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Trudeau accuses India's government of involvement in killing of Canadian Sikh leader

Hardeep singh nijjar was killed in b.c. in june.

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Prime Minister Justin Trudeau is accusing the government of India of involvement in the fatal shooting of a Canadian Sikh leader — a claim that will have seismic effects on an already shaky bilateral relationship.

Canadian citizen Hardeep Singh Nijjar was brazenly shot dead outside a Sikh temple in Surrey, B.C. on June 18.

Nijjar, a supporter of a Sikh homeland in the form of an independent Khalistani state, had been branded by the Indian government as a "terrorist" and accused of leading a militant separatist group — something his supporters have denied.

Now, Trudeau said, Canada's national security apparatus has reason to believe that "agents of the Indian government" carried out the killing of this Canadian citizen, who also served as the president of Surrey's Guru Nanak Sikh Gurdwara.

Trudeau says 'credible allegations' link India to killing of Sikh leader in Canada

"Canadian security agencies have been actively pursuing credible allegations of a potential link between agents of the Government of India and the killing of a Canadian citizen, Hardeep Singh Nijjar," Trudeau said Monday in a speech to the House of Commons.

"Any involvement of a foreign government in the killing of a Canadian citizen on Canadian soil is an unacceptable violation of our sovereignty. It is contrary to the fundamental rules by which free, open and democratic societies conduct themselves.

"As you would expect, we have been working closely and co-ordinating with our allies on this very serious matter."

A senior government source told CBC News that Trudeau has briefed the leaders of some of Canada's closest allies about the case, including U.K. Prime Minister Rishi Sunak, French President Emmanuel Macron and U.S. President Joe Biden.

• B.C. homicide investigators ask for help finding new suspect, getaway car in Sikh leader's death
• B.C. gurdwara files petition calling for federal investigation into Sikh leader's murder
• Listen What's behind the murder of a Sikh leader in B.C.?

Trudeau also urged the Indian government to participate in the ongoing investigation and "co-operate with Canada to get to the bottom of this matter."

India's ministry of external affairs issued a statement Monday night rejecting Trudeau's allegations, calling them "absurd."

"Such unsubstantiated allegations seek to shift the focus from Khalistani terrorists and extremists, who have been provided shelter in Canada and continue to threaten India's sovereignty and territorial integrity," the statement said.

"The inaction of the Canadian Government on this matter has been a long-standing and continuing concern."

Trudeau said some Indo-Canadians are feeling "angry" and "perhaps frightened right now."

"Let us not allow this to change us," he said.

Canada, India expel diplomats

Foreign Affairs Minister Mélanie Joly said she has ordered the expulsion of "a senior Indian diplomat."

Joly's office said that diplomat is Pavan Kumar Rai, the head of the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), India's foreign intelligence agency, in Canada.

"My expectations are clear. I expect India to fully collaborate with us and get to the bottom of this," Joly said.

Hours later, India said it had expelled a Canadian diplomat with five days' notice to leave the country.

In a statement early Tuesday, India's foreign ministry said the Canadian high commissioner, or ambassador, in New Delhi had been summoned and told of the expulsion decision.

"The decision reflects the government of India's growing concern at the interference of Canadian diplomats in our internal matters and their involvement in anti-India activities," the ministry added.

Canada expels Indian diplomat as it investigates death of Sikh leader

Public Safety Minister Dominic LeBlanc said the RCMP is leading the murder investigation.

"We'll hold the perpetrators accountable and bring them to justice," he said.

B.C.'s Integrated Homicide Investigation Team (IHIT) is responsible for the Nijjar file.

"It's progressing," RCMP Commissioner Mike Duheme told CBC News when asked about the investigation.

The World Sikh Organization of Canada, a group that represents Sikh interests, said Nijjar spoke of "threats to his life" before his alleged murder.

He also claimed he was being targeted by India's intelligence agencies, the WSO said in a media statement.

Sikh group says 'India actively targets Sikhs in Canada'

The WSO said "several other Canadian Sikhs are also understood to be under threat" and are on Indian "hit lists."

"The significance of today's announcement cannot be understated for Sikhs," the WSO said.

"Today, the prime minister of Canada has publicly said what Sikhs in Canada have known for decades — India actively targets Sikhs in Canada."

Trudeau said he raised the matter with India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi last week at the G20 summit in New Delhi.

Trudeau and Modi have long had a frosty relationship.

After the bilateral meeting between the two leaders on the sidelines of that summit, the Indian government released a tersely worded communique that said Modi raised with Trudeau "strong concerns about continuing anti-Indian activists of extremist elements in Canada."

The statement said there are elements in Canada "promoting secessionism" and "inciting violence against Indian diplomats, damaging diplomatic premises and threatening the Indian community in Canada."

The Indian government called on the two countries to co-operate in dealing with "such threats."

The Canadian communique on the same meeting made no mention of "secessionism." It's now clear why.

Trudeau links India to killing of Canadian Sikh leader

Last Tuesday, Trudeau and the Canadian delegation left India after an extended stay caused by a technical problem on the prime minister's plane.

One member of the delegation was absent.

National Security Adviser Jody Thomas quietly left India for London, U.K., instead, a government source told CBC News.

She informed the U.K. government that Canada's relations with India were about to get worse now that Canada had credible evidence linking India's government to Nijjar's death, the source said.

Trudeau also briefed the Opposition leaders personally Monday before rising to tell Canadians about this development.

Opposition leaders react to Trudeau's allegations about Sikh leader's death

Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre said it's "outrageous" that India may be behind Nijjar's killing.

"Our citizens must be safe from extrajudicial killings. Canadians deserve to be protected on Canadian soil. We call on the Indian government to act with utmost transparency as authorities investigate this murder. The truth must come out," Poilievre said.

"Let us lock arms and join hands in condemning this murder, standing with the family and the friends of this victim. Let's put aside our difference to stand up for the rule of law. One law for all our people."

In his own speech, NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh blasted the Indian government under Modi, a Hindu.

Singh said the Modi-led government has been "one of division, violence, persecution" with a known pattern of "attacking those who are critical" of its actions.

LeBlanc: India's possible link to killing of Sikh leader 'an extraordinary violation of Canada's sovereignty'

Singh said he'd use "every tool" at his disposal to "bring those responsible to justice."

"We will ensure that no rock is unturned, that every possible link is examined," Singh said.

He said that the public inquiry into foreign interference, which was prompted by allegations of Chinese meddling, should also look at India and its actions in Canada.

B.C. Premier David Eby said he was "deeply disturbed and angered" by the news.

"In light of these revelations, we will do all we can to enhance protection for the people of British Columbia against the violence or threats of state actors," he said in a media statement.

"Our government will fully and enthusiastically support any federal efforts to ensure those responsible are held personally accountable."

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J.P. Tasker is a journalist in CBC's parliamentary bureau who reports for digital, radio and television. He is also a regular panellist on CBC News Network's Power & Politics. He covers the Conservative Party, Canada-U.S. relations, Crown-Indigenous affairs, climate change, health policy and the Senate. You can send story ideas and tips to J.P. at [email protected].

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‘Credible allegations’ link India to killing of Sikh leader, says Trudeau

India rejects as ‘absurd’ allegation by PM that it was responsible for fatal shooting of Hardeep Singh Nijjar on Canadian soil

Justin Trudeau has said his government is looking at “credible allegations potentially linking” India to the murder of Hardeep Singh Nijjar, a prominent Canadian Sikh leader, a claim Delhi dismissed as “absurd”.

The Canadian prime minister told the House of Commons of Canada on Monday that, in recent weeks, national security authorities had been probing allegations that New Delhi was behind a state-sponsored assassination.

“Any involvement of a foreign government in the killing of a Canadian citizen on Canadian soil is an unacceptable violation of our sovereignty,” he said. “Canada is a rule-of-law country, the protection of our citizens and defence of our sovereignty are fundamental.

“Our top priorities have therefore been one, that our law enforcement and security agencies ensure the continued safety of all Canadians. And two, that all steps be taken to hold perpetrators of this murder to account.”

Trudeau said the alleged killing “is contrary to the fundamental rules by which free, open, and democratic societies conduct themselves”.

The foreign affairs minister, Mélanie Joly, said Canada had expelled a “key Indian diplomat” and “expects India to fully collaborate with us and ultimately to get to the bottom of this”.

India’s ministry of external affairs said in a statement it “rejected” statements by Trudeau and his foreign minister, adding that allegations of India’s involvement in any act of violence in Canada are “absurd and motivated”.

“We are a democratic polity with a strong commitment to rule of law,” the statement read.

The ministry said it would expel a senior Canadian diplomat in response to Trudeau’s claims. New Delhi’s decision reflects its “growing concern at the interference of Canadian diplomats in our internal matters and their involvement in anti-India activities”, the foreign ministry said.

The allegations from Canada’s prime minister are likely to further strain relations between the two nations. Trudeau said he raised the issue “in no uncertain terms” with the Indian prime minister, Narendra Modi , when the two met briefly in New Delhi last week for the G20 summit.

