relationship, often resulting in divorce. Unfortunately, the process of obtaining a divorce or establishing parental arrangements can be protracted, creating additional friction and potentially exacerbating gender-based violence ( 49 ).

These dynamics underscore the complex interplay between domestic violence and broader social, emotional, and legal contexts. Understanding these interconnected factors is crucial for developing effective interventions and support systems that address the multifaceted nature of domestic violence, promote healthy relationships, and safeguard the well-being of individuals and families within the home.

Finally, despite the multitude of factors identified in the existing literature that may have an impact on gender-based violence, we have selected a subset of variables for our study based on data availability. Specifically, our analysis will concentrate on the following factors reviewed: (A3) religion, (B1) depression, health consciousness, and mood, (B2) retention tendency as reflected by household chores, and (B3) density.

The rationale behind our choice of these variables stems from their perceived significance and potential relevance to the study of domestic violence. Religion has been widely acknowledged as a social and cultural determinant that shapes beliefs, values, and gender roles within a society, which may have implications for power dynamics and relationship dynamics within households. Depression, as a psychological construct, has been frequently associated with increased vulnerability and impaired coping mechanisms, potentially contributing to the occurrence or perpetuation of domestic violence. Health consciousness and mood are additional constructs that have garnered attention in the context of interpersonal relationships. Health consciousness relates to individuals’ awareness and concern for their own well-being and that of others, which may influence their attitudes and behaviors within the household. Mood, on the other hand, reflects emotional states that can influence communication, conflict resolution, and overall dynamics within intimate relationships.

Furthermore, we have included the variable of retention tendency, as manifested through household chores. This variable is indicative of individuals’ willingness or inclination to maintain their involvement and responsibilities within the household. It is hypothesized that individuals with higher retention tendencies may exhibit a greater commitment to the relationship, which could influence the occurrence and dynamics of domestic violence. Lastly, we consider the variable of density, which captures the population density within the living environment. This variable may serve as a proxy for socio-environmental conditions, such as overcrowding or limited personal space, which can potentially contribute to stress, conflict, and interpersonal tensions within households.

By examining these selected factors, we aim to gain insights into their relationships with domestic violence and contribute to a better understanding of the complex dynamics underlying such occurrences. It is important to note that these variables represent only a subset of the broader range of factors that influence gender-based violence, and further research is warranted to explore additional dimensions and interactions within this multifaceted issue.

3. Data collection and variables

The reference population for this study is Ecuadorian habitants. Participants were invited to fill up a survey concerning COVID-19 impact on their mental health. Data collection took place between April and May 2020, exactly at the time of the mandatory lockdowns taking place. In this context governmental authorities ordered mobility restrictions as well as social distancing measures. We conduct three waves of social media invitations to participate in the study. Invitations were sent using the institutional accounts of the universities the authors of this study are affiliated. At the end, we received 2,403 answers, 50.5% females and 49.5% males. 49% of them have college degrees.

3.1. Ecuador stylized facts

Ecuador, a small developing country in South America, has a population of approximately 17 million inhabitants, with a population density of 61.85 people per square kilometer.

During the months under investigation, the Central Bank of Ecuador reported that the country’s GDP in the fourth quarter of 2020 amounted to $16,500 million. This represented a decrease of 7.2% compared to the same period in 2019, and a 5.6% decline in the first quarter of 2021 compared to the same quarter of the previous year. However, despite these declines, there was a slight growth of 0.6% in the GDP during the fourth quarter of 2020 and 0.7% in the first quarter of 2021 when compared to the previous quarter.

In mid-March, the Ecuadorian government implemented a mandatory lockdown that lasted for several weeks. By July 30, 2020, Ecuador had reported over 80,000 confirmed cases of COVID-19. The statistics on the impact of the pandemic revealed a death rate of 23.9 per 100,000 inhabitants, ranking Ecuador fourth globally behind the UK, Italy, and the USA, with rates of 63.7, 57.1, and 36.2, respectively. Additionally, Ecuador’s observed case-fatality ratio stood at 8.3%, placing it fourth globally after Italy, the UK, and Mexico, with rates of 14.5, 14, and 11.9%, respectively ( 50 ). As the lockdown measures continued, mental health issues began to emerge among the population ( 51 ).

The challenging socioeconomic conditions and the impact of the pandemic on public health have had significant repercussions in Ecuador, highlighting the need for comprehensive strategies to address both the immediate and long-term consequences on the well-being of its population.

3.2. Dependent variable

The dependent variable in this study is Domestic Violence, which is measured using a composite score derived from five items. These items were rated on a 7-point scale, ranging from 1 (never) to 7 (very frequent), to assess the frequency of intrafamily conflict and violence occurring within the respondents’ homes. The five items included the following statements: “In my house, subjects are discussed with relative calm”; “In my house, heated discussions are common but without shouting at each other”; “Anger is common in my house, and I refuse to talk to others”; “In my house, there is the threat that someone will hit or throw something”; and “In my house, family members get easily irritated.”

To evaluate the internal consistency of the measurement, Cronbach’s Alpha was calculated and found to be 0.7. This indicates good internal consistency, suggesting that the items in the scale are measuring a similar construct and can be considered reliable for assessing the level of domestic violence within the households under investigation.

3.3. Independent variables

3.3.1. mood.

The mood construct, based on Peterson and Sauber ( 52 ), is measured using three Likert scale questions. The respondents rate their agreement on a scale from strongly disagree to strongly agree. The questions included: “I am in a good mood,” “I feel happy,” and “At this moment, I feel nervous or irritable.” The Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient for this construct is 0.7757, indicating good internal consistency.

3.3.2. Depression

The depression construct, based on the manual for the Depression Anxiety Stress Scales by Lovibond S and Lovibond P, is measured by summing the results of 13 Likert scale questions. The scale ranges from strongly disagreeing to strongly agreeing. The questions include: “I feel that life is meaningless,” “I do not feel enthusiastic about anything,” “I feel downhearted and sad,” and others. The Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient for this construct is 0.9031, indicating high internal consistency.

3.3.3. Health consciousness

The health consciousness construct, based on Gould ( 53 ), is measured using four Likert scale questions. The respondents rate their agreement on a scale from strongly disagree to strongly agree. The questions include: “I’m alert to changes in my health,” “I am concerned about the health of others,” “Throughout the day, I am aware of what foods are best for my health,” and “I notice how I lose energy as the day goes by.” The Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient for this construct is 0.7, indicating acceptable internal consistency.

3.3.4. Household chores

The respondents were asked to rate their involvement in various household chores on a scale from “not at all” to “a lot.” The listed household chores include cooking, washing dishes, cleaning restrooms, doing laundry, home maintenance, and helping with children/siblings. It can serve as a proxy for Retention Tendency.

3.3.5. Density

It is measured as the number of people per bedroom, indicating the level of overcrowding within households.

3.3.6. Religion

The religion construct is measured as the sum of four Likert scale items based on Worthington et al. ( 54 ). The respondents rate their agreement on a scale from strongly disagree to strongly agree. The items include: “My religious beliefs lie behind my whole approach to life,” “It is important to me to spend periods in private religious thought and reflection,” “Religion is very important to me because it answers many questions about the meaning of life,” and “I am informed about my local religious group and have some influence in its decisions.” The Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient for this construct is 0.8703, indicating good internal consistency.

