what is problem solving in cognitive psychology

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The Oxford Handbook of Cognitive Psychology

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48 Problem Solving

Department of Psychological and Brain Sciences, University of California, Santa Barbara

Published: 03 June 2013
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Problem solving refers to cognitive processing directed at achieving a goal when the problem solver does not initially know a solution method. A problem exists when someone has a goal but does not know how to achieve it. Problems can be classified as routine or nonroutine, and as well defined or ill defined. The major cognitive processes in problem solving are representing, planning, executing, and monitoring. The major kinds of knowledge required for problem solving are facts, concepts, procedures, strategies, and beliefs. Classic theoretical approaches to the study of problem solving are associationism, Gestalt, and information processing. Current issues and suggested future issues include decision making, intelligence and creativity, teaching of thinking skills, expert problem solving, analogical reasoning, mathematical and scientific thinking, everyday thinking, and the cognitive neuroscience of problem solving. Common themes concern the domain specificity of problem solving and a focus on problem solving in authentic contexts.

The study of problem solving begins with defining problem solving, problem, and problem types. This introduction to problem solving is rounded out with an examination of cognitive processes in problem solving, the role of knowledge in problem solving, and historical approaches to the study of problem solving.

Definition of Problem Solving

Problem solving refers to cognitive processing directed at achieving a goal for which the problem solver does not initially know a solution method. This definition consists of four major elements (Mayer, 1992 ; Mayer & Wittrock, 2006 ):

Cognitive —Problem solving occurs within the problem solver’s cognitive system and can only be inferred indirectly from the problem solver’s behavior (including biological changes, introspections, and actions during problem solving). Process —Problem solving involves mental computations in which some operation is applied to a mental representation, sometimes resulting in the creation of a new mental representation. Directed —Problem solving is aimed at achieving a goal. Personal —Problem solving depends on the existing knowledge of the problem solver so that what is a problem for one problem solver may not be a problem for someone who already knows a solution method.

The definition is broad enough to include a wide array of cognitive activities such as deciding which apartment to rent, figuring out how to use a cell phone interface, playing a game of chess, making a medical diagnosis, finding the answer to an arithmetic word problem, or writing a chapter for a handbook. Problem solving is pervasive in human life and is crucial for human survival. Although this chapter focuses on problem solving in humans, problem solving also occurs in nonhuman animals and in intelligent machines.

How is problem solving related to other forms of high-level cognition processing, such as thinking and reasoning? Thinking refers to cognitive processing in individuals but includes both directed thinking (which corresponds to the definition of problem solving) and undirected thinking such as daydreaming (which does not correspond to the definition of problem solving). Thus, problem solving is a type of thinking (i.e., directed thinking).

Reasoning refers to problem solving within specific classes of problems, such as deductive reasoning or inductive reasoning. In deductive reasoning, the reasoner is given premises and must derive a conclusion by applying the rules of logic. For example, given that “A is greater than B” and “B is greater than C,” a reasoner can conclude that “A is greater than C.” In inductive reasoning, the reasoner is given (or has experienced) a collection of examples or instances and must infer a rule. For example, given that X, C, and V are in the “yes” group and x, c, and v are in the “no” group, the reasoning may conclude that B is in “yes” group because it is in uppercase format. Thus, reasoning is a type of problem solving.

Definition of Problem

A problem occurs when someone has a goal but does not know to achieve it. This definition is consistent with how the Gestalt psychologist Karl Duncker ( 1945 , p. 1) defined a problem in his classic monograph, On Problem Solving : “A problem arises when a living creature has a goal but does not know how this goal is to be reached.” However, today researchers recognize that the definition should be extended to include problem solving by intelligent machines. This definition can be clarified using an information processing approach by noting that a problem occurs when a situation is in the given state, the problem solver wants the situation to be in the goal state, and there is no obvious way to move from the given state to the goal state (Newell & Simon, 1972 ). Accordingly, the three main elements in describing a problem are the given state (i.e., the current state of the situation), the goal state (i.e., the desired state of the situation), and the set of allowable operators (i.e., the actions the problem solver is allowed to take). The definition of “problem” is broad enough to include the situation confronting a physician who wishes to make a diagnosis on the basis of preliminary tests and a patient examination, as well as a beginning physics student trying to solve a complex physics problem.