The New Democratic party leader, Jagmeet Singh, who is Sikh, said there must be consequences for the assassination. “To hear the prime minister of Canada corroborate a potential link between a murder of a Canadian citizen on Canadian soil by a foreign government is something I could never have imagined,” he said.

“We will ensure that no rock is unturned, that every possible link is examined.”

The Conservative leader, Pierre Poilievre, said the allegations, if true, “represent an outrageous affront to Canada”, adding that citizens should be free from extrajudicial killings.

He added: “Canadians deserve to be protected on Canadian soil. We call on the Indian government to act with utmost transparency as authorities investigate this murder, because the truth must come out.”

In June, Nijjar was shot and killed in front of the Guru Nanak Sikh Gurdwara in Surrey, British Columbia. He was a strong advocate of the Khalistan movement, which seeks an independent homeland for Sikhs in India’s Punjab region.

New Delhi had previously alleged Nijjar was part of a plan to murder a Hindu priest in Punjab, offering a bounty of nearly $12,000 (£9,688). The fatal shooting of Nijjar led many to accuse India of playing a role in the killing.

“Today, the prime minister of Canada has publicly said what Sikhs in Canada have known for decades – India actively targets Sikhs in Canada,” said the World Sikh Organisation.

The diplomat expelled by Canada is the head of the Research and Analysis Wing (Raw), India’s foreign intelligence agency in Canada. “We’ll hold the perpetrators accountable and bring them to justice,” said the public safety minister, Dominic LeBlanc, adding the RCMP was leading the murder investigation.

The Indian high commission in Ottawa did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

The announcement comes a week after Trudeau was in New Delhi for the G20, where there were signs of tensions with Modi. After the meeting, Modi’s office said the Indian leader had “strong concerns about continuing anti-Indian activists of extremist elements in Canada”.

India and Canada have been negotiating a trade agreement, but talks have been paused.

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Report: Trudeau Says India Likely Behind Murder of Canadian Sikh Leader

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Trudeau Says India Likely Behind Murder of Canadian Sikh Leader

Hardeep singh nijjar’s assassination has created a diplomatic crisis..

• Foreign & Public Diplomacy

The Canadian government says it has evidence that agents of the Indian government may have been responsible for the assassination of a Sikh leader on Canadian soil this summer.

The allegations were revealed publicly by Prime Minister Justin Trudeau in the House of Commons on Monday afternoon. “Over the past number of weeks,” Trudeau told the House, “Canadian security agencies have been actively pursuing credible allegations of a potential link between agents of the government of India and the killing of a Canadian citizen, Hardeep Singh Nijjar.”

If the allegations are true, it would be an incredibly rare example of a targeted assassination on notionally friendly soil—perhaps the most brazen since the killings carried out by Israel after the 1972 Olympic massacre.

India’s alleged role in the murder has created a major diplomatic crisis between Ottawa and New Delhi, and may have knock-on effects for India’s broader relations, further complicating things in the Indo-Pacific.

On June 18, Nijjar delivered a speech at the Guru Nanak Sikh Gurdwara, where he was president, in Surrey, British Columbia. Afterward, he walked to the parking lot and climbed into his car. Shortly after 8 p.m., two men in masks approached Nijjar’s car and opened fire. The two men escaped in a waiting getaway car. While the Royal Canadian Mounted Police have yet to announce the identities of the suspected gunmen, the homicide team did identify their vehicle .

Trudeau said he presented the accusations directly to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi “in no uncertain terms” when the two met in New Delhi during the Group of 20 summit last week. Ottawa has also raised the issue with Indian intelligence. “Any involvement of a foreign government in the killing of a Canadian citizen on Canadian soil is an unacceptable violation of our sovereignty,” Trudeau said, demanding India’s full cooperation with the investigation.

On Monday, Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister Melanie Joly announced that Canada had expelled a “top Indian diplomat.” She later clarified that the expelled Indian official was the head of the Canada station of the Research and Analysis Wing, India’s foreign intelligence agency. Ottawa named the official as Pavan Kumar Rai—the Indian high commission in Ottawa lists Rai as the minister responsible for “community affairs.”

In a public statement sent to Foreign Policy upon a request for comment and attributed to High Commissioner Sanjay Kumar Verma, the Indian government rejected the accusation. “Allegations of Government of India’s involvement in any act of violence in Canada are absurd and motivated,” it reads.

It goes on to accuse the Canadian government of trying to “shift the focus from Khalistani terrorists and extremists, who have been provided shelter in Canada and continue to threaten India’s sovereignty and territorial integrity” and of doing too little to tackle “anti-India elements operating from their soil.” India later announced that it had expelled a senior Canadian diplomat.

Opposition leader Pierre Poilievre told the House of Commons that the allegations, if they are true, represent an “outrageous affront to Canada’s sovereignty.”

India has, for years, expressed its frustrations with the presence of an organized—and, in some cases, radical—Sikh separatist movement in Canada, centered around the idea of an independent “ Khalistan ” in Punjab, the homeland of Sikhism.

Back in India, tensions between Sikhs and the Indian government have sometimes turned bloody. In 1984, Operation Blue Star, a military operation to remove Sikh militants from the Golden Temple, the spiritual headquarters of the faith, resulted in hundreds of deaths at the temple, the revenge assassination of then Indian prime minister Indira Gandhi by her Sikh bodyguards, and mass killings of thousands of Sikhs by angry mobs. A recent manhunt for Sikh separatist Amritpal Singh Sadhu fixated the country for weeks.

New Delhi blames the Sikh diaspora for funding and encouraging separatism in Punjab. Nijjar, in particular, was a point of contention with Canada. The Indian government laid charges against Nijjar in 2020 for his role in organizing a Khalistan independence referendum, and have added him to a list of terrorist individuals. New Delhi offered a reward of 1 million rupees ($12,000) for his capture. Nijjar has denied being involved in any political violence.

The Modi government has also accused Nijjar of leading the Khalistan Tiger Force, a banned group that India says is a terrorist organization. They had been applying to have Canada extradite Nijjar since at least 2018. The Khalistan Extremism Monitor, a project of the New Delhi-based Institute for Conflict Management, maintains a page dedicated to Nijjar, alleging that he was “actively involved in training” Sikh separatists prior to his death.

Canada’s Sikh community publicly accused India of being behind Nijjar’s murder. One pro-independence group, Sikhs for Justice, directly accused India’s diplomatic staff in Canada and offered its own reward of 10,000 Canadian dollars ($7,400) for information on the assassination. British Columbia organizers for a global, nonbinding referendum on Khalistan independence went so far as to add a question to their ballot , asking whether India was responsible for Nijjar’s killing. Before his murder, Nijjar was described by a fellow independence activist as being “the face of the Khalistan Referendum in Canada.”

Protests in British Columbia, and the upcoming referendum, had already strained Canada-Indian relations. When Trudeau arrived in the nation’s capital for the G20 summit earlier this month, Trudeau was frozen out of joint photo opportunities and berated by Modi for hosting Sikh activists “promoting secessionism and inciting violence against Indian diplomats, damaging diplomatic premises and threatening the Indian community in Canada and their places of worship,” according to an official statement .

Things got progressively more awkward after Trudeau’s plane was grounded due to technical issues. The Canadian prime minister was forced to extend his stay by two extra days, while waiting for a replacement plane.

Canada has certainly played host to Sikh extremists. In 1985, a bomb aboard Air India Flight 182 exploded off the coast of Ireland, en route from Montreal, killing all 329 onboard. While the bombing was connected to Babbar Khalsa, an extremist organization under surveillance by Canadian authorities, Canada has not convicted a single person directly responsible for the attack. (A bombmaker was convicted in 2003 for the deaths of two baggage handlers after his bomb detonated in a Tokyo airport.)

On the other side, however, there is a growing concern with India’s targeting of Sikh activists. Inside India, Human Rights Watch has found Modi’s government responsible for “systematic discrimination and stigmatization of religious and other minorities” and singled out supporters of his Bharatiya Janata Party as being responsible for a rise in violence against minorities.

Sikh groups, in particular, have accused Modi’s government of stepping up repression. Earlier this summer, some Sikh activists alleged that New Delhi was carrying out a campaign of assassination , citing Nijjar’s murder in Surrey, the shooting of Paramjit Singh Panjwar in Pakistan in May, and the death of Avtar Singh Khanda in the United Kingdom in June. (A statement from his family said Khanda died of cancer, but his supporters allege he was poisoned.)

Jagmeet Singh, leader of Canada’s third-opposition New Democratic Party, delivered a particularly emotional appeal after Trudeau’s statement on Monday. Many Sikhs “come to Canada as a beacon of safety,” he said. Singh is himself Sikh and represents a community not far from where Nijjar was killed. The murder, he said, reverberated through the Sikh community. “That safety and security that so many Canadians feel has now been rocked.”