3.4. Control variables

3.4.1. social media.

The respondents were asked to indicate the number of hours they spend on social networks during a typical day. The scale ranges from “I do not review information on social networks” to “More than three hours.”

Sex is measured as a binary variable, where 1 represents female and 0 represents male.

Age refers to the age of the respondent.

3.4.4. Age of householder

Age of householder refers to the age of the individual who is the primary occupant or head of the household.

3.5. Describe statistics

Table 2 reports the means, standard deviation, and correlation matrix. Our dataset has not the presence of missing values.

Summary statistics.

* p < 0.01.

Descriptive statistics reveal that the variables in the sample exhibit a considerable degree of homogeneity, as evidenced by the means being larger than the standard deviations. Moreover, the strong correlation between Depression and mood suggests that these two variables should not be included together in the same model.

4. Methodological approach

Our empirical identification strategy comprises the following linear model:

We employed ordinary least squares (OLS) regression techniques to examine the relationship between our selected exogenous variables and household violence during the period of mandatory lockdowns. To ensure the robustness of our regression model, we conducted several diagnostic tests. Firstly, we tested for heteroscedasticity using the Breusch-Pagan test, yielding a chi-square value of 223.58 with a value of p of 0, indicating the presence of heteroscedasticity in the model. Secondly, we assessed multicollinearity using the variance inflation factor (VIF), which yielded a VIF value of 1.07, indicating no significant multicollinearity issues among the variables. Furthermore, we conducted the Ramsey Reset test to examine the presence of omitted variables in the model. The test yielded an F-statistic of 2.06 with a value of p of 0.103, suggesting no strong evidence of omitted variables. Lastly, we checked the normality of the residuals using the skewness and kurtosis tests, which yielded a chi-square value of 97.9 with a value of p of 0, indicating departure from normality in the residuals.

Hence, our analysis revealed the presence of heteroscedasticity issues and non-normality in the residuals. Consequently, it is imperative to employ an alternative estimation technique that can handle these challenges robustly. In light of these circumstances, we opted for Quantile Regression, as proposed by Koenker and Bassett ( 55 ), which allows for a comprehensive characterization of the relationship between the input variable(s) x and the dependent variable y.

4.1. Quantile regression

While an OLS predicts the average relationship between the independent variables and the dependent variable, which can cause the estimate to be unrepresentative of the entire distribution of the dependent variable if it is not identically distributed, Quantile Regression allows estimating parts of the dependent variable. Distribution of the dependent variable and thus determine the variations of the effect produced by the exogenous variables on the endogenous variable in different quantiles ( 56 ). The Quantile Regression methodology also presents the benefit that, by providing them with a weight, the errors are minimal. Quantile Regression is defined as follows:

where: Y i is dependent variable, X i is vector of independent variables, β(ϑ): is vector of parameters to be estimated for a given quantile ϑ, e ϑ i : is random disturbance corresponding to the quantile ϑ, Q ϑ ( Y i ) is qth quantile of the conditional distribution of Y i given the known vector of regressors X i .

The Quantile Regression model provides predictions of a specific quantile of the conditional distribution of the dependent variable and is considered the generalization of the sample quantile of an independent and identically distributed random variable ( 57 ). By considering a range of quantiles, Quantile Regression offers a more nuanced understanding of the conditional distribution, making it a valuable technique for analyzing various aspects of the relationship between variables.

The estimation results are reported in Table 3 . The regressions 1 and 3 consider individuals who are not household heads, while regressions 2 and 4 involve the respondent being the household head. In regressions 5 and 6, the respondent is not the household head and is also female, whereas in regressions 7 and 8, the respondents are household heads and male. The regressions exhibit a coefficient of determination ranging between 9 and 11.

Standard errors in brackets. * p < 0.1, ** p < 0.05, *** p < 0.001.

The effects of the different variables studied on violence are presented below: Across all regressions, it can be observed that the mood of a person, which indicates whether they are in a good mood or feeling cheerful, nervous, or irritated, is statistically significant at all levels of confidence. This implies that violence decreases when the mood is good. On the other hand, depression has a positive and significant sign. This tells us that, on average, an increase of one unit in the depression, anxiety, and stress scale is associated with an increase in the measurement of conflict and intrafamily violence in a household, whether the respondent is a household head or not.

On the other hand, Health Consciousness has a negative and significant sign, indicating that violence decreases as Health Consciousness increases. However, it is noteworthy that it loses significance when the survey respondent is a woman, regardless of whether she is a household head or not.

Regarding Household chores, which refers to the time spent on household tasks, it can be observed that it is only significant and negative when the respondent is not a household head, and this significance holds even when the respondent is male. In other words, less time spent on household chores decreases violence in households where the respondent is not a household head.

The variable religion generally has a positive and significant sign in most regressions, but loses significance in regressions (1) and (5), where the respondent is not the household head and is female, respectively. This suggests that being religious would increase the levels of violence.

In general, density increases violence in the surveyed households, as indicated by a positive and significant sign. However, it is interesting to note that it is only significant again when the respondent is not a household head and is female, or when the respondent is a household head and is male.

As for the control variables, the variable Social media, which indicates the number of hours a person spends on social media, is positive and significant whether the respondent is a household head or not, and even when the respondent is male. This suggests that violence decreases with access to social media, possibly due to increased access to information. Finally, the variables sex, age of the respondent, and age of the household head were not significant.

6. Discussion

Interestingly, the prevalence and intensity of domestic violence appear to vary across different segments of society. Goodman ( 33 ) have highlighted the existence of variations in episodes of domestic violence among social strata. They have also identified several factors that act as deterrents to domestic violence, including income levels, educational attainment, employment status of the household head, household density, consumption of psychotropic substances, anxiety, and stress. These factors increase the likelihood of experiencing instances of violence within the home.

Within this context, the COVID-19 pandemic has had far-reaching implications for individuals and families worldwide, with significant impacts on various aspects of daily life, including domestic dynamics. This study explores the relationship between household factors and violence within the context of the pandemic, shedding light on the unique challenges and dynamics that have emerged during this period.

Our findings highlight the importance of considering mental well-being in the context of domestic violence during the pandemic. We observe that positive mood is associated with a decrease in violence levels within households. This suggests that maintaining good mental health and emotional well-being during times of crisis can serve as a protective factor against violence. With the increased stress and anxiety caused by the pandemic, policymakers and practitioners should prioritize mental health support and interventions to address potential escalations in violence within households.

Furthermore, our results indicate that depression exhibits a positive association with violence. As individuals grapple with the impacts of the pandemic, such as job loss, financial strain, and social isolation, the prevalence of depression may increase. This finding underscores the urgent need for accessible mental health resources and support networks to address the heightened risk of violence stemming from increased levels of depression.

The study also reveals that health consciousness plays a crucial role in reducing violence within households. As individuals become more aware of the importance of maintaining their health amidst the pandemic, violence levels decrease. This suggests that promoting health awareness and encouraging healthy lifestyle choices can serve as protective factors against domestic violence. Public health initiatives and educational campaigns aimed at fostering health-conscious behaviors should be emphasized as part of comprehensive violence prevention strategies.

