essay about philippine politics and governance

Essay on Philippine Politics And Governance

Students are often asked to write an essay on Philippine Politics And Governance in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

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100 Words Essay on Philippine Politics And Governance

Introduction to philippine politics.

Philippine politics is a blend of democracy and a republic system. The Philippines is a democratic country, meaning the people have the power to choose their leaders. The republic part means that the country has a President, who is the head of state.

The Structure of Government

The Philippine government has three branches: the Executive, the Legislative, and the Judicial. The Executive branch is led by the President. The Legislative branch makes laws and is divided into two parts: the Senate and the House of Representatives. The Judicial branch interprets laws.

Role of the President

The President of the Philippines has a vital role. They are the chief executive and the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. They are responsible for implementing laws and maintaining peace and order.

The Election Process

Elections in the Philippines are held every six years. Citizens aged 18 and above can vote. They choose their leaders, including the President, Vice President, Senators, and Representatives. These leaders are expected to serve the people and the country.

Challenges in Philippine Politics

Philippine politics faces many challenges. These include corruption, poverty, and political dynasties. These issues hinder the country’s progress. They affect the government’s ability to serve the people and develop the nation.

Understanding Philippine politics and governance is crucial. It helps us understand the country’s challenges and how they can be solved. It also helps us appreciate the role of citizens in shaping the nation’s future.

250 Words Essay on Philippine Politics And Governance

Politics in the Philippines is a complex subject. It is run as a democratic republic, which means the people have the power to choose their leaders. The President is the head of the state and the government.

Elections are important events in the Philippines. They happen every six years for the President and Vice President, and every three years for other officials. The people vote for their leaders, which is a way of saying who they want to run the country.

Political Parties

There are many political parties in the Philippines. These parties represent different views and ideas. They play a big role in the elections as they support their candidates and help them win.

Role of the Government

The government has a big job to do. It has to make laws, keep the peace, and make sure people have what they need. The government is divided into three parts: the Executive, the Legislative, and the Judicial branches. Each has its own duties and powers.

Challenges in Governance

Running a country is not easy. There are many challenges like corruption, poverty, and natural disasters. These issues make it hard for the government to do its job well.

Philippine politics and governance are interesting to learn about. They show how people’s choices can shape a country. It also teaches us about the challenges of running a country and the importance of good leadership.

500 Words Essay on Philippine Politics And Governance

Introduction to philippine politics and governance.

Philippine politics and governance are interesting subjects. They are based on a democratic system, which means that the people have the power to choose their leaders. The Philippines has a president who is the head of the state, and also a prime minister who is the head of government.

The Political Structure

The Philippines has three branches of government: the executive, the legislative, and the judicial branch. The president, who is elected by the people, heads the executive branch. He or she takes care of the country’s affairs. The legislative branch makes laws. It is made up of two groups: the Senate and the House of Representatives. The judicial branch, led by the Supreme Court, makes sure that laws are fair and just.

Political Parties in the Philippines

In the Philippines, there are many political parties. These parties represent different beliefs and ideas about how the country should be run. During elections, these parties present candidates for the people to vote for. The party with the most votes usually takes control of the government.

Elections and Voting

Elections are very important in the Philippines. They are a way for people to choose their leaders and have a say in how their country is run. Voting is a right of all citizens who are 18 years old and above. During elections, people vote for their preferred candidates for various positions such as president, vice president, senators, and representatives.

Like any other country, the Philippines also faces challenges in its political system. One big challenge is corruption. This is when government officials use their power for their own benefit instead of serving the people. Another challenge is political dynasties, where families hold power for many years. This can limit the chance for new leaders to emerge.

Efforts for Improvement

Despite these challenges, there are efforts to improve the political system in the Philippines. Some people are working to fight corruption and promote good governance. There are also laws that aim to limit political dynasties and promote fair elections.

In conclusion, Philippine politics and governance are shaped by the democratic system, political parties, and elections. Although there are challenges such as corruption and political dynasties, there are also efforts to improve the system. Understanding these aspects can help us appreciate the importance of active participation in the political process.

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In This Article Expand or collapse the "in this article" section Politics of the Philippines: From Rizal to Duterte

Introduction, brains of the nation.

• American Empire and Philippine Politics
• Historiography and Politics
• Caudillos and the Authoritarian Temptation
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Politics of the Philippines: From Rizal to Duterte by Richard Javad Heydarian LAST REVIEWED: 21 April 2021 LAST MODIFIED: 21 April 2021 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0333

The heartland of former Spanish East Indies and once America’s sole colony in Asia, the Philippines is a land of mind-bending paradoxes, where swift changes have gone hand in hand with obstinate continuities. The Southeast Asian nation witnessed the birth of Asia’s first modern nationalist movement, initially led by the progressive sections of the Creole class and the so-called ilustrado mestizos, but reaching its apogee in the final years of the 19th century under the command of (Tagalog-dominated) provincial gentry and a broad coalition of petty bourgeois nationalists. In contrast, advanced state-formation came relatively late to the island nation, which has a limited history of large-scale polities in the precolonial era compared to neighboring Indonesia (Majapahit Empire) or Cambodia (Khmer Empire). A century since the advent of ‘first Filipinos,’ the country’s nation-building project remains glaringly unfinished, hobbled by persistent ethnolinguistic divides and Islamist and Communist movements that are among the world’s longest-running such insurgencies. For almost five centuries, Catholicism stood as the dominant religion in the country, but recent decades have seen homegrown evangelical groups become major forces in the country’s political landscape with the advent of denominational ‘bloc voting.’ A major entrepot during the trans-pacific Galleon Trade, the country became a regional economic powerhouse from the late 18th century up until the mid-20th century. Building on bouts of liberal reforms during Spanish colonialism and Commonwealth institutions under American tutelage, the Philippines also boasts among the oldest democratic institutions in the postcolonial world. The past half century, however, witnessed the country’s decline to the “Sick man of Asia” following decades of political instability and absence of sustained economic development. Amidst massive inequality and rampant corruption, the country has repeatedly relapsed into various permutations of authoritarian rule, from the Ferdinand Marcos dictatorship to the resurgent populism of Rodrigo Duterte in recent years. In international politics, the Philippines has undergone a similarly turbulent trajectory, repeatedly caught in between rival empires, from Spanish–American Wars in the late-19th century to its strategic flirtation with a rising China despite its formal military alliance with America. What has remained largely constant is the composition of the country’s ruling elite, thanks to its remarkable geopolitical adaptability. The upshot is a weak state enfeebled by powerful interest groups and checked by a vibrant civil society. Accordingly, the study of Philippine politics should cover its troubled nation-state-formation, cacique-dominated political economy and attendant authoritarian temptations, as well as the unique brand of populist and liberal topes in its political discourse.

Unique among its neighbors but similar to its Latin American cousins, as Anderson 2007 explains, the Philippines’ founding fathers were largely a mixture of creole, Chinese-Filipino mestizo and upwardly-mobile “Indigenous” intelligentsia, who were steeped in Enlightenment values and came of age under the shadow of post-1848 revolutionary movements in Europe. Schumacher 1973 , Joaquin 2005 , and Mojares 2006 cover the flowering of the fin de siècle “Propaganda Movement” and its main publication, La Solidaridad , in the late 19th century, while Anderson 2007 explores the nexus between Spanish anarchism, Latin American revolutions for independence, especially in Cuba, and the Philippine Revolution of 1896. The period also saw the publication of the Philippines’ most influential political novels, namely Jose Rizals’ Noli me tángere (1887) and El filibusterismo (1891), which irrevocably reshaped the country’s political imagination and its place in an emerging postcolonial world; the reprinted and English translations, Rizal 2006 and Rizal 2011 respectively, are accordingly annotated here. Guerrero y Francisco 2010 discusses the social milieu and broader political and intellectual relevance of Rizal’s works. In contrast Ileto 1997 discusses the broader role of masses and mass culture in resisting Spanish colonialism. The section also includes arguably the first work on political economy and administrative reforms by a Filipino scholar, Gregorio Sancianco Y. Goson’s El progreso de Filipinas , which was originally published in 1881 in Madrid; accordingly, Sancianco 2010 is a reprinted version of the 1923 edition of the book. On his part, another Filipino illustrado , Isabelo de los Reyes, published what is arguably the country’s first ethnographic study, the award-winning El folklore Filipino (1889), which would inform the author’s as well as his country’s radical politics and first modern labor movements in the early 20th century, from Union Obrera Democratica to the Union del Trabajo de Filipinas and its many Marxist derivatives throughout the century. De los Reyes 2012 is the English translation of the pioneering work annotated here.