Canada is home to the second-largest Sikh population in the world, after India. Canada, in fact, has a higher proportion of Sikh residents and citizens than India. Until recently, Ottawa and New Delhi enjoyed exceptional relations. The two countries have been working toward a free trade deal for more than a decade. In 2020, Trudeau redoubled efforts to do a full trade deal , particularly amid rising concerns around Beijing. Canada, like the United States, identifies India as a regional ally.

Earlier this month, Ottawa scuttled those hopes and pressed pause on future trade negotiations. In recent months, Canada has been grappling with how to tackle foreign interference. A series of revelations exposed a campaign of meddling and intimidation organized by China to help elect Beijing-friendly politicians and cow Chinese citizens living in Canada. Earlier this month, Trudeau announced the establishment of a full public inquiry to investigate that foreign meddling.

Singh has, for months, called for a deeper investigation into how other countries run clandestine operations in Canada. On Monday, he directly pointed the finger at New Delhi: “The Modi government, specifically, is trying to silence you,” he said. “But truth cannot be silenced.”

Clarification, Sept. 19, 2023: This story has been updated to clarify the position of the expelled Indian diplomat.

Justin Ling is a journalist based in Toronto. Twitter:  @Justin_Ling

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Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) of India: History, Purpose & Challenges

From its inception, RAW embraced unconventional methods, often relying on deception, misinformation, and audacious covert operations to achieve its objectives.

Table of Contents

Moto: controversial, multifaceted mandate: safeguarding india’s interests, disintegration of pakistan, ravindra kaushik, afghanistan, controlling kashmir insurgency, challenges and controversy of shadows, future imperatives: adapting to a changing world, conclusion: silent guardian stands watch.

In the realm of international espionage, shrouded in secrecy and whispered legends, operates India’s enigmatic intelligence agency, the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW). 

Established in 1968, RAW stands as a sentinel,safeguarding the nation’s security through meticulous intelligence gathering, daring covert operations, and unwavering counter-terrorism efforts. 

To delve into the world of RAW is to embark on a thrilling journey through the shadows, where unseen hands shape global events and national destinies hang in the balance.

Genesis of RAW: Brahmanical Imprint?

Foreign intelligence failure during the 1962 Sino-Indian War led then-Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru to order a dedicated foreign intelligence agency to be established.

However Nehru died in 1964 and later Indira Gandhi (Nehru’s daughter) government decided to create a full-fledged intelligence agency based on the blueprint submitted by Rameshwar Nath Kao, then a deputy director of the Intelligence Bureau. Kao was subsequently also appointed as the first chief of RAW.

RN Kao was born in Varanasi on 10 May 1918 to a Kashmiri Brahmin family who migrated from Srinagar district of Jammu and Kashmir. He was brought up by his uncle Pandit Trilokinath Kao. From 1989, Kao dedicated his time largely to the task of restoring the dignity and honour of the Kashmiri Pandits .

The Motto of RAW is Dharmo Rakshati Rakshitah a Sanskrit phrase from Manusmriti which means “ Dharma protect those who protect it ”. Does it mean that the purpose of RAW is to protect the Dharma (birth based occupational duties determined by the Caste or Varna System) as envisioned in Manusmriti and other Brahmanical scriptures like Bhagavad Gita .

For the unversed, Manusmriti is a controversial Brahmanical book symbolically burnt by BR Ambedkar , the architect of India’s constitution to liberate vast majority of Bahujan classes (OBCs, SCs & STs) from Brahmanical oppressions.

With respect to this Dharma, Bhagavad Gita in chapter 3 verse 35 says that one should rather die discharging their prescribed Dharma (caste determined duties) faultly, than discharging other’s prescribed duties perfectly as it has extremely dangerous consequences.

श्रेयान्स्वधर्मो विगुण: परधर्मात्स्वनुष्ठितात् | स्वधर्मे निधनं श्रेय: परधर्मो भयावह: || 3:35||

It is far better to perform one’s natural prescribed duty, though tinged with faults, than to perform another’s prescribed duty, though perfectly. In fact, it is preferable to die in the discharge of one’s duty, than to discharge other’s prescribed duties as it has extremely dangerous consequences.   3:35

श्रेयान्स्वधर्मो विगुण: परधर्मात्स्वनुष्ठितात् | स्वभावनियतं कर्म कुर्वन्नाप्नोति किल्बिषम् || 18:47||

It is better to do one’s own prescribed occupational duties, even though imperfectly, than to do another’s prescribed occupational duties, even though perfectly. By doing one’s innate duties, a person does not incur sin. 18:47

There are certain other elite Brahminical ideas that makes it extremely dangerous for human fraternity and equality. These include philosophies like-

• Aham Brahmasmi (I am God): Through this elite and Brahmanical classes justify all they do thinking themselves to be God leading to a system devoid of any remorse, responsibility and accountability. Perhaps, this is the reason they never apologised for the caste atrocities.
• Sam Daam Dand Bhed (Lets prevail over others by any hook or crook): Interestingly, mighty empires and dynasts based on this philosophy still crumbled as Holy Quran says “ They plan and plot and God also plans and the God is the best amongst planners ”.
• Advaita Vedanta (Creator and Creation are one and same): This legalizes idol worship , ritualism, etc as a wholesale religious cooperative with Brahmins at the helm; also prevents unity and liberation of masses engulfed in endless religious jargon and superstitions.

All of the above is well reflected in working styles of RAW which since its inception embraced unconventional methods, often relying on deception, misinformation, targeted killings & assassinations and audacious covert operations to achieve its objectives.

According to noted  constitutional  law scholar  Rajeev Bhargava “It [Brahmanism] is a sociopolitical ideology that encodes a memory of an ideal past and a vision of society in the future, one in which Brahmins occupy the highest place not only as exclusive guardians of a higher, spiritual realm but also as sole providers of wisdom on virtually every practical issue of this world. They possess superior knowledge of what a well-ordered society is and how a good state must be run. More importantly, their superior position in society and their superior knowledge stems from birth. This makes them naturally, intrinsically superior to all other humans, so superior that they form a separate species (  jati  ) altogether. Nothing can challenge or alter this fact. No one becomes a Brahmin, but is born so. This sociopolitical ideology makes hierarchy necessary, rigid and irreversible. Brahmanism then is the most perfect form of conservatism, a status-quoist ideology par excellence, entirely suitable to elites who wish to perpetuate their social status, power and privilege. Paradoxically, this is the also the reason why it spread everywhere in India and beyond and why it endures: regardless of your religio-philosphical world view, if you are a privileged elite, you would find this ideology irresistible.”

وَمَكَرُوْا وَمَكَرَ اللّٰهُ ؕ وَاللّٰهُ خَیْرُ الْمٰكِرِیْنَ And they plan. God also has planned and God is the best of planners. Holy Quran 3:54

RAW’s primary functions encompass a vast spectrum. Gathering foreign intelligence on matters concerning national security, thwarting and infiltrating terrorist networks, and safeguarding India’s strategic interests abroad are at the core of its mandate. 

The agency’s tentacles reach far and wide, from monitoring foreign governments and militant groups to conducting covert operations to disrupt potential threats before they materialize.

R&AW maintains active liaison with other agencies and services in various countries. Those agencies include SVR of Russia, Afghanistan’s NDS, Israel’s Mossad, Germany’s BND, the CIA and MI6 have been well-known, a common interest being Pakistan’s nuclear programme

A Legacy of Triumph: RAW’s Pivotal Moments

One of RAW’s most celebrated successes lies in its crucial role during the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971. 

Through covert operations and tactical support to Mukti Bahini rebels, RAW played a pivotal role in dismantling Pakistan’s Eastern wing and paving the way for Bangladesh’s independence. This operation cemented RAW’s reputation as a formidable force in the world of international espionage.

R&AW’s most successful spy Ravindra Kaushik spied in Pakistan in the 1970s. Ravindra Kaushik was born in Sri Ganganagar, Rajasthan on 11 April 1952 in Brahmin family. His father, JM Kaushik, was an Indian Air Force officer.

Kaushik was trained in Delhi for two years to be an undercover Operative in Pakistan. He was also trained to live life as a Muslim and was taught the Urdu language.

Kaushik converted to Islam, underwent circumcision and was given the cover name “Nabi Ahmed Shakir”.

After successfully getting admission in Karachi University, he completed his LL.B. After his graduation, joined Pakistan Army as a commissioned officer and was eventually promoted to the rank of major. He married a local girl named Amaanat and fathered a boy, who died in 2012–2013.

From 1979 to 1983, Kaushik worked as a Pakistani army officer, sending valuable information to India’s R&AW. He was given the title of ‘Black Tiger’ by the Prime Minister of India Indira Gandhi.

However, in September 1983, Kaushik was caught & captured by ISI and tortured for two years at an interrogation center in Sialkot. He was sentenced to death in 1985; his sentence was later commuted to a life term by the Supreme Court of Pakistan.

