essay on correctional facility

A better path forward for criminal justice: Changing prisons to help people change

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Christy visher and christy visher professor - university of delaware john eason john eason associate professor - university of wisconsin.

17 min read

Below is the third chapter from “A Better Path Forward for Criminal Justice,” a report by the Brookings-AEI Working Group on Criminal Justice Reform. You can access other chapters from the report here .

Prison culture and environment are essential to public health and safety. While much of the policy debate and public attention of prisons focuses on private facilities, roughly 83 percent of the more than 1,600 U.S. facilities are owned and operated by states. 1 This suggest that states are an essential unit of analysis in understanding the far-reaching effects of imprisonment and the site of potential solutions. Policy change within institutions has to begin at the state level through the departments of corrections. For example, California has rebranded their state corrections division and renamed it the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation. For many, these are not only name changes but shifts in policy and practice. In this chapter, we rethink the treatment environment of the prison by highlighting strategies for developing cognitive behavioral communities in prison—immersive cognitive communities. This new approach promotes new ways of thinking and behaving for both incarcerated persons and correctional staff. Behavior change requires changing thinking patterns and cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) is an evidence-based strategy that can be utilized in the prison setting. We focus on short-, medium-, and long-term recommendations to begin implementing this model and initiate reforms for the organizational structure of prisons.

Level Setting

The U.S. has seen a steady decline in the federal and state prison population over the last eleven years, with a 2019 population of about 1.4 million men and women incarcerated at year-end, hitting its lowest level since 1995. 2 With the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, criminal justice reformers have urged a continued focus on reducing prison populations and many states are permitting early releases of nonviolent offenders and even closing prisons. Thus, we are likely to see a dramatic reduction in the prison population when the data are tabulated for 2020.

However, it is undeniable that the U.S. will continue to use incarceration as a sanction for criminal behavior at a much higher rate than in other Western countries, in part because of our higher rate of violent offenses. Consequently, a majority of people incarcerated in the U.S. are serving a prison sentence for a violent offense (58 percent). The most serious offense for the remainder is property offenses (16 percent), drug offenses (13 percent), or other offenses (13 percent; generally, weapons, driving offenses, and supervision violations). 3 Moreover, the majority of people in U.S. prisons have been previously incarcerated. The prison population is largely drawn from the most disadvantaged part of the nation’s population: mostly men under age 40, disproportionately minority, with inadequate education. Prisoners often carry additional deficits of drug and alcohol addictions, mental and physical illnesses, and lack of work experience. 4

According to data compiled by the U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics, the average sentence length in state courts for those sentenced to confinement in a state prison is about 4 years and the average time served is about 2.5 years. Those sentenced for a violent offense typically serve about 4.7 years with persons sentenced for murder or manslaughter serving an average of 15 years before their release. 5 Thus, it is important to consider the conditions of prison life in understanding how individuals rejoin society at the conclusion of their sentence. Are they prepared to be valuable community members? What lessons have they learned during their confinement that may help them turn their life around? Will they be successful in avoiding a return to prison? What is the most successful path for helping returning citizens reintegrate into their communities?

Regrettably, prison life is often fraught with difficulty. Being sentenced to incarceration can be traumatic, leading to mental health disorders and difficulty rejoining society. Incarcerated individuals must adjust to the deprivation of liberty, separation from family and social supports, and a loss of personal control over all aspects of one’s life. In prison, individuals face a loss of self-worth, loneliness, high levels of uncertainty and fear, and idleness for long periods of time. Imprisonment disrupts the routines of daily life and has been described as “disorienting” and a “shock to the system”. 6 Further, some researchers have described the existence of a “convict code” in prison that governs behavior and interactions with norms of prison life including mind your own business, no snitching, be tough, and don’t get too close with correctional staff. While these strategies can assist incarcerated persons in surviving prison, these tools are less helpful in ensuring successful reintegration.

Thus, the entire prison experience can jeopardize the personal characteristics required to be effective partners, parents, and employees once they are released. Coupled with the lack of vocational training, education, and reentry programs, individuals face a variety of challenges to reintegrating into their communities. Successful reintegration will not only improve public safety but forces us to reconsider public safety as essential to public health.

Despite the toll of difficult conditions of prison, people who are incarcerated believe that they can be successful citizens. In surveys and interviews with men and women in prison, the majority express hope for their future. Most were employed before their incarceration and have family that will help them get back on their feet. Many have children that they were supporting and want to reconnect with. They realize that finding a job may be hard, but they believe they will be able to avoid the actions that got them into trouble, principally committing crimes and using illegal substances. 7 Research also shows that most individuals with criminal records, especially those convicted of violent crimes, were often victims themselves. This complicates the “victim”-“offender” binary that dominates the popular discourse about crime. By moving beyond this binary, we propose cognitive behavioral therapy, among a host of therapeutic approaches, as part of a broader restorative approach.

Despite having histories of associating with other people who commit crimes and use illegal drugs, incarcerated individuals have pro-social family and friends in their lives. They also may have some personality characteristics that make it difficult to resist involvement in criminal behavior, including impulsivity, lack of self-control, anger/defiance, and weak problem-solving and coping skills. Psychologists have concluded that the primary individual characteristics influencing criminal behavior are thinking patterns that foster criminal activity, associating with other people who engage in criminal activity, personality patterns that support criminal activity, and a history of engaging in criminal activity. 8 While the context constrains individual behavior and choices, the motivation for incarcerated individuals to change their behavior is rooted in their value of family and other positive relationships. However, most prison environments pose significant challenges for incarcerated individuals to develop motivation to make positive changes. Interpersonal relationships in prison are difficult as there is often a culture of mistrust and suspicion coupled with a profound absence of empathy. Despite these challenges, cognitive behavioral interventions can provide a successful path for reintegration.

Many psychologists believe that changing unwanted or negative behaviors requires changing thinking patterns since thoughts and feelings affect behaviors. Cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) emerged as a psycho-social intervention that helps people learn how to identify and change destructive or disturbing thought patterns that have a negative influence on behavior and emotions. It focuses on challenging and changing unhelpful cognitive distortions and behaviors, improving emotional regulation, and developing personal coping strategies that target solving current problems. 9 In most cases, CBT is a gradual process that helps a person take incremental steps towards a behavior change. CBT has been directed at a wide range of conditions including various addictions (smoking, alcohol, and drug use), eating disorders, phobias, and problems dealing with stress or anxiety. CBT programs help people identify negative thoughts, practice skills for use in real-world situations, and learn problem-solving skills. For example, a person with a substance use disorder might start practicing new coping skills and rehearsing ways to avoid or deal with a high-risk situation that could trigger a relapse.

Since criminal behavior is driven partly by certain thinking patterns that predispose individuals to commit crimes or engage in illegal activities, CBT helps people with criminal records change their attitudes and gives them tools to avoid risky situations. Cognitive behavioral therapy is a comprehensive and time-consuming treatment, typically, requiring intensive group sessions over many months with individualized homework assignments. Evaluations of CBT programs for justice-involved people found that cognitive restructuring treatment was significantly effective in reducing criminal behavior, with those receiving CBT showing recidivism reductions of 20 to 30 percent compared to control groups. 10 Thus, the widespread implementation of cognitive behavioral therapy as part of correctional programming could lead to fewer rearrests and lower likelihood of reincarceration after release. CBT can also be used to mitigate prison culture and thus help reintegrate returning citizens back into their communities.

Thus, the widespread implementation of cognitive behavioral therapy as part of correctional programming could lead to fewer rearrests and lower likelihood of reincarceration after release.

Even the most robust CBT program that meets three hours per week leaves 165 hours a week in which the participant is enmeshed in the typical prison environment. Such an arrangement is bound to dilute the therapy’s impact. To counter these negative influences, the new idea is to connect CBT programming in prison with the old idea of therapeutic communities. Therapeutic communities—either in prison or the community—were established as a self-help substance use rehabilitation approach and instituted the idea that separating the target population from the general population would allow a pro-social community to develop and thereby discourage antisocial cognitions and behaviors. The therapeutic community model relies heavily on participant leadership and requires participants to intervene in arguments and guide treatment groups. Inside prisons, therapeutic communities are a separate housing unit that fosters a rehabilitative environment.

Cognitive Communities in prison would be an immersive experience in cognitive behavioral therapy involving cognitive restructuring, anti-criminal modeling, skill building, problem-solving, and emotion management. These communities would promote new ways of thinking and behaving among its participants around the clock, from breakfast in the morning through residents’ daily routines, including formal CBT sessions, to the evening meal and post-dinner activities. Blending the best aspects of therapeutic communities with CBT principles would lead to Cognitive Communities with several key elements: a separate physical space, community participation in daily activities, reinforcement of pro-social behavior, use of teachable moments, and structured programs. This cultural shift in prison organization provides a foundation for restorative justice practices in prisons.

Accordingly, our recommendations include:

Short-Term Reforms

Create Transforming Prisons Act

Accelerate decarceration begun during pandemic.

Medium-Term Reforms

Encourage Rehabilitative Focus in State Prisons

Foster greater use of community sanctions.

Long-Term Reforms

Embrace Rehabilitative/Restorative Community Justice Models

Encourage collaborations between corrections agencies and researchers, short-term reforms.

To begin transforming prisons to help prisons and people change, a new funding opportunity for state departments of correction is needed. We propose the Transforming Prisons Act (funded through the Department of Justice’s Bureau of Justice Assistance) which would permit states to apply for funds to support innovative programs and practices that would improve prison conditions both for the people who live in prisons and work in prisons. This dual approach would begin to transform prisons into a more just and humane experience for both groups. These new funds could support broad implementation of Cognitive Communities by training the group facilitators and the correctional staff assigned to the specialized prison units. Funds could also be used to broaden other therapeutic programming to support individuals in improving pro-social behaviors through parenting classes, family engagement workshops, anger management, and artistic programming. One example is the California Transformative Arts which promotes self-awareness and improves mental health through artistic expression. Together, these programs could mark a rehabilitative turn in corrections.

While we work to change policies and practices to make prisons more humane, we also need to work towards decarceration. The COVID-19 crisis has enabled innovations in diverting and improving efforts to reintegrate returning citizens in the U.S. During the pandemic, many states took bold steps in implementing early release for older incarcerated persons especially those with health disorders. Research shows that returning citizens of advanced age and with poor health conditions are far less likely to commit crime after release. This set of circumstances makes continued diversion and reintegration of this population a much wiser investment than incarceration.

MEDIUM-TERM REFORMS

In direct response to calls to abolish prisons and defund the police, state prisons should move away from focusing on incapacitation to rehabilitation. To assist in this change, federal funds should be tied to embracing a rehabilitative mission to transform prisons. This transformation should be rooted in evidence-based therapeutic programming, documenting impacts on both incarcerated individuals and corrections staff. Prison good-time policies should be revisited so that incarcerated individuals receive substantial credit for participating in intensive programming such as Cognitive Communities. With a backdrop of an energized rehabilitative philosophy, states should be supported in their efforts to implement innovative models and programming to improve the reintegration of returning citizens and change the organizational structure of their prisons.

In direct response to calls to abolish prisons and defund the police, state prisons should move away from focusing on incapacitation to rehabilitation.

As the country with the highest incarceration rate in the world, current U.S. incarceration policies and practices are costly for families, communities, and state budgets. Openly punitive incarceration policies make it exceedingly difficult for incarcerated individuals to successfully reintegrate into communities as residents, family members, and employees. A long-term policy goal in the U.S. must be to reduce our over-reliance on incarceration through shorter prison terms, increased reliance on community sanctions, and closing prisons. The COVID-19 pandemic revealed that decarceration poses minimal risk to community safety. Given this steady decline in the prison population and decline in prison building in the U.S. since 2000, we encourage other types of development in rural communities to loosen the grip of prisons in these areas. Alternative development for rural communities is important because the most disadvantaged rural communities are both senders of prisoners and receivers of prisons with roughly 70 percent of prison facilities located in rural communities.

LONG-TERM REFORMS

Public safety and public health goals can be achieved through Community Justice Centers—these are sites that act as a diversion preference for individuals who may be in a personal crisis due to mental health conditions, substance use, or family trauma. Recent research demonstrates that using social or public health services to intervene in such situations can lead to better outcomes for communities than involving the criminal justice system. To be clear, many situations can be improved by crisis intervention expertise specializing in de-escalation rather than involving the justice system which may have competing objectives. Community Justice Centers are nongovernmental organizations that divert individuals in crisis away from law enforcement and the justice system. Such diversion also helps ease the social work burden on the justice system that it is often ill-equipped to handle.

Researchers and corrections agencies need to develop working relationships to permit the study of innovative organizational approaches. In the past, the National Institute of Justice created a researcher-practitioner partnership program , whereby local researchers worked with criminal justice practitioners (generally, law enforcement) to develop research projects that would benefit local criminal justice agencies and test innovative solutions to local problems. A similar program could be announced to help researchers assist corrections agencies and officials in identifying research projects that could address problems facing prisons and prison officials (e.g., safety, staff burnout, and prisoner grievance procedures).

Recommendations for Future Research

Some existing jail and prison correctional systems are implementing broad organization changes, including immersive faith-based correctional programs, jail-based 60- to 90-day reentry programs to prepare individuals for their transition to the community, Scandinavian and other European models to change prison culture, and an innovative Cognitive Community approach operating in several correctional facilities in Virginia. However, these efforts have not been rigorously evaluated. New models could be developed and tested widely, preferably through randomized controlled trials, and funded by the research arm of the Department of Justice, the National Institute of Justice (NIJ), or various private funders, including Arnold Ventures.

Correctional agencies in some states may be ready to implement the Cognitive Community model using a separate section of a prison or smaller facility not in use. Funding is needed to evaluate these pilot efforts, assess fidelity to the model standards, identify challenges faced in implementing the model, and propose any modifications to improve the proposed Cognitive Community model. Full-scale rigorous tests of the Cognitive Community model are needed which would randomly assign eligible inmates to the Cognitive Community environment or to continue to carry out their sentence in a regular prison setting. Ideally, these studies would observe the implementation of the program, assess intermediate outcomes while participants are enrolled in the program, follow participants upon release and examine post-release experiences in the post-release CBT program, and then assess a set of reentry outcomes at several intervals for at least one year after release.

Prison culture and environment are essential to community public health and safety. Incarcerated individuals have difficulty successfully reintegrating into their communities after release because the environment in most U.S. prisons is not conducive to positive change. Normalizing prison environments with evidence-based programming, including cognitive behavioral therapy, education, and personal development, will help incarcerated individuals lead successful lives in the community as family members, employees, and community residents. States need to move towards less reliance on incarceration and more attention to community justice models.

Essay on Administration of Correctional Facilities

Introduction

Correctional facilities play a big role in the society. The system is a branch of the State that assists in handling inmates and in providing correctional facilities. Correctional facilities have own administrative units, which manage affairs of the prison. This paper looks at the functions of the administrative heads of correctional facilities; analyze prison projects, budgets and programs.

The purpose of incarceration of individuals in correctional facilities is to punish, rehabilitate dangerous criminals. The Federal Bureau of Prisons is responsible for the enforcement of law and in administration of federal prison systems. Prisoners’ detention centers are state owned facilities in the United States of America except in some situation where prisoners go to privately owned facilities. Correctional facilities management follows State, local authority laws. Over eighty percent of those incarcerated stay in bureau owned prisons while the remaining number stay at community owned facilities, detention centers or juvenile facilities (Carlson & Garrett, 2006). Prisons administration departments have a layout of authority and the commissioner of prisons has the highest authority.

The bureau has the jurisdiction to carry out federal orders and execution except in relation military personnel. Correctional facilities have a variety of departments and personnel to ensure smooth operation of prisons’ activities. Officers at prisons plan organize and direct operations in their area of jurisdiction. Other functions of these officers it to perform operational, supervisory and any other related duties. The function of a commissioner of prisons as the head of the correctional facility is to direct, institute prisons programs, supervise custody of prisoners and to ensure discipline within the prisons in relation to prisoner’s treatment and their living conditions. Some of the basic programs in correctional facilities are education, management of business, management of inmate appeal programs and in offering of training (Carlson & Garrett, 2006).

The Director of operations on the other hand, assists the commissioner in organizing, evaluation and development of programs, classifying inmates, facilitates inmates appeals, provide specialized training to prison employees and in the provision of policy services. Each person is supposed to perform tasks according to the procedure and laws (Carlson & Garrett, 2006). Other activities performed by the director of operations in prisons facilities include guidance of employees; provide time for vocational and educational needs of employees and ensuring that prisoners access library facilities.

The Commissioner, as well as the Director of operations directs the preparation of fiscal records, formulate budget control systems, formulate budgets and direct the creation of payroll systems as well as maintain employee records. Other than these activities, prison authority directs the preparation of foods within prison, manage procurement and warehouses as well as maintenance of facilities and supervise construction of physical structures. Other activities include a recommendation of employees work, solving administrative problems, classifying individual prisoners as well as institute disciplinary actions. Attainment of these responsibilities by the Director of operations in prisons needs to follow policies, rules and procedures (Carlson & Garrett, 2006). The Director also prepares rules, procedures, and an act in the capacity of the administrator in case of the Commissioner is absent.

Part one: Prisoners’ Education Project

Prison education is the responsibility of the prison Director. The commissioner of prison may direct the Director to develop and effective training program for prisoners. The purpose of these programs is to provide inmates with skills to cope in the community once their sentences are over. These educational activities also relates to educating prison staff members. Educating prison staff members assist in the management of prison activities. These programs include educational and vocational programs. The goal for education prisoners is to provide prisoners with the rehabilitative aspects of prisons as well as prepare them for life outside the prisons. Educational facilities provided outside the prison is management be by the community with the supervision of the Director. The commissioner of prison directs the Director and assist in the management of funds from the correctional facility, family members as well as Non- governmental organizations.

Academic Education

The prisoner may get an education through correspondence programs facilities, and they cover a period of six months. The program’s budget planning is the responsibility of the prison commissioner. All respective members approve each budget statement at every stage. Educational programs are divided into two parts; academic educational and vocational training. Academic education assist prisoners write and read as well as perform basic mathematical operations. The prison Director Need to supervise all operations relating to academic education since most of the prisoners are under- educated or do not have basic education qualifications. Most of the prisoners have a fifth grade proficiency while some come from a culture of poverty. Some of the prisoners as observed by the commissioner have no career or trade.

