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Zulfikar Ali Bhutto

(1928—1979) president and later prime minister of Pakistan

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(1928–1979)

President (1971–73) and subsequently prime minister (1973–77) of Pakistan. The first civilian president of Pakistan, he was an outspoken defender of Pakistani interests, who became internationally known for his anti-Indian views and the rapprochement he instigated with China.

Born in Larkana of Rajput descent, Bhutto was educated at a school in Bombay before studying at the University of California (1950), Christ Church, Oxford (1952), and Lincoln's Inn (1953), where he qualified as a barrister. He taught international law at the University of Southampton (1952–53) but returned to Pakistan in 1953 to practise and teach law at the University of Sind (1953–58).

Bhutto entered politics in 1957, when he was appointed leader of Pakistan's delegation to the United Nations General Assembly. The following year he became minister of commerce under President Ayub Khan, the first of several portfolios. In 1962 he became deputy head of the Muslim League and by 1963, when he was made foreign minister, he had established himself as a diplomat and international speaker for Pakistan. He resigned as foreign minister in 1966, over opposition to the Indo-Pakistan settlement reached at Tashkent, and in 1967 formed the Pakistan People's Party. Imprisoned (1968–69) for opposing Ayub Khan's regime, he became deputy prime minister and foreign minister (1971) under General Agha Yahya Khan (1917–80), who overthrew Ayub Khan in 1969. When Pakistan was defeated by India in 1971 and East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) seceded, he took over from Agha Yahya Khan as president. He served in this position and then as prime minister (after constitutional changes in 1973) until 1977, when he was deposed in a military coup led by Zia ul-Haq. Arrested for conspiracy to murder shortly afterwards, he was sentenced to death (1978) and hanged (1979) despite pleas for clemency from the international community. He wrote several books, including The Myth of Independence (1969) and The Great Tragedy (1971).

From:   Bhutto, Zulfikar Ali   in  Who's Who in the Twentieth Century »

Subjects: History — Contemporary History (post 1945)

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Zulfikar Ali Bhutto: A Dominant Force in Pakistan for Two Decades

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was a strong believer in fate, and for two decades his was intricately entwined with that of his often‐turbulent nation.

A wealthy young lawyer who became Pakistan's youngest Cabinet minister, Mr. Bhutto was a dominant force in Pakistani politics for two decades. Then he was overthrown in July 1977 and arrested, tried, convicted and sentenced to death on charges of having ordered a political assassination.

His ascent was swift and so was his fall. From 1957, when he first came to the notice of Pakistan's military rulers, until the military overthrew him in 1977, the world came to know him as a master politician and spellbinding orator who skillfully maneuvered in Pakistani politics and forcefully defended the interests of his country in the United Nations and other international forums.

The architect of Pakistan's entente with China in the 1960's as Foreign Minister, Mr. Bhutto became his nation's leader in 1971 following the disastrous war with India over East Pakistan, now Bangladesh. He had a wide popular following and promised reform, representative government free of corruption and the restoration of self‐confidence in a nation despondent in defeat.

Economic Performance Lauded

Over the years Mr. Bhutto was credited with having given his people a measure of new self‐esteem and with having managed the national economy better than leaders in some of Asia's other critically poor countries. But he fell in 1977 amid a storm of corruption charges, political strife and opposition charges that he was running a dictatorship disguised as a democracy.

In March 1977, Mr. Bhutto's Pakistan People's Party won a lopsided victory over a coalition of opposition groups in what he called Pakistan's “first completely democratic civilian election.” But soon the losers were presenting credible allegations that the results had been rigged.

Riots broke out in cities and hundreds of people were killed. The Pakistani Army finally took over in July and imprisoned Mr. Bhutto two months later. The military leader, now Pakistan's President, was Gen. Mohammed Zia ulHaq, whom Mr. Bhutto had appointed army Chief of Staff two years earlier.

‘I Am Not Afraid of Death’

Since March 1977, Mr. Bhutto had waited in a tiny cell for the Supreme Court to decide whether his death sentence would be carried out. He had been convicted by a lower court of having ordered the assassination of a political opponent in 1974. The opponent, Ahmed Raza Kasuri, escaped injury in an ambush, but his father, Nawab Mohammed Ahmed Khan, was killed.