Anderson, Benedict. Under Three Flags: Anarchism and the Anti-Colonial Imagination . London: Verso, 2007.

A pioneering work on the influence of international anarchism on Filipino revolutionaries, including Jose Rizal, as evidenced in his second and more radical novel, El filibusterismo , and the direct impact of late-19th-century Cuban War of Independence on the Katipunan movement and especially its leader, Andres Bonifacio, who opted for a timely armed revolt against a collapsing Spanish empire.

De los Reyes, Isabelo. El folk-lore filipino . Translated by Maria Elinora Peralta-Imson and Salud C. Dizon. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 2012.

In this republished and translated edition, the author provides a pioneering critique of what, a century later, Edward Said would famously describe as “Orientalism”—namely the essentialization of Indigenous cultures through the prism of European colonialism. The work also provides deep insights into the adoption and adaptation of superstitious beliefs from the Iberian Peninsula and Europe into the Philippines; distinct, hybrid and entwined aspects of Indigenous folklore across various ethnolinguistic groups; and the Husserlian “lifeworld” of the Filipino people.

Guerrero y Francisco, Leon Ma. The First Filipino . Manila, the Philippines: Guerrero Publishing, 2010.

First published in the early 1960s, the award-winning biography of Jose Rizal by this statesman-writer remains a classic account of the late-19th-century Filipino revolutionaries and their contribution to the creation of a Philippine nationhood.

Ileto, Reynaldo. Pasyon and revolution: In Popular Movements in the Philippines, 1840–1910 . Quezon City, The Philippines: Ateneo De Manila University Press, 1997.

Widely considered as a masterpiece in historical study of the emerging Philippine nation, the book analyzes the multifarious resistance to Spanish political and ideological colonialism throughout the 19th century, and, most crucially, the role and agency of masses in adapting European religious traditions to distinctly precolonial belief systems and local practices.

Joaquin, Nick. A Question of Heroes . Quezon City, The Philippines: Anvil Publishing Co, 2005.

Widely seen as the most influential Filipino novelist of the 20th century, Nick Joaquin provides a unique and unorthodox account of ten figures, from Father Jose Burgos to Artemio Ricarte, who contributed to development of the Filipino nation. The author leverages his mastery of the Spanish language and deep familiarity with original materials from the Spanish colonial era for a highly nuanced and granular analysis of the life and times of Filipino revolutionaries.

Mojares, Resil. Brains of the Nation: Pedro Paterno, T. H. Pardo De Tavera, Isabelo De Los Reyes and the Production of Modern Knowledge . Quezon City, The Philippines: Ateneo De Manila University Press, 2006.

Arguably the most comprehensive analysis of the circumstances as well as the unique character of key intellectual and political figures who contributed to the creation of a common Filipino consciousness. It’s arguably the best survey of the emerging “intelligentsia” or ilustrado class in the second half of the 19th century in the Philippines.

Rizal, Jose. Noli me tángere . New York: Penguin, 2006.

In Harold Augenbraum’s authoritative translation of this late-19th-century classic, the Philippines’ preeminent founding father and most prominent novelist, Jose Rizal, provides the most devastating and consequential critique of “friarocracy,” namely the hegemonic influence of clerical establishment in Spanish-controlled Philippines. The publication of the book spurred protests and a widespread desire for greater national autonomy, if not outright independence from Madrid.

Rizal, Jose. El filibusterismo . New York: Penguin, 2011.

Building on his first novel, which remains his best known work, Rizal explores the temptations of a more radical and anarchist response to colonial oppression in the Philippines. Eerily prescient, the book seemingly foresaw the tragic outcome of a violent revolutionary movement and reflects the author’s ambivalence toward a full-fledged revolt against Spanish colonial rule—a clairvoyance for the violent, authoritarian tendencies that will emerge under a long series of Filipino strongmen and self-styled nationalists over the next century and beyond.

Sancianco, Gregorio. El Progreso De Filipinas . North Carolina: Charleston: Nabu Press, 2010.

In this republished edition, in the original Spanish, the author provides a pioneering critique of the Philippines’ political economy in the final decades of Spanish imperium. The author’s analysis of the Philippines’ colonial economy and its oppressive, extractive patterns of production would inspire future works, including Jose Rizal’s famous Sobre la indolencia de los filipinos (Manila: Nueva Era, 1890), which, in turn, served as a foundation for influential postcolonial works such as Al-Atlas’s The Myth of the Lazy Native (London: F Cass, 1977).

Schumacher, John N. The Propaganda Movement, 1880–1895: The Creation of a Filipino Consciousness, The Makers of a Revolution . Manila, The Philippines: Solidaridad, 1973.

A classic account of the ‘Propaganda Movement’ and illustrado nationalists in the final decades of the 19th century.

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Lessons and Prospects in Philippine Political Governance: Cutting Across Regimes from Marcos to Duterte

2022, Beyond the Crisis: A Strategic Agenda for the Next President

The paper is a concise assessment and snapshot of Philippine governance under seven (7) presidents covering more than five (5) decades. It is hoped that the limitation of space and time does not render injustice in gauging the state of political governance in the country. The appraisal encompasses key governance areas, among others: transparency and accountability; electoral politics; political party system; political participation; and populist politics. The essay contends the following: the lengthy absence or inadequate mechanism and national policies in addressing transparency and accountability has not controlled nor resolved corruption in government; the country’s political institutions have been corroded by personality-based governance; political party system has been weakened by dynastic and clan-based electoral politics and non-principle/ideological based political parties; political participation has been hijacked by patronage politics and elitism; and populist politics has threatened and restricted rather than expanded democratic rule. Unless structural, political, and electoral reforms leading to a more empowered government structure, democratized electoral system, principle-and-ideologically based political party system, participative and dynamic civil society, and holistic governance are consistently and unswervingly instituted, society would consequently steer towards political decay and insulate the nation-state from the people it serves.

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The paper is an assessment of Philippine political development for over three (3) decades after the fall of Marcos authoritarian rule and the dawn of democratic regimes. Against the backdrop of conceptual and discussion of political development, Philippine political development was examined based on its recent past. It argues that the country’s continuing endeavour to chisel out its national and political advancement is contingent and cannot be divorced from its quest for and vision of national identity and sense of nationhood. It further contends that the political modernization of the country requires it to transcend the inchoate sense of national consciousness, rise above the traditional politicians’ and dynastic control of the electoral system; and go beyond the less inclusive governance. Towards the end, the paper identifies a three-fold challenge: One is drawing a unified approach in bringing together various ethnic, religious, and national groups into the Philippine nation-state. Two, combining political stability with political liberalization and democratization. Political liberalization advances economic growth and development rather than contributes to political instability. And three, transforming political culture and actual political relationships to a more egalitarian, less hierarchical, and further symmetrical relationship between groups of political actors.

Philippine Journal of Public Policy

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Design matters. Looking at the results and the conduct of the 2019 elections, the Philippines needs to seriously consider how common and recurring challenges of elections are to be addressed. Among other things, issues of campaign finance, high cost of running for public office, and vote buying continue to persist. Campaigns and preelection conversations revolve around personalities rather than programs and policies. Less-than-ideal candidates with cases in graft courts continue to win-these range from plunder cases to violations of the Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and Employees. And lastly, the promising party list system has not improved the representation of marginalized and minority groups. Instead, it has become an alternative way for traditional politicians to stay in or reenter the halls of Congress. With 51 party list groups winning 61 seats in Congress, the once-promising party list system does not promote party institutionalization or proportional representation. Strong Patronage, Weak Parties, edited by Paul Hutchcroft, provides substantive information and insights on how redesigning the electoral system can lead to better electoral outcomes. The book focuses on effective ways to translate votes into seats. It provides a comparative look at how electoral system redesign can be effective with less unintended consequences. The volume examines the text and context of the pressing need for meaningful political reform in the Philippines, with the aim of presenting electoral system redesign as another option to change the way politics is done in the Philippines.