Therefore, the goal of the Academic education program is to provide prisoners with skills to take GED tests. These standards are equivalent to High school diploma thus; they are able to further their education when they get out of the prison. Once the prisoner passes GED tests, the correctional facility provides them an opportunity to further their education through programs in the prison. This program coined as Adult Continual Training, and it is free to all prisoners who have successfully passed GED tests. The courses under the supervision of inmate instructors assist prisoners gain skills in personal finance, legal issues, Math, publishing and writing. For those prisoners who want to attain college qualification, partnership programs with local Colleges and Universities provide the solution. Some of these colleges send teachers to train prisoners, but this is rare and it is advisable for prisoners to take correspondence courses. College correspondence cost some hundred of dollars and family members of prisoners can cater for this.

Vocational Education

Vocational training for prisoners offers more opportunities than educational programs. Much of these programs depend on local arrangements within the prison. These programs include, plumbing. Carpentry, masonry, electricity and computer Aided drawings. The prison has ensured that all of these programs are free for every prisoner. The program ensures that, outside the setting of the prison prisoners are able to access this facility by way of correspondence. These programs include training on legal issues, religion. However, these programs are not free since every prisoner has to cater for tuition and other charges that run to hundreds of dollars. Education programs have the ability to reduce recidivism rates (Vacca, 2004). Once out prisoners are able to gain legal employment opportunities, have a sense of hope while others are able to escape stigma and the cycle of poverty.

Control and prevention of Disease Outbreaks Project

Another essential task is to control disease outbreaks at the prison facility. In recent months, nine prisoners have died due to Valley fever and coccidioidomycosis. These deaths have necessitated the Centers for Disease, Control, and prevention to investigate the matter. Individuals contract the disease by inhaling spores of the causal fungus. The disease caused by coccidioides fungus in prevalent in the region, due to high temperatures and dryness of the soil. The task is to contain the spread of infection and therefore, all prisoners and staff need to report any feeling. The problem is because of overcrowding of the prisons and drastic measures have to take place to move prisoners to a new facility. Symptoms of the disease are chest pains, rash and fever (Wilper et al 2009). A court order held a ruling that the prisoner’s populations had to be minimal to reduce overcrowding.

Rehabilitation project/ Emotional literacy program

This project is a national program to assist to incarcerated Women and Men in the United States of America. The programs also known as a house healing provide education and rehabilitation to struggling addicts and alcoholics in prison facilities. The programs have value for the prison population since it provides necessary support and prisoners are able to provide life experiences that propelled them into crime. This programs assist prisoners take responsibility for their crimes, addiction and help build lifelong interactions to boost productive lives. Volunteers, chaplains and professionals teach the programs. The programs include stress, alcohol, drug and development of life skills (Taxman, Perdoni, & Harrison, 2007) The program is a success since it transforms prisoners and promotes their growth. Inmates gain self-awareness and their spiritual level rose. The program assist inmates reach their level by meditation which assist is breaking the addiction cycle. Other programs in use include residential programs, local support groups for released prisoners and sober houses. The prison also provides counseling services as well as medical care. There is a need to concentrate on marijuana and cocaine treatment within the prison facilities. Therefore, screening assessment programs are the next step in identifying prisoners with addiction problems. After the screening program treatment, plans start with medication while concurring with counseling services. The treatment plans are categorized into, personal plans as well as group plans, and the commissioner has made it necessary for all staff members get training on drug management.

Part two: Correctional Facilities and Budgets

Over the past years declining budgets and declining staff has dealt a blow to correctional facilities in the United States of America. Members of correctional facilities have to work for long to cater for the declining workforce. Budgets seem to be the main cause of these shortcomings, and this affects morale of staff members. Declining finances have an effect on vocational training since fewer instructors are available. The problems have also an effect on substance abuse services since the federal government has reduced counselors. The budget for the correctional facilities has gone down by thirteen million dollars, and the new budget of 2014 to 2015 further reduced the value by two million dollars. Over the next ten years if the situation persists, there is a possibility of erosion these correctional facilities.

Effects of budget constraints point to long working hours of staff since there has been huge layoff of employees. Members of staff need to work extra house to meet the minimum safe hours. This puts the morale and effectiveness of members of staff in jeopardy. The department has struggled to hire new employees, but it is struggling to meet its needs. More workers are retiring than the department is hiring. The problem is that almost eighty percent of the budget allocation is for personnel expenses. This therefore, means that educational and training facilities will feel the effect as there have been many resignations from non-uniformed staff.

To solve the issue of budgets, the correctional facility needs to acquire and grow some of its foodstuffs. Other expenses that are not a first priority for the institution need to be avoidance. As a director, there is need to develop some occupations that might generate funds for operation, as well as funds for inmates. Some of these operations might include farming, carpentry or other forms of occupation to produce products for the market. The first priority in a correctional facility, is the safety and well fare of prisoners as well as members of staff. In any case even if the budget is not enough these groups of individuals are the first priority lest the facility shuts down. When the state of the economy is at a downturn, levels of crime rise. This means that correctional facilities face the greatest challenge. Technology is another issue that will save the facility funds. Screening machine will save time and work force needs lowered.

Part three: Correctional Programs

Faith- based programs

There is an expectation that a number of prisoners will be set free in the coming years. Therefore, one needs to facilitate innovative ways of making them not return. Religious programs that cut across all faith are the essential tool. Religious has become essential and it is effective as provided for by other programs. Since this will be a new prison facility, members of the clergy for all religions will facilitate the program. A faith based organization affiliated to the former prison will provide volunteer to help guide prisoners spiritually.

Dogs in prisons/ Jails

Dogs in prison and jails to instill discipline in prison are an issue to consider. In Japan, prisoners participate in training guide dogs. With the help of instructors, prisoners train guide dogs for the blind. Inmates train dogs from the period when they are puppies with classes on obedience and dog walking. The program has positive results since it reduces violence among inmates as well as encourages responsibility.

Prison Education Programs

Educational programs offer basic education to prisoners. These programs include Vocational and Academic programs. These prisoners get basic training to help them pass GED literary exams. Some skeptics believe that educating prisoners leads to having “educated criminals”. However, this is not the case since studies show that education reduces recedes. These programs essentially cover six months and it assists inmates gain employment after serving sentences. A new prison facility needs to have educational programs with fully equipped libraries. Prison officials need to qualified teachers for inmates and ensure that these programs are objective (Freeman, 2003). Vocational training facilities need to be given considerations too since it has more opportunities for prisoners than Academic training.

Conjugal Rights

Conjugal visits imply to visits where inmates have extended visits during which an inmate gets permission to spend days or hours with a legal spouse. Parties may engage in sexual intercourse, which increases the chances of the offender’s eventual to return to live outside prison. This is a modern method, which maintains family bonds. Although the practice is legal, an inmate needs to meet some requirements. Some of these conditions are that the inmate should not violate rules for the last 6 months before contact and that they should maintain good behavior. These privileges however, do not apply to inmates on death row. In Canada and France, inmates get the privilege to stay in decorated apartments during the extended periods. While in Brazil, male prisoners observe visits from homosexual and heterosexual partners (Hensley, Rutland, & Gray-Ray, 2002).

Taxman, F. S., Perdoni, M. L., & Harrison, L. D. (2007). Drug treatment services for adult offenders: The state of the state. Journal of Substance Abuse Treatment , 32 (3), 239-254.

Wilper, A. P., D., Bor, D. H., Woolhandler, Lasser, K. E., S., Boyd, J. W., McCormick, & Himmelstein, D. U. (2009). The health and health care of US prisoners: results of a nationwide survey. American journal of public health , 99 (4), 666-672.

Carlson, P. M., & Garrett, J. S. (2006). Prison and jail administration: Practice and theory . Jones & Bartlett Learning.

Vacca, J. S. (2004). Educated prisoners are less likely to return to prison than those under-educated. Journal of Correctional Education , 297-305.

Bushway, S. (2003). Reentry and prison work programs.

Freeman, R. B. (2003). Can we close the revolving door?: Recidivism vs. employment of ex-offenders in the US.

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Inside the Sterling Correctional Facility: a Look at Prison Life

This essay about Sterling Correctional Facility offers an in-depth exploration of life within one of the largest prisons in Colorado. It provides insights into the daily routines, educational and rehabilitation programs available to inmates, and the overall environment of the facility. The essay discusses the challenges faced by both the inmates and the staff, aiming to shed light on the complexities of managing such an institution. It also touches on the facility’s history, its role in the state’s correctional system, and the impact it has on the local community. Through interviews, research, and analysis, this essay aims to present a balanced view of Sterling Correctional Facility, highlighting both the efforts made towards rehabilitation and the ongoing issues within the prison system.

How it works

Nestled in the expansive plains of northeastern Colorado, the Sterling Correctional Facility emerges as a formidable bastion within the state’s Department of Corrections. This fortress of maximum security, accommodating a diverse array of inmates spanning from those serving brief sentences to individuals condemned to life without parole, offers a distinctive vantage point from which to scrutinize the intricacies of the contemporary correctional apparatus. This discourse delves into the operational intricacies of the establishment, its pivotal role within the broader penal framework, and the ramifications for endeavors pertaining to rehabilitation and societal reintegration.

Unveiled in the twilight of the 1990s, the Sterling Correctional Facility was conceived with the objective of alleviating the strain of overpopulation afflicting Colorado’s penitentiary network and providing a contemporary, fortified milieu for the confinement of male convicts. Boasting a capacity exceeding 2,500 inmates, it stands as one of the state’s premier correctional edifices, outfitted with cutting-edge security measures and an array of inmate-centric initiatives spanning educational pursuits, vocational training, and rehabilitation endeavors.

Notwithstanding its intended function as a bastion for discipline and reformation, the Sterling Correctional Facility, akin to numerous penal institutions strewn across the expanse of the United States, grapples with an array of adversities. These span the gamut from issues encompassing inmate unrest and mental health afflictions to the perennial debate surrounding the efficacy of protracted incarceration as a bulwark against criminality and a vehicle for reformation. The penitentiary has been the subject of myriad inquiries and analyses underscoring the exigency for enhanced mental health provisions and concerted strategies aimed at addressing the root causes of recidivism.

A notable facet of the Sterling Correctional Facility lies in its gamut of inmate initiatives and engagements. The institution proffers an eclectic array of educational avenues, ranging from rudimentary literacy courses to attainment of high school equivalency credentials, alongside vocational tutelage in domains such as gastronomy, carpentry, and information technology. These initiatives assume pivotal significance in furnishing inmates with the requisite acumen to navigate societal reintegration post-release. Nonetheless, the efficacy of these endeavors in curbing recidivism and facilitating reformation remains a subject of incessant scrutiny and debate among policymakers, correctional stewards, and proponents of criminal justice reform.

The ramifications of the Sterling Correctional Facility’s operational ethos transcend the precincts of the prison, resonating with fundamental inquiries pertaining to the objectives of the American correctional paradigm, the equipoise between punitive measures and restorative initiatives, and societal obligations toward the carceral populace. The facility’s existence, alongside the hurdles it confronts, underscores the exigency for a holistic overhaul of the criminal justice landscape, encompassing endeavors to redress the socioeconomic antecedents of criminality, augment mental health interventions and substance abuse amelioration, and fortify support mechanisms for post-incarceration reintegration into the societal milieu.

In denouement, the Sterling Correctional Facility emerges as a microcosm encapsulating the vicissitudes and quandaries underpinning the American penitentiary apparatus. While emblematic of the state’s endeavors to furnish secure detention and foster avenues for reformation, it concurrently underscores the systemic impediments encumbering these aspirations. An adept comprehension of the operational dynamics, challenges, and repercussions attendant to the Sterling Correctional Facility proffers invaluable insights into the broader dialogue concerning justice, rehabilitation, and societal accountability. As we traverse the trajectory of progress, it behooves us to persevere in the evaluation and refinement of our correctional paradigms, thereby serving the imperatives of justice and optimizing prospects for reformation and societal reintegration among the formerly incarcerated.

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Essay on Prison

Free Essay On Correctional Facility

Type of paper: Essay

Topic: Prison , Mission , Jail , Crime , House , Government , Citizenship , Offer

Published: 02/20/2023

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When people commit crimes they are often sent to a correctional facility. There are two types of correctional facilities that house inmates who are serving time for a crime committed. The two types of operations are prisons, and jails. They are both equipped to hold numerous inmates, and offer the proper rehabilitation that is required. There are differences in these two types of correctional facilities. Prisons are equipped to house long-term criminals and people serving life sentences. Jails are equipped to hold inmates who are serving a short sentence, or are waiting to appear in court. “Prisons are operated by the state and the Federal Bureau of Prisons, and jails are operated by local officials or police” Jails offer programs for the inmates. The programs can consist of work-release, boot camp, and any other needs that will help rehabilitate the offender. The inmates have programs to assist with treatment, education, life skills, and mental health. “Prisons offer work release, restitution programs, and halfway house services” These services are only offered to low-risk inmates who are close to their release date. The Prison mission statement is to protect society from criminals, and house them in a safe, secure, and humane facility. “The inmates will have resources to become improved citizens, and help inmates become abiding citizens of the law” . “The jail mission state is to keep control over the inmates, and take care of them while they are confined in the jail” . To make sure the care of inmates meets constitutional rights standards. The jails’ mission statement is less informed than the prison mission statement. This could be due to the inmates spending less time in jail than in prison. The operations of a jails and prisons are similar in nature. They both commit to rehabilitating inmates and maintain a safe environment. The inmates’ needs are met, and they are receiving the help they need to become better citizens.

HG.org. (2015). What is the Difference Between Prisons and Jails. Retrieved from HG.org Legal Resources: https://www.hg.org/article.asp?id=31513 Kirk, M. (2009). Mission Statement. Retrieved from Western Virginia Regional Jail: http://westernvaregionaljail.org/mission_objectives.html Reno, J. (1992). Federal Bureau of Prisons Mission Statement. Retrieved from Federal Bureau of Prisons: https://www.bop.gov/about/agency/agency_pillars.jsp Sherriff, B. (2016). Difference Between Jail and Prison. Retrieved from Browardd Sheriff Office: http://sheriff.org/faqs/displayfaq.cfm?id=4f892698-5c5d-40f8-b159-c9a0b6ed66f3

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Correctional Facilities Essay

Introduction In the United States of America, prisoners forfeit essential rights if they are found to have been involved in terrorist activities. The forfeiture of citizenship rights provides law enforcement authorities with an opportunity to investigate suspects further and identify their accomplices and any planned terrorist plots. In spite of the provision, law enforcement authorities in New York could use correctional facilities to rehabilitate terror suspects to investigate the effectiveness of terrorist networks. Instead, most of the terrorists are introduced into the general population to interact freely with members of the public. Lowery et al. (2019) state that the department of homeland security needs to capitalize on correctional facilities to preempt further terrorist attacks (Meehan et al. 2018, p.6). Accordingly, correctional facilities should be fully exploited by law enforcement authorities to reduce the number of Islamic and right-wing terror attacks within the United States.

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Discussion Radical Islamic Terror Attacks Homeland security investigators working to collect information in correctional centers have played a key role in preventing Islamic terrorist attacks within the United States of America. In spite of the influence of the Islamic state and its rise to power, the department of homeland security has created several strategies to collect intelligence from correctional centers. Jackson et al. (2015, p.42) observe that the “Current Issues in Corrections Survey included in its assessment several specific needs related to contraband, monitoring inmate activity within institutions, and inmate classification concerns”. This demonstrates that there have been efforts by the department of homeland security have been instrumental in monitoring Muslim Americans in correctional centers who are considered to be potential terrorist threats while combating the Islamic State (ISIS). Consequently, the department has been successful in reducing the number of terrorists who are considered to be Islamic State sympathizers. “With regard to the sharing of intelligence, for example, the federal Bureau of Prisons (BOP) currently operates these units across the country that work with other federal, state, and local entities to support investigations, as it became clear that prison-based intelligence can positively affect operations on the street” (Meehan et al. 2018, p.4). To effectively perform their tasks and their responsibilities, the department of homeland security has trained their staff in multiple languages to decode potential terrorist attacks.

Notably, the information gathered by the department of homeland security in correctional centers has been instrumental in identifying terrorist leaders in the Middle East (Amirault & Bouchard, 2017, p.3). Coordination among interstate agencies to collect information in correctional centers has been pivotal in preventing terrorists from establishing a safe haven in the United States. Meehan et al. (2018) argue that the department of homeland security has worked with airport coordination agencies to improve aviation security. Intelligence programs have also been introduced to preempt terrorist attacks in the country by interrogating suspects in correctional centers (Jackson et al. 2015, p.62). The progress that has been recorded by the department of homeland security has been aided by legislation allowing the agency to monitor the communication of terrorist prisoners to detect attacks before they are executed.

Right Wing Terror Attacks In the recent past, right-wing terror attacks within the United States of America have been on the rise. As a matter of fact, right-wing terror attacks have been associated with polarizing issues such as immigration and radical Islam. Counterterrorism efforts have been made possible by making a provision for the department of homeland security to obtain information from inmates in correctional facilities. Though the first amendment states that prisoners can communicate freely, the department of homeland security can monitor communication channels such as incoming mails for the incarcerated individuals in correctional centers.

In spite of the rising numbers of right-wing terrorist attacks, the department of homeland security has been able to launch investigations to identify terror suspects in correctional centers. In the process, correctional facilities have been used to investigate suspects and charge them for the crimes preferred against them (Meehan et al. 2018, p.7). Correctional facilities have been instrumental in allowing the department of homeland security to leverage small crimes and violations such as drug laws and gun laws to prevent cases of violence. Lowery et al. (2019) posit that the focus of the department of homeland security continues to be shifted to reduce the number of shootings, bombings and other acts of violence that have been introduced to propagate the right-wing agenda.

A Republican, Mitchell Adkins was also apprehended and sent to a correctional facility to investigate the motives of his attack. The arrest was crucial to preempt a right wing attack on democrats in the Transylvania University in Lexington (Lowery et al. 2019).