Mr. Bhutto was sentenced to death, a punishment that he had sought to abolish. His defense attorney, Yahya Bakhtiar, has said that the former Prime Minister's reaction to the sentence was framed in Mr. Bhutto's Islamic beliefs: “I am not afraid of death. A Moslem's fate is in the hands of God Almighty. I can face Him with a clear conscience and tell Him that I rebuilt His Islamic state of Pakistan from ashes into a respectable nation.”

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was born to great wealth on Jan. 5, 1928, on his family's estates near Larkana, about 200 miles northeast of Karachi in the arid Sind region. The Bhuttos trace their origin to the aristocratic Hindu warriors of the Rajput caste, but his ancestors converted to Islam some 400 years ago.

The father of Mr. Bhutto, whose name is pronounced BOOT‐o, was Sir Shahnawaz Khan Bhutto, a prominent politician in the British colonial government of India. He lost considerable holdings in the 1947 partition but remained one of the wealthiest landowners in the newly formed Pakistan.

After finishing his early education in Bombay, Mr. Bhutto came to the United States in 1997 to work toward a bachelor's degree in political science at the University of California, Berkeley. He graduated with honors in 1950, the year that he also gained experience in practical politics as a campaign worker for Helen Gahagan Douglas's unsuccessful Senate contest against Richard M. Nixon.

Educated at Oxford

Mr. Bhutto then attended Christ Church College, Oxford, and briefly practiced law in London. He also lectured at the University of Southampton before returning to Pakistan in 1953.

Mr. Bhutto began private law practice in Karachi and taught constitutional law at the Sind Moslem Law College there. On weekends he frequently went home to Larkana to hunt on the family estates.

He was often joined in the hunt by a family friend, Maj. Gen. Iskander Mirza, who became President of Pakistan in 1956, and by Gen. Mohammad Ayub Khan, who led a coup in 1958.

The military commanders were so impressed with Mr. Bhutto and his princely ways that they had him named to the Pakistani delegation to the United Nations General Assembly in 1957, an appointment that started his diplomatic and political career.

A Minister at 30

When General Ayub Khan seized power, he made Mr. Bhutto, then only 30 years old, his Minister of Commerce. In the following years, Mr. Bhutto held a long list of ministerial positions, sometimes more than one at a time.

To the world, he was most familiar as the man who spoke forcefully for his country at the United Nations and at international conferences. This role was given formal recognition with his appointment as Foreign Minister in 1963.

Mr. Bhutto had been elected to Parliament for Larkana the year before as a member of the rightist Moslem League, despite his moderately socialist outlook. He then began to veer to the left, and as Foreign Minister he regarded China as his country's natural ally.

He believed that President Ayub Khan's pro‐American stand was a mistake because he did not think that Washington would give Pakistan the arms it would need in a war with India. He set out to foster close ties with Peking.

War came in August 1965 when Pakistan and India fought over the disputed Kashmir. When a settlement was reached the following January, Mr. Bhutto denounced it and accused President Ayub Khan of having sold out his country by agreeing to a settlement for the sake of American good will.

A few months later, Mr. Bhutto resigned from the Government and returned to private law practice. He also founded the Pakistan People's Party, the proclaimed goals of which were democracy and a nationalist “Islamic socialism.”

Mr. Bhutto gained a wide following and denounced the Ayub Khan Government as a dictatorship posing as a democracy, the very accusation made against him 10 years later.

The Government detained Mr. Bhutto in the fall of 1968 and added to the harassment of his party. By the tune he was released in February 1969, Mr. Bhutto had become a hero to the masses. He continued to make appeals to the public's political and religious instincts.

The Ayub Khan Government was overthrown by Gen. Agha Mohammad Yahya Khan, who held elections in December 1970 after months of martial law. Mr. Bhutto's party won in West Pakistan, but the Awami League, campaigning for autonomy, swept East Pakistan. Since the Awami League won the largest number of seats, it seemed that the new prime minister would have to come from its ranks.