He managed to secretly send letters to his family in India, which revealed his poor health and the trauma he faced in Pakistani jails. In one of his letters, he wrote:

Kya Bharat jaise bade desh ke liye kurbani dene waalon ko yahi milta hai?” (Is this what people who sacrifice their lives for a big country like India get?)

In November 2001, he died of pulmonary tuberculosis and heart disease in Central Jail Mianwali in Pakistan. According to Ravindra’s family, the Indian government had refused to recognise him and had made no effort to help him.

During the Soviet War in Afghanistan, R&AW had recruited three powerful warlords, including Ahmad Shah Massoud.

In 1996, R&AW had built a 25-bed military hospital at the Farkhor Air Base. This airbase was used by the Aviation Research Centre, the reconnaissance arm of R&AW, to repair and operate the Northern Alliance’s aerial support. This relationship was further cemented in the 2001 Afghan war.

After the September 11, 2001 attacks, R&AW provided the intelligence to western countries that there were over 120 training camps operating in Afghanistan and Pakistan, run by a variety of militant groups .

On 15 June 2023, Avtar Singh Khanda, the UK-based chief of the Khalistan Liberation Force (KLF) was suddenly admitted to the hospital with a case of blood cancer, and later died. His followers in the UK believe that Indian intelligence had him poisoned and are demanding the full medical report.

On 19 June 2023, Hardeep Singh Nijjar , a prominent Khalistani leader and alleged chief of the Khalistan Tiger Force was shot to death outside the parking lot of Guru Nanak Sikh Gurdwara in Surrey, British Columbia.

This was heavily seen as an R&AW assassination operation by not only followers of Nijjar, but also from Canadian officials.

On 18 September 2023, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau formally accused the Indian government of the killing and acknowledged the expulsion of a prominent Indian diplomat responsible for R&AW activities in the country.

Operation Chanakya also marked the creation of pro-Indian groups in Kashmir like the Ikhwan-ul-Muslimeen, Muslim Mujahideen etc.

These counter-insurgencies consist of ex-militants and relatives of those slain in the conflict. Ikhwan-ul-Muslimeen leader Kokka Parrey was himself assassinated by separatists.

In 1998, Mirza Dilshad Beg, a Nepalese parliamentarian and an ISI informant was assassinated by R&AW.

Assassination of Raju Pargai & Amit Arya was shot in 2011, who was running Mirza Dilshad Beg entire network in Uttarakhand.

In 2015, it was allegedly reported by the Sri Lankan newspaper The Sunday Times, that R&AW had played a role in uniting the opposition, to bring about the defeat of Mahinda Rajapaksa . There had been growing concern in the Indian government, on the increasing influence of economic and military rival China in Sri Lankan affairs.

From its inception R&AW has been criticised for being an agency not answerable to the people of India (R&AW reports to Prime Minister only) . Fears arose that it could turn into the KGB of India.

The main controversy which has plagued R&AW in recent years is over bureaucratisation of the system with allegations about favouritism in promotions, corruption, ego clashes, no financial accountability, inter-departmental rivalry, etc .

Noted security analyst and former Additional Secretary B. Raman has criticised the agency for its asymmetric growth; “ while being strong in its capability for covert action it is weak in its capability for intelligence collection, analysis and assessment. Strong in low and medium-grade intelligence, weak in high-grade intelligence. Strong in technical intelligence, weak in human intelligence . Strong in collation, weak in analysis. Strong in investigation, weak in prevention. Strong in crisis management, weak in crisis prevention. “

Over the years, RAW has faced numerous challenges, navigating the treacherous terrain of Cold War politics, tackling the rise of global terrorism, and countering internal threats. From the hijacking of IC-814 in 1999 to the Mumbai terror attacks of 2008, RAW has been at the forefront of India’s response to these crises, often operating under immense pressure and public scrutiny.

Despite its successes, RAW remains shrouded in an aura of mystery . Its operations are rarely acknowledged, and its agents operate under assumed identities, their sacrifices often unsung . 

The veil of secrecy surrounding the agency is both necessary and controversial. While it allows RAW to operate with impunity and effectiveness, it also fuels speculation and accusations of human rights violations and illegal activities.

However, one aspect of RAW’s operations remains undeniable: its unwavering commitment to India’s national security.

From its role in securing India’s nuclear program to its covert operations against terrorist networks, RAW has played a crucial role in shaping India’s position on the global stage.

Looking ahead, RAW faces new challenges in the form of cyber warfare, rising regional tensions, and the ever-evolving landscape of global terrorism. 

The agency must adapt its methods, embrace technological advancements, and continue to recruit and train the best minds in the country to safeguard India’s future.

The Research and Analysis Wing stands as a testament to India’s resolve and strategic prowess. 

As the world grapples with an increasingly complex geopolitical landscape, RAW’s role as India’s silent guardian becomes even more vital.

While its operations may remain shrouded in secrecy, its impact on India’s national security is undeniable. 

The veiled eye of RAW continues to watch, ensuring that India stands tall amidst the shadows of the international stage.

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Hardeep Nijjar killing: Canada identifies expelled Indian diplomat as ‘RAW head’

India has expelled a canadian diplomat in response to justin trudeau government's action over hardeep nijjar's killing..

Canada on Tuesday expelled an Indian diplomat in connection with the killing of pro-Khalistan terrorist Hardeep Singh Nijjar in June this year, triggering fresh tensions between the two countries. The Canadian government has ‘identified’ the expelled diplomat as a senior official of India's intelligence agency Research and Analysis Wing (RAW). Canada's foreign minister Mélanie Joly's office identified the diplomat as Pavan Kumar Rai, the head of RAW in Canada, as per broadcaster CBC. The Canadian minister later spoke to external affairs minister S Jaishankar. The expulsion comes after Canadian prime minister Justin Trudeau while speaking in his parliament pointed to ‘credible allegations of potential link’ between the Indian agents and the killing of Nijjar. ALSO READ: India paused trade talks with Canada over Khalistan row after Trudeau G20 visit “The involvement of any foreign government in the murder of a Canadian citizen on Canadian soil is an unacceptable violation of our sovereignty”, the Canadian prime minister said. New Delhi rejected the Canadian premier's claims, calling it ‘absurd’ and 'motivated'. “Such unsubstantiated allegations seek to shift the focus from Khalistani terrorists and extremists, who have been provided shelter in Canada and continue to threaten India’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. The inaction of the Canadian Government on this matter has been a long-standing and continuing concern”, the external affairs ministry said in a statement.

“That Canadian political figures have openly expressed sympathy for such elements remains a matter of deep concern. The space given in Canada to a range of illegal activities including murders, human trafficking and organised crime is not new”, the Indian government statement added. Earlier this month, Prime Minister Narendra during his bilateral meet with Justin Trudeau had conveyed to the Canadian premier about India's concerns on continuing anti-India activities of extremist elements in Canada as they are promoting secessionism and inciting violence against Indian diplomats and threatening the Indian community in the North American country.

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Remembering Ravindra Kaushik On His Birth Anniversary: Unveiling The Life Of India's First Spy, The Black Tiger

R avindra Kaushik was an Indian agent of the Research and Analysis Wing who served his country in Pakistan. He was recognised as one of the most marvelous agents in India's history.

Who was Ravindra Kaushik?

His feeling of patriotism led him to devote his life to the nation. He was born into a Brahmin family on April 11, 1952, in Sri Ganganagar, Rajasthan. His father's name was JM Kaushik and he served in the Indian Air Force.

Ravindra was greatly inspired by his father and wanted to become like him. He completed his studies at SD Bihani PG College in Sri Ganganagar. He actively participated in debates and also performed in theatres in the college.

Ravindra Kaushik joined Research and Analysis Wing (RAW)

According to the reports, when Ravindra was 21, he got an invitation to join one of India's best intelligence agencies, the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW). RAW is India's foreign intelligence agency. It was established on September 21, 1968 and has a motto of Dharmo Rakṣati Rakṣitaḥ.

In 1973, he moved to Delhi after graduating to join RAW. Ravindra Kaushik went through arduous training in Delhi for two years. As he had to spy in Pakistan for India, he was trained in the Urdu language, Islamic religious education, geography and many more.

After completing training, his records and information regarding India were destroyed by RAW and Ravindra Kaushik went to Pakistan for a mission with a new identity and a new name. He studied LLB at Karachi University in Pakistan. He joined the Pakistan Army after completing the degree and became a commissioned officer.

Ravindra Kaushik acquired the rank of major. He was living an ordinary yet dangerous life in Pakistan. He never forgot his duty towards his nation and from 1979 to 1983 Ravindra gave crucial information to the Indian Government. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi called him the Black Tiger, reflecting his intelligence, courage, dedication, excellent skills and patriotism for the nation.

However, he was caught by Pakistani Army after another RAW agent was sent by the Indian government in 1983. Ravindra Kaushik remained in Pakistan's prison for 16 years. According to the reports, he died in prison after suffering from a severe illness.