How The Constitutional Rights Forfeited By Prisoners And Inmates Can Aid In Homeland Security Article 490 of the NY Penal Law detectives can gather information to foil terrorist attacks or to gather intelligence on planned terrorist attacks. Article 490 of the NY Penal Law S 490.25 gives a guideline to law enforcement officers to guide them on the acts of terrorism that should be investigated in interrogating suspects in correctional facilities. Article 490 of the NY Penal Law S 490.10 also applies to investigations in correctional centers to ascertain whether a threat of terrorism exists (Article 490 | New York State Penal Law). The constitution of the United States has several provisions for its citizens. However, prisoners forfeit their constitutional rights as they are often held after committing a crime (The US constitution, 2006). In spite of the fact that inmates do not have the constitutional right to exercise freedom of movement and speech, the department of homeland security has not capitalized on the situation of inmates to expand their investigations. However, the department can capitalize on incarcerated terrorist suspects to reduce the number of terrorist attacks in society. Meehan et al. (2018, p.9) suggest that the department of homeland security places legal restraints on inmates to prevent them from coordinating further terrorist attacks. Federal laws have provided law enforcement authorities with a legislative framework to act against terror suspects and those who are suspected of aiding terrorists (Jackson et al., 2015, p.35). Effectively, the department of homeland security can use existing legislation to preempt attacks planned by right-wing and Islamic terror groups.

Additionally, the department of homeland security can take advantage of the forfeiture of citizen rights to use electronic surveillance on the inmates’ relatives (The US constitution, 2006). The use of electronic surveillance and coordination with intelligence agencies will assist the department in foiling terrorist attacks and investigating the sources of financing that the inmates rely on to perpetrate violence. Meehan et al. (2018, p.10) argue that since inmates cannot claim the freedom of speech and a right to privacy, surveillance equipment can be introduced to monitor inmates’ behavior. In the past, investigations have revealed that surveillance on inmates and visitors can yield critical information to prevent terror attacks (Amirault & Bouchard, 2017, p.2).

One of the rights that the inmates forfeit by committing a crime is the freedom of movement (The US constitution, 2006). By being denied the freedom of movement when incarcerated, law enforcement agencies are free to launch investigations by conducting property searches. In the process, the department of homeland security could collect critical information to interrogate suspects to prevent further terrorist attacks (New York State, 1978). A limitation in the freedom of movement is also important to monitor suspects in a closed environment to identify their close family members and their friends. Jackson et al. (2015, p.35) outlines that monitoring the suspects could preempt terrorist attacks particularly when the suspects are dangerous, and also prompt the department of homeland security to increase its search network thereby pre-empting any potential terrorist attacks.

By the same token, inmates who have been arrested for right-wing terror activities or those arrested for participating in Islamic radicalization forfeit their rights through a limitation in the freedom of communication (The US constitution, 2006). The department of homeland security has the right to breach the first amendment rights of inmates to monitor their communication. The communication by inmates to family members and close acquaintances could be monitored to ascertain whether there is any implicating evidence in the interpersonal communication (New York State, 1978). Reading emails could also be done by the department of homeland security which evaluates the communication transmitted to the inmates to ascertain whether there is evidence of a terrorist attack. Meehan et al. (2018, p.11) have shown that screening outgoing communication could also be used by the department of homeland security to preempt further attacks. Presumably, law enforcement agencies who capitalize on the condition of inmates to launch investigations have a significant advantage in understanding terror attacks and preventing them before they occur.

The United States’ constitution provides that every citizen has a right to fair treatment to live in an environment that is free of segregation. Through the forfeiture of first amendment rights, it is possible for the department of homeland security to segregate a terror suspect (The US constitution, 2006). Terror suspects could be put in isolation cells where their behavior is monitored, and officials from the department of homeland security get an opportunity to conduct interviews with the identified suspects. Jackson et al. (2015, p.35) have shown that segregation and discrimination could also be used by law enforcement officers operating under the constitution to ensure that they can separate suspects that are considered to be a danger to society (New York State, 1978). The benefit of the incarceration process is that it prevents inmates from interacting with other inmates and potentially radicalizing or recruiting them to join right-wing terrorist activities. The segregation and the discrimination of suspects is appropriate to dismantle terrorist organizations particularly if the suspect is an influential leader (Jackson et al. 2015, p.33). Therefore, correctional facilities could be used as an asset for law enforcement agencies to preempt attacks by separating terrorist group leaders.

At the same time, law enforcement authorities could use correctional facilities as a platform for detaining terror suspects until they are charged in a court of law (The US constitution, 2006). Law enforcement agencies can coordinate with the department of homeland security and state governments to establish correctional facilities for detaining radicalized terrorists until they are charged in a court of law. The detention process is critical in maintaining law and order in society and reducing the number of terrorist attacks instituted by the right-wing and left-wing groups. Meehan et al. (2018, p.3) have shown that by detaining the suspects, law enforcement agencies can interview them on multiple occasions to corroborate information collected in the investigative process. The detention process also allows law enforcement agencies to investigate the motives of the terrorist attack to formulate preventative strategies for future attacks. By detaining terror suspects in correctional centers, the government reduces congestion in the regular correctional facilities (New York State, 1978). In the same manner, detention and correctional facilities are an asset that could be used by law enforcement agencies to categorize terrorist attacks and to investigate the motives of terrorists (Meehan et al. 2018, p.4). After interrogating suspects, law enforcement agencies collect additional information to apprehend accomplices and stop other terrorist plots. The collection of data could then be used to indict suspects and to broaden the investigation to prevent future terrorist attacks. Therefore, correctional facilities are an asset to law enforcement authorities as they provide them with physical space to detain right wing or left wing terror suspects.

In the same way, correctional facilities can be used by law enforcement agencies to protect terrorist suspects who have decided to cooperate with law enforcement agencies in exchange of reduced sentences. Since the witness protection program is expensive to run, correctional facilities could be used to protect suspects and provide them with the security required to persuade them to divulge details about their terrorist organizations. Meehan et al. (2018, p.5) asserts that the protection offered by law enforcement agencies is essential as it could motivate terror suspects to participate in the investigative process to prevent terrorist plots. Arguably, using correctional facilities as a suspect protection program is beneficial to law enforcement agencies to protect their informants (New York State, 1978). In many cases, terrorist suspects who are released into society could decide to retreat to their terror organizations. Suspects who divulge critical operation details could backtrack the efforts of law enforcement agencies thereby making it difficult for them to prevent terrorist attacks. However, it is necessary for correctional facilities to be used as detention and monitoring centers to investigate the consistency of information provided by terrorist suspects.

Correctional facilities could also be used as an asset for the rehabilitation of radicalized terrorists within the United States of America. Law enforcement agencies have the opportunity to use correctional facilities as rehabilitation institutions where they recruit professionals to counsel terror suspects with the aim of rehabilitating them back to society (New York State, 1978). Educational programs could also be created to investigate the motivations of terror suspects to equip them with the requisite skills required to earn additional income. Granted, converting correctional facilities into rehabilitation centers will reduce the number of right-wing terrorists motivated by xenophobia, racism and sexual discrimination (New York, 1974). Programs created by law enforcement authorities could be designed to encourage inmates to adopt an ideological change for them to be released into society (New York, 1978). At the same time, correctional facilities could also be used by law enforcement authorities as a rehabilitation center for terrorists that subscribe to Islamic radicalism. Imams and Sheikhs could be called into the rehabilitation centers and correctional facilities to reorient radical terrorists and reintegrate them into society.

Conclusion The department of homeland security in the United States of America should take full advantage of the forfeiture of citizen rights to improve its law enforcement efforts. Communication should be monitored and terror suspects put under surveillance to collect more information on further terrorist ploys. Law enforcement authorities also have the right to segregate the suspects and interrogate them repeatedly to corroborate information obtained in their investigative processes. The full exploitation of correctional facilities will allow law enforcement agencies to prevent terrorist attacks in the country and guarantee public security within the United States of America. Correctional facilities should also be used as training centers where law enforcement authorities investigate the source of right-wing and left-wing terrorist attacks.

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References Amirault, J., & Bouchard, M. (2017). Timing is everything: The role of contextual and terrorism-specific factors in the sentencing outcomes of terrorist offenders. European journal of criminology, 14(3), 269-289. Article 490 | New York State Penal Law | Terrorism | NY Laws. Retrieved from http://ypdcrime.com/penal.law/article490.htm Jackson, B. A., Russo, J., Hollywood, J. S., Silberglitt, R., & Woods, D. (2015). Fostering innovation in community and institutional corrections: Identifying high-priority technology and other needs for the US corrections sector. Rand Corporation. Lowery, Kindy, K. & Tran, A. (2019) In the United States, right-wing violence is on the rise. The Washington Post. Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/national/in-the-united-states-right-wing-violence-is-on-the-rise/2018/11/25/61f7f24a-deb4-11e8-85df-7a6b4d25cfbb_story.html?utm_term=.e477ab25f823 Meehan, N., Kelly, C. E., & McClary, M. (2018). The snitching hour: investigations and interviewing in a county jail. Security Journal, 1-20. New York (N.Y.). (1978). Minimum standards for New York City correctional facilities. New York: The Board. New York (State). (1974). Correction law of New York and extracts of other New York laws for correction and probation officers. Binghamton: Gould Publications. The US constitution. (2006). Philadelphia, Pa: Running.

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Alexei Navalny: 'Psychological torture and self-isolation' inside Putin critic's Russian prison

Alexei Navalny was transferred out of Moscow's infamous Matrosskaya Tishina jail, moved to Correctional Facility No 2.

International correspondent @DiMagnaySky

Monday 1 March 2021 15:55, UK

Barring the golden domes of its church, Correctional Facility No 2 (IK-2) in the town of Pokrov, 60 miles east of Moscow, is utterly unprepossessing.

Corrugated iron fencing topped with barbed wire and punctuated by watchtowers surround a cluster of buildings in various shades of grey.

Typical of Russia 's penal colonies and home for the foreseeable to the country's most famous political prisoner.

Alexei Navalny seen arriving at Moscow courthouse

"No one is going to beat or torture Navalny but the administration will try to isolate him from the other prisoners and minimise all contacts," says Vladimir Pereverzin, a former manager at oil firm Yukos, who served just over seven years in Russia's penal colony system, some of it in the Vladimir region.

"The living conditions were awful," he says. "The windows were in a terrible state, snow would come into the rooms. It was a while ago but even if they've renovated doesn't mean it'll be easier to live there."

Alexei Navalny was transferred out of Moscow's infamous Matrosskaya Tishina jail on Thursday and his team had raised the alarm, worried that his transfer to an unknown corner of Russia's penal colony system might take several weeks with no word on his whereabouts.

But on Sunday, a public monitoring commission said he had arrived at IK-2 and was in quarantine.

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Corrections Commission ‘Taken Aback’ By Use Of Restraint Chairs In Kauai Jail

The Kauai jail and two other facilities in Hawaii have the chairs, which require high levels of force to immobilize inmates and can be dangerous if not used properly.

The state Correctional System Oversight Commission wants Hawaii jail and prison officials to suspend the use of potentially dangerous inmate restraint chairs after commission members discovered one in the Kauai jail.

Restraint chairs “have caused serious harm to people in custody, resulted in death, and have been subjected to lawsuits in many states. It is an area ripe for misuse and litigation,” according to a new commission report on the Kauai Community Correctional Center.

The commission also flagged an assortment of other problems at the aging Kauai jail, including a kitchen floor that has collapsed in places and jail staffers who appear to be exhausted from working 16- and 24-hour shifts.

Kauai Community Correction Center, Kauai Jail, Department of Public Safety, Incarceration, Crime

Members of the commission were “quite taken aback” when they found the chairs designed to restrain prisoners during an inspection of riot control gear in a storage area of KCCC on March 21, according to the report. The commission also identified a “WRAP” restraint device in the same storage area.

Martha Torney, a commissioner and former deputy director of the Department of Public Safety, said in an interview she has never before heard of restraint chairs being used in Hawaii prisons or jails.

They are a concern because they involve use of high levels of force, with the inmates forcibly strapped into the chairs to immobilize them, she said. Staffers at the jail told commission members the chairs are used “as needed.”

Tommy Johnson, director of the Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, said use of the chairs is governed by departmentwide policies and procedures for restraint and seclusion. He said the chairs can only be used under the supervision of a mental health professional, and staff are trained to use them.

Johnson said only Halawa Correctional Facility, the Women’s Community Correctional Center and KCCC have restraint chairs, but said Halawa and WCCC have never used them. The WRAP restraint device at KCCC has never been used, according to the department.

The policy on use of restraint and seclusion does not specifically mention the chairs, but covers “the whole gamut” of restraint equipment such as handcuffs and leg irons, Johnson said. The policy does specifically indicate it applies to other restraint equipment such as lockable helmets and spit hoods.

According to the restraint policy, inmates cannot be placed in restraints for more than two hours without a review, and prisoners in restraints must be constantly supervised visually, he said. Wellness checks are required every 15 minutes, and “range-of-motion” releases allowing prisoners to stretch are required every two hours.

But Christin Johnson, oversight coordinator for the commission, said KCCC staff were unable to describe any formal policies or procedures for safely using the chairs.

“Even if a policy does exist somewhere, I’m telling you right now that based on what I’m hearing from staff, it’s not known about, it’s not utilized and therefore it’s highly unlikely that it’s being followed,” she said.

Placing an agitated prisoner into one of the chairs may also involve a high degree of force and can be quite dangerous, Christin Johnson said. “It’s not something to mess with.”

The chairs are apparently used to restrain people who are in a mental health crisis and may be engaging in self-harm, such as banging their heads on cell doors, she said. But there were no log books or records commissioners could review to track how often the chairs were used, or for how long.

Christin Johnson worked at New York City’s Rikers Island complex of jails, which also had restraint chairs. But staff at those facilities are required to videotape each use of the chairs, keep records and notify jail oversight staff whenever the chairs were used, she said.

“It’s extremely important to be very knowledgable and aware of how to use these, when to use these, who to have involved in the usage, how often to check on people when they’re in these restraint mechanisms,” she said. “There’s just a lot that can go wrong if people are not familiar or aware.”

Apart from any potential harm to prisoners, use of the chairs could present legal risks for the state because use of restraint chairs has triggered lawsuits across the country.

Tommy Johnson said KCCC Warden Jerry Jona and the jail chief of security were unable to join the commission members on the tour, and “they would be the ones who know about the policy.” Health care staff who order the use of restraints notify the watch commander, who would oversee their use, he said.

When asked if he would suspend use of the chairs, Tommy Johnson said he would take the recommendation under advisement, and send the restraint and seclusion policy to the state Attorney General’s Office for review. But he said he believes the policy was already reviewed by the AG’s office when it was drafted.

The correctional system “will continue to use the chairs as needed, but I want to make it clear that we haven’t used the chairs in a while,” he said.

The commission report also remarked that “staff burnout was extremely evident during the tour,” with corrections officers sometimes required to work double and triple shifts.

“Pure exhaustion has been more evident in KCCC than in any other facility,” according to the report. “The Commission believes that KCCC staff are doing the best they can, but they have been forced to work in these same conditions for far too long, and relief is needed as soon as possible.”

Tommy Johnson said the department is stepping up recruitment and running more training classes for corrections officers in an effort to improve staffing, with six classes scheduled for this year. The department has also increased its emergency hiring under 89-day contracts to temporarily fill vacancies.

He estimated the department is short 30% of its authorized correctional officers because of vacancies, workers’ compensation injuries, military leave and other reasons. KCCC has 61 authorized corrections officer positions, and the department’s 2023 annual report shows KCCC had 18 vacancies.

The commission also questioned a decision by KCCC management to withhold wages that are supposed to be paid to inmates on work lines at the facility.

It’s state policy to pay 25 cents per hour for their jobs, but the warden told commissioners “the facility believes it is more rehabilitative not to pay people in custody such low wages,” according to the report. “The facility sees 25 cents an hour pay as disrespectful.”

Tommy Johnson responded to that finding by instructing his deputy director for corrections to “immediately ensure inmates participating on facility work lines receive the appropriate hourly compensation,” the department said in a written statement.

The new KCCC report also cites run-down facilities at the jail, parts of which are subject to flooding during heavy rains.

The kitchen floor of the Kauai jail needs immediate attention because it has collapsed in places, with plywood or mats used to cover missing floorboards. The report noted the commission raised the same concerns during a tour a year ago.

Tommy Johnson said a contract for nearly $4.47 million has been awarded to fix that problem. State procurement records show that the contract involves replacing the existing kitchen with a prefabricated unit, and work on that project was scheduled to begin Jan. 1.

During the commission’s visit KCCC also had two or three cells adjoining the jail administration area that were not being used because of flooding, he said.

The department is seeking another $4.5 million to $5 million to hire a consultant to help select a site for a new Kauai jail to move the facility to higher ground to deal with the flooding problem, Johnson said.