Mr. Bhutto was unwilling to settle for the role of Deputy Prime Minister, so he ordered his party to boycott the national legislature, a move that caused the election to be declared void by President Yahya Khan.

Widespread rioting ensued in East Pakistan, and late in March 1971, the Pakistani Army was ordered to suppress the separatist movement there by force. A guerrilla struggle began, and later that year India joined the fighting on the side of the rebels. The war resulted in a humiliating defeat for Pakistan and the birth of Bangladesh.

Mr. Bhutto was again appointed Foreign Minister and appealed dramatically before the United Nations for aid against India. Then President Yahya Khan accepted an Indian cease‐fire offer and, on Dec. 20, 1971, turned the presidency over to Mr. Bhutto.

“We are going to have to build a new world again, a new country again,” Mr. Bhutto said in December 1971 as he was about to form his Government. “Many problems face us. It is almost like the first chapter of Genesis.”

While initiating political and economic reforms, Mr. Bhutto toured the country promising a better future. He placed his predecessor under house arrest, nationalized some key industries and worked toward the redistribution of land. He angered Pakistan's wealthiest families by imposing strictures on their finances.

While his Government returned the country to civilian rule, Mr. Bhutto reserved the key ministries of foreign affairs, defense and interior for himself.

An early action that gained him praise for his courage was a meeting with Prime Minister Indira Gandhi of India in August 1972. At their meeting in Simla, India, they agreed on issues that had been unsettled since the war.

When Pakistan's third constitution, in 1973, made the presidency largely ceremonial, Mr. Bhutto exchanged that office for the all‐important position of Prime Minister, again keeping other ministries for himself.

Mr. Bhutto was married in 1951 to Nusrat Ispahani, the daughter of a wealthy Iranian businessman. They had two sons and two daughters.

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The Rise and Fall of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto

Despite being destroyed by the Pakistan army, perhaps he would have done better as a politician if not blinded by hubris

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto

On April 4 th , 1979, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was led to the gallows in Rawalpindi jail in the depths of the night. Within minutes he was dead. Before the break of dawn, his remains were flown to his village Garhi Khuda Bakhsh near Larkana and buried hastily before the people of Pakistan could wake up to news about his liquidation by the Zia-ul-Haq regime.

It was thus that a brilliant life overshadowed by unbridled ambition and limitless arrogance came to a sorry end.

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto fell from power on July 5 th , 1977. When he lived, he was a complex figure for those who observed his rise and fall. Decades after his execution, he remains that way. There are his fans, largely within Pakistan, who have consistently believed that he is a shaheed , a martyr, in the defence of democracy. And then there are those who remain convinced that having ridden to power on the slogan of democracy, he did everything he could to bury it under his civilian dictatorship.

A fairly large number of books on Bhutto’s life and career have appeared across the years, with the promise of more to appear in the times ahead. And especially since the assassination of his daughter Benazir in December 2007, the Bhutto myth has taken on a new and expanded dimension. And do remember that we are speaking of the man who almost behaved like a maniac when he spoke to the Italian journalist Oriana Fallaci in the early 1970s. Megalomaniac he surely was before her, but the extent to which certain streaks of ‘madness’ manifested themselves in him left even the shock-proof journalist surprised. Bhutto’s aspersions on Indira Gandhi, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and nearly everyone else were too outrageous for polite ears. And even he realised that, subsequently, which is when he sent Pakistan’s diplomats in Italy scouring for Fallaci, to ask her to withdraw the interview or to ‘admit’ that she had made it all up!

What appears in the Fallaci interview is what the essential Bhutto was. And that is the point which comes through in Stanley Wolpert’s Zulfi Bhutto of Pakistan . Wolpert, the American academic celebrated for such seminal works as Gandhi’s Passion and Jinnah of Pakistan , was provided with all manner of facilities, including access to Bhutto’s library and papers, by the Bhutto family. That being the basis of the study, it follows that Wolpert’s analysis of the Bhutto character is by and large a sympathetic study of a man who could have done much better as a politician than what he actually did. The author traces the rise of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, essentially after his return to Pakistan following higher studies abroad, and the many factors that went into facilitating it.