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Pavan Kumar Rai: From Punjab-Cadre IPS Officer To R&AW Chief In Canada, Here's A Profile Of The Diplomat Who Has Now Been Expelled

Bhuvan Krishna

Sep 19, 2023, 05:43 PM | Updated 06:26 PM IST

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Pavan Kumar Rai, an Indian diplomat and a 1997-batch Punjab cadre Indian Police Service (IPS) officer, was recently expelled by the Canadian government.

Rai held the position of station chief of the Research and Analysis Wing (R&AW) in Canada.

He was expelled amidst Canada's investigation into "credible allegations" of a potential connection between the Indian government and the assassination of Khalistani separatist Hardeep Singh Nijjar.

Nijjar, the leader of the Khalistan Tiger Force and head of the Guru Nanak Sikh Gurdwara Sahib in Surrey, Canada, was fatally shot in June of this year.

Prior to his central deputation in 2010, Rai played a prominent role in combating drug-related issues in Punjab.

According to a police officer familiar with Rai's work, during his time in Punjab, he was highly regarded as a competent and dedicated officer.

Despite facing political pressure, particularly in relation to the prevalent drug issue in Punjab, Rai remained steadfast and chose to pursue central deputation.

Rai, aged 53, served as the senior superintendent of police of Jalandhar and Amritsar in the late 2000s.

On 31 January, the Punjab government promoted him to the position of additional director-general of police, along with seven other IPS officers.

Having a close association with former R&AW chief Samant Kumar Goel, who is also a Punjab cadre IPS officer, Rai was deputed to the agency. In 2018, he was selected for empanelment to hold the post of joint secretary or its equivalent at the Centre.

A notification from the Ministry of External Affairs that year said, "The Appointments Committee of the Cabinet has approved the proposal of the Ministry of External Affairs to appoint Shri Pavan Kumar Rai, IPS (PB:1997) as joint secretary (personnel), Ministry of External Affairs for a period of three years from the date of assuming charge of the post."

While his expulsion has yet to elicit a response from the Punjab government, concerns and anger are growing among Rai's colleagues.

India rejects Canada's claims of India's link to Sikh activist's murder, calling them 'absurd' and 'motivated'.

A police officer expressed concern over the Canadian government's public disclosure, stating that it was driven by political reasons and aimed at influencing the Punjabi diaspora in Canada.

The officer emphasised that while playing politics is acceptable, it should not put a diplomat in harm's way. If the intention was to expel him, his name should have been kept confidential.

Another police officer shared the concern for the diplomat's security and urged the Canadian government to prioritise his safety, as well as the safety of his family.

The officer appealed for security measures to be provided until the diplomat reaches India, highlighting the risk he now faces due to being singled out. The officer warned of potential threats from radical Sikhs.

Bhuvan Krishna is Staff Writer at Swarajya.

• India-Canada relations
• Khalistani Militancy
• Hardeep Singh Nijjar
• Canada support to Khalistanis
• Indian diplomat expelled by Canadian Government

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• Recently, India’s  Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) completed 53 years in service to the nation.
• Established in 1968, to handle the nation’s international intelligence affairs, RAW came into force after the China-India War in 1962.
• At present, the intelligence arm operates under the aegis of the Prime Minister’s Office.
• RAW provides intelligence support to various significant operations on foreign soil.
• RAW works in cooperation with the Intelligence Bureau or other Indian intelligence agencies.
• After the 1962 China-India war and Indo-Pakistani war in 1965 , India established a separate and distinct external intelligence organization – the Research and Analysis Wing.
•  creation of Bangladesh in 1971, 
• the defeat of Pakistan during the Kargil conflict of 1971, 
• the accession of Sikkim in 1975,
• and the increase of India’s support to Afghanistan.

Working mechanism of RAW  

• RAW collects military, economic, scientific, and political intelligence through covert and overt operations. 
• It also monitors terrorist elements and smuggling rings that transport weapons and ammunition into India.
• It primarily focuses on India’s neighbours. The collected inputs by RAW also help Indian officials, which are further used in national security policy and revise the foreign policy.

Attached Bodies

• The Aerial Reconnaissance Centre (ARC) collects high-quality overhead imagery of activities and installations in neighbouring countries.
• Special Frontier Force:

The inspector general of a paramilitary force of India, the Special Frontier Force reports to the director-general of security for RAW. While the force has functions independent of RAW, it is often fielded to support covert and overt RAW missions.

Source: AIR                                      

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Thepikaa Varatharajan, MPH Author reference footnote 1 Author reference footnote 2 ; Karen A. Patte, PhD Author reference footnote 3 ; Margaret de Groh, PhD Author reference footnote 2 ; Ying Jiang, MD, MSc Author reference footnote 2 ; Scott T. Leatherdale, PhD Author reference footnote 1

https://doi.org/10.24095/hpcdp.44.4.04

This article has been peer reviewed.

Recommended Attribution

Research article  by Varatharajan T et al. in the HPCDP Journal is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License

Thepikaa Varatharajan, School of Public Health Sciences, University of Waterloo, 200 University Avenue West, Waterloo, ON  N2L 3G1; Email: [email protected]

Varatharajan T, Patte KA, de Groh M, Jiang Y, Leatherdale ST. Exploring differences in substance use behaviours among gender minority and non-gender minority youth: a cross-sectional analysis of the COMPASS study. Health Promot Chronic Dis Prev Can. 2024;44(4):179-90. https://doi.org/10.24095/hpcdp.44.4.04

Introduction: Research characterizing substance use disparities between gender minority youth ( GMY ) and non- GMY (i.e. girls and boys) is limited. The aim of this study was to examine the differences in substance use behaviours among gender identity ( GI ) groups and identify associated risk and protective factors.

Methods: Cross-sectional data from Canadian secondary school students (n = 42 107) that participated in Year 8 (2019/20) or Year 9 (2020/21) of the COMPASS study were used. Hierarchal logistic regression models estimated current substance use (cigarettes, e-cigarettes, binge drinking, cannabis and nonmedical prescription opioids [ NMPOs ]). Predictor variables included sociodemographics, other substances, mental health outcomes, school connectedness, bullying and happy home life. Interaction terms were used to test mental health measures as moderators in the association between GI and substance use.

Results: Compared to non- GMY , GMY reported a higher prevalence for all substance use outcomes. In the adjusted analyses, GMY had higher odds of cigarette, cannabis and NMPO use and lower odds for e-cigarette use relative to non- GMY . The likelihood of using any given substance was higher among individuals who were involved with other substances. School connectedness and happy home life had a protective effect for all substances except binge drinking. Bullying victimization was associated with greater odds of cigarette, e-cigarette use and NMPOs . Significant interactions between GI and all mental health measures were detected.

Conclusion: Findings highlight the importance of collecting a GI measure in youth population surveys and prioritizing GMY in substance use–related prevention, treatment and harm reduction programs. Future studies should investigate the effects of GI status on substance use onset and progression among Canadian adolescents over time.

Keywords: binge drinking, cannabis use, cigarette use, e-cigarette use, gender minority youth

• Gender minority youth ( GMY ) were more likely to use cigarettes, cannabis and nonmedical prescription opioids and less likely to use e-cigarettes than girls and boys.
• GMY experiencing symptoms of depression or anxiety were less likely to binge drink than GMY without symptoms.
• GMY experiencing symptoms of anxiety were more likely to use nonmedical prescription opioids than GMY without symptoms.
• These findings support the need to prioritize GMY in substance use prevention programs.
• Youth surveillance studies should adopt the two-step gender identity measure.

Introduction

Adolescence is a unique time in which individuals between the ages of 10 and 19 develop their gender identity ( GI ) and sexual orientation. Footnote 1 According to the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces, in 2018, individuals aged 15 to 24 years accounted for 30% of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer and Two-spirited (LGBTQ2+) population in Canada, as opposed to 14% of the non-LGBTQ2+ population. Footnote 2 The term “gender minority youth” ( GMY ) refers to individuals whose GI is not cisgender (i.e. individuals whose GI corresponds with their sex assigned at birth [SAB]). GI s that fall under this umbrella term include, but are not limited to, transgender (i.e. someone whose GI does not match their SAB), nonbinary (i.e. a person whose GI is not limited to being exclusively male or female) and Two Spirit (i.e. an Indigenous person whose GI has both male and female spirits) populations. Footnote 3

To date, GMY have been understudied in substance use research, as studies typically focus on the differences between cisgender boys and girls. Footnote 3 Footnote 4 This is because questions about GI have not yet been standardized on large-scale population-based surveys, thereby limiting the accuracy and inclusiveness of the data collected and mischaracterizing health and behavioural outcomes for GMY . Footnote 3 Footnote 5 Furthermore, many studies focussing on GMY are generally small-scale, lack comparison groups or fail to recognize that sexual orientation, SAB and GI are conceptually different. Footnote 3 Footnote 5 Footnote 6 However, this is slowly changing, with national surveys adopting the two-step measure (Step 1 asks SAB; Step 2 asks current GI ), as well as researchers, funders and journal editors emphasizing the need to examine the impacts of both sex and gender on health outcomes. Footnote 3 Footnote 7