Types of Problems

It is customary in the problem-solving literature to make a distinction between routine and nonroutine problems. Routine problems are problems that are so familiar to the problem solver that the problem solver knows a solution method. For example, for most adults, “What is 365 divided by 12?” is a routine problem because they already know the procedure for long division. Nonroutine problems are so unfamiliar to the problem solver that the problem solver does not know a solution method. For example, figuring out the best way to set up a funding campaign for a nonprofit charity is a nonroutine problem for most volunteers. Technically, routine problems do not meet the definition of problem because the problem solver has a goal but knows how to achieve it. Much research on problem solving has focused on routine problems, although most interesting problems in life are nonroutine.

Another customary distinction is between well-defined and ill-defined problems. Well-defined problems have a clearly specified given state, goal state, and legal operators. Examples include arithmetic computation problems or games such as checkers or tic-tac-toe. Ill-defined problems have a poorly specified given state, goal state, or legal operators, or a combination of poorly defined features. Examples include solving the problem of global warming or finding a life partner. Although, ill-defined problems are more challenging, much research in problem solving has focused on well-defined problems.

Cognitive Processes in Problem Solving

The process of problem solving can be broken down into two main phases: problem representation , in which the problem solver builds a mental representation of the problem situation, and problem solution , in which the problem solver works to produce a solution. The major subprocess in problem representation is representing , which involves building a situation model —that is, a mental representation of the situation described in the problem. The major subprocesses in problem solution are planning , which involves devising a plan for how to solve the problem; executing , which involves carrying out the plan; and monitoring , which involves evaluating and adjusting one’s problem solving.

For example, given an arithmetic word problem such as “Alice has three marbles. Sarah has two more marbles than Alice. How many marbles does Sarah have?” the process of representing involves building a situation model in which Alice has a set of marbles, there is set of marbles for the difference between the two girls, and Sarah has a set of marbles that consists of Alice’s marbles and the difference set. In the planning process, the problem solver sets a goal of adding 3 and 2. In the executing process, the problem solver carries out the computation, yielding an answer of 5. In the monitoring process, the problem solver looks over what was done and concludes that 5 is a reasonable answer. In most complex problem-solving episodes, the four cognitive processes may not occur in linear order, but rather may interact with one another. Although some research focuses mainly on the execution process, problem solvers may tend to have more difficulty with the processes of representing, planning, and monitoring.

Knowledge for Problem Solving

An important theme in problem-solving research is that problem-solving proficiency on any task depends on the learner’s knowledge (Anderson et al., 2001 ; Mayer, 1992 ). Five kinds of knowledge are as follows:

Facts —factual knowledge about the characteristics of elements in the world, such as “Sacramento is the capital of California” Concepts —conceptual knowledge, including categories, schemas, or models, such as knowing the difference between plants and animals or knowing how a battery works Procedures —procedural knowledge of step-by-step processes, such as how to carry out long-division computations Strategies —strategic knowledge of general methods such as breaking a problem into parts or thinking of a related problem Beliefs —attitudinal knowledge about how one’s cognitive processing works such as thinking, “I’m good at this”

Although some research focuses mainly on the role of facts and procedures in problem solving, complex problem solving also depends on the problem solver’s concepts, strategies, and beliefs (Mayer, 1992 ).

Historical Approaches to Problem Solving

Psychological research on problem solving began in the early 1900s, as an outgrowth of mental philosophy (Humphrey, 1963 ; Mandler & Mandler, 1964 ). Throughout the 20th century four theoretical approaches developed: early conceptions, associationism, Gestalt psychology, and information processing.