He was a bright young law professor in the early 1950s. By 1958, he was a cabinet minister, happy to be under the tutelage of General Iskandar Mirza, a man not too well-disposed toward democracy. And yet, when only days later, Mirza was sent packing by General Ayub Khan, Bhutto swiftly transferred his loyalties to the new honcho in town. It is a picture that you come by in the excellent biography of Mirza by his son Humayun Mirza quite some years ago. Bhutto, recalls the young Mirza, earned General Mirza’s admiration at the very first meeting he had with the president, so much so that Mirza found a spot for the young lawyer in Pakistan’s central cabinet.

And Bhutto was keen to demonstrate his gratitude to Mirza in return. He fired off a fawning missive to the president, informing him in unabashed fashion that history would record that Iskandar Mirza was the greatest man Pakistan had produced, greater than the founder of the state, Mohammad Ali Jinnah. By late October 1958, with Mirza and his wife Naheed on their way to unending exile in Britain, Bhutto made sure that Ayub Khan kept him on. For the subsequent eight years, he was never to look back. He was minister for commerce, for industries and natural resources.

In 1960, he worked out a deal on energy with the Soviet Union, impressing almost everyone in Pakistan and outside. By early 1963, upon the death of Mohammad Ali Bogra, he was foreign minister in the Ayub regime. Added to that position was the job of general secretary of the Convention Muslim League, the clutch of pro-Ayub politicians propping up the dictatorship. It was Bhutto’s finest hour, from the point of view of genuflection. He proposed that Ayub Khan, already in occupancy of the presidency, remain in power for the rest of his life. It was thus also a moment that made others mock him.

And yet, as the Wolpert book makes clear, a moment would come when Bhutto, grown ambitious and decidedly hubristic, would begin to mock Ayub himself. Informed by foreign secretary Aziz Ahmed late on a January 1966 night in Tashkent that ‘the bastard is dead’, Bhutto asked, ‘Which one?’ That was one of the many indications of the disdain, even hate, in which he viewed not just his mentor but Lal Bahadur Shastri as well. But Wolpert notes too the confidence Bhutto brought back to a post-1971 Pakistan, a time when the emergence of Bangladesh and the surrender of 93,000 Pakistani soldiers had left his people traumatized. He understood the grave nature of the situation, of the realities that stared him in the face.

One needed little persuasion to understand that he had been one of the principal elements responsible for the disaster that had befallen Pakistan, but it was one thought Bhutto was unwilling to accept. He blamed everyone else, including Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, for the country’s break-up, but he would not bring himself to acknowledge his own guilt in the genocide that led to the Bengali armed struggle for freedom. But he did eat humble pie in the end. He freed the incarcerated Bengali leader and saw him off at Chaklala airport. As Bangabandhu leader flew off into the night sky, Bhutto murmured, to no one in particular, ‘The nightingale has flown.’

AND THEN there is Rafi Raza, who speaks of course of no nightingale. As a political ally of the eventually executed politician, Raza was witness to the eventful ten years that were to mark Bhuto’s rise and fall ( Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Pakistan: 1967-1977 ). Naturally, therefore, the book begins with 1967, when Bhutto linked up with Raza, Mubashir Hasan, JA Rahim, Mairaj Mohammad Khan, Abdul Hafeez Pirzada and others to give shape to the Pakistan People’s Party. The month was November; and Bhutto had been out of public office for over a year since he had been forced to quit by a disappointed Ayub Khan. Between July 1966 and November 1967, therefore, it was an apprehensive, almost fearful Bhutto who pondered his future. For all his criticism of the field marshal over the Tashkent Declaration — Bhutto had been harping on, without anything to show for it, about a secret clause in the declaration he said proved Ayub’s treachery to Pakistan — he had not expected to be given the sack. But he was. After July 1966, he was a frightened man. Ayub yet wielded unchallenged authority and had over the years jailed political rivals relentlessly. He might do a similar thing in Bhutto’s case.