Interestingly, our analysis uncovers a mitigating effect of social media usage on violence levels during the pandemic. With the increased reliance on digital platforms for communication and information sharing, access to social media may provide individuals with alternative channels for expression and support, ultimately reducing the likelihood of violence. Recognizing the potential benefits of social media, policymakers and practitioners should explore ways to leverage these platforms to disseminate violence prevention resources, provide support, and promote positive social connections within households.

Additionally, our findings highlight the role of household chores and density in shaping violence levels during the pandemic. Less time spent on household chores is associated with decreased violence, indicating that redistributing domestic responsibilities may alleviate tension and conflict within households. The COVID-19 pandemic has disrupted routines and added new challenges to household dynamics, making it essential to consider strategies that promote equitable distribution of chores and support mechanisms for individuals and families.

Moreover, the positive association between household density and violence emphasizes the impact of living conditions during the pandemic. With prolonged periods of confinement and restricted mobility, crowded living spaces may intensify conflicts and escalate violence. Policymakers should prioritize initiatives that address housing conditions, promote safe and adequate living environments, and provide resources to mitigate the negative effects of overcrowding.

In this line, our study delves into the intricate relationship between household factors and violence during the COVID-19 pandemic, primarily within our specific context. However, it is valuable to consider how our findings align or diverge when juxtaposed with research from developed countries, where economic, social, and healthcare systems are typically more advanced. In developed countries, the impact of crises, such as the pandemic, could manifest differently due to varying levels of financial stability, access to support networks, and well-established healthcare systems.

For instance, while we observe that maintaining mental well-being serves as a protective factor against violence, developed countries might have better access to mental health resources and support networks, potentially magnifying the impact of positive mental health on violence prevention ( 58 ). Similarly, the positive association between health consciousness and reduced violence levels could be influenced by different perceptions of health and well-being in developed countries, where health awareness campaigns are more prevalent ( 51 ).

The mitigating effect of social media on violence levels during the pandemic might also vary across contexts. Developed countries might have more widespread and equitable access to digital platforms, leading to a stronger impact on violence reduction through alternative channels for communication and support ( 59 ). Conversely, regions with limited digital infrastructure could experience a smaller effect.

Additionally, comparing the role of religious affiliation and its influence on violence with findings from developed countries could reveal cultural variations in the interplay between religious teachings, gender dynamics, and violence ( 60 ). While our study suggests the need for interventions promoting peaceful religious interpretations, it is crucial to examine whether similar efforts have been successful in developed nations with distinct cultural norms and religious landscapes.

In this context, this study makes a significant contribution to the field of gender-based violence research by intricately examining the intersection of diverse socio-economic and psychological factors within the backdrop of the COVID-19 pandemic. The uniqueness of this article lies in its holistic approach to comprehend domestic violence dynamics amidst a global crisis. By dissecting and analyzing how mental health, health awareness, social media utilization, household chore distribution, living space density, and religious affiliation interact to influence violence levels, this study provides a deeper and nuanced insight into the factors contributing to the manifestation and prevention of gender-based violence. Moreover, by pinpointing areas where traditional gender norms and religious beliefs might exacerbate violence, the article suggests novel avenues for research and intervention development that account for cultural and contextual complexities. Ultimately, this work not only advances the understanding of gender-based violence during a critical period but also offers practical and theoretical recommendations to inform policies and preventive actions both throughout the pandemic and in potential future crises.

In considering the limitations of our study, we acknowledge that while our findings provide crucial insights into the role of religious affiliation in shaping violence levels during the pandemic, there are certain aspects that warrant further investigation. Firstly, our analysis primarily focuses on the association between religious beliefs and violence without delving deeply into the underlying mechanisms that drive this relationship. Future research could employ qualitative methodologies to explore how specific religious doctrines and practices interact with broader cultural norms to influence gender dynamics and contribute to violence within households. Additionally, our study does not extensively address variations in religious interpretations across different communities, which could lead to distinct outcomes in terms of violence prevention efforts. To address these limitations, scholars could conduct comparative studies across religious affiliations and denominations to uncover nuanced insights into the interplay between religious teachings, cultural contexts, and violence dynamics.

Furthermore, while our study suggests that policymakers and practitioners should consider developing targeted interventions promoting peaceful religious interpretations to mitigate violence, the precise design and effectiveness of such interventions remain areas ripe for exploration. Future research could involve collaboration with religious leaders and communities to develop and test intervention strategies that align with both religious teachings and contemporary gender equality principles. This interdisciplinary approach could yield actionable insights into fostering cultural change and enhancing the role of religion in promoting non-violence within households.

In conclusion, our study provides valuable insights into the dynamics of domestic violence within households during the COVID-19 pandemic. The findings underscore the importance of addressing mental health, promoting health consciousness, leveraging social media, redistributing household chores, improving housing conditions, and considering the nuanced role of religious beliefs. By incorporating these findings into policy and intervention strategies, policymakers and practitioners can work toward preventing and mitigating domestic violence in the context of the ongoing pandemic.

Data availability statement

Author contributions.

CL played a crucial role in this research project, being responsible for the data collection, conducting the econometric analysis, contributing to the literature review, introduction, and discussion sections of the manuscript. JD-S made significant contributions to the project and assisted in the data collection process, contributed to the literature review, and provided insights in the discussion section. FV assisted with the data collection process and reviewed the article for accuracy and clarity. All authors contributed to the article and approved the submitted version.

This project receives funding from Vicerrectorado de Investigación y Proyección Social, Escuela Politécnica Nacional.

Conflict of interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Publisher’s note

All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

Acknowledgments

The authors acknowledge the Escuela Politécnica Nacional for this support on this project.

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• About Adverse Childhood Experiences
• Risk and Protective Factors
• Program: Essentials for Childhood: Preventing Adverse Childhood Experiences through Data to Action
• Adverse childhood experiences can have long-term impacts on health, opportunity and well-being.
• Adverse childhood experiences are common and some groups experience them more than others.

What are adverse childhood experiences?

Adverse childhood experiences, or ACEs, are potentially traumatic events that occur in childhood (0-17 years). Examples include: 1

• Experiencing violence, abuse, or neglect.
• Witnessing violence in the home or community.
• Having a family member attempt or die by suicide.

Also included are aspects of the child’s environment that can undermine their sense of safety, stability, and bonding. Examples can include growing up in a household with: 1

• Substance use problems.
• Mental health problems.
• Instability due to parental separation.
• Instability due to household members being in jail or prison.