Investigating substance use is essential, as the literature suggests that GMY are at a greater risk for substance use, misuse and related problems compared to cisgender youth. Footnote 4 Footnote 8 Footnote 9 Footnote 10 Footnote 11 Footnote 12 In 2017, findings from a cross-sectional study revealed that nonbinary Canadian youth (Grades 9–12) were 2.26 times more likely to ever use cannabis than males. Footnote 13 A cross-sectional analysis of a sample of California youth (Grades 7–12) found that transgender youth had higher rates of lifetime, current and in-school substance use compared to non-transgender peers. Footnote 8 Similarly, a national survey in the US highlighted that the rates of lifetime alcohol and past-30-day cigarette and cannabis use were higher among transgender youth than cisgender peers. Footnote 10 Emerging evidence also anticipates GMY may have been disproportionately affected by the COVID-19 pandemic, thereby further exacerbating their risk for using substances. Footnote 14

Substance use disparities among GMY may be explained by the minority stress theory, which postulates that GMY use substances to cope with the unique social stressors they experience in schools, families and communities as a result of their marginalized or stigmatized identities. Footnote 4 Footnote 15 Footnote 16 The chronic stressors that impact their health and well-being may be external (distal) objective stressors (e.g. discrimination), proximal subjective stressors (e.g. hiding one’s GI ), or both. Footnote 15 The risk for problematic substance use may be further heightened among GMY who, in the absence of social support (e.g. support from school personnel), experience elevated rates of emotional dysregulation, social and interpersonal problems and psychological distress. Footnote 15 Footnote 16 Footnote 17

Currently, the majority of research investigating GMY ’s substance use behaviours stems from the US. Footnote 9 Footnote 10 Footnote 12 Footnote 15 Given the similar experiences with minority stressors, we expect Canadian GMY ’s substance use patterns to mirror those in the US. Footnote 4 Understanding substance use behaviours among Canadian GMY is critical in preventing adverse health and social outcomes and informing interventions efforts to effectively support the unique needs of this population. Thus, given the limited large-scale research among Canadian youth (aged 12–18), Footnote 13 Footnote 18 the purpose of this study was to (1) examine the differences in substance use behaviours between Canadian GMY and non- GMY , and (2) identify associated risk and protective factors.

Ethics approval

All procedures employed by the COMPASS study were approved by the University of Waterloo Office of Research Ethics (ORE #30118) and appropriate school board committees.

The COMPASS study is a prospective cohort study that annually collects data from full school samples of Canadian secondary school students (Grades 9–12, Secondary I–V in Quebec). Footnote 19 Schools that permit an active-information passive consent parental permission protocol, Footnote 20 which limits self-selection and response bias in substance use research, were purposefully sampled. Footnote 21 A full description of the COMPASS study methods is available online .

Cross-sectional data from two consecutive waves (Year 8 [Y8]: 2019/20; Year 9 [Y9]: 2020/21) were used to increase the sample size among GMY . An anonymous, self-generated code was used to identity unique participants. Students were entered into the study once; for students that participated in both years, only their Y9 responses were used. Details on the data linkage process are described elsewhere. Footnote 22 Data in Y8 were collected between September 2019 and February 2020 via the paper-based COMPASS Student Questionnaire, which was completed during class time. Footnote 23 Since March 2020, when schools first suspended in-person learning due to COVID-19 restrictions, students have completed an online COMPASS Student Questionnaire Footnote 24 using Qualtrics XM Footnote 25 survey software.

Consistent with youth surveillance systems at the time of data collection, Footnote 5 Footnote 26 Footnote 27 the COMPASS student questionnaire in Y8 and Y9 measured students’ GI with the question, “Are you female or male?” Response options included “female,” “male,” “I describe my gender in a different way” and “I prefer not to say ( PNTS ).” While the measure used enabled youth to identify with a GI outside the traditional binary categories, we recognize that by not specifying “sex” or “gender,” this question does not differentiate between youths’ SAB and current GI . Thus, the question could be construed as measuring students’ GI or biological sex. Footnote 28 Footnote 29

However, given that this study primarily focusses on the socially constructed roles, behaviours and identities of youth, we categorized students who responded “female” and “male” as “girl” and “boy,” respectively, (i.e. “non- GMY ”). Students who responded, “I describe my gender in a different way” were categorized as “ GMY .” We acknowledge that our definition of “non- GMY ” does not meet the preferred cisgender classification. However, seeing that we do not have data for students’ SAB, we cannot definitively categorize youth as “cisgender.” Instead, we can utilize the existing gender measure to differentiate youth that do not self-identify with the conventional binary options from those that do, and provide further insight into the substance use disparities between groups—a topic on which there is a dearth of evidence.

Participants

A total of 80 608 students participated across 144 schools in Ontario, Alberta, British Columbia and Quebec. Students in Secondary I and II in Quebec (equivalent to Grades 7 and 8; n = 20 711) and students with missing values for any variable (n = 17 790; variables with missing values included gender [0.38%], cigarette use [6.0%], e-cigarette use [6.1%], binge drinking [5.4%], cannabis use [6.7%] and nonmedical prescription opioid use [ NMPOU ; 7.2%]) were excluded. Due to their unknown GI status, students who responded “ PNTS ” (n = 570) for GI were excluded from regression analyses. However, some descriptive results comparing this group with girls, boys and GMY are provided.

Table 1 presents a chi-square analysis of demographic characteristics comparing students with missing outcome data versus complete data. Significant differences between groups were identified for all variables. The primary reasons for missing respondents were school absenteeism, spare study periods and parent refusals (< 1%). The final complete-case analytic sample includes 41 537 students attending 139 schools (Alberta, 3072; Ontario, 14 626; Quebec, 16 403; British Columbia, 7436).

Substance use

Students reported on their cigarette use (“On how many of the last 30 days did you smoke one or more cigarettes?”); e-cigarette use (“On how many of the last 30 days did you use an e-cigarette?”); binge drinking (“In the last 12 months, how often did you have 5 drinks of alcohol or more on one occasion?”); and cannabis use (“In the last 12 months, how often did you use marijuana or cannabis? [a joint, pot, weed, hash]).” Students who reported past-month use were classified as current users and students who used less than once a month were classified as noncurrent users. NMPOU was assessed with the question, “Have you tried any of the following medications to get high?” with three medications listed: “oxycodone,” “fentanyl” and “other prescription pain relievers.” Responses were categorized into a binary variable; an answer of “Yes, I have done this in the last 12 months” to any of the three medications was classified as engaging in NMPOU in the past year.

Mental health

Self-reported past-week depression symptoms (e.g. negative affect, somatic symptoms and amotivation) were assessed using the 10-item Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale Revised (CESD-R-10). Footnote 30 Students responded to items using a 4-point Likert scale (0 = “none or < 1 day” to 3 = “5–7 days”). Sum scores were dichotomized, whereby a score of ≥ 10 signified students had clinically relevant symptoms of depression (henceforth referred to as “depression”). Footnote 30 The CESD-R-10 items had an internal consistency of α = 0.992.

The Generalized Anxiety Disorder 7-item (GAD-7) scale was used to measure self-reported symptoms of anxiety in the past two weeks. Footnote 31 Students’ self-perceived feelings of worry, fear and irritability were rated using a 4-point Likert scale (0 = “not at all” to 3 = “nearly every day”). Sum scores were dichotomized, whereby a score ≥ 10 denoted students had clinically relevant anxiety symptomology (henceforth referred to as “anxiety”). Footnote 31 Internal consistency of GAD-7 items was high (α = 0.991).

Students’ self-rated psychosocial well-being (e.g. psychosocial prosperity, optimism and relationships) was measured using the Flourishing Scale. Footnote 32 Students responded to 8 items using a 5-point Likert scale (0 = “strongly disagree” to 4 = “strongly agree”). Sum of the scores ranged from 8 to 40, where higher sum scores indicated greater well-being or flourishing. The Flourishing Scale had high internal consistency (α = 0.995).

Emotional intelligence and regulation problems were assessed using a modified version of the Difficulties in Emotion Regulation Scale ( DERS ) in which one high-loading item from each of the six subscales was included, based on previous studies in adolescent samples. Footnote 33 Footnote 34 Footnote 35 Footnote 36 Total sum scores ranged from 6 to 30, with higher composite DERS scores indicating greater socioemotional dysfunction. Internal consistency of the DERS items was high (α = 0.992).

Other covariates

Students were asked, “In the last 30 days, in what ways have you been bullied by other students?” Responses were dichotomized, with “yes” indicating having been bullied (e.g. physical attacks, verbal attacks, cyber-attacks, damage to or theft of possessions) and “no” indicating not having been bullied.

School connectedness was measured using an adapted version of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health 5-item scale, Footnote 37 which asks students to indicate how strongly they agree or disagree with the following five statements: “I feel close to people at my school,” “I feel I am part of my school,” “I am happy to be at my school,” “I feel the teachers at my school treat me fairly” and “I feel safe in my school.” A sixth item, “Getting good grades is important to me” was added. A sum score ranging from 6 to 24 was developed, with higher sum scores indicating greater feelings of connectedness.