President Ayub Khan eventually did send Bhutto to prison, but that was in November 1968, a full year after the PPP had been formed. And then, Bhutto was to be freed within three months as the regime began to totter in the face of growing popular discontent in both East and West Pakistan. In terms of history, though, 1967 remains a defining moment for Pakistan obviously because of the arrival of the Pakistan People’s Party. For the first time in the history of the largely feudal region that was West Pakistan, a party had come forth with patently populist slogans. Bhutto promised a curious mixture of Islam, democracy and socialism to Pakistanis, not offering, of course, to explain how he would go about achieving that goal. What mattered was how the people received his mantra. And they did receive it well. He was mobbed everywhere he went; huge crowds blocked railway stations and roads to see him pass and hear him speak. Never in the history of West Pakistan had a politician so swiftly transformed himself into a popular hero. And it was happening at the same time as the Bengalis of distant East Pakistan were finding their voice in one of their own, the more substantive Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

Obviously, Rafi Raza’s work is of an adulatory nature. And yet there are the instances where he cites his differences with Bhutto. For all that, though, it is a fact that Raza is one man who did not end up earning Bhutto’s wrath (and Pakistan’s first elected leader began to demonstrate the arrogance of power soon after taking over from a humiliated Yahya Khan in December 1971) as many others did. Bhutto’s goons would leave J.A. Rahim and Mairaj Mohammad Khan beaten black and blue for the audacity of questioning the wisdom of the supreme leader. But that was in the days when Bhutto was first president and then prime minister. Prior to that, it was a team of idealistic men who saw as their mission a transformation of Pakistan’s politics through the PPP vehicle. The dream would expand and would translate into electoral triumph for the party in West Pakistan in late 1970. There was a slight problem, however. Bhutto and his party soon realized that their moment of glory had been a brief moment in the sun, for the Awami League of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had beaten everyone else to emerge as the majority party on an all-Pakistan basis.

The rest of the story is now part of the history of Pakistan and Bangladesh. Rafi Raza, in manner typical of others in the PPP at the time, carefully glosses over his party’s refusal to accept the results of the elections but does acknowledge the complications that arose over the subsequent weeks and months. Raza counts himself among the few moderates in the PPP when he states that at a meeting of party leaders on 23 March 1971 in Dhaka (and that was the day which Bengalis refused to celebrate as Pakistan Day and instead hoisted Bangladesh flags on rooftops all over the city), almost everyone present advocated military action against the Awami League by the Yahya Khan regime. J.A. Rahim, himself a Bengali, loudly denounced Mujib as a fascist who could only be countered by the army. And military action was not long in coming. When the army went into action late on 25 March, it was the state of Pakistan that lay grievously wounded.

Raza’s ultimate focus is on the years of the Bhutto government from late 1971 to mid 1977. He duly notes the achievements of the government despite the various constraints it operated under. He records as well the deep flaws in the Bhutto character, those that would take him to his doom. In Raza’s words, ‘If (the people) had short memories, so did ZAB who, within a few years of assuming office, forgot the power of the people which the PPP had helped to galvanize — his only real source of power.’

CLEARLY the part that grips your attention in If I Am Assassinated is the introduction by the Indian journalist Pran Chopra. Acknowledging the reality of the work being Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s own, he writes: ‘He is speaking to history from the platform of his own brilliant mind and his unique experience of one of the most interesting countries of the developing world.’

It has been given out that Bhutto composed the work in his final days as a prisoner condemned to death in a disputed murder case. In a sense, it is a mea culpa , an enumeration of his thoughts over his role in Pakistan’s modern history. Racy and brimming over with ideas, it is vintage Bhutto at his best. He examines the role of the army in Pakistan’s politics, including the break-up of the country in 1971 (though he says nothing about his own contribution to the disaster). He dwells on the Hamoodur Rehman Commission Report. And he provides readers with his assessment of his own administration and the pressures, local as well as foreign, it worked under.

If I Am Assassinated will make you, all these decades after Bhutto penned it, appreciate the huge possibilities he symbolized for his country. In similar manner, it also gives you reason to understand why he fell so hard and so fast.

Bhutto’s tragedy was and remains unique: it was the Pakistan army that raised him to prominence — and it was the Pakistan army that destroyed him. Along the way, he showed promise but then dwindled into being a Machiavellian soul. His shrewdness gave him glory. His cunning caused the death of millions in what would one day be Bangladesh.