The examples above are not a complete list of adverse experiences. Many other traumatic experiences could impact health and well-being. This can include not having enough food to eat, experiencing homelessness or unstable housing, or experiencing discrimination. 2 3 4 5 6

Quick facts and stats

ACEs are common. About 64% of adults in the United States reported they had experienced at least one type of ACE before age 18. Nearly one in six (17.3%) adults reported they had experienced four or more types of ACEs. 7

Preventing ACEs could potentially reduce many health conditions. Estimates show up to 1.9 million heart disease cases and 21 million depression cases potentially could have been avoided by preventing ACEs. 1

Some people are at greater risk of experiencing one or more ACEs than others. While all children are at risk of ACEs, numerous studies show inequities in such experiences. These inequalities are linked to the historical, social, and economic environments in which some families live. 5 6 ACEs were highest among females, non-Hispanic American Indian or Alaska Native adults, and adults who are unemployed or unable to work. 7

ACEs are costly. ACEs-related health consequences cost an estimated economic burden of $748 billion annually in Bermuda, Canada, and the United States. 8

ACEs can have lasting effects on health and well-being in childhood and life opportunities well into adulthood. 9 Life opportunities include things like education and job potential. These experiences can increase the risks of injury, sexually transmitted infections, and involvement in sex trafficking. They can also increase risks for maternal and child health problems including teen pregnancy, pregnancy complications, and fetal death. Also included are a range of chronic diseases and leading causes of death, such as cancer, diabetes, heart disease, and suicide. 1 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

ACEs and associated social determinants of health, such as living in under-resourced or racially segregated neighborhoods, can cause toxic stress. Toxic stress, or extended or prolonged stress, from ACEs can negatively affect children’s brain development, immune systems, and stress-response systems. These changes can affect children’s attention, decision-making, and learning. 18

Children growing up with toxic stress may have difficulty forming healthy and stable relationships. They may also have unstable work histories as adults and struggle with finances, jobs, and depression throughout life. 18 These effects can also be passed on to their own children. 19 20 21 Some children may face further exposure to toxic stress from historical and ongoing traumas. These historical and ongoing traumas refer to experiences of racial discrimination or the impacts of poverty resulting from limited educational and economic opportunities. 1 6

Adverse childhood experiences can be prevented. Certain factors may increase or decrease the risk of experiencing adverse childhood experiences.

Preventing adverse childhood experiences requires understanding and addressing the factors that put people at risk for or protect them from violence.

Creating safe, stable, nurturing relationships and environments for all children can prevent ACEs and help all children reach their full potential. We all have a role to play.

• Merrick MT, Ford DC, Ports KA, et al. Vital Signs: Estimated Proportion of Adult Health Problems Attributable to Adverse Childhood Experiences and Implications for Prevention — 25 States, 2015–2017. MMWR Morb Mortal Wkly Rep 2019;68:999-1005. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15585/mmwr.mm6844e1 .
• Cain KS, Meyer SC, Cummer E, Patel KK, Casacchia NJ, Montez K, Palakshappa D, Brown CL. Association of Food Insecurity with Mental Health Outcomes in Parents and Children. Science Direct. 2022; 22:7; 1105-1114. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.acap.2022.04.010 .
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• Experiencing discrimination: Early Childhood Adversity, Toxic Stress, and the Impacts of Racism on the Foundations of Health | Annual Review of Public Health https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-publhealth-090419-101940 .
• Sedlak A, Mettenburg J, Basena M, et al. Fourth national incidence study of child abuse and neglect (NIS-4): Report to Congress. Executive Summary. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Health an Human Services, Administration for Children and Families.; 2010.
• Font S, Maguire-Jack K. Pathways from childhood abuse and other adversities to adult health risks: The role of adult socioeconomic conditions. Child Abuse Negl. 2016;51:390-399.
• Swedo EA, Aslam MV, Dahlberg LL, et al. Prevalence of Adverse Childhood Experiences Among U.S. Adults — Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System, 2011–2020. MMWR Morb Mortal Wkly Rep 2023;72:707–715. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15585/mmwr.mm7226a2 .
• Bellis, MA, et al. Life Course Health Consequences and Associated Annual Costs of Adverse Childhood Experiences Across Europe and North America: A Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis. Lancet Public Health 2019.
• Adverse Childhood Experiences During the COVID-19 Pandemic and Associations with Poor Mental Health and Suicidal Behaviors Among High School Students — Adolescent Behaviors and Experiences Survey, United States, January–June 2021 | MMWR
• Hillis SD, Anda RF, Dube SR, Felitti VJ, Marchbanks PA, Marks JS. The association between adverse childhood experiences and adolescent pregnancy, long-term psychosocial consequences, and fetal death. Pediatrics. 2004 Feb;113(2):320-7.
• Miller ES, Fleming O, Ekpe EE, Grobman WA, Heard-Garris N. Association Between Adverse Childhood Experiences and Adverse Pregnancy Outcomes. Obstetrics & Gynecology . 2021;138(5):770-776. https://doi.org/10.1097/AOG.0000000000004570 .
• Sulaiman S, Premji SS, Tavangar F, et al. Total Adverse Childhood Experiences and Preterm Birth: A Systematic Review. Matern Child Health J . 2021;25(10):1581-1594. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10995-021-03176-6 .
• Ciciolla L, Shreffler KM, Tiemeyer S. Maternal Childhood Adversity as a Risk for Perinatal Complications and NICU Hospitalization. Journal of Pediatric Psychology . 2021;46(7):801-813. https://doi.org/10.1093/jpepsy/jsab027 .
• Mersky JP, Lee CP. Adverse childhood experiences and poor birth outcomes in a diverse, low-income sample. BMC pregnancy and childbirth. 2019;19(1). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12884-019-2560-8 .
• Reid JA, Baglivio MT, Piquero AR, Greenwald MA, Epps N. No youth left behind to human trafficking: Exploring profiles of risk. American journal of orthopsychiatry. 2019;89(6):704.
• Diamond-Welch B, Kosloski AE. Adverse childhood experiences and propensity to participate in the commercialized sex market. Child Abuse & Neglect. 2020 Jun 1;104:104468.
• Shonkoff, J. P., Garner, A. S., Committee on Psychosocial Aspects of Child and Family Health, Committee on Early Childhood, Adoption, and Dependent Care, & Section on Developmental and Behavioral Pediatrics (2012). The lifelong effects of early childhood adversity and toxic stress. Pediatrics, 129(1), e232–e246. https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2011-2663
• Narayan AJ, Kalstabakken AW, Labella MH, Nerenberg LS, Monn AR, Masten AS. Intergenerational continuity of adverse childhood experiences in homeless families: unpacking exposure to maltreatment versus family dysfunction. Am J Orthopsych. 2017;87(1):3. https://doi.org/10.1037/ort0000133 .
• Schofield TJ, Donnellan MB, Merrick MT, Ports KA, Klevens J, Leeb R. Intergenerational continuity in adverse childhood experiences and rural community environments. Am J Public Health. 2018;108(9):1148-1152. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2018.304598 .
• Schofield TJ, Lee RD, Merrick MT. Safe, stable, nurturing relationships as a moderator of intergenerational continuity of child maltreatment: a meta-analysis. J Adolesc Health. 2013;53(4 Suppl):S32-38. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jadohealth.2013.05.004 .

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Russian Offensive Campaign Assessment, March 27, 2024

Christina Harward, Karolina Hird, Riley Bailey, Nicole Wolkov, and Frederick W. Kagan

March 27, 2024, 5:10pm ET

Click here to see ISW’s interactive map of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. This map is updated daily alongside the static maps present in this report.

Click here to see ISW’s 3D control of terrain topographic map of Ukraine. Use of a computer (not a mobile device) is strongly recommended for using this data-heavy tool.