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Inside Russia’s penal colonies: A look at life for political prisoners caught in Putin’s crackdowns

FILE In this file photo made from video provided by the Moscow City Court on Feb. 3, 2021, Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny makes a heart gesture standing in a cage during a hearing to a motion from the Russian prison service to convert the suspended sentence of Navalny from the 2014 criminal conviction into a real prison term in the Moscow City Court in Moscow, Russia. Navalny, President Vladimir Putin’s fiercest foe, has become Russia’s most famous political prisoner. He is serving a nine-year term due to end in 2030 on charges widely seen as trumped up, and is facing another trial on new charges that could keep him locked up for another two decades. (Moscow City Court via AP, File)

FILE Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny looks at photographers standing behind a glass of the cage in the Babuskinsky District Court in Moscow, Russia, on Feb. 20, 2021. Navalny, President Vladimir Putin’s fiercest foe, has become Russia’s most famous political prisoner. He is serving a nine-year term due to end in 2030 on charges widely seen as trumped up, and is facing another trial on new charges that could keep him locked up for another two decades. (AP Photo/Alexander Zemlianichenko, File)

FILE - Detained protesters are escorted by police during a protest against the jailing of opposition leader Alexei Navalny in St. Petersburg, Russia, on Jan. 31, 2021. Memorial, Russia’s oldest and most prominent human rights organization and a 2022 Nobel Peace Prize laureate, counted 558 political prisoners in the country as of April -- more than three times higher than in 2018, when it listed 183. (AP Photo, File)

FILE - Opposition leader Alexey Navalny, speaks with riot police officers blocking the way during a protest rally against Prime Minister Vladimir Putin’s rule in St. Petersburg, Russia, on Feb. 25, 2012. Navalny, President Vladimir Putin’s fiercest foe, has become Russia’s most famous political prisoner. He is serving a nine-year term due to end in 2030 on charges widely seen as trumped up, and is facing another trial on new charges that could keep him locked up for another two decades. (AP Photo, File)

FILE - Police block a protest against the jailing of opposition leader Alexei Navalny in Yekaterinburg, Russia, on Jan. 23, 2021. Memorial, Russia’s oldest and most prominent human rights organization and a 2022 Nobel Peace Prize laureate, counted 558 political prisoners in the country as of April -- more than three times higher than in 2018, when it listed 183. (AP Photo, file)

FILE Sasha Skochilenko, a 32-year-old artist and musician, stands in a defendant’s cage in a courtroom during a hearing in the Vasileostrovsky district court in St. Petersburg, Russia, on April 13, 2022. Skochilenko is in detention amid her ongoing trial following her April 2022 arrest in St. Petersburg on the charges of spreading false information about the army. She has spent over a year behind bars. (AP Photo, File)

FILE - Russian opposition activist Vladimir Kara-Murza is escorted to a hearing in a court in Moscow, Russia, Feb. 8, 2023. Kara-Murza, another top Russian opposition figure, was sentenced last month to 25 years on treason charges. (AP Photo, File)

FILE In this handout photo released by the Moscow City Court, Russian opposition activist Vladimir Kara-Murza stands in a glass cage in a courtroom at the Moscow City Court in Moscow, on April 17, 2023. Kara-Murza, another top Russian opposition figure, was sentenced last month to 25 years on treason charges. (The Moscow City Court via AP, File)

FILE - Alexei Gorinov holds a sign “I am against the war” standing in a cage during hearing in the courtroom in Moscow, Russia, on June 21, 2022. Gorinov, a former member of a Moscow municipal council, was convicted of “spreading false information” about the army in July over antiwar remarks he made at a council session. Criticism of the invasion was criminalized a few months earlier, and Gorinov, 61, became the first Russian sent to prison for it, receiving seven years. (AP Photo, File)

FILE - Andrei Pivovarov, former head of Open Russia movement stands behind the glass during a court session in Krasnodar, Russia, on June 2, 2021. Pivovarov, an opposition figure sentenced last year to four years in prison, has been in isolation at Penal Colony No. 7 in northern Russia’s Karelia region since January and is likely to stay there the rest of this year. (AP Photo, File)

FILE - Andrei Pivovarov, former head of Open Russia movement, speaks with media in Moscow, Russia, on July 9, 2020. Pivovarov, an opposition figure sentenced last year to four years in prison, has been in isolation at Penal Colony No. 7 in northern Russia’s Karelia region since January and is likely to stay there the rest of this year. (AP Photo/Denis Kaminev, File)

FILE - Riot police detain two young men at a demonstration in Moscow, Russia, on Sept. 21, 2022. Memorial, Russia’s oldest and most prominent human rights organization and a 2022 Nobel Peace Prize laureate, counted 558 political prisoners in the country as of April -- more than three times higher than in 2018, when it listed 183. (AP Photo, File)

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TALLINN, Estonia (AP) — When Alexei Navalny turns 47 on Sunday, he’ll wake up in a bare concrete cell with hardly any natural light.

He won’t be able to see or talk to any of his loved ones. Phone calls and visits are banned for those in “punishment isolation” cells, a 2-by-3-meter (6 1/2-by-10-foot) space. Guards usually blast patriotic songs and speeches by President Vladimir Putin at him.

“Guess who is the champion of listening to Putin’s speeches? Who listens to them for hours and falls asleep to them?” Navalny said recently in a typically sardonic social media post via his attorneys from Penal Colony No. 6 in the Vladimir region east of Moscow.

He is serving a nine-year term due to end in 2030 on charges widely seen as trumped up, and is facing another trial on new charges that could keep him locked up for another two decades. Rallies have been called for Sunday in Russia to support him.

Navalny has become Russia’s most famous political prisoner — and not just because of his prominence as Putin’s fiercest political foe, his poisoning that he blames on the Kremlin, and his being the subject of an Oscar-winning documentary.

Sister Helen Prejean, right, talks as Richard Obot, left, detainee in Division Of Correction 11, listens to her during a book club at Department Of Corrections Division 11 in Chicago, Monday, April 22, 2024. DePaul students and detainees are currently reading Dead Man Walking and the author, anti death penalty advocate, Sister Helen Prejean attended to lead a discussion. (AP Photo/Nam Y. Huh)

He has chronicled his arbitrary placement in isolation, where he has spent almost six months. He’s on a meager prison diet, restricted on how much time he can spend writing letters and forced at times to live with a cellmate with poor personal hygiene, making life even more miserable.

Most of the attention goes to Navalny and other high-profile figures like Vladimir Kara-Murza , who was sentenced last month to 25 years on treason charges. But there’s a growing number of less-famous prisoners who are serving time in similarly harsh conditions.

Memorial, Russia’s oldest and most prominent human rights organization and a 2022 Nobel Peace Prize laureate, counted 558 political prisoners in the country as of April — more than three times the figure than in 2018, when it listed 183.

The Soviet Union’s far-flung gulag system of prison camps provided inmate labor to develop industries such as mining and logging. While conditions vary among modern-day penal colonies , Russian law still permits prisoners to work on jobs like sewing uniforms for soldiers.

In a 2021 report, the U.S. State Department said conditions in Russian prisons and detention centers “were often harsh and life threatening. Overcrowding, abuse by guards and inmates, limited access to health care, food shortages and inadequate sanitation were common in prisons, penal colonies, and other detention facilities.”

Andrei Pivovarov , an opposition figure sentenced last year to four years in prison, has been in isolation at Penal Colony No. 7 in northern Russia’s Karelia region since January and is likely to stay there the rest of this year, said his partner, Tatyana Usmanova. The institution is notorious for its harsh conditions and reports of torture.

The 41-year-old former head of the pro-democracy group Open Russia spends his days alone in a small cell in a “strict detention” unit, and is not allowed any calls or visits from anyone but his lawyers, Usmanova told The Associated Press. He can get one book from the prison library, can write letters for several hours a day and is permitted 90 minutes outdoors, she said.

Other inmates are prohibited from making eye contact with Pivovarov in the corridors, contributing to his “maximum isolation,” she said.

“It wasn’t enough to sentence him to a real prison term. They are also trying to ruin his life there,” Usmanova added.

Pivovarov was pulled off a Warsaw-bound flight just before takeoff from St. Petersburg in May 2021 and taken to the southern city of Krasnodar. Authorities accused him of engaging with an “undesirable” organization -– a crime since 2015.

Several days before his arrest, Open Russia had disbanded after getting the “undesirable” label.

After his trial in Krasnodar, the St. Petersburg native was convicted and sentenced in July, when Russia’s war in Ukraine and Putin’s sweeping crackdown on dissent were in full swing.

He told AP in a letter from Krasnodar in December that authorities moved him there “to hide me farther away” from his hometown and Moscow. That interview was one of the last Pivovarov was able to give, describing prison life there as “boring and depressing,” with his only diversion being an hour-long walk in a small yard. “Lucky” inmates with cash in their accounts can shop at a prison store once a week for 10 minutes but otherwise must stay in their cells, he wrote.

Letters from supporters lift his spirits, he said. Many people wrote that they used to be uninterested in Russian politics, according to Pivovarov, and “only now are starting to see clearly.”

Now, any letters take weeks to arrive, Usmanova said.

Conditions are easier for some less-famous political prisoners like Alexei Gorinov , a former member of a Moscow municipal council. He was was convicted of “spreading false information” about the army in July over antiwar remarks he made at a council session.

Criticism of the invasion was criminalized a few months earlier, and Gorinov, 61, became the first Russian sent to prison for it, receiving seven years.

He is housed in barracks with about 50 others in his unit at Penal Colony No. 2 in the Vladimir region, Gorinov said in written answers passed to AP in March.

The long sentence for a low-profile activist shocked many, and Gorinov said “authorities needed an example they could showcase to others (of) an ordinary person, rather than a public figure.”

Inmates in his unit can watch TV, and play chess, backgammon or table tennis. There’s a small kitchen to brew tea or coffee between meals, and they can have food from personal supplies.

But Gorinov said prison officials still carry out “enhanced control” of the unit, and he and two other inmates get special checks every two hours, since they’ve been labeled “prone to escape.”

There is little medical help, he said.

“Right now, I’m not feeling all that well, as I can’t recover from bronchitis,” he said, adding that he needed treatment for pneumonia last winter at another prison’s hospital ward, because at Penal Colony No. 2, the most they can do is “break a fever.”

Also suffering health problems is artist and musician Sasha Skochilenko, who is detained amid her ongoing trial following her April 2022 arrest in St. Petersburg, also on charges of spreading false information about the army. Her crime was replacing supermarket price tags with antiwar slogans in protest.

Skochilenko has a congenital heart defect and celiac disease, requiring a gluten-free diet. She gets food parcels weekly, but there is a weight limit, and the 32-year-old can’t eat “half the things they give her there,” said her partner, Sophia Subbotina.

There’s a stark difference between detention facilities for women and men, and Skochilenko has it easier in some ways than male prisoners, Subbotina said.

“Oddly enough, the staff are mostly nice. Mostly they are women, they are quite friendly, they will give helpful tips and they have a very good attitude toward Sasha,” Subbotina told AP by phone.

“Often they support Sasha, they tell her: ‘You will definitely get out of here soon, this is so unfair here.’ They know about our relationship and they are fine with it. They’re very humane,” she said.

There’s no political propaganda in the jail and dance music blares from a radio. Cooking shows play on TV. Skochilenko “wouldn’t watch them in normal life, but in jail, it’s a distraction,” Subbotina said.

She recently arranged for an outside cardiologist to examine Skochilneko and since March has been allowed to visit her twice a month.

Subbotina gets emotional when she recalled their first visit.

“It is a complex and weird feeling when you’ve been living with a person. Sasha and I have been together for over six years — waking up with them, falling asleep with them — then not being able to see them for a year,” she said. “I was nervous when I went to visit her. I didn’t know what I would say to Sasha, but in the end, it went really well.”

Still, Subbotina said a year behind bars has been hard on Skochilenko. The trial is moving slowly, unlike usually swift proceedings for high-profile political activists, with guilty verdicts almost a certainty.

Skochilenko faces up to 10 years if convicted.

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What It Means To Be Asian in America

The lived experiences and perspectives of asian americans in their own words.

Asians are the fastest growing racial and ethnic group in the United States. More than 24 million Americans in the U.S. trace their roots to more than 20 countries in East and Southeast Asia and the Indian subcontinent.

The majority of Asian Americans are immigrants, coming to understand what they left behind and building their lives in the United States. At the same time, there is a fast growing, U.S.-born generation of Asian Americans who are navigating their own connections to familial heritage and their own experiences growing up in the U.S.

In a new Pew Research Center analysis based on dozens of focus groups, Asian American participants described the challenges of navigating their own identity in a nation where the label “Asian” brings expectations about their origins, behavior and physical self. Read on to see, in their own words, what it means to be Asian in America.

Introduction, this is how i view my identity, this is how others see and treat me, this is what it means to be home in america, about this project, methodological note, acknowledgments.

No single experience defines what it means to be Asian in the United States today. Instead, Asian Americans’ lived experiences are in part shaped by where they were born, how connected they are to their family’s ethnic origins, and how others – both Asians and non-Asians – see and engage with them in their daily lives. Yet despite diverse experiences, backgrounds and origins, shared experiences and common themes emerged when we asked: “What does it mean to be Asian in America?”

In the fall of 2021, Pew Research Center undertook the largest focus group study it had ever conducted – 66 focus groups with 264 total participants – to hear Asian Americans talk about their lived experiences in America. The focus groups were organized into 18 distinct Asian ethnic origin groups, fielded in 18 languages and moderated by members of their own ethnic groups. Because of the pandemic, the focus groups were conducted virtually, allowing us to recruit participants from all parts of the United States. This approach allowed us to hear a diverse set of voices – especially from less populous Asian ethnic groups whose views, attitudes and opinions are seldom presented in traditional polling. The approach also allowed us to explore the reasons behind people’s opinions and choices about what it means to belong in America, beyond the preset response options of a traditional survey.

The terms “Asian,” “Asians living in the United States” and “Asian American” are used interchangeably throughout this essay to refer to U.S. adults who self-identify as Asian, either alone or in combination with other races or Hispanic identity.

“The United States” and “the U.S.” are used interchangeably with “America” for variations in the writing.

Multiracial participants are those who indicate they are of two or more racial backgrounds (one of which is Asian). Multiethnic participants are those who indicate they are of two or more ethnicities, including those identified as Asian with Hispanic background.

U.S. born refers to people born in the 50 U.S. states or the District of Columbia, Puerto Rico, or other U.S. territories.

Immigrant refers to people who were not U.S. citizens at birth – in other words, those born outside the U.S., Puerto Rico or other U.S. territories to parents who were not U.S. citizens. The terms “immigrant,” “first generation” and “foreign born” are used interchangeably in this report.

Second generation refers to people born in the 50 states or the District of Columbia with at least one first-generation, or immigrant, parent.

The pan-ethnic term “Asian American” describes the population of about 22 million people living in the United States who trace their roots to more than 20 countries in East and Southeast Asia and the Indian subcontinent. The term was popularized by U.S. student activists in the 1960s and was eventually adopted by the U.S. Census Bureau. However, the “Asian” label masks the diverse demographics and wide economic disparities across the largest national origin groups (such as Chinese, Indian, Filipino) and the less populous ones (such as Bhutanese, Hmong and Nepalese) living in America. It also hides the varied circumstances of groups immigrated to the U.S. and how they started their lives there. The population’s diversity often presents challenges . Conventional survey methods typically reflect the voices of larger groups without fully capturing the broad range of views, attitudes, life starting points and perspectives experienced by Asian Americans. They can also limit understanding of the shared experiences across this diverse population.

A chart listing the 18 ethnic origins included in Pew Research Center's 66 focus groups, and the composition of the focus groups by income and birth place.

Across all focus groups, some common findings emerged. Participants highlighted how the pan-ethnic “Asian” label used in the U.S. represented only one part of how they think of themselves. For example, recently arrived Asian immigrant participants told us they are drawn more to their ethnic identity than to the more general, U.S.-created pan-ethnic Asian American identity. Meanwhile, U.S.-born Asian participants shared how they identified, at times, as Asian but also, at other times, by their ethnic origin and as Americans.

Another common finding among focus group participants is the disconnect they noted between how they see themselves and how others view them. Sometimes this led to maltreatment of them or their families, especially at heightened moments in American history such as during Japanese incarceration during World War II, the aftermath of 9/11 and, more recently, the COVID-19 pandemic. Beyond these specific moments, many in the focus groups offered their own experiences that had revealed other people’s assumptions or misconceptions about their identity.

Another shared finding is the multiple ways in which participants take and express pride in their cultural and ethnic backgrounds while also feeling at home in America, celebrating and blending their unique cultural traditions and practices with those of other Americans.

This focus group project is part of a broader research agenda about Asians living in the United States. The findings presented here offer a small glimpse of what participants told us, in their own words, about how they identify themselves, how others see and treat them, and more generally, what it means to be Asian in America.

Illustrations by Jing Li

Publications from the Being Asian in America project

Read the data essay: What It Means to Be Asian in America
Watch the documentary: Being Asian in America
Explore the interactive: In Their Own Words: The Diverse Perspectives of Being Asian in America
View expanded interviews: Extended Interviews: Being Asian in America
About this research project: More on the Being Asian in America project
Q&A: Why and how Pew Research Center conducted 66 focus groups with Asian Americans

One of the topics covered in each focus group was how participants viewed their own racial or ethnic identity. Moderators asked them how they viewed themselves, and what experiences informed their views about their identity. These discussions not only highlighted differences in how participants thought about their own racial or ethnic background, but they also revealed how different settings can influence how they would choose to identify themselves. Across all focus groups, the general theme emerged that being Asian was only one part of how participants viewed themselves.

The pan-ethnic label ‘Asian’ is often used more in formal settings

“I think when I think of the Asian Americans, I think that we’re all unique and different. We come from different cultures and backgrounds. We come from unique stories, not just as a group, but just as individual humans.” Mali , documentary participant

Many participants described a complicated relationship with the pan-ethnic labels “Asian” or “Asian American.” For some, using the term was less of an active choice and more of an imposed one, with participants discussing the disconnect between how they would like to identify themselves and the available choices often found in formal settings. For example, an immigrant Pakistani woman remarked how she typically sees “Asian American” on forms, but not more specific options. Similarly, an immigrant Burmese woman described her experience of applying for jobs and having to identify as “Asian,” as opposed to identifying by her ethnic background, because no other options were available. These experiences highlight the challenges organizations like government agencies and employers have in developing surveys or forms that ask respondents about their identity. A common sentiment is one like this:

“I guess … I feel like I just kind of check off ‘Asian’ [for] an application or the test forms. That’s the only time I would identify as Asian. But Asian is too broad. Asia is a big continent. Yeah, I feel like it’s just too broad. To specify things, you’re Taiwanese American, that’s exactly where you came from.”

–U.S.-born woman of Taiwanese origin in early 20s

Smaller ethnic groups default to ‘Asian’ since their groups are less recognizable

Other participants shared how their experiences in explaining the geographic location and culture of their origin country led them to prefer “Asian” when talking about themselves with others. This theme was especially prominent among those belonging to smaller origin groups such as Bangladeshis and Bhutanese. A Lao participant remarked she would initially say “Asian American” because people might not be familiar with “Lao.”

“[When I fill out] forms, I select ‘Asian American,’ and that’s why I consider myself as an Asian American. [It is difficult to identify as] Nepali American [since] there are no such options in forms. That’s why, Asian American is fine to me.”

–Immigrant woman of Nepalese origin in late 20s

“Coming to a big country like [the United States], when people ask where we are from … there are some people who have no idea about Bhutan, so we end up introducing ourselves as being Asian.”

–Immigrant woman of Bhutanese origin in late 40s

But for many, ‘Asian’ as a label or identity just doesn’t fit

Many participants felt that neither “Asian” nor “Asian American” truly captures how they view themselves and their identity. They argue that these labels are too broad or too ambiguous, as there are so many different groups included within these labels. For example, a U.S.-born Pakistani man remarked on how “Asian” lumps many groups together – that the term is not limited to South Asian groups such as Indian and Pakistani, but also includes East Asian groups. Similarly, an immigrant Nepalese man described how “Asian” often means Chinese for many Americans. A Filipino woman summed it up this way:

“Now I consider myself to be both Filipino and Asian American, but growing up in [Southern California] … I didn’t start to identify as Asian American until college because in [the Los Angeles suburb where I lived], it’s a big mix of everything – Black, Latino, Pacific Islander and Asian … when I would go into spaces where there were a lot of other Asians, especially East Asians, I didn’t feel like I belonged. … In media, right, like people still associate Asian with being East Asian.”