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Pakistan's Zulfikar Ali Bhutto executed - archive

5 April 1979: Pakistan’s former Prime Minister was hanged for the murder of a political opponent following a trial which was widely condemned as unfair

Millions of Pakistanis mourn the fate of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. Widely revered by the mass of ordinary people, Bhutto was, to them, a world statesman who gave Pakistan confidence and respectability, a man who ensured, when he spoke, that other statesmen listened.

He was a politician who broke away from the gentlemanly cabals of wealthy landowners and bureaucrats who had previously ruled Pakistan between military dictatorships. Bhutto brought power to the people, campaigning in a western style. He promised food, clothing and shelter. He exchanged his Savile Row suits and silk handkerchiefs for baggy trousers and long Pakistani shirts, and he went electioneering in the bazaars and in remote areas previously shunned by his rivals.

The people loved him. If Bhutto muzzled the press and sacked independent-minded journalists and editors, so what? Freedom of the press is not a concept which much exercises the minds of a largely illiterate people.

If Bhutto bent the rules on paying import duties on air conditioners and other luxuries, or handed out gifts at the expense of the state to his friends, ordinary Pakistanis shrug and look puzzled. Of course he did, they say. Don’t they all?

Bhutto was a complex and contradictory figure. He was intellectually sharp and came from an illustrious family: the combination often jelled into arrogance.

He was born at Larkana in the province of Sind on January 5, 1928. He spent his last birthday - his 51st - in the death cell of Rawalpindi gaol, scarcely able to eat because of an untreated gum disease, and unable to keep down much of what he forced himself to swallow.

If Bhutto was a bully, he was no coward. His bearing and his demeanour in the last appalling months were noble. He would not be beaten by adverse circumstances, would not beg, or plead.

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto lacked far nothing as a child. His family were rich and influential. His education was rounded off in the United States and Britain: he graduated in political science from the University of California at Berkeley in 1950, and later studied at Christ Church, Oxford. There he was awarded MA honours with distinction in jurisprudence in 1952, and became a barrister at law in Lincoln’s Inn, London. Later Bhutto went to lecture in international law at the University of Southampton - the first Asian to teach there.

He kept up his legal work briefly when he returned to Pakistan, but soon became enmeshed in politics. In 1957, he was sent to the United Nations General Assembly as part of the Pakistan delegation and the following year he led a team to the Geneva conference on the law of the sea.

At that time Pakistan was coming up to another of its military coups. According to some reports, the plot was hatched on the Bhutto family estates, where some officers would come for the game shooting. When Field Marshal Ayub Khan (then General) seized power in 1958, he invited Bhutto to join the Cabinet.

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PPP calls for Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's image on Pakistani currency notes

About the Author

At TOI World Desk, our dedicated team of seasoned journalists and passionate writers tirelessly sifts through the vast tapestry of global events to bring you the latest news and diverse perspectives round the clock. With an unwavering commitment to accuracy, depth, and timeliness, we strive to keep you informed about the ever-evolving world, delivering a nuanced understanding of international affairs to our readers. Join us on a journey across continents as we unravel the stories that shape our interconnected world. Read More

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Pakistan peoples party demands its founder zulfiqar ali bhutto's image on currency notes.

Lahore [Pakistan], May 13 (ANI): The Pakistan People's Party (PPP) on Sunday adopted a resolution demanding the federal government to declare party founder Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto a national democratic hero and feature his image on currency notes, ARY News reported on Monday.

The resolution was passed during a seminar titled 'Bhutto Reference and History', discussing Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's reference.

Lauding the Supreme Court's admission that the PPP founder's trial, which led to his execution, was unfair, the resolution demanded the federal government to confer the title of "Quaid-e-Awam" (Leader of the People) upon him, and award him the highest civilian honour, Nishan-e-Pakistan.

ARY News reported that apart from demanding featuring of Bhutto's image on currency notes, the resolution also called for the construction of a befitting monument in Bhutto's honour and the declaration of his mausoleum as a national shrine.