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Active Democratic Leadership: Civil Society Empowerment in the Bangsamoro.

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In this paper, I examine the problem and history of Philippine democracy. It traces the root of the problem to the legacy of colonialism in the country which has resulted to the elitist nature of its politics that has excluded the poor and Mindanao. The two aspects of the problem appear to be political domination and the moral divide in the system, as explained by majority of scholars. It is argued here that the redistribution of wealth and the balance in the whole political structure can only commence through systemic reforms, which must include a shift to federalism to decentralize power and the strengthening of political parties as a way out of the grip of political dynasties.

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Clan politics reign but a family is divided in the race to rule the Philippines

Julie McCarthy

Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte and his daughter Sara Duterte arrive for the opening of the Boao Forum for Asia Annual Conference 2018. AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte and his daughter Sara Duterte arrive for the opening of the Boao Forum for Asia Annual Conference 2018.

A foiled succession plan, sensational allegations, and a family feud at the pinnacle of power — these are the ingredients in what promises to be a riveting race to succeed outgoing Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte.

The no-holds-barred contest scheduled for May 2022 has already produced what some observers see as an unsettling alliance: the offspring of two presidents pairing off in an unprecedented bid to run the country.

Taking full advantage of their prominence, Ferdinand Marcos Jr., son of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos Sr., has teamed up with Sara Duterte, daughter of President Rodrigo Duterte in the national election.

He is running for president in this dynastic duo, while she vies for vice president.

Are dynasties and celebrities narrowing democracy?

Political dynasties in the Philippines are nothing new.

Richard Heydarian, an expert on Philippine politics, says they are such a dominant feature in the country that between 70% and 90% of elected offices have been controlled by influential families.

But even by those standards, this Marcos-Duterte coupling takes powerful clan politics to a new level, says University of the Philippines Diliman political science professor Aries Arugay.

Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr. is surrounded by supporters after attending the recount of votes in the 2016 vice presidential race at the Supreme Court. Marcos narrowly lost that contest to Leni Robredo, the current vice president. Noel Celis/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr. is surrounded by supporters after attending the recount of votes in the 2016 vice presidential race at the Supreme Court. Marcos narrowly lost that contest to Leni Robredo, the current vice president.

Speaking at a recent online forum of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Arugay says second generation dynasts are behaving like a "cartel".

He says their calculus is as damaging as it is simple: "Why can't we just share power, limit competition, and make sure that the next winners of the presidential and national elections come from us?"

Then there is the celebrity factor.

Heydarian notes a narrowing of democracy in the pairing of dynasties with the celebrity class, which includes former film stars, television personalities and sports figures. He says the two elite groups monopolize national office, putting elected office beyond the reach of a lot of ordinary Filipinos who he says may have the merit and passion to serve, but are effectively blocked from fully participating.

It makes a "mockery" of democracy, Heydarian says, but it's also a trend that could be difficult to reverse.

"After all, in politics you need a certain degree of messaging, communications machinery and charisma," he said. And, he added, especially in the age of social media, "It's not for dull people."

Running on a name, not a track record

Consider Manny Pacquiao.

His stardom as one of the legends of the boxing world has catapulted him into the race for president next year. He is currently a sitting senator and is in the running for the highest office not on the power of his record in the upper chamber marked by absenteeism, but on the strength of his career as the country's most acclaimed athlete.

So prized have name recognition and celebrity status become in winning Philippine elections that observers worry it's turning democracy into the preserve of the rich and well-connected.

Marcos is part and parcel of the phenomenon, according to Manila-based analyst Bob Herrera-Lim, who notes that his undistinguished career as a senator and congressman has been no barrier to his ambition for the presidency.

"[Marcos] is running on entitlement. He is running on the weaknesses of the system," Herrera-Lim said.

Sara Duterte poses for a selfie with city hall employees in Davao city, on the southern island of Mindanao. Manman Dejeto/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Sara Duterte poses for a selfie with city hall employees in Davao city, on the southern island of Mindanao.

Marcos' vice presidential partner Sara Duterte is an accomplished politician, occupying the post her father held for decades as the mayor of Davao City, the third largest in the country. But the fact the 43-year-old First Daughter, whose work is little known outside Davao, led in a presidential opinion poll this past summer can only be put down to the power of a famous family name.

Revisionism, a PR campaign of distortion — and fond memories of the Marcos era

Bongbong Marcos is now making waves, rewriting the past and embellishing his family's legacy.

It's been 35 years since his father was ousted by a popular uprising, exiled, and exposed for rights abuses and kleptocracy.

Marcos Sr. is believed to have amassed up to $10 billion while in office, and now his son has been resuscitating the family's image with a sophisticated social media campaign.

Marcos Jr. narrates seamlessly scored videos that cast his parents, Ferdinand and Imelda, as generous philanthropists, and his father as a great innovator who made possible new strains of rice and united the archipelago with infrastructure heralded as the "Golden Age" of the Philippines.

Critics decry what they call the revisionist history and systematic airbrushing of the sins of the father's 20-year rule that turned the country into his personal fiefdom.

Marcos Sr. engaged in land-grabbing, bank-grabbing, and using dummies to hide acquisitions from public view, according to Professor Paul Hutchcroft of the Australian National University, who has written extensively on the political economy of the Philippines.

The late dictator dispensed special privileges to relatives, friends and cronies, writes Ronald Mendoza, dean of the School of Government at Ateneo de Manila University, providing them access to the booty of the state, "even as the country failed to industrialize and was eventually plunged into debt and economic crises in the mid-1980s."

Activists wear masks with anti-Marcos slogans during a rally in front of the Supreme court in Manila in 2016 as they await the high court's decision on whether to allow the burial of the late Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos at the "Cemetery of Heroes." Ted Aljibe/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Activists wear masks with anti-Marcos slogans during a rally in front of the Supreme court in Manila in 2016 as they await the high court's decision on whether to allow the burial of the late Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos at the "Cemetery of Heroes."

Yet, despite all of it, the Marcos family is not without its loyalists among both the elites and ordinary Filipinos.

At a small community market in central Manila, where fishmongers congregate amid aquariums and chopping blocks, vendors and shoppers talk about the Marcos era with a sense of nostalgia.

Chereelyn Dayondon, 49, says she likes how Marcos Sr. ran the country before and she wants that to come back. The single mother earns $80 a month directing traffic and worries that the cost of living is getting too high.

"It's not going to be enough," she says. "You never know, maybe Bongbong can change the Philippines. Let's try him out."

Meanwhile, fish seller Teodora Sibug-Nelval, 57, reminisces about the old Marcos era and memories of cheap food and law and order.

"I had a good life. I was able to send my sibling to school ... I was able to buy a house," she says.

In the pandemic, however, Sibug-Nelval lost her home and her vending stall. And now she wants her life back. She says she believes that if Marcos wins the election, "our lives will be better."

Herrera-Lim also says that many Filipinos see a confusing, chaotic political situation: "There is no clear delineations, political parties don't work for our benefit, we are looking for order."

And that, he says, is what Marcos is offering.

"Bongbong Marcos is saying that during his father's time, there was this order. There was peace in the country, which again, is a myth," he says.

The challenger to the dynasty

Leni Robredo is the current vice president of the Philippines and a liberal progressive.

A lawyer by training, Robredo co-authored an anti-dynasty bill when she served as a member of the Philippine House of Representatives.

In the Philippines, the vice president and president are elected separately and Robredo is on the opposite end of the political spectrum from President Duterte, with whom she has repeatedly sparred over human rights, the handling of the pandemic and Duterte's close ties with China.

Among the many candidates for president, including a former police chief, the mayor of Manila and Duterte's closest aide, Robredo appears to represent the greatest challenge to Bongbong Marcos.