–U.S.-born woman of Filipino origin in mid-20s

Participants also noted they have encountered confusion or the tendency for others to view Asian Americans as people from mostly East Asian countries, such as China, Japan and Korea. For some, this confusion even extends to interactions with other Asian American groups. A Pakistani man remarked on how he rarely finds Pakistani or Indian brands when he visits Asian stores. Instead, he recalled mostly finding Vietnamese, Korean and Chinese items.

Among participants of South Asian descent, some identified with the label “South Asian” more than just “Asian.” There were other nuances, too, when it comes to the labels people choose. Some Indian participants, for example, said people sometimes group them with Native Americans who are also referred to as Indians in the United States. This Indian woman shared her experience at school:

“I love South Asian or ‘Desi’ only because up until recently … it’s fairly new to say South Asian. I’ve always said ‘Desi’ because growing up … I’ve had to say I’m the red dot Indian, not the feather Indian. So annoying, you know? … Always a distinction that I’ve had to make.”

–U.S.-born woman of Indian origin in late 20s

Participants with multiethnic or multiracial backgrounds described their own unique experiences with their identity. Rather than choosing one racial or ethnic group over the other, some participants described identifying with both groups, since this more accurately describes how they see themselves. In some cases, this choice reflected the history of the Asian diaspora. For example, an immigrant Cambodian man described being both Khmer/Cambodian and Chinese, since his grandparents came from China. Some other participants recalled going through an “identity crisis” as they navigated between multiple identities. As one woman explained:

“I would say I went through an identity crisis. … It’s because of being multicultural. … There’s also French in the mix within my family, too. Because I don’t identify, speak or understand the language, I really can’t connect to the French roots … I’m in between like Cambodian and Thai, and then Chinese and then French … I finally lumped it up. I’m just an Asian American and proud of all my roots.”

–U.S.-born woman of Cambodian origin in mid-30s

In other cases, the choice reflected U.S. patterns of intermarriage. Asian newlyweds have the highest intermarriage rate of any racial or ethnic group in the country. One Japanese-origin man with Hispanic roots noted:

“So I would like to see myself as a Hispanic Asian American. I want to say Hispanic first because I have more of my mom’s culture in me than my dad’s culture. In fact, I actually have more American culture than my dad’s culture for what I do normally. So I guess, Hispanic American Asian.”

–U.S.-born man of Hispanic and Japanese origin in early 40s

Other identities beyond race or ethnicity are also important

Focus group participants also talked about their identity beyond the racial or ethnic dimension. For example, one Chinese woman noted that the best term to describe her would be “immigrant.” Faith and religious ties were also important to some. One immigrant participant talked about his love of Pakistani values and how religion is intermingled into Pakistani culture. Another woman explained:

“[Japanese language and culture] are very important to me and ingrained in me because they were always part of my life, and I felt them when I was growing up. Even the word itadakimasu reflects Japanese culture or the tradition. Shinto religion is a part of the culture. They are part of my identity, and they are very important to me.”

–Immigrant woman of Japanese origin in mid-30s

For some, gender is another important aspect of identity. One Korean participant emphasized that being a woman is an important part of her identity. For others, sexual orientation is an essential part of their overall identity. One U.S.-born Filipino participant described herself as “queer Asian American.” Another participant put it this way:

“I belong to the [LGBTQ] community … before, what we only know is gay and lesbian. We don’t know about being queer, nonbinary. [Here], my horizon of knowing what genders and gender roles is also expanded … in the Philippines, if you’ll be with same sex, you’re considered gay or lesbian. But here … what’s happening is so broad, on how you identify yourself.”

–Immigrant woman of Filipino origin in early 20s

Immigrant identity is tied to their ethnic heritage

A chart showing how participants in the focus groups described the differences between race-centered and ethnicity-centered identities.

Participants born outside the United States tended to link their identity with their ethnic heritage. Some felt strongly connected with their ethnic ties due to their citizenship status. For others, the lack of permanent residency or citizenship meant they have stronger ties to their ethnicity and birthplace. And in some cases, participants said they held on to their ethnic identity even after they became U.S. citizens. One woman emphasized that she will always be Taiwanese because she was born there, despite now living in the U.S.

For other participants, family origin played a central role in their identity, regardless of their status in the U.S. According to some of them, this attitude was heavily influenced by their memories and experiences in early childhood when they were still living in their countries of origin. These influences are so profound that even after decades of living in the U.S., some still feel the strong connection to their ethnic roots. And those with U.S.-born children talked about sending their kids to special educational programs in the U.S. to learn about their ethnic heritage.

“Yes, as for me, I hold that I am Khmer because our nationality cannot be deleted, our identity is Khmer as I hold that I am Khmer … so I try, even [with] my children today, I try to learn Khmer through Zoom through the so-called Khmer Parent Association.”

–Immigrant man of Cambodian origin in late 50s

Navigating life in America is an adjustment

Many participants pointed to cultural differences they have noticed between their ethnic culture and U.S. culture. One of the most distinct differences is in food. For some participants, their strong attachment to the unique dishes of their families and their countries of origin helps them maintain strong ties to their ethnic identity. One Sri Lankan participant shared that her roots are still in Sri Lanka, since she still follows Sri Lankan traditions in the U.S. such as preparing kiribath (rice with coconut milk) and celebrating Ramadan.

For other participants, interactions in social settings with those outside their own ethnic group circles highlighted cultural differences. One Bangladeshi woman talked about how Bengalis share personal stories and challenges with each other, while others in the U.S. like to have “small talk” about TV series or clothes.

Many immigrants in the focus groups have found it is easier to socialize when they are around others belonging to their ethnicity. When interacting with others who don’t share the same ethnicity, participants noted they must be more self-aware about cultural differences to avoid making mistakes in social interactions. Here, participants described the importance of learning to “fit in,” to avoid feeling left out or excluded. One Korean woman said:

“Every time I go to a party, I feel unwelcome. … In Korea, when I invite guests to my house and one person sits without talking, I come over and talk and treat them as a host. But in the United States, I have to go and mingle. I hate mingling so much. I have to talk and keep going through unimportant stories. In Korea, I am assigned to a dinner or gathering. I have a party with a sense of security. In America, I have nowhere to sit, and I don’t know where to go and who to talk to.”

–Immigrant woman of Korean origin in mid-40s

And a Bhutanese immigrant explained:

“In my case, I am not an American. I consider myself a Bhutanese. … I am a Bhutanese because I do not know American culture to consider myself as an American. It is very difficult to understand the sense of humor in America. So, we are pure Bhutanese in America.”

–Immigrant man of Bhutanese origin in early 40s

Language was also a key aspect of identity for the participants. Many immigrants in the focus groups said they speak a language other than English at home and in their daily lives. One Vietnamese man considered himself Vietnamese since his Vietnamese is better than his English. Others emphasized their English skills. A Bangladeshi participant felt that she was more accepted in the workplace when she does more “American” things and speaks fluent English, rather than sharing things from Bangladeshi culture. She felt that others in her workplace correlate her English fluency with her ability to do her job. For others born in the U.S., the language they speak at home influences their connection to their ethnic roots.

“Now if I go to my work and do show my Bengali culture and Asian culture, they are not going to take anything out of it. So, basically, I have to show something that they are interested in. I have to show that I am American, [that] I can speak English fluently. I can do whatever you give me as a responsibility. So, in those cases I can’t show anything about my culture.”

–Immigrant woman of Bangladeshi origin in late 20s

“Being bi-ethnic and tri-cultural creates so many unique dynamics, and … one of the dynamics has to do with … what it is to be Americanized. … One of the things that played a role into how I associate the identity is language. Now, my father never spoke Spanish to me … because he wanted me to develop a fluency in English, because for him, he struggled with English. What happened was three out of the four people that raised me were Khmer … they spoke to me in Khmer. We’d eat breakfast, lunch and dinner speaking Khmer. We’d go to the temple in Khmer with the language and we’d also watch videos and movies in Khmer. … Looking into why I strongly identify with the heritage, one of the reasons is [that] speaking that language connects to the home I used to have [as my families have passed away].”

–U.S.-born man of Cambodian origin in early 30s

Balancing between individualistic and collective thinking

For some immigrant participants, the main differences between themselves and others who are seen as “truly American” were less about cultural differences, or how people behave, and more about differences in “mindset,” or how people think . Those who identified strongly with their ethnicity discussed how their way of thinking is different from a “typical American.” To some, the “American mentality” is more individualistic, with less judgment on what one should do or how they should act . One immigrant Japanese man, for example, talked about how other Japanese-origin co-workers in the U.S. would work without taking breaks because it’s culturally inconsiderate to take a break while others continued working. However, he would speak up for himself and other workers when they are not taking any work breaks. He attributed this to his “American” way of thinking, which encourages people to stand up for themselves.

Some U.S.-born participants who grew up in an immigrant family described the cultural clashes that happened between themselves and their immigrant parents. Participants talked about how the second generation (children of immigrant parents) struggles to pursue their own dreams while still living up to the traditional expectations of their immigrant parents.

“I feel like one of the biggest things I’ve seen, just like [my] Asian American friends overall, is the kind of family-individualistic clash … like wanting to do your own thing is like, is kind of instilled in you as an American, like go and … follow your dream. But then you just grow up with such a sense of like also wanting to be there for your family and to live up to those expectations, and I feel like that’s something that’s very pronounced in Asian cultures.”

–U.S.-born man of Indian origin in mid-20s

Discussions also highlighted differences about gender roles between growing up in America compared with elsewhere.

“As a woman or being a girl, because of your gender, you have to keep your mouth shut [and] wait so that they call on you for you to speak up. … I do respect our elders and I do respect hearing their guidance but I also want them to learn to hear from the younger person … because we have things to share that they might not know and that [are] important … so I like to challenge gender roles or traditional roles because it is something that [because] I was born and raised here [in America], I learn that we all have the equal rights to be able to speak and share our thoughts and ideas.”

U.S. born have mixed ties to their family’s heritage

“I think being Hmong is somewhat of being free, but being free of others’ perceptions of you or of others’ attempts to assimilate you or attempts to put pressure on you. I feel like being Hmong is to resist, really.” Pa Houa , documentary participant

How U.S.-born participants identify themselves depends on their familiarity with their own heritage, whom they are talking with, where they are when asked about their identity and what the answer is used for. Some mentioned that they have stronger ethnic ties because they are very familiar with their family’s ethnic heritage. Others talked about how their eating habits and preferred dishes made them feel closer to their ethnic identity. For example, one Korean participant shared his journey of getting closer to his Korean heritage because of Korean food and customs. When some participants shared their reasons for feeling closer to their ethnic identity, they also expressed a strong sense of pride with their unique cultural and ethnic heritage.

“I definitely consider myself Japanese American. I mean I’m Japanese and American. Really, ever since I’ve grown up, I’ve really admired Japanese culture. I grew up watching a lot of anime and Japanese black and white films. Just learning about [it], I would hear about Japanese stuff from my grandparents … myself, and my family having blended Japanese culture and American culture together.”

–U.S.-born man of Japanese origin in late 20s

Meanwhile, participants who were not familiar with their family’s heritage showed less connection with their ethnic ties. One U.S.-born woman said she has a hard time calling herself Cambodian, as she is “not close to the Cambodian community.” Participants with stronger ethnic ties talked about relating to their specific ethnic group more than the broader Asian group. Another woman noted that being Vietnamese is “more specific and unique than just being Asian” and said that she didn’t feel she belonged with other Asians. Some participants also disliked being seen as or called “Asian,” in part because they want to distinguish themselves from other Asian groups. For example, one Taiwanese woman introduces herself as Taiwanese when she can, because she had frequently been seen as Chinese.

Some in the focus groups described how their views of their own identities shifted as they grew older. For example, some U.S.-born and immigrant participants who came to the U.S. at younger ages described how their experiences in high school and the need to “fit in” were important in shaping their own identities. A Chinese woman put it this way:

“So basically, all I know is that I was born in the United States. Again, when I came back, I didn’t feel any barrier with my other friends who are White or Black. … Then I got a little confused in high school when I had trouble self-identifying if I am Asian, Chinese American, like who am I. … Should I completely immerse myself in the American culture? Should I also keep my Chinese identity and stuff like that? So yeah, that was like the middle of that mist. Now, I’m pretty clear about myself. I think I am Chinese American, Asian American, whatever people want.”

–U.S.-born woman of Chinese origin in early 20s

Identity is influenced by birthplace

“I identified myself first and foremost as American. Even on the forms that you fill out that says, you know, ‘Asian’ or ‘Chinese’ or ‘other,’ I would check the ‘other’ box, and I would put ‘American Chinese’ instead of ‘Chinese American.’” Brent , documentary participant

When talking about what it means to be “American,” participants offered their own definitions. For some, “American” is associated with acquiring a distinct identity alongside their ethnic or racial backgrounds, rather than replacing them. One Indian participant put it this way:

“I would also say [that I am] Indian American just because I find myself always bouncing between the two … it’s not even like dual identity, it just is one whole identity for me, like there’s not this separation. … I’m doing [both] Indian things [and] American things. … They use that term like ABCD … ‘American Born Confused Desi’ … I don’t feel that way anymore, although there are those moments … but I would say [that I am] Indian American for sure.”

–U.S.-born woman of Indian origin in early 30s

Meanwhile, some U.S.-born participants view being American as central to their identity while also valuing the culture of their family’s heritage.

Many immigrant participants associated the term “American” with immigration status or citizenship. One Taiwanese woman said she can’t call herself American since she doesn’t have a U.S. passport. Notably, U.S. citizenship is an important milestone for many immigrant participants, giving them a stronger sense of belonging and ultimately calling themselves American. A Bangladeshi participant shared that she hasn’t received U.S. citizenship yet, and she would call herself American after she receives her U.S. passport.

Other participants gave an even narrower definition, saying only those born and raised in the United States are truly American. One Taiwanese woman mentioned that her son would be American since he was born, raised and educated in the U.S. She added that while she has U.S. citizenship, she didn’t consider herself American since she didn’t grow up in the U.S. This narrower definition has implications for belonging. Some immigrants in the groups said they could never become truly American since the way they express themselves is so different from those who were born and raised in the U.S. A Japanese woman pointed out that Japanese people “are still very intimidated by authorities,” while those born and raised in America give their opinions without hesitation.

“As soon as I arrived, I called myself a Burmese immigrant. I had a green card, but I still wasn’t an American citizen. … Now I have become a U.S. citizen, so now I am a Burmese American.”

–Immigrant man of Burmese origin in mid-30s

“Since I was born … and raised here, I kind of always view myself as American first who just happened to be Asian or Chinese. So I actually don’t like the term Chinese American or Asian American. I’m American Asian or American Chinese. I view myself as American first.”

–U.S.-born man of Chinese origin in early 60s

“[I used to think of myself as] Filipino, but recently I started saying ‘Filipino American’ because I got [U.S.] citizenship. And it just sounds weird to say Filipino American, but I’m trying to … I want to accept it. I feel like it’s now marry-able to my identity.”

–Immigrant woman of Filipino origin in early 30s

For others, American identity is about the process of ‘becoming’ culturally American

A Venn diagram showing how participants in the focus group study described their racial or ethnic identity overlaps with their American identity

Immigrant participants also emphasized how their experiences and time living in America inform their views of being an “American.” As a result, some started to see themselves as Americans after spending more than a decade in the U.S. One Taiwanese man considered himself an American since he knows more about the U.S. than Taiwan after living in the U.S. for over 52 years.

But for other immigrant participants, the process of “becoming” American is not about how long they have lived in the U.S., but rather how familiar they are with American culture and their ability to speak English with little to no accent. This is especially true for those whose first language is not English, as learning and speaking it without an accent can be a big challenge for some. One Bangladeshi participant shared that his pronunciation of “hot water” was very different from American English, resulting in confusions in communication. By contrast, those who were more confident in their English skills felt they can better understand American culture and values as a result, leading them to a stronger connection with an American identity.

“[My friends and family tease me for being Americanized when I go back to Japan.] I think I seem a little different to people who live in Japan. I don’t think they mean anything bad, and they [were] just joking, because I already know that I seem a little different to people who live in Japan.”

–Immigrant man of Japanese origin in mid-40s

“I value my Hmong culture, and language, and ethnicity, but I also do acknowledge, again, that I was born here in America and I’m grateful that I was born here, and I was given opportunities that my parents weren’t given opportunities for.”

–U.S.-born woman of Hmong origin in early 30s

During the focus group discussions about identity, a recurring theme emerged about the difference between how participants saw themselves and how others see them. When asked to elaborate on their experiences and their points of view, some participants shared experiences they had with people misidentifying their race or ethnicity. Others talked about their frustration with being labeled the “model minority.” In all these discussions, participants shed light on the negative impacts that mistaken assumptions and labels had on their lives.

All people see is ‘Asian’

For many, interactions with others (non-Asians and Asians alike) often required explaining their backgrounds, reacting to stereotypes, and for those from smaller origin groups in particular, correcting the misconception that being “Asian” means you come from one of the larger Asian ethnic groups. Several participants remarked that in their own experiences, when others think about Asians, they tend to think of someone who is Chinese. As one immigrant Filipino woman put it, “Interacting with [non-Asians in the U.S.], it’s hard. … Well, first, I look Spanish. I mean, I don’t look Asian, so would you guess – it’s like they have a vision of what an Asian [should] look like.” Similarly, an immigrant Indonesian man remarked how Americans tended to see Asians primarily through their physical features, which not all Asian groups share.

Several participants also described how the tendency to view Asians as a monolithic group can be even more common in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic.

“The first [thing people think of me as] is just Chinese. ‘You guys are just Chinese.’ I’m not the only one who felt [this] after the COVID-19 outbreak. ‘Whether you’re Japanese, Korean, or Southeast Asian, you’re just Chinese [to Americans]. I should avoid you.’ I’ve felt this way before, but I think I’ve felt it a bit more after the COVID-19 outbreak.”

–Immigrant woman of Korean origin in early 30s

At the same time, other participants described their own experiences trying to convince others that they are Asian or Asian American. This was a common experience among Southeast Asian participants.

“I have to convince people I’m Asian, not Middle Eastern. … If you type in Asian or you say Asian, most people associate it with Chinese food, Japanese food, karate, and like all these things but then they don’t associate it with you.”