Furthermore, it calls for the reversal of the unjust death sentence handed down to Bhutto and the establishment of a "Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto Award" for democracy activists who have sacrificed their lives for the cause.

Earlier, the National Assembly had passed a resolution in March declaring Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's trial as judicial murder.

The Supreme Court announced its reserved opinion on the presidential reference against the 'controversial' death sentence awarded to the PPP founder, saying that the former prime minister did not get a chance to a "fair trial".

Headed by Chief Justice of Pakistan (CJP) Qazi Faez Isa, a nine-judge bench announced its opinion on the long-pending presidential reference to answer whether it can revisit its verdict, which the PPP and jurists regard as a historic wrong, ARY News reported.

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was handed a death sentence during former military ruler General (retired) Ziaul Haq's regime.

The first elected prime minister of the country was charged with the murder of a political rival Nawab Mohammed Ahmed Qasuri and a trial took place.

ANI 13th May 2024, 13:18 GMT+10

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In Pakistan, A Push For Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's Image On Currency Notes

The resolution was passed during a seminar titled 'Bhutto Reference and History', discussing Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's reference.

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was handed a death sentence during General (retired) Ziaul Haq's regime.

The Pakistan People's Party (PPP) on Sunday adopted a resolution demanding the federal government to declare party founder Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto a national democratic hero and feature his image on currency notes, ARY News reported on Monday.

Lauding the Supreme Court's admission that the PPP founder's trial, which led to his execution, was unfair, the resolution demanded the federal government to confer the title of "Quaid-e-Awam" (Leader of the People) upon him, and award him the highest civilian honour, Nishan-e-Pakistan.

ARY News reported that apart from demanding featuring of Bhutto's image on currency notes, the resolution also called for the construction of a befitting monument in Bhutto's honour and the declaration of his mausoleum as a national shrine.

Furthermore, it calls for the reversal of the unjust death sentence handed down to Bhutto and the establishment of a "Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto Award" for democracy activists who have sacrificed their lives for the cause.

Earlier, the National Assembly had passed a resolution in March declaring Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's trial as judicial murder.

The Supreme Court announced its reserved opinion on the presidential reference against the 'controversial' death sentence awarded to the PPP founder, saying that the former prime minister did not get a chance to a "fair trial".

Headed by Chief Justice of Pakistan (CJP) Qazi Faez Isa, a nine-judge bench announced its opinion on the long-pending presidential reference to answer whether it can revisit its verdict, which the PPP and jurists regard as a historic wrong, ARY News reported.

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was handed a death sentence during former military ruler General (retired) Ziaul Haq's regime.

The first elected prime minister of the country was charged with the murder of a political rival Nawab Mohammed Ahmed Qasuri and a trial took place.

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Amid petitions and appeals of clemency, and mercy from several Heads of States, Bhutto was hanged on April 4, 1979.

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LAHORE: The Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) on Sunday adopted a resolution demanding the federal government to declare party founder Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto a national democratic hero and feature his image on currency notes.

The resolution was passed during a seminar titled ‘Bhutto Reference and History’, discussing Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto reference.

Lauding the Supreme Court’s admission that PPP founder’s trial, which led to his execution, was unfair, the resolution demanded the federal government to confer the title of “Quaid-e-Awam” (Leader of the People) upon him, and award him the highest civilian honour, Nishan-e-Pakistan.

Apart from demanding featuring of Bhutto’s image on currency notes, the resolution also called for construction of a befitting monument in Bhutto’s honour and the declaration of his mausoleum as a national shrine.

Furthermore, it calls for the reversal of the unjust death sentence handed down to Bhutto and the establishment of a “Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto Award” for democracy activists who have sacrificed their lives for the cause.

Earlier, the National Assembly had passed a resolution in March declaring Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s trial as judicial murder.

Supreme Court announced its reserved opinion  on the presidential reference against the ‘controversial’ death sentence awarded to PPP founder, saying that the former prime minister did not get a chance to a “fair trial”.

Headed by Chief Justice of Pakistan (CJP) Qazi Faez Isa, a nine-judge bench announced its opinion on the long-pending presidential reference to answer whether it can revisit its verdict, which the PPP and jurists regard as a historic wrong.