On a 5-point Likert scale, students rated how much they agreed or disagreed with the statement “I have a happy home life.” A response of 1 or 2 indicated students strongly agreed or agreed, respectively, that they had a happy home life.

Students provided the following demographic information, which is consistent with other youth health research: grade; province; ethnicity (White, Black, Indigenous, Asian, Latin American, other, mixed); weekly spending money (none, $1–$20, $21–$40, $41–$100, > $100, don’t know); and source of money (I do not usually get any money, my parents/guardians, I get a paycheque from a job, I get paid cash for occasional work).

All analyses were performed in SAS 9.4. Footnote 38 Prevalence estimates and comparisons by GI were made using frequency tables and χ Footnote 2 and one-way ANOVA tests. Intraclass correlation coefficients (ICCs) were calculated for each outcome variable, and modest to moderate amounts of within-school variation were detected (ICC cigarette  = 0.059; ICC e-cigarette  = 0.033; ICC bingedrinking  = 0.076; ICC cannabis  = 0.028; ICC NMPO  = 0.001), indicating that 0.1% to 7.6% of the variation in students’ substance use behaviours was due to school-level differences. Diagnostics assessing the risk of multicollinearity between potential explanatory variables revealed a minimal risk of collinearity, as none of the variance inflation factors exceeded 2.

Binary logistic models that predict the log odds of cigarette use, e-cigarette use, binge drinking, cannabis use and NMPOU were built using generalized estimating equations via PROC GENMOD. Models for each outcome were built using a stepwise approach. Models I to IV added variables in the following order: gender, demographic characteristics, other substances and other covariates. Comparisons between GI groups were made by changing the reference group in the model. The moderating effects of all mental health variables were examined; each two-way interaction was tested in separate models. Comparisons between GI groups were assessed using the LSMEANS statement with the DIFF option.

Student characteristics

Table 2 presents the youths’ characteristics by GI . A small proportion of students identified as GMY (2.3%), while 51.8% identified as girls and 44.5% as boys. More youth participated in Y9 (n = 29 079) compared to Y8 (n = 13 028) of the COMPASS study; 75% of GMY participated in Y9. Although a majority of the participants identified as White (70%), half of GMY (49.9%) identified as an ethnicity other than White. A higher proportion of GMY reported having no weekly spending money relative to non- GMY . Students who preferred not to disclose their GI (1.4%) had similar characteristics to GMY . Significant differences for all covariates by GI were identified.

Compared to girls and boys, GMY had a higher prevalence of past-month use for all substances, with the use of cigarettes, cannabis and NMPOs being at least two to six times higher. Between girls and boys, the prevalence of substance use was similar. A substantially higher proportion of GMY , followed by girls, reported depression and anxiety compared to boys. On average, GMY reported lower mean flourishing and school connectedness scores and greater mean DERS scores than non- GMY . Boys had similar scores for flourishing and school connectedness as girls but had lower DERS scores. It should be noted that after GMY , students that did not disclose their gender status had the highest proportions of cigarette, cannabis and NMPO use and mental health and social problems.

Predicting substance use

Tables 3 and 4 present logistic regression results for cigarette use, e-cigarette use, binge drinking and cannabis use. Models I (unadjusted) and II (demographic-adjusted) indicate that GMY were more likely to engage in current substance use relative to non- GMY . After adjusting for concurrent substance use (Model III), cigarette, cannabis and NMPO use remained significant, with a positive association.

In the fully adjusted model (Model IV, which includes covariates), the adjusted odds ratio ( aOR ) was determined for each outcome. GMY had higher odds of using cigarettes ( aOR GMY vs.Boys  = 1.61; aOR GMY vs.Girls  = 1.95), cannabis ( aOR GMY vs.Boys  = 1.39; aOR GMY vs.Girls = 1.81) and NMPOs ( aOR GMY vs.Boys  = 1.76; aOR GMY vs.Girls  = 1.94) and lower odds of using e-cigarettes ( aOR GMY vs.Boys  = 0.78; aOR GMY vs.Girls  = 0.72) than non- GMY peers. Girls had a lower likelihood of cigarette use ( aOR  = 0.83), binge drinking ( aOR  = 0.83) and cannabis use ( aOR  = 0.77) compared to boys. Youth who used any of the substances were significantly more likely to use other substances. Prior to testing for interaction effects between mental health predictors and gender, youth with depression were 10% to 36% more likely to binge drink and use e-cigarettes, cannabis and NMPOs than those without depression. Anxiety had no significant effect on substance use. Although flourishing was associated with all substances (except cannabis) and DERS was related to every substance except cigarettes, the magnitude of the associations was small.

School connectedness and happy home life were negatively associated with all substances except binge drinking. Students, on average, were 3% to 6% less likely to engage in substance use for every 1-point increase in school connectedness and 24% to 29% less likely if they reported having a happy home life. Youth who reported past-month bullying victimization had higher odds of using cigarettes ( aOR  = 1.20), e-cigarettes ( aOR  = 1.44) and NMPOs ( aOR  = 1.73).

Moderating effects of mental health predictors

Overall, regardless of depression and anxiety status, a greater percentage of GMY compared to girls and boys reported e-cigarette use, binge drinking and NMPOU ( Figure 1a–e ). Depression was found to significantly moderate the association between gender and e-cigarette use and between gender and binge drinking. GMY with depression (22.3%) had a significantly lower prevalence of binge drinking compared to those without depression (34.2%, p  < 0.001; Figure 1c]. Comparatively, the prevalence of e-cigarette use and binge drinking was significantly higher for girls with depression than without ( p  < 0.001; Figure 1a, c).

Two-way interaction effects between gender and anxiety existed in e-cigarette use, binge drinking and NMPOU . GMY without anxiety had a significantly higher prevalence of binge drinking (29.9%) than GMY with anxiety (22.3%, p  = 0.005; Figure 1d). The proportion of girls and boys with anxiety using e-cigarettes was significantly higher compared to girls and boys without anxiety ( p  < 0.05; Figure 1b). NMPOU was greater among GMY with anxiety (19.2%) than GMY without anxiety (7.2%; p  = 0.005; Figure 1e]. Boys with anxiety engaged in more NMPOU (8.2%) than boys without anxiety (2.9%; p  = 0.008; Figure 1e). Interaction effects between gender and flourishing and gender and DERS were significant for all outcomes except cigarette use. However, the estimates of the observed associations were small. Table 5 presents the two-way interaction effects.

As expected from recent population studies surveying adolescents, Footnote 8 Footnote 9 Footnote 10 Footnote 11 Footnote 18 Footnote 39 the prevalence of substance use was higher among GMY than girls and boys. Interestingly, the frequency of substance use was also significantly higher among youth that indicated “ PNTS ” than girls or boys. It is possible that substance use among youth that reported PNTS may be driven by their own unique set of challenges (e.g. unsure about their GI ).

Our results were consistent with De Pedro and colleagues’ cross-sectional study, Footnote 9 which revealed higher rates of past-30-day cigarette and cannabis use among transgender youth compared to non-transgender peers. When adjusting for only sociodemographic characteristics, we found GMY had a higher likelihood of current e-cigarette use and binge drinking, similar to existing research. Footnote 9 Footnote 39 Footnote 40 However, in our fully adjusted models, we found GMY relative to non- GMY had a lower likelihood of current e-cigarette use and that GMY status alone did not significantly predict current binge drinking. Our unique findings may be explained by the additional covariates (i.e. other substances, mental health outcomes, school connectedness, bullying victimization and happy home life) in our model and the relatively small difference in prevalence estimates between gender groups for e-cigarette use and binge drinking compared to the larger discrepancy seen for other substances.

Consistent with previous findings, we found that a greater proportion of GMY , followed by girls, reported mental health issues compared to boys. Footnote 8 Footnote 41 Footnote 42 Interaction analyses indicated that the associations between gender and e-cigarette use, gender and binge drinking, and gender and NMPOU varied depending on mental health status. As expected, the frequency of NMPOU was greater among youth with clinically relevant anxiety symptoms than those without. Footnote 4 Footnote 43 Although GMY reported higher e-cigarette use and binge drinking compared to non- GMY , we found that binge drinking was lower among GMY with clinically relevant depression and anxiety symptoms than GMY without these conditions. This contradicts the current literature that suggests GMY experiencing internalizing symptoms will engage in greater substance use. Footnote 1 Footnote 8 E-cigarette use did not differ among GMY based on mental health status. However, for girls and boys, clinically relevant internalizing symptoms were associated with greater e-cigarette use, binge drinking and NMPOU .