Philippine Vice President Leni Robredo gestures to a crowd of supporters in Manila on Oct. 7, 2021, the day she filed her candidacy for the 2022 presidential race. Jam Sta Rosa/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Philippine Vice President Leni Robredo gestures to a crowd of supporters in Manila on Oct. 7, 2021, the day she filed her candidacy for the 2022 presidential race.

Robredo defeated Marcos Jr. for vice president in 2016, and now she has pledged that if she wins the top office, she will recover the Marcos family's plundered riches.

Alluding to Marcos' perceived popularity, Robredo told a news conference last weekend that it was "sad that the people allow themselves to be fooled" into believing Marcos would save the country when the family's ill-gotten wealth "was the reason they are poor."

Yet Robredo may need more than tough rhetoric and moral rectitude.

Marites Vitug, the editor-at-large for the online news site Rappler, whose CEO won this year's Nobel Peace Prize , said the country was witnessing the "rehabilitation of the Marcos dynasty." Young people were especially susceptible to the Marcos rebranding, she said, because there were no standard history textbooks in the Philippines that explained the Marcos martial law years.

"I was shocked to hear from some millennials that this was never discussed in class," she said.

Vitug said the odd teacher or professor may present it, but it was not systematic.

"It should have been required reading," she said.

Political economist Calixto Chikiamco adds that the revived Marcos family fortunes represent a counter-revolution to the one that ousted Marcos Sr. in 1986. That so-called Yellow Revolution was a model that Chikiamco says has failed to deliver genuine change.

"Because our politics remain dysfunctional, our economy is still not doing so well, a quarter of the workforce is unemployed ... still a large number of people go abroad to seek better opportunities. So it is a revolt against their present situation," he said.

"That's the reason the Marcoses are making a comeback."

The Duterte dynasty is a house divided

The campaign promises to be one of the Philippines' most bitterly fought contests in years, not least because the Marcos-Duterte tie-up has not won the blessing of Sara Duterte's father.

Rodrigo Duterte did make the controversial decision to allow the late dictator's remains to be moved to the "Cemetery of Heroes," a decision confirmed by the Supreme Court. But the once-friendly relations between Rodrigo Duterte and Bongbong Marcos have frayed, possibly beyond repair.

Duterte had wanted his daughter to seek the presidency, not play second fiddle, to provide him protection from the International Criminal Court investigating his violent anti-drug war. The probe has been suspended for a procedural review, but court watchers expect the case of alleged crimes against humanity to resume. Meanwhile, Chikiamco says while Sara may talk of continuing her father's policies, by declining to run for the top job, she has gone her own way.

"The daughter is fiercely independent and didn't want to be under the thumb of President Duterte. And also she could not perhaps tolerate the president's men," Chikiamco said.

A grandmother and her grandchild light a candle beside mock chalk figure representing an extra judicial killing victim during a prayer rally condemning the government's war on drugs in Manila in 2017. Noel Celis/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

A grandmother and her grandchild light a candle beside mock chalk figure representing an extra judicial killing victim during a prayer rally condemning the government's war on drugs in Manila in 2017.

Herrera-Lim adds that daughter and father apparently "did not see eye to eye on many things related to the family or on the governance of Davao."

Fundamentally, though, Herrera-Lim says President Duterte doesn't trust Bongbong Marcos to shield him from ICC prosecutors.

"On these matters, family is very important," he said.

And even if there were such a bargain between the two men, Herrera says Duterte would worry it might not hold.

In what analysts regard as a means to protect himself, Duterte is making a bid for a seat in the Senate in the 2022 election.

One authoritative poll shows Marcos the early frontrunner to succeed him. But not, it seems, if President Duterte has anything to say about it.

He ignited a stir earlier this month by declaring in a televised address that an unnamed candidate for president uses cocaine.

Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte. AFP/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte.

Without identifying who, he said the offender was a "very weak leader" and that "he might win hands down."

Marcos took a drug test this past week, saying he was clean. Other candidates hurriedly lined up to clear their name.

Marcos is also under attack by groups eager to have him disqualified from running at all. The Commission on Elections is reviewing four separate petitions challenging his candidacy. At least one charges that Marcos misrepresented his eligibility to seek the presidency by stating he had no criminal conviction that would bar him from office. Petitioners argue that his 1995 conviction for failing to pay taxes for several years in the 1980s ends his bid for the presidency.

The Commission on Elections announced no ballots will be printed until the petitions are decided.

The campaign that officially begins in February is already generating drama enough for some to lament that the race for president is fast becoming a "political circus."

But Richard Heydarian says circuses are not always the worst thing. "Sometimes," he says, "they can produce a magical outcome. Let's see."

Correction Dec. 16, 2021

An earlier version of this story incorrectly said Aries Arugay was a professor at Philippine University. He is with the University of the Philippines Diliman. Also, Ateneo de Manila University was misspelled as Ateno de Manila University.

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Nymia Pimentel Simbulan

June 1st, 2020, human rights as the foundation of good governance: the ironies of the philippine experience.

1 comment | 57 shares

Estimated reading time: 10 minutes

“Confronted by these challenges and difficulties, human rights defenders in the Philippines have taken steps to muster all possible support targeting various sectors in Philippine society”, writes  Dr Nymia Pimentel Simbulan , Professor and Vice Chancellor for Academic Affairs, the University of the Philippines Manila and Executive Director of Philippines Human Rights Information Centre (PhilRights).

_______________________________________________

The Rise of Populist, Autocratic, Strongman Regimes

To deny people their human rights is to challenge their very humanity. – Nelson Mandela

The intersection of good governance and human rights is critical in the building of a robust democracy and the realization of sustainable development. While human rights provides the contents, norms and standards of good governance, good governance guided by human rights norms and principles, creates the conducive environment necessary for the State to respect, protect and fulfill human rights in a sustainable manner¹.

Human rights determines the behavior of governments as primary duty bearers — on how to conduct political affairs, processes and institutions, including what programs, plans and policies to prioritize, what laws to enact, how to allocate resources, and what structures to establish and/or strengthen. Good governance ensures opportunities, spaces and mechanisms that enhance peoples’ participation in decision-making, contribute to their empowerment, and strengthen transparency, accountability and the rule of law.

In recent years, the global community has witnessed the rise of populist, autocratic, strongman politics the likes of Rodrigo Duterte of the Philippines, Donald Trump of the United States, Narendra Modi of India, and Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil.² ³

Their governance styles and approaches have seriously affected the state of democratic institutions and processes, undermining fundamental freedoms and violating the human rights of the population.

This ruling style is not by any means new; what is new is the way in which this style of governance has taken advantage of the benefits of information technology, particularly social media, in order to promote simplistic narratives that bolster their popularity.

These leaders share similar characteristics when it comes to how they project themselves, the narratives that they spread, governance strategies, and approaches to rule of law and human rights. Among these shared features are:

• Projection of the head of government as a decisive leader who is strong-willed, nationalistic , i.e. putting the nation above all else, and relentless in solving the country’s problems particularly poverty, crime, and corruption, and thereby creating a “cult of personality”. According to the narrative, this leader is different from the political elite who came before him, and is therefore closer to the people. Following the assertion that the country is in crisis and confronted by problems that require urgent and decisive actions because the political elite failed to address these problems, he presents himself as someone who is determined to “do whatever it takes” to get the job done, even in ways which are “unorthodox and verge on the illegal.”⁴ His popularity is based on the use of simplistic narratives having the ability to deliver a straightforward solution to complex problems based on an approach of “shooting from the hip”.
• Laying out and overemphasizing one particular problem, usually having to do with criminality, to heighten people’s sense of insecurity and fear . This then lays the foundation for the need of the decisive leader to employ state violence and legitimizes the use of deadly force to deal with criminality and terrorism. (e.g. In the US, it was the criminal hordes of migrants; in India, it was Muslims who threatened the vision of a Hindu Indian nation; in the Philippines, it is people involved in the illegal drug trade, etc.) The populist leader takes advantage of state institutions that are legally authorized to use force — law enforcement institutions and the military — and employing the narrative of a “state of emergency” to carry out campaigns of violence that require authorities to be given the license to kill in order for government to proceed with least resistance in realizing its political agenda.