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto  was handed a death sentence during former military ruler General (retired) Ziaul Haq’s regime.

The first elected prime minister of the country was charged with the murder of a political rival Nawab Mohammed Ahmed Qasuri and a trial took place.

Amid petitions and appeals of clemency, and mercy from several Heads of States, Bhutto was hanged on April 4, 1979.

Will the PML-N led govt be able to steer Pakistan out of economic crisis?

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Lahore [Pakistan], May 13 (ANI): The Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) on Sunday adopted a resolution demanding the federal government to declare party founder Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto a national democratic hero and feature his image on currency notes, ARY News reported on Monday.

The resolution was passed during a seminar titled ‘Bhutto Reference and History’, discussing Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s reference.

Lauding the Supreme Court’s admission that the PPP founder’s trial, which led to his execution, was unfair, the resolution demanded the federal government to confer the title of “Quaid-e-Awam” (Leader of the People) upon him, and award him the highest civilian honour, Nishan-e-Pakistan.

ARY News reported that apart from demanding featuring of Bhutto’s image on currency notes, the resolution also called for the construction of a befitting monument in Bhutto’s honour and the declaration of his mausoleum as a national shrine.

Furthermore, it calls for the reversal of the unjust death sentence handed down to Bhutto and the establishment of a “Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto Award” for democracy activists who have sacrificed their lives for the cause.

Earlier, the National Assembly had passed a resolution in March declaring Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s trial as judicial murder.

The Supreme Court announced its reserved opinion on the presidential reference against the ‘controversial’ death sentence awarded to the PPP founder, saying that the former prime minister did not get a chance to a “fair trial”.

Headed by Chief Justice of Pakistan (CJP) Qazi Faez Isa, a nine-judge bench announced its opinion on the long-pending presidential reference to answer whether it can revisit its verdict, which the PPP and jurists regard as a historic wrong, ARY News reported.

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was handed a death sentence during former military ruler General (retired) Ziaul Haq’s regime.

The first elected prime minister of the country was charged with the murder of a political rival Nawab Mohammed Ahmed Qasuri and a trial took place.

Amid petitions and appeals of clemency, and mercy from several Heads of States, Bhutto was hanged on April 4, 1979. (ANI)

This report is auto-generated from ANI news service. ThePrint holds no responsibility for its content.

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Pakistan Peoples Party demands its founder Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's image on currency notes

L ahore [Pakistan], May 13 (ANI): The Pakistan People's Party (PPP) on Sunday adopted a resolution demanding the federal government to declare party founder Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto a national democratic hero and feature his image on currency notes, ARY News reported on Monday.

The resolution was passed during a seminar titled 'Bhutto Reference and History', discussing Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's reference.

Lauding the Supreme Court's admission that the PPP founder's trial, which led to his execution, was unfair, the resolution demanded the federal government to confer the title of "Quaid-e-Awam" (Leader of the People) upon him, and award him the highest civilian honour, Nishan-e-Pakistan.

ARY News reported that apart from demanding featuring of Bhutto's image on currency notes, the resolution also called for the construction of a befitting monument in Bhutto's honour and the declaration of his mausoleum as a national shrine.

Furthermore, it calls for the reversal of the unjust death sentence handed down to Bhutto and the establishment of a "Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto Award" for democracy activists who have sacrificed their lives for the cause.

Earlier, the National Assembly had passed a resolution in March declaring Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's trial as judicial murder.

The Supreme Court announced its reserved opinion on the presidential reference against the 'controversial' death sentence awarded to the PPP founder, saying that the former prime minister did not get a chance to a "fair trial".

Headed by Chief Justice of Pakistan (CJP) Qazi Faez Isa, a nine-judge bench announced its opinion on the long-pending presidential reference to answer whether it can revisit its verdict, which the PPP and jurists regard as a historic wrong, ARY News reported.

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was handed a death sentence during former military ruler General (retired) Ziaul Haq's regime.

The first elected prime minister of the country was charged with the murder of a political rival Nawab Mohammed Ahmed Qasuri and a trial took place.

Amid petitions and appeals of clemency, and mercy from several Heads of States, Bhutto was hanged on April 4, 1979. (ANI)