Click here to access ISW’s archive of interactive time-lapse maps of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. These maps complement the static control-of-terrain map that ISW produces daily by showing a dynamic frontline. ISW will update this time-lapse map archive monthly.

Note: The data cut-off for this product was 2:15pm ET on March 27. ISW will cover subsequent reports in the March 28 Russian Offensive Campaign Assessment.

The UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine (HRMMU) released its 38th report on the human rights situation in Ukraine on March 26, confirming several of ISW’s longstanding assessments about Russia’s systematic violations of international human rights and humanitarian law in occupied territories and towards Ukrainian prisoners of war (POWs). [1] The HRMMU report details activities between December 1, 2023 and February 29 2024, and includes new findings about Russia’s abuse of Ukrainian POWs during this timeframe, based on interviews with 60 recently released male POWs. [2] Nearly all of the POWs that HRMMU interviewed detailed how they were tortured by Russian forces with beatings and electric shocks and threatened with execution, and over half of the interviewees experienced sexual violence. HRMMU also reported that it has evidence of Russian forces executing at least 32 POWs in 12 different incidents during the reporting period and independently verified three of the executions. ISW observed open-source evidence of several POW executions during this reporting period: the execution of three Ukrainian POWs near Robotyne, Zaporizhia Oblast on December 27, 2023; the execution of one Ukrainian POW near Klishchiivka, Donetsk Oblast on February 9, 2024; the executions of three Ukrainian POWs near Robotyne, the execution of six Ukrainian POWs near Avdiivka, Donetsk Oblast, and the executions of two Ukrainian POWs near Vesele, Donetsk Oblast on or around February 18, 2024; and the execution of nine Ukrainian POWs near Ivanivske, Donetsk Oblast, on February 25. [3] The summary execution and mistreatment of POWs is a violation of Article 3 of the Geneva Convention relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War. [4] The HRMMU report also details the forced Russification of Ukrainian populations in occupied areas, including the imposition of Russian political, legal, and administrative systems onto occupied Ukraine in violation of Russia’s international legal obligations as an occupying power. [5] ISW has reported at length on the specifics of Russia’s illegal occupation of Ukraine, consistent with the findings of the UN HRMMU report. [6]

Russian officials are tying the US and the West to a broader set of “terrorist” attacks against Russia following the Crocus City Hall attack, likely to intensify rhetoric about alleged Western and Ukrainian threats to generate greater domestic support for the war in Ukraine. The Russian Investigative Committee and Prosecutor General’s Office stated on March 27 that they will consider an appeal from the Russian State Duma to investigate American and Western financing and organization of terrorist attacks against Russia. [7] The Russian Investigative Committee, Prosecutor General’s Office, and the Duma Deputies that made the appeal did not explicitly reference the Crocus City Hall attack. [8] Kremlin officials have previously tied Ukraine and the West to the Crocus City Hall attack but have yet to make a formal accusation, and the Kremlin may refrain from issuing an official accusation as all available evidence continues to show that the Islamic State (IS) is very likely responsible for the attack. [9] Russian officials routinely describe Ukrainian military strikes against legitimate military targets in occupied Ukraine and Russia as terrorism and consistently claim that Western actors help organize these strikes. [10] The Kremlin likely aims to seize on wider Russian social fears and anger following the Crocus City Hall attack by portraying Ukraine, the US, and the West as immediate terrorist threats. The Kremlin likely hopes that perceptions of Ukrainian and Western involvement in the Crocus City Hall attack will increase domestic support for the war in Ukraine, and Russian officials will likely invoke a broader view of what they consider terrorism to further cast Ukrainians as terrorists and the West as a sponsor of terrorism. [11] The Kremlin may still formally accuse Ukraine of conducting the Crocus City Hall attack if it believes that these other informational efforts are insufficient to generate the domestic response it likely desires. [12]

Russian authorities are increasing legal pressure against migrants in Russia following recent Russian officials’ proposals for harsher measures against migrant communities in response to the March 22 Crocus City Hall attack. BBC News Russian Service stated that there has been a significant increase in the number of cases related to violations of the rules of entry for foreign citizens into Russia following the Crocus City Hall attack. [13] BBC News Russian Service reported on March 27 that 784 such cases have been registered since the morning of March 25, as compared with 1,106 during the entire previous week. A Russian lawyer who often works with Tajik citizens reportedly told BBC News Russian Service that over 100 people waited for a Moscow district court to hear their cases on March 25 alone and that Russian authorities are especially targeting migrants from Tajikistan during searches. BBC News Russian Service reported that representatives of the Tajik diaspora in Russia are expecting Russian authorities to conduct a large wave of deportations following the Crocus City Hall attack. A Russian insider source claimed on March 27 that unspecified actors gave the Moscow Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD) an “unspoken” order to “not spare” migrants and for MVD employees to use their own judgement in the field. [14] The insider source claimed that a source suggested that Russian authorities are not preparing to conduct raids on migrant communities but will apply the “strictest measures” to migrants in “controversial situations.” Kremlin newswire TASS stated on March 27 that Russian police and Rosgvardia conducted a raid at the Wildberries warehouse in Elektrostal, Moscow Oblast to check the documents of migrant workers, and Russian opposition outlet Baza reported that Russian authorities detained 21 people during the raid. [15] Several Russian ultranationalist milbloggers complained that the way Russian-language schools in Tajikistan are teaching about Russia’s historical imperial occupation of Tajikistan is discouraging Tajik migrants from integrating into Russian society, essentially blaming migrants for the alienation that Russian society subjects them to. [16] Select Russian officials recently called for the introduction of several anti-migrant policies, which Russian authorities are unlikely to enact given Russia’s reliance on migrants for its force generation and labor needs. [17] Russian authorities may continue the practice of raiding migrant workplaces and increase crackdowns at border crossings to temporarily placate emotional cries for retribution following the March 22 attack as the Kremlin continues to develop a cogent and practical response.

Key Takeaways:

• The UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine (HRMMU) released its 38th report on the human rights situation in Ukraine on March 26, confirming several of ISW’s longstanding assessments about Russia’s systematic violations of international human rights and humanitarian law in occupied territories and towards Ukrainian prisoners of war (POWs).
• Russian officials are tying the US and the West to a broader set of “terrorist” attacks against Russia following the Crocus City Hall attack, likely to intensify rhetoric about alleged Western and Ukrainian threats to generate greater domestic support for the war in Ukraine.
• Russian authorities are increasing legal pressure against migrants in Russia following recent Russian officials’ proposals for harsher measures against migrant communities in response to the March 22 Crocus City Hall attack.
• Russian forces recently made confirmed advances near Avdiivka and southwest of Donetsk City on March 27.
• Russian Storm-Z personnel continue to complain about their poor treatment by the Russian Ministry of Defense (MoD) as the MoD tries to posture efficacy in its force generation and social benefit allocation system.

We do not report in detail on Russian war crimes because these activities are well-covered in Western media and do not directly affect the military operations we are assessing and forecasting. We will continue to evaluate and report on the effects of these criminal activities on the Ukrainian military and the Ukrainian population and specifically on combat in Ukrainian urban areas. We utterly condemn Russian violations of the laws of armed conflict and the Geneva Conventions and crimes against humanity even though we do not describe them in these reports. 