According to the narrative, violence is the most effective and efficient way to produce results when it comes to addressing the country’s serious problems like illegal drugs, crimes and terrorism. But the use of state violence also has the effect of producing a shocking and chilling effect on people. By establishing an atmosphere of fear, the violence discourages citizens from going against the State and its laws; it urges people to toe the line.

• Taking advantage of the discontent of citizens with the “traditional political elite” who are seen as corrupt, using their government positions to consolidate political and economic power for themselves, and failing to address poverty and inequality.  The populist leader has presented himself as “different” and has capitalized on the frustration and impatience of the population over the inability of the political elite and democratic institutions to curb the growing economic inequalities in these countries.⁵ This has translated to disillusionment with democracy and the promise of democratic institutions and practices to deliver.
• Promoting the narrative that human rights norms, standards and principles get in the way of real progress on these serious problems.  Human rights have been viewed as obstacles in the implementation and realization of State policies, plans and programs because according to these State leaders, human rights have served to weaken the State’s “war efforts”. Since human rights have been conveniently used to attack the State while at the same time used as shields or armors to protect “enemies of the State”, “destabilizers of government”, and “terrorists”, human rights to these leaders have no place in society. Even human rights organizations have been tagged as acting as “enemies from within” because they are hampering the government’s legitimate war efforts by choosing to defend “drug addicts”, “drug lords”, “criminals”, “rapists” who have been projected as evil, and deserving to be treated in a cruel and inhumane manner befitting animals. The universality of human rights has likewise been distorted by asserting that “criminals”, “drug users”, “drug pushers”, “drug lords” are not part of humanity ⁶, while at the same time distorting what human rights are about by accusing human rights defenders as not caring about the victims of crimes.

These leaders have resorted to capitalizing on their popularity to misuse state institutions to mount attacks against critics. They have also taken steps to systematically weaken democratic institutions that are meant to act as institutional constraints on the Executive power, under the guise of “doing whatever it takes” and taking a no-nonsense approach to getting the job done.

Take the example of President Duterte who used the Department of Justice (DOJ) to go after Senator Leila De Lima and former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Ma. Lourdes Sereno, or President Trump in the US, allowing the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and the Department of Justice (DOJ) to misuse the criminal justice system to deter activists, lawyers, journalists, and humanitarian volunteers from challenging — or simply documenting — the systematic human rights violations that US authorities have committed against migrants and asylum seekers by subjecting human rights defenders to warrantless surveillance, interrogations, invasive searches, travel restrictions, and, in isolated cases, a false arrest and unlawful detention. In so doing, they have violated the Constitution, US and international law, and DHS policies — all of which prohibit discriminatory restrictions of freedom of speech and expression. In some cases, US and Mexican authorities have reportedly collaborated in the unlawful restrictions against human rights defenders on their shared border.”⁷

• Undermining the ability of the press, the Fourth Estate, to act as a counterbalance or check on government power by questioning traditional media, particularly media that is critical of government actions, and claiming that these are sources of “fake news”.  These leaders use social media to disseminate propaganda, or to spread allegations meant to discredit, vilify, neutralize and/or silence their critics and opponents through the mobilization of a well-financed army of social media trolls. The strategy of constantly bombarding and saturating social and mass media with misinformation presented as “truths” has made the general public accept without question State pronouncements and assertions, even if these lack factual basis to the point of bordering on absurdity.

Reliance on these beliefs and practices has had serious consequences on peoples’ lives, livelihood, and social relations. It has likewise placed democratic institutions and processes in a precarious and unstable state.

Consequences of the Strongman Autocratic Leadership: The Philippine Experience

After the overthrow of the Marcos dictatorship in 1986 and prior to the installation of Rodrigo R. Duterte as the 16th President of the Republic of the Philippines in June 2016, the country enjoyed the reputation of having a dynamic human rights track record in Southeast Asia. This is evident by the existence of a human rights-influenced 1987 Philippine Constitution cognizant of the atrocities and human rights violations perpetrated by the Marcos government during the Martial Law period, a vibrant human rights movement, free mass media, and open democratic space. The Philippines was among the first country in Southeast Asia to establish a national human rights institution (NHRI) which has consistently enjoyed a status A accreditation by the International Coordinating Committee of National Institutions for the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights.⁸

The country has achieved major strides with the passage of numerous human rights enabling laws including the Human Rights Victims Reparation and Recognition Act of 2013 (Republic Act №10368), Anti-Torture Act of 2009 (Republic Act №9745), Anti-Enforced or Involuntary Disappearance Act of 2012 (Republic Act №10353), The Responsible Parenthood and Reproductive Health Act of 2012 (Republic Act №10354), Generics Act of 1988 (Republic Act 6675), Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act of 1997 (Republic Act 8371), and The Magna Carta of Women of 2009 (Republic Act №9710). Moreover, the Philippines is a State Party to all key international human rights laws/treaties. However, significant changes took place and continue to take place in the socio-political landscape of the country when Duterte came to power in June 2016.

Laying the foundation for the “War on Drugs”

Presenting himself as “Father of the Nation”, Duterte has claimed that the way to move forward is to be tough and decisive in dealing with the key problems besetting the Philippines. He has identified illegal drugs as among the root cause of crimes and corruption in Philippine society, an assertion that has been propagated and accepted by different sectors, even in the absence of scientific evidence and solid data. Constant reiteration and bombardment by government of the public, civil society and the international community through the use of the mass and social media, reinforced by educational and government agencies/institutions, have transformed such narratives to be “real and true”.

Because he claims to know what will work best for the country, everyone is expected not to question and oppose his actions, not even by those in government. It is also because of this image and his chauvinist posturing that women’s groups have been attacked and insulted for openly criticizing his misogynist policies, programs and approaches.

Prior to his installation into power, Duterte used a discourse of a corrupt elite coddling drug dealers and addicts, incompetent in addressing problems of poverty and inequality in society, and primarily preoccupied in further enriching themselves while in power.⁹

While distancing himself from one section of the ruling class/political elites to show how different he is, he has, at the same time, forged strategic alliances and ties with the most powerful sections of the ruling class/political elites to strengthen his control of government and pursue his political agenda.¹⁰

In this way, he has further isolated and rendered powerless any legitimate opposition. In return, he has allowed these political allies to realize their own agendas and consolidate their power within their own turfs. This can be seen in the nature of his relations with the traditional Philippine political dynastic families, the Macapagal-Arroyos, Marcoses, Villars, etc.¹¹

The “War on Drugs” and the use of state violence

Complementing the framework that the country is “in crisis” is the strategy of drawing the line between the supporters and critics of government, thereby  polarizing the country . In a state of war, he has asserted  either you are with us or you are against us . Those on the side of government are rewarded and protected, while those who oppose the administration are labeled “enemies of the State”, obstructionists in the “war efforts” against drugs and criminality, and are therefore deserving of experiencing the “full force of the law” and its consequences. Thus, the official policy of launching a “war on drugs and criminality”, mobilizing police and military forces, and conducting mass killings and arrest of those believed to be involved in illegal drugs, has been legitimized.¹²

The escalation of human rights violations emanating from the use of state violence in addressing the country’s problems particularly crime and terrorism, is another impact of the actions of populist, autocratic leaders, very evident in the case of the Philippines. Law enforcement institutions and the military, complemented by the use of non-state hired armed groups/individuals, have served as the principal machinery in the State-sponsored violent campaign against illegal drugs, crime and terrorism. To make this more acceptable to “polite society”, drug users and drug dealers have been cast as criminals who can no longer be redeemed and therefore no longer have human rights and should thus not be treated humanely. They are projected to be “dregs of society” that deserve to be physically eliminated in order to protect the law-abiding citizens of the country from the havoc that they otherwise would have been wreaking on society.