–U.S.-born man of Pakistani origin in early 30s

The model minority myth and its impact

“I’ve never really done the best academically, compared to all my other Asian peers too. I never really excelled. I wasn’t in honors. … Those stereotypes, I think really [have] taken a toll on my self-esteem.” Diane , documentary participant

Across focus groups, immigrant and U.S.-born participants described the challenges of the seemingly positive stereotypes of Asians as intelligent, gifted in technical roles and hardworking. Participants often referred to this as the “model minority myth.”

The label “model minority” was coined in the 1960s and has been used to characterize Asian Americans as financially and educationally successful and hardworking when compared with other groups. However, for many Asians living in the United States, these characterizations do not align with their lived experiences or reflect their socioeconomic backgrounds. Indeed, among Asian origin groups in the U.S., there are wide differences in economic and social experiences.

Academic research on the model minority myth has pointed to its impact beyond Asian Americans and towards other racial and ethnic groups, especially Black Americans, in the U.S. Some argue that the model minority myth has been used to justify policies that overlook the historical circumstances and impacts of colonialism, slavery, discrimination and segregation on other non-White racial and ethnic groups.

Many participants noted ways in which the model minority myth has been harmful. For some, expectations based on the myth didn’t match their own experiences of coming from impoverished communities. Some also recalled experiences at school when they struggled to meet their teachers’ expectations in math and science.

“As an Asian person, I feel like there’s that stereotype that Asian students are high achievers academically. They’re good at math and science. … I was a pretty mediocre student, and math and science were actually my weakest subjects, so I feel like it’s either way you lose. Teachers expect you to fit a certain stereotype and if you’re not, then you’re a disappointment, but at the same time, even if you are good at math and science, that just means that you’re fitting a stereotype. It’s [actually] your own achievement, but your teachers might think, ‘Oh, it’s because they’re Asian,’ and that diminishes your achievement.”

–U.S.-born woman of Korean origin in late 20s

Some participants felt that even when being Asian worked in their favor in the job market, they encountered stereotypes that “Asians can do quality work with less compensation” or that “Asians would not complain about anything at work.”

“There is a joke from foreigners and even Asian Americans that says, ‘No matter what you do, Asians always do the best.’ You need to get A, not just B-plus. Otherwise, you’ll be a disgrace to the family. … Even Silicon Valley hires Asian because [an] Asian’s wage is cheaper but [they] can work better. When [work] visa overflow happens, they hire Asians like Chinese and Indian to work in IT fields because we are good at this and do not complain about anything.”

–Immigrant man of Thai origin in early 40s

Others expressed frustration that people were placing them in the model minority box. One Indian woman put it this way:

“Indian people and Asian people, like … our parents or grandparents are the ones who immigrated here … against all odds. … A lot of Indian and Asian people have succeeded and have done really well for themselves because they’ve worked themselves to the bone. So now the expectations [of] the newer generations who were born here are incredibly unrealistic and high. And you get that not only from your family and the Indian community, but you’re also getting it from all of the American people around you, expecting you to be … insanely good at math, play an instrument, you know how to do this, you know how to do that, but it’s not true. And it’s just living with those expectations, it’s difficult.”

–U.S.-born woman of Indian origin in early 20s

Whether U.S. born or immigrants, Asians are often seen by others as foreigners

“Being only not quite 10 years old, it was kind of exciting to ride on a bus to go someplace. But when we went to Pomona, the assembly center, we were stuck in one of the stalls they used for the animals.” Tokiko , documentary participant

Across all focus groups, participants highlighted a common question they are asked in America when meeting people for the first time: “Where are you really from?” For participants, this question implied that people think they are “foreigners,” even though they may be longtime residents or citizens of the United States or were born in the country. One man of Vietnamese origin shared his experience with strangers who assumed that he and his friends are North Korean. Perhaps even more hurtful, participants mentioned that this meant people had a preconceived notion of what an “American” is supposed to look like, sound like or act like. One Chinese woman said that White Americans treated people like herself as outsiders based on her skin color and appearance, even though she was raised in the U.S.

Many focus group participants also acknowledged the common stereotype of treating Asians as “forever foreigners.” Some immigrant participants said they felt exhausted from constantly being asked this question by people even when they speak perfect English with no accent. During the discussion, a Korean immigrant man recalled that someone had said to him, “You speak English well, but where are you from?” One Filipino participant shared her experience during the first six months in the U.S.:

“You know, I spoke English fine. But there were certain things that, you know, people constantly questioning you like, oh, where are you from? When did you come here? You know, just asking about your experience to the point where … you become fed up with it after a while.”

–Immigrant woman of Filipino origin in mid-30s

U.S.-born participants also talked about experiences when others asked where they are from. Many shared that they would not talk about their ethnic origin right away when answering such a question because it often led to misunderstandings and assumptions that they are immigrants.

“I always get that question of, you know, ‘Where are you from?’ and I’m like, ‘I’m from America.’ And then they’re like, ‘No. Where are you from-from ?’ and I’m like, ‘Yeah, my family is from Pakistan,’ so it’s like I always had like that dual identity even though it’s never attached to me because I am like, of Pakistani descent.”

–U.S.-born man of Pakistani origin in early 20s

One Korean woman born in the U.S. said that once people know she is Korean, they ask even more offensive questions such as “Are you from North or South Korea?” or “Do you still eat dogs?”

In a similar situation, this U.S.-born Indian woman shared her responses:

“I find that there’s a, ‘So but where are you from?’ Like even in professional settings when they feel comfortable enough to ask you. ‘So – so where are you from?’ ‘Oh, I was born in [names city], Colorado. Like at [the hospital], down the street.’ ‘No, but like where are you from?’ ‘My mother’s womb?’”

–U.S.-born woman of Indian origin in early 40s

Ignorance and misinformation about Asian identity can lead to contentious encounters

“I have dealt with kids who just gave up on their Sikh identity, cut their hair and groomed their beard and everything. They just wanted to fit in and not have to deal with it, especially [those] who are victim or bullied in any incident.” Surinder , documentary participant

In some cases, ignorance and misinformation about Asians in the U.S. lead to inappropriate comments or questions and uncomfortable or dangerous situations. Participants shared their frustration when others asked about their country of origin, and they then had to explain their identity or correct misunderstandings or stereotypes about their background. At other times, some participants faced ignorant comments about their ethnicity, which sometimes led to more contentious encounters. For example, some Indian or Pakistani participants talked about the attacks or verbal abuse they experienced from others blaming them for the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Others discussed the racial slurs directed toward them since the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. Some Japanese participants recalled their families losing everything and being incarcerated during World War II and the long-term effect it had on their lives.

“I think like right now with the coronavirus, I think we’re just Chinese, Chinese American, well, just Asian American or Asians in general, you’re just going through the same struggles right now. Like everyone is just blaming whoever looks Asian about the virus. You don’t feel safe.”

–U.S.-born man of Chinese origin in early 30s

“At the beginning of the pandemic, a friend and I went to celebrate her birthday at a club and like these guys just kept calling us COVID.”

–U.S.-born woman of Korean origin in early 20s

“There [were] a lot of instances after 9/11. One day, somebody put a poster about 9/11 [in front of] my business. He was wearing a gun. … On the poster, it was written ‘you Arabs, go back to your country.’ And then someone came inside. He pointed his gun at me and said ‘Go back to your country.’”

–Immigrant man of Pakistani origin in mid-60s

“[My parents went through the] internment camps during World War II. And my dad, he was in high school, so he was – they were building the camps and then he was put into the Santa Anita horse track place, the stables there. And then they were sent – all the Japanese Americans were sent to different camps, right, during World War II and – in California. Yeah, and they lost everything, yeah.”

–U.S.-born woman of Japanese origin in mid-60s

As focus group participants contemplated their identity during the discussions, many talked about their sense of belonging in America. Although some felt frustrated with people misunderstanding their ethnic heritage, they didn’t take a negative view of life in America. Instead, many participants – both immigrant and U.S. born – took pride in their unique cultural and ethnic backgrounds. In these discussions, people gave their own definitions of America as a place with a diverse set of cultures, with their ethnic heritage being a part of it.

Taking pride in their unique cultures

“Being a Pakistani American, I’m proud. … Because I work hard, and I make true my dreams from here.” Shahid , documentary participant

Despite the challenges of adapting to life in America for immigrant participants or of navigating their dual cultural identity for U.S.-born ones, focus group participants called America their home. And while participants talked about their identities in different ways – ethnic identity, racial (Asian) identity, and being American – they take pride in their unique cultures. Many also expressed a strong sense of responsibility to give back or support their community, sharing their cultural heritage with others on their own terms.

“Right now it has been a little difficult. I think it has been for all Asians because of the COVID issue … but I’m glad that we’re all here [in America]. I think we should be proud to be here. I’m glad that our families have traveled here, and we can help make life better for communities, our families and ourselves. I think that’s really a wonderful thing. We can be those role models for a lot of the future, the younger folks. I hope that something I did in the last years will have impacted either my family, friends or students that I taught in other community things that I’ve done. So you hope that it helps someplace along the line.”

“I am very proud of my culture. … There is not a single Bengali at my workplace, but people know the name of my country. Maybe many years [later] – educated people know all about the country. So, I don’t have to explain that there is a small country next to India and Nepal. It’s beyond saying. People after all know Bangladesh. And there are so many Bengali present here as well. So, I am very proud to be a Bangladeshi.”

Where home is

When asked about the definition of home, some immigrant participants said home is where their families are located. Immigrants in the focus groups came to the United States by various paths, whether through work opportunities, reuniting with family or seeking a safe haven as refugees. Along their journey, some received support from family members, their local community or other individuals, while others overcame challenges by themselves. Either way, they take pride in establishing their home in America and can feel hurt when someone tells them to “go back to your country.” In response, one Laotian woman in her mid-40s said, “This is my home. My country. Go away.”

“If you ask me personally, I view my home as my house … then I would say my house is with my family because wherever I go, I cannot marry if I do not have my family so that is how I would answer.”

–Immigrant man of Hmong origin in late 30s

“[If somebody yelled at me ‘go back to your country’] I’d feel angry because this is my country! I live here. America is my country. I grew up here and worked here … I’d say, ‘This is my country! You go back to your country! … I will not go anywhere. This is my home. I will live here.’ That’s what I’d say.”

–Immigrant woman of Laotian origin in early 50s

‘American’ means to blend their unique cultural and ethnic heritage with that in the U.S.

“I want to teach my children two traditions – one American and one Vietnamese – so they can compare and choose for themselves the best route in life.” Helen , documentary participant (translated from Vietnamese)

Both U.S.-born and immigrant participants in the focus groups shared their experiences of navigating a dual cultural environment between their ethnic heritage and American culture. A common thread that emerged was that being Asian in America is a process of blending two or more identities as one.

“Yeah, I want to say that’s how I feel – because like thinking about it, I would call my dad Lao but I would call myself Laotian American because I think I’m a little more integrated in the American society and I’ve also been a little more Americanized, compared to my dad. So that’s how I would see it.”

–U.S.-born man of Laotian origin in late 20s

“I mean, Bangladeshi Americans who are here, we are carrying Bangladeshi culture, religion, food. I am also trying to be Americanized like the Americans. Regarding language, eating habits.”

–Immigrant man of Bangladeshi origin in mid-50s

“Just like there is Chinese American, Mexican American, Japanese American, Italian American, so there is Indian American. I don’t want to give up Indianness. I am American by nationality, but I am Indian by birth. So whenever I talk, I try to show both the flags as well, both Indian and American flags. Just because you make new relatives but don’t forget the old relatives.”

–Immigrant man of Indian origin in late 40s

Pew Research Center designed these focus groups to better understand how members of an ethnically diverse Asian population think about their place in America and life here. By including participants of different languages, immigration or refugee experiences, educational backgrounds, and income levels, this focus group study aimed to capture in people’s own words what it means to be Asian in America. The discussions in these groups may or may not resonate with all Asians living in the United States. Browse excerpts from our focus groups with the interactive quote sorter below, view a video documentary focused on the topics discussed in the focus groups, or tell us your story of belonging in America via social media. The focus group project is part of a broader research project studying the diverse experiences of Asians living in the U.S.

Read sortable quotes from our focus groups

Browse excerpts in the interactive quote sorter from focus group participants in response to the question “What does it mean to be [Vietnamese, Thai, Sri Lankan, Hmong, etc.] like yourself in America?” This interactive allows you to sort quotes from focus group participants by ethnic origin, nativity (U.S. born or born in another country), gender and age.

Video documentary

Videos throughout the data essay illustrate what focus group participants discussed. Those recorded in these videos did not participate in the focus groups but were sampled to have similar demographic characteristics and thematically relevant stories.

Watch the full video documentary and watch additional shorter video clips related to the themes of this data essay.

Share the story of your family and your identity

Did the voices in this data essay resonate? Share your story of what it means to be Asian in America with @pewresearch. Tell us your story by using the hashtag #BeingAsianInAmerica and @pewidentity on Twitter, as well as #BeingAsianInAmerica and @pewresearch on Instagram.

This cross-ethnic, comparative qualitative research project explores the identity, economic mobility, representation, and experiences of immigration and discrimination among the Asian population in the United States. The analysis is based on 66 focus groups we conducted virtually in the fall of 2021 and included 264 participants from across the U.S. More information about the groups and analysis can be found in this appendix .

Pew Research Center is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts, its primary funder. This data essay was funded by The Pew Charitable Trusts, with generous support from the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative DAF, an advised fund of the Silicon Valley Community Foundation; the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation; the Henry Luce Foundation; The Wallace H. Coulter Foundation; The Dirk and Charlene Kabcenell Foundation; The Long Family Foundation; Lu-Hebert Fund; Gee Family Foundation; Joseph Cotchett; the Julian Abdey and Sabrina Moyle Charitable Fund; and Nanci Nishimura.

The accompanying video clips and video documentary were made possible by The Pew Charitable Trusts, with generous support from The Sobrato Family Foundation and The Long Family Foundation.

We would also like to thank the Leaders Forum for its thought leadership and valuable assistance in helping make this study possible. This is a collaborative effort based on the input and analysis of a number of individuals and experts at Pew Research Center and outside experts.

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Challenges and Strategies for Research in Prisons

Zoltán l. apa.

1 School of Nursing, Columbia University, New York, New York

Dhritiman V. Mukherejee

2 Department of Epidemiology, Mailman School of Public Health, Columbia University, New York, New York

4 Division of Infectious Diseases, Department of Medicine, College of Physicians and Surgeons, Columbia University, New York, New York

Carolyn T. A. Herzig

Carl koenigsmann.

3 New York State Department of Corrections, Albany, New York

Franklin D. Lowy

Elaine l. larson.

In this article, we discuss some of the challenges encountered while conducting research in two maximum security prisons and approaches we found helpful to facilitate the research process through the development of collaborative relationships, the establishment of prison contacts, and the implementation of rigorous research methods. As a result of our experiences, we have been successful at maintaining a high rate of inmate participation (>80%) and a well-functioning multidisciplinary team. The approaches described may be useful to other investigators planning to conduct research in a challenging setting such as prisons.

Over 9.8 million people are incarcerated throughout the world, with the United States having the highest incarceration rate at 756 per 100,000 of the national population ( Walmsley, 2009 ). Although a decline in the growth rate of the overall prison population has been seen in recent years, the number of adults under correctional supervision increased about fourfold between 1980 and 2009, from 1,840,400 to 7,225,800 ( Walmsley, 2009 ). Inmates are a vulnerable population at high risk for violence, substance abuse, mental illness, and infectious diseases. As a result, correctional facilities are an important site for public health research. There is a growing body of literature regarding prison inmates, and a few publications have provided guidance regarding the challenges and strategies for public health research conducted within these facilities ( Byrne, 2005 ; Fox, Zambrana & Lane, 2011 ; Innes & Everett, 2008 ; Patenaude, 2004 ; Quina et al., 2007 ; Wakai, Shelton, Trestman & Kesten, 2009 ). This article adds to the existing literature by addressing research challenges and approaches using our study (Risk Factors for Spread of Staphylococcus aureus in Prisons, 5R01AI82536) in two New York State maximum security prisons as a framework. Aims of this article are to propose methods to (a) develop a collaborative research relationship between an academic institution and a department of corrections, (b) establish prison contacts, and (c) maintain rigorous research methods in the context of sustaining security and confidentiality ( Table 1 ). Although the collaborative and methodological procedures described below were tailored to our research goals, they can serve as a general guideline for investigators seeking to conduct research within the maximum security prison environment.

Essential Components and Approaches for Conducting Research with a Department of Corrections

Develop a Collaborative Research Relationship

Know the system.

By nature of its mission, The Department of Corrections must maintain a controlled, secure setting ( Wakai et al., 2009 ). As part of the National Institute of Justice’s appraisal action aimed at developing more effective decision tools, however, efforts are being made to develop cooperative relationships with research institutions ( Welsh & Zajac, 2004 ). Hence, correctional facilities administrators have become more receptive to collaborations with universities and other research-based organizations in recent years ( Welsh & Zajac, 2004 ). To facilitate successful research within correctional facilities, researchers need to acquire a basic knowledge of the administrative system within the Department of Corrections, and the various stakeholders and decision makers, to identify appropriate research partners and to get a realistic sense of what types of research methods and approaches are possible and acceptable in the context of a setting in which safety and security are primary ( Fox et al., 2011 ; Greifinger, 2007 ; Vanderhoff, Jeglic & Donovick, 2011 ; Welsh & Zajac, 2004 ).

The involvement of key correctional officials, such as the Chief Medical Officer and the correctional facility Superintendent and Facility Health Services Director, is crucial for conducting public health research. As the Department of Corrections is a top down/hierarchical institution, all approvals must be granted first by the head of the appropriate departments. To properly set the stage for successful research, it is extremely important to identify a senior prison administrator as co-investigator. The close collaboration and support of the Chief Medical Officer of the New York State Department of Corrections as a collaborator on our study was essential to its successful implementation.

Obtain appropriate permissions

This study’s initial challenge was to obtain the necessary approvals from both the Columbia University Institutional Review Board (IRB) and the Central Office of the NYS Department of Corrections. For studies involving inmates, IRBs are required to have a prisoner advocate who reviews the protocol. In addition, certification from the Office of Human Research Protections (OHRP) Division of Policy and Assurance is necessary ( http://www.hhs.gov/ohrp/policy/populations/prisoncertlet.html ). Because protocols must be reviewed and approved by both the Department of Corrections and the IRB, there may be considerable negotiations to request changes and clarifications. It may be difficult to determine whether it is more efficient to submit for approval simultaneously or serially as IRB approval and approval from the Department of Corrections are generally contingent upon each other. The appropriate staff at the Department of Corrections can be helpful in providing guidance throughout the review process, but researchers should not underestimate the amount of time required to review protocols that involve vulnerable populations such as prisoners ( Fox et al., 2011 ).