• Russian Main Effort – Eastern Ukraine (comprised of two subordinate main efforts)
• Russian Subordinate Main Effort #1 – Capture the remainder of Luhansk Oblast and push westward into eastern Kharkiv Oblast and encircle northern Donetsk Oblast
• Russian Subordinate Main Effort #2 – Capture the entirety of Donetsk Oblast
• Russian Supporting Effort – Southern Axis
• Russian Air, Missile, and Drone Campaign
• Russian Mobilization and Force Generation Efforts
• Russian Technological Adaptations
• Activities in Russian-occupied areas
• Ukrainian Defense Industrial Base Efforts

Russian Information Operations and Narratives

• Significant Activity in Belarus

Russian Main Effort – Eastern Ukraine

Russian Subordinate Main Effort #1 – Luhansk Oblast (Russian objective: Capture the remainder of Luhansk Oblast and push westward into eastern Kharkiv Oblast and northern Donetsk Oblast)

Positional engagements continued along the Kupyansk-Svatove-Kreminna line on March 27, but there were no confirmed changes to the frontline in this area. Ukrainian and Russian sources stated that positional engagements continued northeast of Kupyansk near Synkivka and Lake Lyman; southeast of Kupyansk near Ivanivka; west of Kreminna near Terny and Yampolivka; and south of Kreminna near Bilohorivka. [18] Russian milbloggers claimed that Russian forces advanced near Terny, but ISW has not observed visual confirmation of this claim. [19] Chechen Republic Head Ramzan Kadyrov stated that elements of the Chechen Akhmat Spetsnaz “Aida” detachment are operating near Bilohorivka. [20]

Ukrainian officials reported that Russian forces struck Kharkiv City with a D-30 universal joint glide munition (UMPB), a guided glide bomb, on March 27. [21] Ukrainian officials noted that the strike was the first Russian glide bomb strike against Kharkiv City since the beginning of the full-scale invasion in 2022. [22] Ukrainian Kharkiv Oblast Military Administration Head Oleh Synehubov stated that the UMPB D-30 has a range of up to 90 kilometers and that Russian forces can launch the bomb from aircraft or ground-based Smerch multiple rocket launch systems (MLRS). [23] Russian forces struck Myrnohrad, Donetsk Oblast with three UMPB D-30SN guided glide bombs on March 10. [24]

Russian Subordinate Main Effort #2 – Donetsk Oblast (Russian objective: Capture the entirety of Donetsk Oblast, the claimed territory of Russia’s proxies in Donbas)

Russian forces reportedly advanced west of Bakhmut, although there were no confirmed changes to the frontline in the area on March 27. Russian milbloggers claimed that Russian forces advanced west of Bakhmut along a railway line and a section of the O0506 (Khromove-Chasiv Yar) highway by 1.15 kilometers in depth and 1.85 kilometers in width. [25] A Russian milblogger claimed that elements of the 98th Airborne (VDV) Division are advancing near Ivanivske and are within 500 meters of the city limits of Chasiv Yar (west of Bakhmut). [26] Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu credited elements of the Russian 102nd Motorized Rifle Regiment (150th Motorized Rifle Division, 8th Combined Arms Army [CAA], Southern Military District [SMD]) with seizing Ivanivske on March 24, although ISW has yet to observe visual evidence confirming that Russian forces have seized Ivanivske. [27] Positional fighting continued northeast of Bakhmut near Vesele; northwest of Bakhmut near Bohdanivka; west of Bakhmut near Ivanivske; southwest of Bakhmut near Klishchiivka and Andriivka; and south of Bakhmut near Shumy and Pivdenne. [28] A Ukrainian military observer reported that Russian forces have intensified transfers of equipment and personnel along ground lines of communication (GLOCs) through Kadiivka, Pervomaisk, and Popasna (all east of Bakhmut), but did not specify the destination of these transfers. [29] Kadiivka, Pervomaisk, and Popasna all lie along the T0504 Luhansk City-Bakhmut highway that runs directly from the Russian rear in occupied Luhansk Oblast into Bakhmut, however.

Russian forces recently advanced west of Avdiivka amid continued positional fighting in the area on March 27. Geolocated footage published on March 27 indicates that Russian forces recently advanced within Berdychi (northwest of Avdiivka) and in Orlivka (west of Avdiivka). [30] Russian milbloggers claimed that Russian forces entered Semenivka (northwest of Avdiivka) and are attacking Ukrainian positions within the settlement but that Ukrainian forces are actively counterattacking in the area. [31] A Russian milblogger claimed that Russian forces advanced 200 meters west of Orlivka on the western bank of the Durna River, 200 meters west of Tonenke (west of Avdiivka), 200 meters in the direction of Umanske (west of Avdiivka), 300 meters south of Tonenke towards Pervomaiske (southwest of Avdiivka), and 100 meters south of Nevelske (southwest of Avdiivka). [32] ISW has not observed visual confirmation of these claims. Positional fighting continued northwest of Avdiivka near Berdychi and Semenivka; west of Avdiivka near Orlivka, Tonenke, and Umanske; and southwest of Avdiivka near Vodyane, Nevelske, and Pervomaiske. [33]

Russian forces recently advanced southwest of Donetsk City amid continued positional fighting west and southwest of Donetsk City on March 27. Geolocated footage published on March 27 indicates that Russian forces recently advanced within central Novomykhailivka (southwest of Donetsk City). [34] Positional fighting continued west of Donetsk City near Heorhiivka and Krasnohorivka and southwest of Donetsk City near Novomykhailivka and Pobieda. [35] Elements of the Russian 5th Motorized Rifle Brigade (1st Donetsk People’s Republic [DNR] Army Corps [AC]) are reportedly operating near Krasnohorivka. [36]

Positional engagements continued south of Velyka Novosilka near Staromayorske and Urozhaine in the Donetsk-Zaporizhia Oblast border area on March 27. [37]

Russian Supporting Effort – Southern Axis (Russian objective: Maintain frontline positions and secure rear areas against Ukrainian strikes)

Positional engagements continued in western Zaporizhia Oblast on March 27, but there were no confirmed changes to the frontline. Positional engagements continued near Robotyne, near Mala Tokmachka (northeast of Robotyne), northeast of Novoprokopivka (south of Robotyne), and northwest of Verbove (east of Robotyne). [38] Elements of the Russian 71st Motorized Rifle Regiment (42nd Motorized Rifle Division, 58th Combined Arms Army [CAA], Southern Military District [SMD]) reportedly continue operating within Robotyne. [39]

Positional engagements continued in east (left) bank Kherson Oblast, including near Krynky, on March 27. [40]

Russian Air, Missile, and Drone Campaign (Russian Objective: Target Ukrainian military and civilian infrastructure in the rear and on the frontline)