Additionally, and contrary to expectations, Footnote 16 Footnote 44 we did not find greater psychological well-being or poor emotional regulation skills to influence substance use among GMY . The insignificant findings may be because data were collected during the COVID-19 pandemic. The pandemic-induced lockdowns and restrictions, which upended youths’ daily routines, could have driven deteriorations in mental health and emotional dysregulation among all participating youth, regardless of their GI . Footnote 45

A plausible explanation for our contradictory findings for binge drinking may be that GMY with internalizing symptoms are isolating themselves from social activities, in which binge drinking is common. Footnote 18 For two-Spirit, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex, and additional people who identify as part of sexual and gender diverse communities ( 2SLGBTQI +) youth, disclosing one’s sexual or gender identity has been linked to lower self-esteem, which is a prospective risk factor for depression and anxiety. Footnote 46 Footnote 47 If “coming out” is a positive experience, one in which youth feel accepted and supported by family, friends and community members, GMY may experience greater self-esteem and fewer internalizing symptoms, allowing them to better connect and socialize with peers. Footnote 18 Footnote 46 Footnote 47 Future GMY -based research is needed to better understand the relationship between minority stress factors, mental health and substance use.

This study, in line with existing research, Footnote 15 Footnote 17 also highlights that among the entire study sample, perceived happy home life and school connectedness had a protective effect against substance use, while bullying victimization was associated with an increased risk. Future work should examine the mechanisms underlying the association between social health factors and substance use among GMY .

Strengths and limitations

A primary strength of this study is that it is the first to use a large sample of Canadian secondary school students to examine differences in current substance use behaviours between GMY and non- GMY . The large sample size of youth is achieved via the robust COMPASS data collection procedures and data linkage process. Additionally, the GI measure was able to successfully capture GMY .

Regarding the limitations of our study, first, our gender question does not identify the different subcategories of GMY (e.g. transgender, nonbinary). However, the proportion of GMY identified in our study (2%) aligns with other studies that sample youth attending secondary schools Footnote 48 and is slightly higher compared to population-based studies that focus solely on transgender youth. Footnote 39 Second, purposive sampling was used to recruit schools and collect data, which may limit the generalizability to school-aged youth in Canada. Third, the use of self-report measures (e.g. GI , substance use) may have led to underreporting due to social desirability bias. However, these risks were mitigated with the use of an anonymous, active-information, passive-consent data collection procedure that encourages participation as well as honest self-reporting. Footnote 20 Footnote 21 Fourth, the cross-sectional nature prohibits causal inferences.

We found significant disparities in substance use by GI , with GMY at a significantly greater risk of using some substances (i.e. cigarettes, e-cigarettes and NMPOs ) compared to girls and boys. This study highlights the importance of adopting the two-step GI measure in population-based surveillance studies. Future studies should identify the longitudinal patterns of substance use behaviours by gender and sexual orientation status among Canadian adolescents. Such knowledge will be useful when implementing tailored community and school-based interventions that address the unique needs and challenges of GMY .

Acknowledgements

The COMPASS study has been supported by a bridge grant from the Canadian Institutes of Health Research ( CI HR ) Institute of Nutrition, Metabolism and Diabetes through the “Obesity – Interventions to Prevent or Treat” priority funding awards (OOP-110788; awarded to STL ), an operating grant from the CI HR Institute of Population and Public Health (MOP-114875; awarded to STL ), a CI HR project grant (PJT-148562; awarded to STL ), a CI HR bridge grant (PJT-149092; awarded to KAP and STL ), a CI HR project grant (PJT-159693; awarded to KAP ) and by a research funding arrangement with Health Canada (#1617-HQ-000012; contract awarded to SL), a  CI HR -Canadian Centre on Substance Use and Addiction team grant (OF7 B1-PCPEGT 410-10-9633; awarded to STL ), a project grant from the CI HR Institute of Population and Public Health (PJT-180262; awarded to STL and KAP ).

A SickKids Foundation New Investigator Grant, in partnership with CI HR Institute of Human Development, Child and Youth Health (Grant No. NI21-1193; awarded to KAP ) funds a mixed methods study examining the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on youth mental health, leveraging COMPASS study data, and a CI HR Operating grant ( UIP 178846, awarded to KAP ) funds analysis of the impact of COVID-19 on health behaviours in COMPASS data.

The COMPASS -Quebec project additionally benefits from funding from the Ministère de la Santé et des Services sociaux of the province of Quebec, and the Direction régionale de santé publique du CIUSSS de la Capitale-Nationale. TV is funded by the Ontario Graduate Scholarship ( OGS ) and by the Public Health Agency of Canada through the Federal Student Work Experience Program.

Conflicts of interest

The authors declare that they have no conflicts of interest.

Authors’ contributions and statement

• TV —conceptualization, methodology, formal analysis, data curation, writing—original draft, review & editing.
• KAP —supervision, data curation, funding acquisition, resources, writing—review & editing.
• MdG —supervision, conceptualization, methodology, resources, writing—review & editing.
• YJ —supervision, conceptualization, methodology, resources, writing—review & editing.
• STL —supervision, data curation, funding acquisition, resources, conceptualization, methodology, investigation, writing—review & editing.

All authors approved the final manuscript.

The content and views expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Government of Canada.

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Articles on Eclipse April 8, 2024

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Cognitive decline may be detected using network analysis, according to Concordia researchers

We all lose our car keys or our glasses from time to time. Most people would be correct to laugh it off as a normal part of aging. But for others, cognitive decline may start as a worrying but clinically unnoticeable step toward cognitive impairment, be it relatively mild or as severe as Alzheimer’s disease.

The vast complexity of the human brain makes early diagnosis of cognitive decline difficult to achieve, which has potentially important implications for treatment and prevention. This is especially true for subjective cognitive decline, in which an individual reports concerns about memory or cognitive ability but shows no deviation on cognitive tests administered by clinicians.

That’s the focus of a new paper in the journal Cortex by Concordia PhD student Nicholas Grunden and Department of Psychology professor Natalie Phillips . In it they use a novel technique called network analysis to study whether it can reveal the subtle changes associated with subjective cognitive decline that cannot be detected through standard test analyses.

A network approach models cognitive performance as a web of intertwined cognitive abilities that reflects the relationships between a set of variables, or nodes. The nodes here are the results of several neuropsychological tests, as well as participant characteristics like age, sex and education.

By running a statistical analysis of data merged from two large Canadian data sets, the researchers were able to visualize the strength of relationships between the nodes among people who are classified as cognitively normal (CN), or who have diagnoses of subjective cognitive decline (SCD), mild cognitive impairment (MCI) or Alzheimer’s disease (AD).

“The nodes are connected by edges, which are the conditional associations between them,” Grunden says. “The edge reflects how those variables work together. Are they positively correlated or negatively correlated? The network shows us how strong these associations are by how saturated the edges are. It’s a built-in visual communication of findings.”

Seeing the decline

After constructing the networks using the merged databases, the researchers identified two nodes that exert the strongest influence on the rest of network: performance on tests of executive function and processing speed. Both are known to decline with age.

The strength of these two nodes, however, had marked decreases from the cognitively normal to the subjective cognitive decline to the mild cognitive impairment groups. This progressive gradient places SCD as an intermediate stage between CN and MCI.

“We found that very interesting, because it uncovered something that speaks to individuals’ subjective concerns that are invisible in normal statistical analyses,” Grunden explains.

“Executive function and processing speed are important cognitive abilities in that they contribute to other abilities (e.g., language, attention) and are integral to supporting an individual’s day-to-day functioning in their lives. We know efficiency decreases as we age but we also see them at the initial stages of some types of progressive cognitive decline.”

The researchers also noticed an important component to the role of age. While it is one of the strongest predictors of cognitive decline, and it exerted substantial influence on cognitive abilities among those classified CN and SCD, that influence waned among those classified MCI or AD. For them, other nodes measuring cognitive ability take on more weight.

“In other words, all things considered, age will be the biggest influence on cognition for older adults who do not show signs of Alzheimer’s disease,” says Phillips, the Concordia University Research Chair in Sensory-Cognitive Health in Aging and Dementia.

“But that is not the case in those individuals who have a diagnosis of MCI or Alzheimer’s disease.  For them, cognitive function is more associated with how advanced their disease is, as indicated by general measures of clinical status on standardized cognition tests like the Montreal Cognitive Assessment Test .”

Grunden says network analysis can help researchers examine brain function as a system rather than isolated variables acting upon each other.

“This helps us read between the lines, because we can look at the interrelationships between all of the variables at the same time,” he says. “You can pick up on indicators that are less apparent in single elements of data and instead focus on associations between them.”

The Fonds de recherche du Québec – Nature et technologies (FRQNT) , the Fondation Famille Lemaire and the Centre for Research on Brain, Language and Music contributed funding for this study. The researchers used data from the Consortium for the early identification of Alzheimer’s disease – Quebec (CIMA-Q) and the Comprehensive Assessment on Neurodegeneration and Dementia (COMPASS-ND) databases.

Read the cited paper: “ A network approach to subjective cognitive decline: Exploring multivariate relationships in neuropsychological test performance across Alzheimer’s disease risk states .”

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