Emphasize mutual goals

Even with approval from top administrators, however, difficulties in the day-to-day operational aspects of the project may be encountered at lower administrative levels and among staff in direct contact with inmates. Hence, other correctional staff must also be well informed and involved in ongoing planning and discussions ( Appelbaum, 2008 ; Greifinger, 2007 ). To facilitate the development of mutually agreed-upon goals, meetings to discuss research interests and aims with facility superintendents, for feedback and modifications, are essential. Clarifying benefits of the research with the superintendents can deepen their involvement as stakeholders throughout the project ( Trulsona, Marquartb & Mullingsb, 2004 ). Properly aligned negotiations best succeed at the intersection of common interests.

We used a variety of mechanisms to enhance mutual goals. For example, we formed an Advisory Council, which included prison leaders who met on a regular basis. In addition, these prisons also had Inmate Liaison Committees (ILCs) with whom we meet to keep inmates updated and to obtain their feedback. Furthermore, we identified a “point person” within each prison to facilitate communication. Depending on the nature of the study, the position of this person may vary; in our case, the “point person” was a member of the health care staff who advised us as we navigated the system. We also met with correctional officers (COs) to describe the study and respond to any concerns, published an article in the state prison newsletter, and planned co-authorship opportunities with prison staff. Early in the project, at the request from one of the prison superintendents, we produced a video describing the study to inmates and correctional staff in which inmates were offered the opportunity to volunteer as “actors” in the video.

Establish the Prison Contacts

Prisons are unique, restricted, and, at times, unpredictable environments that operate as secure settings where each group has a well-defined, discrete role. To successfully carry out our prison research, we built collegial relationships within the prison system to establish a positive rapport with four distinct groups of personnel: administrative staff, health care staff, security staff, and inmates.

Administrative staff

Once appropriate approvals and clearances are obtained, a researcher’s interactions with the administrative staff are likely to be minimal. However, the researcher must maintain a positive relationship by keeping administrators well informed of the status of the project. Administrators need to hear directly from the researcher of progress, as well as any problems encountered, so that they are fully involved and understand any untoward or unexpected events that occur.

Health care staff

Health care staff, including physicians, nurses, and physician assistants, provide needed health care services for the inmate population. Studies that investigate different elements of inmates’ health require that researchers establish professional relationships with these key medical providers, who can help to facilitate the study.

Security staff

The prison security staff comprised largely COs whose role is to ensure security among the prison population and to help coordinate inmate activities. Thus, researchers will frequently interact with COs. In terms of security logistics, COs are empowered to delay or suspend inmates’ activities. Much depends on level of security-minimum, medium, and maximum. All visitors to the prison, including researchers, must be screened to enter. The steps in this process include having an appointment (i.e., being expected), carrying proper identification, and electronic or manual scanning. Depending on the prison security level, approved visitors might be stamped before entering the facility. For additional security in some prisons, visitors may be required to carry personal alarm pagers within the prison grounds. Electronic devices, such as computers and cell phones, are not allowed within the maximum security prisons; thus, all data collection must be in paper form in such security level prisons.

The research team is usually escorted by a CO to the data collection site(s). Developing a positive relationship with COs is important not only to ensure that research steps are completed effectively but also for the researchers’ safety. In addition, a positive relationship can help reduce concerns or suspicions that COs may have about the nature of the research being conducted and whether they will be expected to contribute or participate in any way. Responding to issues raised by COs and working with them to allay any concerns will prevent delays and greatly facilitate navigating the prison system. COs may be reluctant to express concerns, so it is essential that the research team members are sensitive and attuned to potential issues that may arise. During the course of our study, we found that efficient movement within the prison was greatly influenced by the security personnel; thus, being courteous and respectful to COs encouraged them to help us surmount encountered obstacles. This included making sure that inmates were present for interviews and obtaining as well as equipping the interview rooms.

The inmates are the largest group in prison settings. In our study, meeting with the ILCs to discuss our study aims and solicit their suggestions for ways to approach recruitment and data collection was the most effective means to communicate with the inmates. Through working with such representative bodies, relationships can be developed based on openness and mutual respect to maximize understanding and support for the study.

Maintain Rigorous Research Methods

Accommodate variations in prison cultures.

Although the overall goals of prisons may be similar, each prison has established its own culture and system. We recruited inmates from a women’s and a men’s maximum security prison in NYS, and the major challenge was learning their respective systems and finding the best ways to accommodate and plan for variations in access to inmates and data sources. For example, like most correctional facilities, both sites operated around a scheduled inmate routine. In one facility, the research team was allowed to interact with inmates only in the medical unit and only during their free time. In the other facility, we were allowed to directly recruit inmates from different sites during their assigned programs. Similarly, we were allowed to walk unescorted within one facility but were escorted by bus within the other facility, which required considerably more time. Such differences require careful planning and time management to account for mandated variations in prison systems and their individual requirements.

There were logistical advantages and disadvantages within each system. Although having to wait for a bus at one site prolonged our time, this process allowed the researchers to approach inmates directly and talk with them about the study. In contrast, the other facility’s system called out inmates to the medical unit which limited the number of interviews/participants due to issues such as inmates not receiving the call, deciding not to show up, or simply refusing to participate because they may not have been accurately informed about the study. Emphasizing the importance and overall benefit of this research to COs who delegated the calls minimized these issues.

In the beginning of our recruitment process at both facilities, we learned that explaining the study to a group of inmates, instead of individually, could have adverse effects. If a single inmate made a negative comment about the study, it was then amplified by the group so that other inmates were less likely to express interest in participating. In addition, we distributed approximately 50 flyers describing the study to recruit inmates, and only received a single response informing us that an inmate had moved. Subsequently, we found more appropriate ways to invite study participation such as getting support from the ILC to inform inmates of our study and talking to each inmate separately to avoid miscommunication.

Data collection

At the inception and before each phase of our study, we performed extensive pilot testing to assure that data collection methods were feasible, minimally disruptive, and acceptable to staff and inmates. We vetted the questionnaire with inmates at the outset and throughout the study. In addition, we have conducted meetings, formal presentations, and discussions with prison personnel and inmates to obtain feedback on a regular basis throughout the project. These activities have greatly facilitated the smooth functioning of the project.

A wide variety of data sources are available, each with advantages and disadvantages. Thus, researchers have increasingly combined a mix of data sources to achieve their research goals ( Greifinger, 2007 ). We reviewed medical files and computerized records, collected nares/oropharynx swab samples for microbiologic examination, and conducted interviews with inmates. Any study that uses self-reported information must address the possibility of under-reporting or over-reporting due to issues such as inaccurate or untruthful responses or misinterpretation of the questions ( Fox et al., 2011 ; Harrison, 1997 ; Singer, 1978 ; Stephenson et al., 2006 ). For example, inmates may be reluctant to respond accurately to questions related to personal information such as drug use or involvement in physical fights for fear of being reported to prison authorities. Hence, whenever possible we compared data available from medical records with information obtained from inmate interviews. In general, agreement between information provided by the inmates and information abstracted from records was high for information available from both sources, but information from records was sometimes unavailable or difficult to locate. In addition, much of the data needed for our study was only available by self-report. Overall, the inmates appeared very open and willing to provide information. In fact, we found a number of duplicate interviews from inmates who enrolled more than once, making it possible to assess whether their responses were similar at different time points. In other instances, inmates may have no interest in participating or may refuse certain procedures. In our study, for example, some inmates expressed concerns that the nasal and oropharyngeal samples being obtained were actually contaminating them.

Maintain inmate’s privacy

It is vital to carefully consider privacy and inmates’ rights, as they may feel coerced to participate or fear that their information will be shared with others. To alleviate such concerns, we worked to establish a positive rapport with the inmate population to earn their trust and respect. We requested that the interviews be conducted in private, without the presence of COs or other inmates, to reassure them that our research team was not affiliated with the correctional system and that no individual information from the research study would be reported to the Department of Corrections or a third party ( Fox et al., 2011 ; Noaks, Wincup & ebrary, 2004 ; O’Brien & Bates, 2003 ; Patenaude, 2004 ; Quina et al., 2007 ). To address these concerns, we provided clear and accurate information and obtained a Certificate of Confidentiality from the National Institutes of Health ( http://grants.nih.gov/grants/policy/coc/ ) to help protect inmate privacy. Using these strategies, we were able to attain a recruitment rate of 90.6% in the male and 81.6% in the female maximum security prisons, a rate higher than has been previously reported ( Fox et al., 2011 ; Moser et al., 2004 ; Peterson, Braiker, Polich & Rand Corporation, 1981 ; Struckman-Johnson, Struckman-Johnson, Rucker, Bumby & Donaldson, 1996 ).

The purpose of this article was to describe some of the challenges and solutions derived from the development and implementation of our research study in two maximum security prisons. Although not all prisons have the same issues and policies, many of the challenges we faced are likely to resonate with others. Researchers must not underestimate the amount of time and preparation required for approval from the IRB and Department of Corrections as well as access into the correctional facilities. Once granted access, it is crucial for researchers to establish and maintain a positive relationship with the COs and inmates, to understand rules and security issues to navigate swiftly through the prison system for data collection, and to consider all limitations and obstacles throughout the process. Such strategies have proven successful in establishing and maintaining a high rate of study participation and high-quality data collection in this challenging research setting.

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Anniston/Gadsden

3 William Donaldson Correctional Facility inmates died on Saturday; family sought for 2

Published: Apr. 22, 2024, 11:15 a.m.
Carol Robinson | [email protected]

Three William Donaldson Correctional Facility inmates died Saturday, two of them at Birmingham area hospitals.

The Jefferson County Coroner’s Office identified the inmates at Kenneth Gilbert Pitisci, 83, James Lee Stone, 49, and Clayton Wilson, 67.

Chief Deputy Coroner Bill Yates said there was no evidence of trauma or foul play in any of the deaths.

Pitisci was serving a life sentence for a 2017 sodomy conviction out of Baldwin County.

Yates said he was found unresponsive at 5:22 a.m. in the prison infirmary where he was being treated for natural diseases. He was pronounced dead at 5:58 a.m.

Stone died at 6:49 a.m. at UAB Hospital in Birmingham.

He had been taken to the hospital on March 22 for treatment of complications of natural disease, Yates said.

All efforts to locate his family have failed. At one time, Stone had family living in Jacksonville.

Stone was serving a 40-year sentence for 2004 sodomy and sexual abuse convictions in Etowah County.

Wilson died at 9:07 a.m. at Grandview Medical Center.

He was serving a life sentence for robbery from a 1990 conviction out of Russell County.

Yates said Wilson was taken to Grandview on March 28 for treatment of complications of natural disease.

Authorities have not yet been able to find his family. Yates efforts to reach his listed emergency contacts were unsuccessful.

Family members of Stone and Wilson are asked to call the coroner’s office at 205-930-3603.

So far this year, 13 Donaldson inmates have died. There were 30 inmate deaths in 2023, and 40 in 2022.

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Fatal shooting of corrections officer during training exercise investigated as reckless homicide

PICKAWAY COUNTY, Ohio ( WSAZ /Gray News) – The death of a lieutenant during a training exercise at a gun range is being investigated as a reckless homicide, according to officials in Ohio.

Lt. Rodney Osborne, 43, was shot and killed during a training exercise at the tactical firing range at the Correctional Training Academy in Pickaway County on April 9.

Initially, officials described the death as a “tragic accident,” but it is now being investigated as a reckless homicide.

Officials confirmed on Monday that another employee was placed on paid administrative leave on April 10 as Ohio State Highway Patrol began investigating the death.

Osborne worked with the Southern Ohio Correctional Facility in Lucasville for 13 years.

The facility had just named Osborne as their Employee of the Year the week before his death.

A family member described Osborne as “one of the best men you could ever ask for” and a great father and husband.

Further details have not yet been released.

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Shooting of Ohio corrections officer at training facility being investigated as reckless homicide

Published: Apr. 22, 2024, 11:37 p.m.

Lt. Rodney Osborne died on April 9 during a training exercise at an Ohio Department of Rehabilitation and Correction training academy. Ohio Department of Rehabilitation and Corrections

Cliff Pinckard, cleveland.com

ORIENT, Ohio — A shooting at a training facility earlier this month that claimed the life of an Ohio corrections officer is being investigated as a reckless homicide, according to multiple reports.

Lt. Rodney Osborne, 43, who had worked with the Ohio Department of Rehabilitation and Correction for 13 years at the Southern Ohio Correctional Facility in Scioto County, died in the April 9 shooting just before 11:30 a.m. during a training session at the Corrections Training Academy, WCMH Channel 4 reports .

According to The Dispatch , a report from the State Highway Patrol released Monday says a state employee is being investigated for reckless homicide in connection with the shooting. The employee, a special operations commander whose name was not released by the patrol, has been placed on administrative leave during the investigation, the Dispatch reports.

At the time of the incident, a corrections official said the shooting “appears to be a tragic accident.” The patrol and the ODRC have not released additional details on the shooting. The report released Monday by the Highway Patrol was heavily redacted, The Dispatch reports.

Osborne had a wife, three children, a grandchild and many extended family, WBNS Channel 10 reports . He had been named employee of the month the prison in March.

He was part of the prison’s honor guard and a member of the special response team and the statewide special tactics and response team.

Correctional Facilities: Baltimore City Jail’ Case Essay

The contemporary corrections facilities are experiencing a wide variety of problems. Some of these issues negatively affect the prison inmates while the other ones are likely to create an impact on the population of the country as well.

Among the most commonly discussed subjects concerning the difficulties the prisons of the world are undergoing are violence among the inmates (including such internal criminal activities as gangs, drug dealership, assault, and racism), mental health or health care in general, high density of the imprisoned population, and corruption. The latter issue is the focus of the present paper that reviews and analyzes an article with the corresponding subject matter.

The article selected for this paper was found on a well-known news portal of the National Public Radio (NPR) called “Md. Governor Orders Closure of ‘Deplorable’ Baltimore City Jail” and written by Bill Chappell. It was posted on the 30 th of July this year and is less than two months old. The article elaborates on the scandalous shut down of a Detention Center in Baltimore that was the responsibility of the state government (Chappell, 2015).

The facility has been announced as heavily corrupted back in 2013. The author emphasized that the imprisoned population basically was in charge of the Detention Center daily practicing such criminal activities as smuggling, drug dealing, and contraband; besides, the incarceration personnel was found in agreement with the prisoners (Chappell, 2015).

After the Federal probe had revealed this disgraceful state of the Detention Center, twenty-five corrections officers and personnel of the prison were interrogated and indicted (13 of them were female) (Chappell, 2015). Apart from the corrupt incarceration personnel, the Center also had such issues as poor health care (both mental and medical), as well as dangerous physical conditions. The building of the Detention Center dates back to the times of the American Civil War.

Analyzing the information provided in the article one will notice that the corrections facilities rarely have just one issue. Typically, the problems of such facilities are complex, multiple, and interconnected. The utter failure of leadership and management of the Detention Center led to such shocking consequences. First of all, the prison was either underfinanced or the money assigned to the health care needs of the inmates was stolen.

An investigation could address the errors of the Center leadership and the state government. Further, the overtaking of the facility by the incarcerated individuals and gangs is an outcome of the weak internal leadership that did not only overlook the incidents of the cooperation between the prisoners and the corrections personnel, but also failed to address such cases and exclude the corrupt individuals from the Detention Center officer team.

One may say that the criminals and the prison workers might have kept their relations in secrecy, but this was not the case since the 2013 federal probe discovered that an incarcerated gang leader who goes by the name Tavon White, had children with four women employed as the corrections officers at the Center, and two of these females had the name of the criminal tattooed on their bodies (Chappell, 2015).

After the revelation of the latter fact, it becomes harder to protect the personnel of the Detention Center since the connection between the female officers and an imprisoned gang leader should have been quite obvious, yet all of them continued to work at the Center. Unfortunately, the relations and cooperation between the criminals and the corrections officers and prison leaders are not rare in the contemporary world.

The United States of America is not the only country to face this issue. Around two months ago, one of the highest-security prisons in Mexico had experienced a shameful incident when one of the most dangerous convicts, a drug lord called Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán managed to escape (Partlow, 2015).

The most impressive news is that he escaped through a set of tunnels that must have required large excavation equipment, excellent knowledge of the prison building plan, and months of work. The correction officers seem to have completely overlooked all of those operations, and this signifies a high level of corruption of the prison and its leaders.

Leadership failure is the root cause of the corruption issues in the corrections facilities. The federal and state governments could address this problem assigned objective checking procedures on the regular basis. Such measures could target the loyalty of the personnel, the quality of the conditions the inmates live in, the financing of the incarceration organizations among other factors that contribute to the criminal activities help by the convicts during the imprisonment.

Reference List

Chappell, B. (2015). Md. Governor Orders Closure Of ‘Deplorable’ Baltimore City Jail . Web.

Partlow, J. (2015). Prison break shines spotlight on Mexico’s corruption woes . Web.

Chicago (A-D)
Chicago (N-B)

IvyPanda. (2024, February 23). Correctional Facilities: Baltimore City Jail' Case. https://ivypanda.com/essays/correctional-facilities-baltimore-city-jail-case/

"Correctional Facilities: Baltimore City Jail' Case." IvyPanda , 23 Feb. 2024, ivypanda.com/essays/correctional-facilities-baltimore-city-jail-case/.

IvyPanda . (2024) 'Correctional Facilities: Baltimore City Jail' Case'. 23 February.

IvyPanda . 2024. "Correctional Facilities: Baltimore City Jail' Case." February 23, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/correctional-facilities-baltimore-city-jail-case/.

1. IvyPanda . "Correctional Facilities: Baltimore City Jail' Case." February 23, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/correctional-facilities-baltimore-city-jail-case/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Correctional Facilities: Baltimore City Jail' Case." February 23, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/correctional-facilities-baltimore-city-jail-case/.

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Corrections officer placed on leave after accidental shooting death at training facility

by WSYX Staff

Lt. Rodney Osborne (Image- Ohio Department of Rehabilitation & Correction)

Editor's Note: An earlier version of this story incorrectly indicated that David Pearson was an employee of the Ohio State Highway Patrol. He is not an OSHP employee.