Russian forces conducted a series of drone and missile strikes against Ukraine on the night of March 26 to 27 and on March 27. The Ukrainian Air Force reported that Russian forces launched 13 Shahed-136/131 drones from Kursk Oblast and that Ukrainian forces shot down 10 drones over Kharkiv, Sumy, and Kyiv oblasts on the night of March 26 to 27. [41] Ukrainian officials reported that Russian drones struck civilian infrastructure in Izyum, Kharkiv Oblast. [42] Ukrainian Kharkiv Oblast Head Oleh Synehubov stated that a Russian Kh-35U subsonic anti-ship cruise missile struck Kharkiv City on the morning of March 27. [43] Ukraine’s Eastern Air Command reported that Ukrainian forces shot down an unspecified Russian cruise missile over Dnipropetrovsk Oblast on March 27. [44] Ukrainian officials stated that Russian forces struck an industrial enterprise in Mykolaiv City with an Iskander-M ballistic missile on the afternoon of March 27. [45]

Ukraine’s Southern Operational Command Spokesperson Colonel Nataliya Humenyuk stated that Russian forces have stored “several dozen” Zircon missiles in military facilities in occupied Crimea. [46] Ukrainian Air Force Spokesperson Major Ilya Yevlash stated that Ukrainian air defense systems, such as Patriot and SAMP/T systems, can intercept Zircon missiles when they slow down to about 3,700 kilometers per hour on approach to a target. [47]

Russian Mobilization and Force Generation Efforts (Russian objective: Expand combat power without conducting general mobilization)

Russian Storm-Z personnel continue to complain about their poor treatment by the Russian Ministry of Defense (MoD) as the MoD tries to present the efficacy of its force generation and social benefit allocation system. Russian opposition outlet Mobilization News posted a video appeal from Storm-Z fighters from Kaluga Oblast on March 27 wherein one fighter claimed that after signing contracts with the Russian MoD, Russian command sent a Storm-Z unit of 230 people to the frontline, of whom only 38 survived combat. [48] The Storm-Z fighter complained that he has been unable to receive combat veteran status or promised payments from the Russian authorities for his service. [49] Mobilization News released another video on March 27 wherein relatives of killed and wounded Storm-Z fighters complain to Russian President Vladimir Putin that Russian authorities have not issued the Storm-Z fighters combat status or granted payments in the event of their death or injury in Ukraine. [50] The relatives of the Storm-Z fighters blamed the Russian MoD and Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu for the poor treatment and lack of benefits for Storm-Z fighters. The Russian MoD relies heavily on Storm-Z recruits from penal colonies to carry out costly infantry-led frontal assaults against Ukrainian positions and is very unlikely to address complaints concerning their poor treatment. The Russian MoD claimed on March 27 that it is issuing electronic combat veteran certificates and streamlining and digitizing the process for veterans to obtain payments and social benefits — but these privileges evidently do not apply evenly to all personnel who have signed contracts with the Russian MoD. [51]

Russian news outlet Vedemosti reported that US-sanctioned Russian company Baikal Electronics is struggling to domestically package semiconductor chips to produce processors and that over half of its domestically produced processors are defective. [52] Vedemosti reported that Baikal Electronics began to experiment with domestically packaging chips in Russia at the end of 2021 and that outdated equipment and a lack of experienced employees caused the large amount of processor defects.

Russian Technological Adaptations (Russian objective: Introduce technological innovations to optimize systems for use in Ukraine)

Russian drone developer Albatross LLC told Kremlin newswire TASS that Russian forces used the Albatross M5 long-range reconnaissance drones to guide aviation and artillery strikes while repelling recent pro-Ukrainian Russian raids into Belgorod Oblast. [53] Albatross LLC noted that the modernized Albatross M5 drone has a maximum range of 60-80 kilometers.

Russian state news outlet RIA Novosti reported that Russian T-72B3, T-72B3M, T-80BVM, and T-90M tanks operating in Ukraine use Reflex-M guided weapon systems with the Invar-M/M1 anti-tank guided missiles to strike Ukrainian and Western-made vehicles. [54]

Ukrainian Defense Industrial Efforts (Ukrainian objective: Develop its defense industrial base to become more self-sufficient in cooperation with US, European, and international partners)

ISW is not publishing coverage of Ukrainian defense industrial efforts today.

Activities in Russian-occupied areas (Russian objective: Consolidate administrative control of annexed areas; forcibly integrate Ukrainian citizens into Russian sociocultural, economic, military, and governance systems)

ISW is not publishing coverage of activities in Russian-occupied areas of Ukraine today.

Russian officials are weaponizing international responses to the Crocus City Hall attack to accuse the West of espousing Russophobic policies and to baselessly blame Ukraine of involvement in the attack. Russian Ambassador to Austria Dmitry Lyubinsky claimed on March 27 that while the Austrian government reacted to the Crocus City Hall attack, it did not use the words “terrorist attack” or condemn the attack. [55] Lyubinsky accused Austria of having “taken a very special position in its hypocrisy” and a “daze of permissiveness” towards Ukraine and reiterated the Kremlin narrative baselessly connecting Ukraine to the attack. Russian Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Maria Zakharova reported that Russia has received 24-hour non-stop words of support from around the globe following the attack, but immediately pivoted to accuse Ukraine of involvement in the attack and blame NATO members of monopolizing the global fight against terror. [56]

Significant activity in Belarus (Russian efforts to increase its military presence in Belarus and further integrate Belarus into Russian-favorable frameworks and Wagner Group activity in Belarus)

Nothing significant to report.

Note: ISW does not receive any classified material from any source, uses only publicly available information, and draws extensively on Russian, Ukrainian, and Western reporting and social media as well as commercially available satellite imagery and other geospatial data as the basis for these reports. References to all sources used are provided in the endnotes of each update.

[1] https://ukraine.un.org/sites/default/files/2024-03/2024-03-26%20OHCHR%20...

[2] https://ukraine.un.org/en/264368-un-says-russia-continues-torture-execut...

[3] https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign... ; https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign... ; https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign... ; https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign... ; https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign... ; https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign...

[4] https://www.ohchr.org/en/instruments-mechanisms/instruments/geneva-conve...

[5] https://ukraine.un.org/sites/default/files/2024-03/2024-03-26%20OHCHR%20...

[6] https://www.understandingwar.org/sites/default/files/24-210-01%20ISW%20O...

[7] https://t.me/tass_agency/240300 ; https://t.me/astrapress/52521 ; https://t.me/tass_agency/240322

[8] https://ria dot ru/20240327/rassledovanie-1936142056.html ; https://meduza dot io/news/2024/03/27/deputaty-gosdumy-potrebovali-ot-sk-rassledovat-akty-terrorizma-kotorye-ssha-sovmestno-so-stranami-nato-i-spetssluzhbami-ukrainy-osuschestvlyayut-v-rossii

[9] https://isw.pub/UkrWar032324 ; https://isw.pub/UkrWar032424 ; https://isw.pub/UkrWar032524 ; https://isw.pub/UkrWar032624

[10] https://t.me/tass_agency/239253%C2%A0;%C2%A0https://isw.pub/UkrWar020624... ; https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/putin-calls-ukrainian-attack-belgor... ; https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign... ; https://isw.pub/RusCampaignOct10

[11] https://isw.pub/UkrWar032324

[12] https://isw.pub/UkrWar032324

[13] https://t.me/bbcrussian/62850

[14] https://t.me/vchkogpu/47045

[15] https://t.me/bazabazon/26432 ; https://t.me/bazabazon/26440 ; https://meduza dot io/news/2024/03/27/politsiya-i-rosgvardiya-priehali-s-reydom-na-sklad-wildberries-v-podmoskovnoy-elektrostali-u-rabotnikov-proveryayut-dokumenty-nekotoryh-uvozyat-v-voenkomat ; https://t.me/tass_agency/240303 ; https://t.me/tass_agency/240290

[16] https://t.me/rybar/58588 ; https://t.me/notes_veterans/16295 ; https://t.me/historiographe/12011 ; https://t.me/voenacher/63252

[17] https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign... ; https://understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-ass...