Operating under the instruction and protection of the Chief Executive, abuses and human rights violations in the form of killings, illegal arrest and detention, torture, and enforced disappearance, have become a normal/common occurrence, and oftentimes justified and condoned.¹³ State agents have not been made accountable for their actions in the conduct of police and/or military operations in communities, consequently, perpetuating a culture of impunity.

It is therefore not surprising that the administration continues to push for the restoration of the death penalty in the country, a priority legislative measure of the President despite the Philippines being a State Party to Optional Protocol 2 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights which does not allow for the restoration of the death penalty once it has been abolished from the law of the country.¹⁴

The rule of law has been seriously eroded with a culture of impunity becoming deeply entrenched and institutionalized. Instead of holding State agents accountable for human rights violations perpetrated in the context of the “war on drugs”, the President has assured them protection and freedom from prosecution for their actions. He continues to condone and even encourage members of the police force in the excessive and indiscriminate use of violence resulting to torture and death of alleged drug users and/or pushers in urban poor communities.¹⁵

The President has even gone to the extent of increasing the salaries of the men and women of the Philippine National Police (PNP) and the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) as reward for a “job well done” in the government’s campaign against illegal drugs and terrorism.¹⁶ Meanwhile, victims of the “war on drugs”, particularly the victims of extrajudicial killings (EJKs), have been denied access to justice. To this day, families of EJK victims, children referred to as “collateral damage”, and even those admitted by law enforcement agents as killed because of mistaken identity, have not seen a single State agent prosecuted, all the more punished and made accountable for their actions. They continue to go scot free and enjoy the protection of government officials including the President.

Impact of the “War on Drugs” on democratic institutions

Democratic institutions like the legislative and judicial bodies have been weakened in a bid to bolster executive power. The principles of transparency, and check and balance, have been replaced by the avowed virtues of loyalty, obedience and subservience to ensure that the priority programs and policies of government, foremost of which is the “war on drugs and criminality” will be on track. The rhetoric propagated by government is since the “drug menace poses a clear and present danger”¹⁷ dictating the country to be on war footing, the President should be given the leeway or prerogative to determine the strategies that are considered best to address the problems to be in control or on top of the situation. There is no room for questioning and opposition, and everyone is expected to contribute to the war effort; everyone is expected to make sacrifices for the greater good. Any criticism is viewed as obstructing and taking away from the war effort which should be dealt with accordingly by the State.

Furthermore, the President’s political party and avid supporters enjoy a monopoly control over the Philippine Congress, both the House of Representatives and Senate. The principle of checks and balances has been undermined with the transformation of Congress particularly the House into a rubberstamp of the President ensuring that “what the President wants, the President gets”. The Supreme Court upheaval resulting to the ouster of Chief Justice Ma. Lourdes Sereno, and with 12 out of the 15 Justices of the Philippine Supreme Court (7 out of the 15 Justices, namely Associate Justices Andres Reyes Jr., Alexander Gesmundo, Jose Reyes Jr., Ramon Paul Hernando, Rosmari Carandang and Amy Lazaro-Javier and Henri Jean-Paul Inting with 5 more to be appointed this second half of 2019) appointed by the President before the end of 2019, is indicative of a disturbing development challenging the independence of the judiciary.¹⁸

Impact on human rights

The low tolerance for criticism and opposition has led to the shrinking of democratic space and the prevalence of an environment of fear and silence throughout the country. Freedoms of speech and expression are subtly being curtailed. Human rights defenders, mass media practitioners, and members of the political opposition who have consistently expressed contrary views, criticized government programs and policies, have not been spared from insults, embarrassment, and threats. They have been the targets of red-tagging and vilification campaigns. With the intention to malign and destroy their reputation and credibility, critics and/or opponents have likewise experienced harassment through the filing of trumped-up charges using fabricated evidences and hired witnesses.

The repulsion towards human rights and human rights defenders has led the Duterte government to virtually declare a “war against human rights”.¹⁹ It has distorted and bastardized human rights by asserting that “criminals, drug pushers, drug lords” are not humans;²⁰ threatened to kill and/or behead human rights advocates;²¹ ²²attacked and insulted international human rights bodies, officials and personalities like the UN Human Rights Council Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions Agnes Callamard, and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra-ad al Hussein.²³ ²⁴ ²⁵ ²⁶

It has likewise led to the abandonment of State obligations to international human rights commitment. Last March 17, 2019, the Philippines withdrew from being a State Party to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), an act openly defying the United Nations and international critics.²⁷ There are also plans to abrogate its international human rights commitments being a State Party to Optional Protocol 2 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, with the marching order of the President to Philippine Congress to reinstate the death penalty in the country.²⁸

The social cost of the “War on Drugs”

To date, close to 30,000 individuals²⁹ have been killed as a consequence of operations of police forces or unidentified assailants or men riding in tandem, or both, in the Philippines. The rights to life, due process, presumption of innocence, freedom from torture or cruel, inhuman treatment or punishment, freedom from arbitrary arrest or detention, are among the civil and political rights denied and violated by the State.³⁰ Meanwhile, families of victims of civil and political rights violations, particularly State-perpetrated mass killings and/or extrajudicial killings, have been further deprived of their economic and social rights like the rights to decent work and pay, rights to education, health, housing, and social security.

The poor, who have been the primary targets of the “war on drugs” of the Duterte government as evidenced by the socio-demographic profile of the close to 30,000 victims of mass killings, have experienced multiple burdens with the impact of civil and political rights violations on their economic and social rights. The death of the husband, father, son, usually the breadwinner of the family, has left behind not only stigmatized widows, traumatized children, and terrorized communities in the course of the drug campaign of the government in urban poor communities. A major consequence of the “war on drugs” on the poor is that it has exacerbated and deepened their impoverishment and marginalization. Wives and/or mothers, in addition to their being caretakers of the children and elderly, have been forced to assume the role of breadwinner formerly played by the dead family member to make both ends meet. Children, who oftentimes have witnessed the murder of their father, mother, sibling and/or relative, experience fear, shame and discrimination having its toll on family and community relations, health, and attendance and performance in school.³¹

There is no doubt that the families of the close to 30,000 victims of the “war on drugs” in the Philippines have experienced further deterioration in their poverty situation. Widows, mothers and loved ones of victims of the “war on drugs” have difficulty or are unable to find decent jobs or sources of livelihood; children are forced to drop out of school; the state of homelessness, hunger and sickness among urban poor has worsened; and possibly involvement in crimes, including the selling and/or use of illegal drugs, among the youth and young adults in urban poor communities, has deepened.³² Not to mention the impact on the state of mental health, particularly of the wives, parents, children because of the shock, disbelief, guilt, grief, of the sudden and violent death of a loved one.

Even families of victims of extrajudicial killings in the context of the “war on drugs and criminality” have decided to keep mum to injustices and repression within their midst. For fear of retribution and absence of resources to defend themselves and seek justice through the judicial system, they have chosen to leave their fate to God and/or move out of their places of residence for safer areas and to escape the punitive actions of unscrupulous law enforcement agents, many of whom are operating within the community. This attitude of passivity and resignation is dictated by their feeling of powerlessness and deprivation, a common characteristic of poor victims of State violence. Thus, in communities where there is seeming order and stability are residents engulfed and immobilized by terror, distrust and suspicion.

Ways Forward: Instituting Genuine Changes

Confronted by these challenges and difficulties, human rights defenders in the Philippines have taken steps to muster all possible support targeting various sectors in Philippine society. They have also reflected on the weaknesses and gaps of the human rights movement in the conduct of its advocacy work especially with the continuing support and popularity enjoyed by the Duterte administration from the people.

A priority course of action taken is raising peoples’ awareness and understanding of human rights and its principles through mass education and information campaigns. Human rights groups have realized the value of sustained, age-specific and creative ways of conducting human rights education and information work in order for it to be viewed as important and relevant to the lives of ordinary citizens from all walks of life.

Not only have human rights NGOs paid attention to improving and simplifying the contents and language of human rights education and information work. Methodologies in the conduct of education activities have likewise been improved or enhanced. Training on popular education techniques like the use of theater, street plays, arts, songs, games and community participation, have been incorporated in human rights education curriculum for people from all walks of life, i.e. urban poor residents, women, children, youth and students, artists, indigenous peoples, workers and peasants, church people, etc.