ORIENT, Ohio (WSYX) -- A special operations commander has been placed on administrative leave amid a reckless homicide investigation.

Ohio Corrections Officer Rodney Osborne was accidentally shot at a training facility in Orient this month. According to a heavily-redacted report from the Ohio State Highway Patrol, Osborne received medical care from his fellow trainees, who then rushed him to a hospital in a personal vehicle, but he did not survive.

ALSO | ABC 6 reviews safety procedures after corrections officer's death

West Regional Special Operations Commander David Pearson has been placed on administrative leave pending the outcome of the investigation.

Pearson has been a corrections officer with the Warren Correctional Institution since 2005. He has served in his current role as a commander since 2021.

It is not known who fired the shot that struck Osborne in the chest.

Osborne, a 13-year employee of the Southern Ohio Correctional Facility, was recently named Employee of the Year at the prison.

ABC 6 has requested a copy of Pearson's personnel file.

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Harsh Sentence for Putin Critic Highlights Kremlin’s Repression

A Moscow court sentenced Vladimir Kara-Murza to 25 years in prison, making it clear that any criticism of the war can lead to prison time.

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A defendant wearing a sport coat can be seen in a courtroom enclosure.

By Anton Troianovski and Ivan Nechepurenko

A Moscow court on Monday sentenced an outspoken critic of the Kremlin to 25 years in prison, an unusually harsh punishment that underscores President Vladimir V. Putin’s increasing determination to equate dissent with treason.

The sentence given to Vladimir Kara-Murza, an opposition activist and journalist who had urged the American government to impose sanctions on Russian officials, is longer than what is often given for murder in Russia, and greater than the time being served by other imprisoned Putin critics, like Aleksei A. Navalny.

It represents the latest chilling example of the Kremlin’s wartime repression 14 months after the invasion of Ukraine, and comes less than three weeks after the arrest on espionage charges of Evan Gershkovich, an American correspondent for The Wall Street Journal based in Russia.

“We live in 2023, in the 21st century,” Mr. Kara-Murza’s mother, Yelena Gordon, told reporters outside the courthouse after the sentencing. “What is this? What is happening?”

Mr. Kara-Murza, 41, who writes a column for The Washington Post’s opinion section, was arrested in Moscow a year ago after condemning the war in Ukraine and charged with spreading “fake” information about the Russian military. In October, Russian prosecutors added a charge of treason, alleging that he had betrayed his country by criticizing Mr. Putin’s rule in public appearances in the United States and Europe, according to Mr. Kara-Murza’s lawyer.

The 25-year sentence handed down on Monday combined the penalties in those two cases, as well as another sentence added last summer for participation in an “undesirable organization.”

It was a reminder that whatever its struggles to assert control on the battlefields of Ukraine, the Kremlin is firmly in charge at home, and prepared to brand any domestic critics as enemies of the state.

“Traitors and betrayers,” the Russian Foreign Ministry said in a statement about Mr. Kara-Murza on Monday, “will get what they deserve.”

Mr. Kara-Murza had long drawn the Kremlin’s ire, and survived what he characterized several years ago as two state-sponsored attempts to poison him.

Both inside Russia and in the West, Mr. Kara-Murza, who has Russian and British citizenship, spoke out against Mr. Putin and his invasion of Ukraine; last year, hours before his detention, he called Russia’s rulers “a regime of murderers” in an interview with CNN.

In London, the British government said it had summoned the Russian ambassador to protest Mr. Kara-Murza’s conviction as “contrary to Russia’s international obligations on human rights, including the right to a fair trial.” The State Department called Mr. Kara-Murza “yet another target of the Russian government’s escalating campaign of repression,” while the United Nations human rights office declared his sentence “a blow to the rule of law.”

Russia’s Foreign Ministry dismissed the international criticism as “an attempt to exert pressure on the Russian judicial system” that was “doomed to failure.” Referring to “traitors” like Mr. Kara-Murza who “are applauded in the West,” the ministry said: “Their foreign handlers will not help them avoid a just punishment.”

Mr. Putin did not comment publicly on Mr. Kara-Murza’s sentencing, but he has repeatedly exhorted Russia’s law enforcement and security agencies to escalate their hunt for opponents of his leadership, whom the Kremlin increasingly defines as agents trying to topple Mr. Putin on America’s behalf.

“I’m asking you to react harshly to attempts to destabilize the social and political situation in the country,” Mr. Putin said in a speech to Russian prosecutors last month.

In the Russian justice system, verdicts are often foregone conclusions, especially for opponents of the Kremlin. It was the length of the prison term that was bracing.

Mr. Kara-Murza’s sentence far exceeds that of Mr. Navalny, the most prominent Russian opposition figure, who initially received a two-and-a-half-year prison term in 2021 and was given another nine-year sentence last year . And though it appears to be the longest handed down to a Kremlin critic in the last year, hundreds of others are also facing yearslong prison terms for speaking out against the war, human rights groups say.

Ilya Yashin, an opposition leader, was sentenced to eight and a half years in prison in December; the authorities accused him of spreading false information about atrocities committed in the Ukrainian city of Bucha by Russian troops.

For Mr. Kara-Murza, the activity that appeared to bring him directly into the Kremlin’s cross hairs was his campaign in Washington more than a decade ago for the Magnitsky Act, which punished officials deemed responsible for the death of a tax lawyer in a Russian jail.

One of the Russians who fell under those sanctions after Congress passed the measure in 2012 was Sergei Podoprigorov — the same judge who delivered Monday’s sentence against Mr. Kara-Murza in Moscow City Court.

Mr. Kara-Murza’s attorney, Vadim Prokhorov, said that the clear “conflict of interest” on display with Mr. Podoprigorov presiding over Mr. Kara-Murza’s case made it plain that the entire proceeding was a sham.

“Everybody knows that Vladimir himself is one of the main initiators and promoters of the Magnitsky Act,” Mr. Prokhorov said at a panel discussion hosted by The Washington Post on Monday, referring to Mr. Kara-Murza. “This case had nothing to do with justice. It is just political revenge against Vladimir.”

Fred Ryan, the publisher of The Post, said that both Mr. Kara-Murza and The Journal’s Mr. Gershkovich were “real-time examples of the risks that journalists face and the need for all of us to use our voices to call for our elected leaders to take every possible step to secure their release.”

In February, Mr. Prokhorov said that Mr. Kara-Murza had been put into solitary confinement, where his health began to deteriorate rapidly. Last month, Mr. Prokhorov said that doctors had diagnosed his client with polyneuropathy, a serious nerve disorder that manifested itself in the numbness of his feet, a condition that was caused by his poisonings.

“This disease is difficult to treat even in freedom and moreover it’s absolutely difficult, maybe impossible, to treat in the conditions of the prison,” Evgenia Kara-Murza, Mr. Kara-Murza’s wife, said at Monday’s event in Washington. “It’s possible to claim that this long years imprisonment for him is quite some kind of death penalty.”

Mr. Kara-Murza’s supporters said the length of the sentence evoked the terror of the Stalin era — and of the repression faced by his own family.

Two of Mr. Kara-Murza’s great-grandfathers were executed as spies and “enemies of the people” during Stalin’s purges, according to Meduza, a Russian news website. His grandfather was arrested in 1937 and served a sentence in labor camps in Russia’s Far East. His father, Vladimir Kara-Murza Sr., was a prominent Russian liberal journalist until his death in 2019.

Mr. Kara-Murza, jailed last April, continued writing his Washington Post column from prison, and has sought to rally Western support for Russian dissidents. In a January piece, for instance, he criticized Western governments for not having acted more aggressively in the early years of Mr. Putin’s rule to promote media freedom in Russia.

Supporting independent Russian media now operating from exile, he went on, is among “the most important steps the free world could take to further undermine the Kremlin’s hateful messaging.”

In his final address to the court last week, Mr. Kara-Murza likened the current climate in Russia to the Stalin years.

“The day will come when the darkness over our country will dissipate,” he said. “When black will be called black, and white will be called white; when at the official level, it will be recognized that two times two is still four; when a war will be called a war, and a usurper a usurper.”

Michael M. Grynbaum contributed reporting.

Anton Troianovski is the Moscow bureau chief for The New York Times. He was previously Moscow bureau chief of The Washington Post and spent nine years with The Wall Street Journal in Berlin and New York. More about Anton Troianovski

Ivan Nechepurenko has been a Times reporter since 2015, covering politics, economics, sports and culture in Russia and the former Soviet republics. He was raised in St. Petersburg, Russia, and in Piatykhatky, Ukraine. More about Ivan Nechepurenko

Our Coverage of the War in Ukraine

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The authorities in Poland and Germany have arrested at least five of their citizens and accused them of spying for Russia or of offering to help Moscow commit violence on European soil, including a “possible attack” on the president of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelensky.

The drone combat in Ukraine that is transforming modern warfare has begun taking a deadly toll on one of the most powerful symbols of American military might — the tank — and threatening to rewrite how it will be used in future conflicts.

At least 17 people were killed and scores more injured when three Russian missiles struck a busy downtown district of Chernihiv , north of Kyiv, Ukrainian officials said.

World Military Spending: The world spent more on military costs and weapons in 2023 than it had in 35 years, driven in part by the war in Ukraine and the threat of an expanded Russian invasion, according to an independent analysis.

New American Technology: Project Maven was meant to revolutionize modern warfare. But the conflict in Ukraine has underscored how difficult it is to get 21st-century data into 19th-century trenches.

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NPR suspends veteran editor as it grapples with his public criticism

David Folkenflik

NPR suspended senior editor Uri Berliner for five days without pay after he wrote an essay accusing the network of losing the public's trust and appeared on a podcast to explain his argument. Uri Berliner hide caption

NPR suspended senior editor Uri Berliner for five days without pay after he wrote an essay accusing the network of losing the public's trust and appeared on a podcast to explain his argument.

NPR has formally punished Uri Berliner, the senior editor who publicly argued a week ago that the network had "lost America's trust" by approaching news stories with a rigidly progressive mindset.

Berliner's five-day suspension without pay, which began last Friday, has not been previously reported.

Yet the public radio network is grappling in other ways with the fallout from Berliner's essay for the online news site The Free Press . It angered many of his colleagues, led NPR leaders to announce monthly internal reviews of the network's coverage, and gave fresh ammunition to conservative and partisan Republican critics of NPR, including former President Donald Trump.

Conservative activist Christopher Rufo is among those now targeting NPR's new chief executive, Katherine Maher, for messages she posted to social media years before joining the network. Among others, those posts include a 2020 tweet that called Trump racist and another that appeared to minimize rioting during social justice protests that year. Maher took the job at NPR last month — her first at a news organization .

In a statement Monday about the messages she had posted, Maher praised the integrity of NPR's journalists and underscored the independence of their reporting.

"In America everyone is entitled to free speech as a private citizen," she said. "What matters is NPR's work and my commitment as its CEO: public service, editorial independence, and the mission to serve all of the American public. NPR is independent, beholden to no party, and without commercial interests."

The network noted that "the CEO is not involved in editorial decisions."

In an interview with me later on Monday, Berliner said the social media posts demonstrated Maher was all but incapable of being the person best poised to direct the organization.

"We're looking for a leader right now who's going to be unifying and bring more people into the tent and have a broader perspective on, sort of, what America is all about," Berliner said. "And this seems to be the opposite of that."

Conservative critics of NPR are now targeting its new chief executive, Katherine Maher, for messages she posted to social media years before joining the public radio network last month. Stephen Voss/Stephen Voss hide caption

Conservative critics of NPR are now targeting its new chief executive, Katherine Maher, for messages she posted to social media years before joining the public radio network last month.

He said that he tried repeatedly to make his concerns over NPR's coverage known to news leaders and to Maher's predecessor as chief executive before publishing his essay.

Berliner has singled out coverage of several issues dominating the 2020s for criticism, including trans rights, the Israel-Hamas war and COVID. Berliner says he sees the same problems at other news organizations, but argues NPR, as a mission-driven institution, has a greater obligation to fairness.

"I love NPR and feel it's a national trust," Berliner says. "We have great journalists here. If they shed their opinions and did the great journalism they're capable of, this would be a much more interesting and fulfilling organization for our listeners."

A "final warning"

The circumstances surrounding the interview were singular.

Berliner provided me with a copy of the formal rebuke to review. NPR did not confirm or comment upon his suspension for this article.

In presenting Berliner's suspension Thursday afternoon, the organization told the editor he had failed to secure its approval for outside work for other news outlets, as is required of NPR journalists. It called the letter a "final warning," saying Berliner would be fired if he violated NPR's policy again. Berliner is a dues-paying member of NPR's newsroom union but says he is not appealing the punishment.

The Free Press is a site that has become a haven for journalists who believe that mainstream media outlets have become too liberal. In addition to his essay, Berliner appeared in an episode of its podcast Honestly with Bari Weiss.

A few hours after the essay appeared online, NPR chief business editor Pallavi Gogoi reminded Berliner of the requirement that he secure approval before appearing in outside press, according to a copy of the note provided by Berliner.

In its formal rebuke, NPR did not cite Berliner's appearance on Chris Cuomo's NewsNation program last Tuesday night, for which NPR gave him the green light. (NPR's chief communications officer told Berliner to focus on his own experience and not share proprietary information.) The NPR letter also did not cite his remarks to The New York Times , which ran its article mid-afternoon Thursday, shortly before the reprimand was sent. Berliner says he did not seek approval before talking with the Times .

NPR defends its journalism after senior editor says it has lost the public's trust

Berliner says he did not get permission from NPR to speak with me for this story but that he was not worried about the consequences: "Talking to an NPR journalist and being fired for that would be extraordinary, I think."

Berliner is a member of NPR's business desk, as am I, and he has helped to edit many of my stories. He had no involvement in the preparation of this article and did not see it before it was posted publicly.

In rebuking Berliner, NPR said he had also publicly released proprietary information about audience demographics, which it considers confidential. He said those figures "were essentially marketing material. If they had been really good, they probably would have distributed them and sent them out to the world."

Feelings of anger and betrayal inside the newsroom

His essay and subsequent public remarks stirred deep anger and dismay within NPR. Colleagues contend Berliner cherry-picked examples to fit his arguments and challenge the accuracy of his accounts. They also note he did not seek comment from the journalists involved in the work he cited.

Morning Edition host Michel Martin told me some colleagues at the network share Berliner's concerns that coverage is frequently presented through an ideological or idealistic prism that can alienate listeners.

"The way to address that is through training and mentorship," says Martin, herself a veteran of nearly two decades at the network who has also reported for The Wall Street Journal and ABC News. "It's not by blowing the place up, by trashing your colleagues, in full view of people who don't really care about it anyway."

Several NPR journalists told me they are no longer willing to work with Berliner as they no longer have confidence that he will keep private their internal musings about stories as they work through coverage.

"Newsrooms run on trust," NPR political correspondent Danielle Kurtzleben tweeted last week, without mentioning Berliner by name. "If you violate everyone's trust by going to another outlet and sh--ing on your colleagues (while doing a bad job journalistically, for that matter), I don't know how you do your job now."

Berliner rejected that critique, saying nothing in his essay or subsequent remarks betrayed private observations or arguments about coverage.

Other newsrooms are also grappling with questions over news judgment and confidentiality. On Monday, New York Times Executive Editor Joseph Kahn announced to his staff that the newspaper's inquiry into who leaked internal dissent over a planned episode of its podcast The Daily to another news outlet proved inconclusive. The episode was to focus on a December report on the use of sexual assault as part of the Hamas attack on Israel in October. Audio staffers aired doubts over how well the reporting stood up to scrutiny.

"We work together with trust and collegiality everyday on everything we produce, and I have every expectation that this incident will prove to be a singular exception to an important rule," Kahn wrote to Times staffers.

At NPR, some of Berliner's colleagues have weighed in online against his claim that the network has focused on diversifying its workforce without a concomitant commitment to diversity of viewpoint. Recently retired Chief Executive John Lansing has referred to this pursuit of diversity within NPR's workforce as its " North Star ," a moral imperative and chief business strategy.

In his essay, Berliner tagged the strategy as a failure, citing the drop in NPR's broadcast audiences and its struggle to attract more Black and Latino listeners in particular.

"During most of my tenure here, an open-minded, curious culture prevailed. We were nerdy, but not knee-jerk, activist, or scolding," Berliner writes. "In recent years, however, that has changed."

Berliner writes, "For NPR, which purports to consider all things, it's devastating both for its journalism and its business model."

NPR investigative reporter Chiara Eisner wrote in a comment for this story: "Minorities do not all think the same and do not report the same. Good reporters and editors should know that by now. It's embarrassing to me as a reporter at NPR that a senior editor here missed that point in 2024."

Some colleagues drafted a letter to Maher and NPR's chief news executive, Edith Chapin, seeking greater clarity on NPR's standards for its coverage and the behavior of its journalists — clearly pointed at Berliner.

A plan for "healthy discussion"

On Friday, CEO Maher stood up for the network's mission and the journalism, taking issue with Berliner's critique, though never mentioning him by name. Among her chief issues, she said Berliner's essay offered "a criticism of our people on the basis of who we are."

Berliner took great exception to that, saying she had denigrated him. He said that he supported diversifying NPR's workforce to look more like the U.S. population at large. She did not address that in a subsequent private exchange he shared with me for this story. (An NPR spokesperson declined further comment.)

Late Monday afternoon, Chapin announced to the newsroom that Executive Editor Eva Rodriguez would lead monthly meetings to review coverage.

"Among the questions we'll ask of ourselves each month: Did we capture the diversity of this country — racial, ethnic, religious, economic, political geographic, etc — in all of its complexity and in a way that helped listeners and readers recognize themselves and their communities?" Chapin wrote in the memo. "Did we offer coverage that helped them understand — even if just a bit better — those neighbors with whom they share little in common?"

Berliner said he welcomed the announcement but would withhold judgment until those meetings played out.

In a text for this story, Chapin said such sessions had been discussed since Lansing unified the news and programming divisions under her acting leadership last year.

"Now seemed [the] time to deliver if we were going to do it," Chapin said. "Healthy discussion is something we need more of."

Disclosure: This story was reported and written by NPR Media Correspondent David Folkenflik and edited by Deputy Business Editor Emily Kopp and Managing Editor Gerry Holmes. Under NPR's protocol for reporting on itself, no NPR corporate official or news executive reviewed this story before it was posted publicly.

Katherine Maher
uri berliner

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