[18] https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02rxTJAPqhSGh5mqY7C4... ; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02ReTBwNLG8czu42xB89... ; https://t.me/mod_russia/37036 ; https://t.me/wargonzo/19025 ; https://t.me/luhanskaVTSA/17835 ; https://t.me/wargonzo/19025

[19] https://t.me/dva_majors/38313 ; https://t.me/DnevnikDesantnika/8702

[20] https://t.me/RKadyrov_95/4620

[21] https://suspilne dot media/714544-zelenskij-zminiv-sekretara-rnbo-zvit-oon-sodo-stracenih-ukrainskih-polonenih-763-den-vijni-onlajn/?anchor=live_1711553688&utm_source=copylink&utm_medium=ps ; https://armyinform dot com.ua/2024/03/27/boyeprypas-yakym-rosiyany-vdaryly-po-harkovu-mozhe-letity-na-vidstan-do-90-km-oleg-synyegubov/

[22] https://suspilne dot media/714544-zelenskij-zminiv-sekretara-rnbo-zvit-oon-sodo-stracenih-ukrainskih-polonenih-763-den-vijni-onlajn/?anchor=live_1711553688&utm_source=copylink&utm_medium=ps; https://armyinform dot com.ua/2024/03/27/boyeprypas-yakym-rosiyany-vdaryly-po-harkovu-mozhe-letity-na-vidstan-do-90-km-oleg-synyegubov/

[23] https://armyinform dot com.ua/2024/03/27/boyeprypas-yakym-rosiyany-vdaryly-po-harkovu-mozhe-letity-na-vidstan-do-90-km-oleg-synyegubov/

[24] https://isw.pub/UkrWar031024

[25] https://t.me/RVvoenkor/64758; https://t.me/basurin_e/10068 ; https://t.me/rusich_army/13845

[26] https://t.me/rusich_army/13845

[27] https://t.me/mod_russia/37029 ; https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign...

[28] https://t.me/mod_russia/37044 ; https://t.me/mod_russia/37051 ; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02Lh7wn9dDbMDZcCSUP4... ; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02rxTJAPqhSGh5mqY7C4... https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02ReTBwNLG8czu42xB89... ; https://t.me/DnevnikDesantnika/8702 ; https://t.me/negumanitarnaya_pomosch_Z/16170 ; https://t.me/wargonzo/19025 ; https://t.me/rusich_army/13845 ;

[29] https://t.me/samotniyskhid/4868

[30] https://t.me/creamy_caprice/4888; https://t.me/kultshturmovika_ukraine/1773 ; https://t.me/creamy_caprice/4889; https://t.me/c/1595839251/3625; https://x.com/GeoConfirmed/status/1772981767139430744?s=20

[31] https://t.me/DnevnikDesantnika/8702 ; https://t.me/dva_majors/38373 ; https://t.me/negumanitarnaya_pomosch_Z/16183 ; https://t.me/DnevnikDesantnika/8724 ; https://t.me/rybar/58575

[32] https://t.me/DnevnikDesantnika/8720

[33] https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02rxTJAPqhSGh5mqY7C4... https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02ReTBwNLG8czu42xB89... ; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02Lh7wn9dDbMDZcCSUP4... ; https://t.me/mod_russia/37044 ; https://t.me/mod_russia/37051 ; https://t.me/dva_majors/38313 ; https://t.me/DnevnikDesantnika/8720 ; https://t.me/DnevnikDesantnika/8702 ; https://t.me/wargonzo/19025 ; https://t.me/voenkorKotenok/55225

[34] https://t.me/tivaz_artillery/3650; https://t.me/creamy_caprice/4893

[35] https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02Lh7wn9dDbMDZcCSUP4... ; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02rxTJAPqhSGh5mqY7C4... https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02ReTBwNLG8czu42xB89... ; https://t.me/dva_majors/38313 ; https://t.me/wargonzo/19025 ; https://t.me/boris_rozhin/118101 ; https://t.me/voenkorKotenok/55225

[36] https://t.me/boris_rozhin/118105

[37] https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02rxTJAPqhSGh5mqY7C4... https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02ReTBwNLG8czu42xB89... ; https://t.me/mod_russia/37044 ; https://t.me/mod_russia/37052 ; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02Lh7wn9dDbMDZcCSUP4...

[38] https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02Lh7wn9dDbMDZcCSUP4... ; https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02rxTJAPqhSGh5mqY7C4... https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02ReTBwNLG8czu42xB89... ; https://t.me/SJTF_Odes/7591 ; https://t.me/rybar/58575 ; https://t.me/dva_majors/38313 ; https://t.me/DnevnikDesantnika/8715 ; https://t.me/DnevnikDesantnika/8692 ; https://t.me/wargonzo/19025

[39] https://t.me/batalyon15/4045

[40] https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02rxTJAPqhSGh5mqY7C4... https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02ReTBwNLG8czu42xB89... ; https://t.me/dva_majors/38313

[41] https://t.me/kpszsu/12330

[42] https://t.me/pgo_gov_ua/22717 ; https://armyinform.com dot ua/2024/03/27/vijska-rf-atakuvaly-izyum-shahedamy-poshkodzheno-gimnaziyu-poraneno-ohoronczya/ ; https://t.me/synegubov/8827?single

[43] https://t.me/synegubov/8827

[44] https://www.facebook.com/pvkshid/posts/pfbid0LGmUtBDdzmxud8zZ23FDoN8eKar...

[45] https://t.me/mykolaivskaODA/8840 ; https://t.me/dsns_mykolaiv/4948 ; https://t.me/SJTF_Odes/7600

[46] https://armyinform.com dot ua/2024/03/27/u-sylah-oborony-povidomyly-pro-kilkist-rosijskyh-czyrkoniv-u-krymu/

[47] https://armyinform.com dot ua/2024/03/27/u-povitryanyh-sylah-povidomyly-pro-sposoby-zbyttya-rosijskyh-czyrkoniv/

[48] https://t.me/mobilizationnews/18111

[49] https://t.me/mobilizationnews/18111

[50] https://t.me/mobilizationnews/18114

[51] https://t.me/mod_russia/37031

[52] https://www.severreal.org/a/bolshe-poloviny-rossiyskih-protsessorov-bayk... ; https://www.vedomosti dot ru/technology/articles/2024/03/26/1027924-razrabotchik-protsessorov-baikal-lokalizuet-odin-iz-etapov-proizvodstva

[53] https://t.me/tass_agency/240240 ; https://t.me/tass_agency/240241 ; https://t.me/tass_agency/240268

[54] https://ria dot ru/20240327/rakety-1936068479.html

[55] https://t.me/RusBotWien_RU/4869

[56] https://t.me/MID_Russia/38112