Human rights NGOs have also devoted much time and effort in the development and production of culturally-appropriate information, education and communication (IEC) materials for various audiences to ensure that these will complement educational activities conducted in urban poor communities, schools, workplaces, parishes, farms, etc. Details like type of materials, language, art works and designs, and lay-out are studied and adopted to suit the target audiences.

Organizing work is another measure recognized as valuable by HRDs in the Philippines. Efforts have been taken to set-up human rights task forces, ministries, committees and other types of formations in different areas and territories. These have been undertaken usually in partnership and collaboration with community organizers/coordinators, progressive church people, trade unionists, student leaders, peasant leaders, environmental activists, etc. Organizing people at various levels and scale is emphasized to contribute to peoples’ empowerment through collective actions in the defense of their rights.

Closely linked to organizing is mobilization. Peoples and communities are encouraged and assisted to prevent human rights violations and/or protect their rights. Participation in mass protest actions like rallies, demonstrations and pickets, joining lobby work in Congress, doing the rounds of schools and communities to conduct education and/or information activities, helping out in the production of IEC materials, or just simply convincing a family member, neighbor, friend to attend community forums or assemblies on social issues, are different forms of mobilization made available to peoples and communities.

A distinct form of mobilization which HRDS have provided particularly the families of victims of the “drug war” and alleged EJKs is their participation in the documentation of cases of human rights violations. This involves mobilization in the form of sharing their stories/experiences and allowing these to be documented by HRDs; convincing other victims to have their stories/experiences documented by HRDs; attending documentation training workshops conducted by HR NGOs; and/or engaging in actual documentation activities. There have also been families of victims of alleged EJKs who have gone to the extent of filing cases against known perpetrators of human rights violations through the assistance of human rights lawyers.

Concomitantly, human rights NGOs have collaborated with journalists, film makers and other media practitioners recognizing their role and contribution in disseminating the stories and experiences of the victims of human rights violations and ensuring that their narratives are not forgotten. All these in the hope of seeking justice and reparation in the future. Journalists and media practitioners have also been instrumental in humanizing victims of EJKs by being able to put names and faces behind the statistics.

Moreover, HR NGOs have taken efforts to maximize international solidarity work by participating in international conferences, forums to disseminate to the world the state of human rights of the Filipino people under the current administration. NGOs have become more active in sending delegations to U.N. activities to do lobby work and solicit support to address the human rights situation in the country. The recent resolution filed by Iceland and adopted by the UN Human Rights Council on the Philippines is an example of intensified efforts exerted by Philippine NGOs for the international community to take action on the human rights situation in the country.³³

Last but not the least is the defense and protection of HRDs against various forms of attacks from the State. HR NGOs have taken steps to enhance their capacities and competencies to defend themselves and protect their organizations through education, training, networking on personal and organizational safety and security, including digital security.

All these activities are interlinked, overlap and reinforce each other. These do not come in any order but are conducted simultaneously depending on the situation and needs of organizations, peoples and communities with the objective of eventually bringing about genuine change in Philippine society. After all, a government that thrives on state violence, lies and deception is a government founded on unstable grounds; it is a government that will eventually be discredited in history, if not rejected by the people.

1 United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner. Good Governance and Human Rights.  https://www.ohchr.org/EN/Issues/Development/GoodGovernance/Pages/GoodGovernanceIndex.aspx  (Accessed: 12 September 2019) 2 Kenneth Roth. World’s Autocrats Face Rising Resistance. Human Rights Watch World Report 2019.  https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2019/keynote/autocrats-face-rising-resistance  (Accessed: 8 Sept. 2019) 3 Joshua Kurlantzick. Southeast Asia’s Populism Is Different But Also Dangerous. Council on Foreign Relations. Nov. 1, 2018.  https://www.cfr.org/in-brief/southeast-asias-populism-different-also-dangerous  (Accessed: 8 Sept. 2019) 4 Inquirer.Net. Full Text: President Rodrigo Duterte inauguration speech. June 30, 2016.  https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/793344/full-text-president-rodrigo-duterte-inauguration-speech  (Accessed: 30 Sept. 2019) 5 Aries Arugay. The 2019 Philippine Elections: Consolidating Power in an Eroding Democracy. Heinrich Böll Stiftung Southeast Asia. 21 June 2019.  https://th.boell.org/en/2019/06/21/2019-philippine-elections-  consolidating-power-eroding-democracy (Accessed: 9 October 2019) 6 Inquirer.Net. Criminals are not human — Aguirre. Feb. 1, 2017.  https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/867331/criminals-are-not-human-aguirre  (Accessed: 30 Sept. 2019) 7 Amnesty International. USA: Authorities are misusing justice system to harass migrant human rights defenders. 2 July 2019.  https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2019/07/usa-authorities-misusing-justice-  system-harass-migrant-human-rights-defenders/ (Accessed: 6 October 2019) 8 Commission on Human Rights. Republic of the Philippines.  https://chr.gov.ph/about-chr/  (Accessed: 29 Sept. 2019) 9 Mark R. Thompson. Duterte’s illiberal democracy and perilous presidential system. East Asia Forum. 16 April 2018.  https://www.eastasiaforum.org/2018/04/16/dutertes-illiberal-democracy-and-perilous-presidential-  system/ (Accessed: 6 October 2019) 10 Mark R. Thompson. Duterte’s illiberal democracy and perilous presidential system. East Asia Forum. 11 Aries Arugay. The 2019 Philippine Elections: Consolidating Power in an Eroding Democracy. Heinrich Böll Stiftung Southeast Asia. 12 Mark R. Thompson. Duterte’s illiberal democracy and perilous presidential system. East Asia Forum. 13 Christina Mendez. Duterte to PNP: Kill 1,000, I’ll protect you. The Philippine Star. July 2, 2016.  https://www.philstar.com/headlines/2016/07/02/1598740/duterte-pnp-kill-1000-ill-protect-you  (Accessed: 30 Sept. 2019) 14 United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner. Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, aiming at the abolition of the death penalty. 15 Dec. 1989.  https://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/2ndopccpr.aspx  (Accessed: 9 October 2019) 15 Christina Mendez. Duterte to PNP: Kill 1,000, I’ll protect you. The Philippine Star. 16 Pia Ranada. Duterte signs resolution on pay hike for soldiers, cops. Rappler. January 9, 2018.  https://www.rappler.com/nation/193248-duterte-signs-joint-resolution-pay-hike-soldiers-cops  (Accessed: 30 Sept. 2019) 17 Christina Mendez. Duterte to PNP: Kill 1,000, I’ll protect you. The Philippine Star. 18 Edu Punay. Duterte to appoint 5 more SC justices in 2019. The Philippine Star. May 29, 2019.  https://www.philstar.com/headlines/2019/05/29/1921803/duterte-appoint-5-more-sc-justices-2019  (Accessed: 9 October 2019) 19 Associated Press. ‘I don’t care about human rights’: Philippines’ Duterte acknowledges abuses in drug war but refuses to back down. 6 Aug. 2016.  https://www.scmp.com/news/asia/southeast-asia/article/1999755/i-  dont-care-about-human-rights-philippines-duterte (Accessed: 30 Sept. 2019) 20 Agence France-Presse. Criminals are not human — Aguirre. Feb. 1, 2017.  https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/867331/criminals-are-not-human-aguirre  (Accessed: 29 Sept. 2019) 21 Marlon Ramos. Duterte threatens to kill rights activists if drug problem worsens. Philippine Daily Inquirer. Nov. 29, 2016.  https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/848933/duterte-threatens-to-kill-human-rights-activists-if-drug-  problem-worsens (Accessed: 29 Sept. 2019) 22 Trisha Macas. Duterte threatens to behead human rights advocates. GMA News Online. May 18, 2017.  https://www.gmanetwork.com/news/news/nation/611343/duterte-threatens-to-behead-human-rights-  advocates/story/ (Accessed: 29 Sept. 2019) 23 Paterno Esmaquell II. Philippine President-elect Duterte curses UN. Rappler. June 3, 2016.  https://www.rappler.com/nation/135179-philippines-president-duterte-curses-united-nations  (Accessed: 29 Sept. 2019) 24 Nestor Corrales. Duterte hurls expletives at Callamard after her remark on Kian slay. Inquirer.net. August 28, 2017.  https://globalnation.inquirer.net/160053/duterte-callamard-war-on-drugs-kian-delos-santos-killings-  expletive (Accessed: 29 Sept. 2019) 25 Felipe Villamor. Rodrigo Duterte of Philippines Calls U.N. Human Rights Chief an ‘Idiot’. The New York Times. Dec. 22, 2016.  https://www.nytimes.com/2016/12/22/world/asia/rodrigo-duterte-philippines-zeid-raad-al-  hussein.html (Accessed: 29 Sept. 2019) 26 Consuelo Marquez. UN expert asks Duterte admin: Stop maligning human rights advocates. Inquirer.net. Dec. 19, 2018.  https://globalnation.inquirer.net/172096/un-expert-asks-duterte-admin-stop-maligning-  human-rights-advocates (Accessed: 29 Sept. 2019) 27 Agence France-Presse. Philippines leaves International Criminal Court. Rappler. March 17, 2019.  https://www.rappler.com/nation/225924-philippines-international-criminal-court-withdrawal-march-17-2019  (Accessed: 29 Sept. 2019) 28 Pia Ranada. Duterte pushes for the return of death penalty for drug crimes, plunder. Rappler. July 22, 2019.  https://www.rappler.com/nation/236024-duterte-pushes-return-death-penalty-drug-crimes-plunder-sona-  2019 (Accessed: 29 Sept. 2019) 29 Emmanuel Tupas. 29,000 deaths probed since drug war launched. The Philippine Star. March 6, 2019  https://www.philstar.com/nation/2019/03/06/1898959/29000-deaths-probed-drug-war-launched 30 United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner. International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. 16 Dec. 1966.  https://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/ccpr.aspx  (Accessed: 15 Sept. 2019) 31 Philippine Human Rights Information Center (PhilRights). The Killing State: The Unrelenting War Against Human Rights in the Philippines. Sept. 2019. 32 Philippine Human Rights Information Center (PhilRights)…… 33 Sofia Tomacruz. Why Iceland led UN resolution on PH drug war killings. Rappler. July 19, 2019.  https://www.rappler.com/newsbreak/iq/235775-why-iceland-led-un-resolution-drug-war-killings-philippines  (Accessed: 19 Oct. 2019)

REFERENCES:

Agence France-Presse. Criminals are not human — Aguirre. Feb. 1, 2017.  https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/867331/criminals-are-not-human-aguirre

Agence France-Presse. Philippines leaves International Criminal Court. Rappler. March 17, 2019.  https://www.rappler.com/nation/225924-philippines-international-criminal-court-  withdrawal-march-17–2019

Amnesty International. USA: Authorities are misusing justice system to harass migrant human rights defenders. 2 July 2019.  https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2019/07/usa-authorities-misusing-justice-  system-harass-migrant-human-rights-defenders/

Arugay, Aries. The 2019 Philippine Elections: Consolidating Power in an Eroding Democracy. Heinrich Böll Stiftung Southeast Asia. 21 June 2019.  https://th.boell.org/en/2019/06/21/2019-philippine-elections-consolidating-power-eroding-  democracy

Associated Press. ‘I don’t care about human rights’: Philippines’ Duterte acknowledges abuses in drug war but refuses to back down. 6 Aug. 2016.  https://www.scmp.com/news/asia/southeast-asia/article/1999755/i-dont-care-about-  human-rights-philippines-duterte

Commission on Human Rights. Republic of the Philippines.  https://chr.gov.ph/about-chr/

Corrales, Nestor. Duterte hurls expletives at Callamard after her remark on Kian slay. Inquirer.net. August 28, 2017.  https://globalnation.inquirer.net/160053/duterte-callamard-  war-on-drugs-kian-delos-santos-killings-expletive

Esmaquell II, Paterno. Philippine President-elect Duterte curses UN. Rappler. June 3, 2016.

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Inquirer.Net. Full Text: President Rodrigo Duterte inauguration speech. June 30, 2016.

https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/793344/full-text-president-rodrigo-duterte-inauguration-  speech

Inquirer.Net. Criminals are not human — Aguirre. Feb. 1, 2017.

https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/867331/criminals-are-not-human-aguirre

Kurlantzick, Joshua. Southeast Asia’s Populism Is Different But Also Dangerous. Council on Foreign Relations. Nov. 1, 2018.  https://www.cfr.org/in-brief/southeast-asias-populism-  different-also-dangerous

Macas, Trisha. Duterte threatens to behead human rights advocates. GMA News Online. May 18, 2017.  https://www.gmanetwork.com/news/news/nation/611343/duterte-  threatens-to-behead-human-rights-advocates/story/

Marquez, Consuelo. UN expert asks Duterte admin: Stop maligning human rights advocates. Inquirer.net. Dec. 19, 2018.  https://globalnation.inquirer.net/172096/un-expert-asks-  duterte-admin-stop-maligning-human-rights-advocates

Mendez, Christina. Duterte to PNP: Kill 1,000, I’ll protect you. The Philippine Star. July 2, 2016.  https://www.philstar.com/headlines/2016/07/02/1598740/duterte-pnp-kill-1000-ill-  protect-you

Philippine Human Rights Information Center (PhilRights). The Killing State: The Unrelenting War Against Human Rights in the Philippines. Sept. 2019.

Punay, Edu. Duterte to appoint 5 more SC justices in 2019. The Philippine Star. May 29, 2019.  https://www.philstar.com/headlines/2019/05/29/1921803/duterte-appoint-5-more-  sc-justices-2019

Ramos, Marlon. Duterte threatens to kill rights activists if drug problem worsens. Philippine Daily Inquirer. Nov. 29, 2016.  https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/848933/duterte-threatens-to-  kill-human-rights-activists-if-drug-problem-worsens

Ranada, Pia. Duterte signs resolution on pay hike for soldiers, cops. Rappler. January 9, 2018.  https://www.rappler.com/nation/193248-duterte-signs-joint-resolution-pay-hike-  soldiers-cops

Ranada, Pia. Duterte pushes for the return of death penalty for drug crimes, plunder. Rappler. July 22, 2019.  https://www.rappler.com/nation/236024-duterte-pushes-return-  death-penalty-drug-crimes-plunder-sona-2019

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Tupas, Emmanuel. 29,000 deaths probed since drug war launched. The Philippine Star. March 6, 2019  https://www.philstar.com/nation/2019/03/06/1898959/29000-deaths-probed-drug-war-launched

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United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner. Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, aiming at the abolition of the death penalty. 15 Dec. 1989.  https://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/2ndopccpr.aspx

United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner. International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. 16 Dec. 1966.  https://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/ccpr.aspx

Villamor, Felipe. Rodrigo Duterte of Philippines Calls U.N. Human Rights Chief an ‘Idiot’. The New York Times. Dec. 22, 2016.  https://www.nytimes.com/2016/12/22/world/asia/rodrigo-  duterte-philippines-zeid-raad-al-hussein.htm

*This blog is based on Prof Simbulan’s talk delivered at the  2019 LSE Southeast Asia Forum .

*The views expressed in the blog are those of the authors alone. They do not reflect the position of the Saw Swee Hock Southeast Asia Centre, nor that of the London School of Economics and Political Science.

About the author

Professor Nymia Pimentel Simbulan is Vice Chancellor for Academic Affairs, University of the Philippines Manila, and Executive Director of Philippine Human Rights Information Center (PhilRights), a human rights institute which is part of Philippine Alliance of Human Rights Advocates (PAHRA). PhilRights has played an important role in the abolition of the death penalty in the country in 2006. It has also played a leading role in the submission of alternative reports on economic, social and cultural rights to the UN.

great content! plus it has references which makes it more reliable

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Philippine Politics and Governance: An Introduction

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