Early Conceptions

The start of psychology as a science can be set at 1879—the year Wilhelm Wundt opened the first world’s psychology laboratory in Leipzig, Germany, and sought to train the world’s first cohort of experimental psychologists. Instead of relying solely on philosophical speculations about how the human mind works, Wundt sought to apply the methods of experimental science to issues addressed in mental philosophy. His theoretical approach became structuralism —the analysis of consciousness into its basic elements.

Wundt’s main contribution to the study of problem solving, however, was to call for its banishment. According to Wundt, complex cognitive processing was too complicated to be studied by experimental methods, so “nothing can be discovered in such experiments” (Wundt, 1911/1973 ). Despite his admonishments, however, a group of his former students began studying thinking mainly in Wurzburg, Germany. Using the method of introspection, subjects were asked to describe their thought process as they solved word association problems, such as finding the superordinate of “newspaper” (e.g., an answer is “publication”). Although the Wurzburg group—as they came to be called—did not produce a new theoretical approach, they found empirical evidence that challenged some of the key assumptions of mental philosophy. For example, Aristotle had proclaimed that all thinking involves mental imagery, but the Wurzburg group was able to find empirical evidence for imageless thought .

Associationism

The first major theoretical approach to take hold in the scientific study of problem solving was associationism —the idea that the cognitive representations in the mind consist of ideas and links between them and that cognitive processing in the mind involves following a chain of associations from one idea to the next (Mandler & Mandler, 1964 ; Mayer, 1992 ). For example, in a classic study, E. L. Thorndike ( 1911 ) placed a hungry cat in what he called a puzzle box—a wooden crate in which pulling a loop of string that hung from overhead would open a trap door to allow the cat to escape to a bowl of food outside the crate. Thorndike placed the cat in the puzzle box once a day for several weeks. On the first day, the cat engaged in many extraneous behaviors such as pouncing against the wall, pushing its paws through the slats, and meowing, but on successive days the number of extraneous behaviors tended to decrease. Overall, the time required to get out of the puzzle box decreased over the course of the experiment, indicating the cat was learning how to escape.

Thorndike’s explanation for how the cat learned to solve the puzzle box problem is based on an associationist view: The cat begins with a habit family hierarchy —a set of potential responses (e.g., pouncing, thrusting, meowing, etc.) all associated with the same stimulus (i.e., being hungry and confined) and ordered in terms of strength of association. When placed in the puzzle box, the cat executes its strongest response (e.g., perhaps pouncing against the wall), but when it fails, the strength of the association is weakened, and so on for each unsuccessful action. Eventually, the cat gets down to what was initially a weak response—waving its paw in the air—but when that response leads to accidentally pulling the string and getting out, it is strengthened. Over the course of many trials, the ineffective responses become weak and the successful response becomes strong. Thorndike refers to this process as the law of effect : Responses that lead to dissatisfaction become less associated with the situation and responses that lead to satisfaction become more associated with the situation. According to Thorndike’s associationist view, solving a problem is simply a matter of trial and error and accidental success. A major challenge to assocationist theory concerns the nature of transfer—that is, where does a problem solver find a creative solution that has never been performed before? Associationist conceptions of cognition can be seen in current research, including neural networks, connectionist models, and parallel distributed processing models (Rogers & McClelland, 2004 ).

Gestalt Psychology

The Gestalt approach to problem solving developed in the 1930s and 1940s as a counterbalance to the associationist approach. According to the Gestalt approach, cognitive representations consist of coherent structures (rather than individual associations) and the cognitive process of problem solving involves building a coherent structure (rather than strengthening and weakening of associations). For example, in a classic study, Kohler ( 1925 ) placed a hungry ape in a play yard that contained several empty shipping crates and a banana attached overhead but out of reach. Based on observing the ape in this situation, Kohler noted that the ape did not randomly try responses until one worked—as suggested by Thorndike’s associationist view. Instead, the ape stood under the banana, looked up at it, looked at the crates, and then in a flash of insight stacked the crates under the bananas as a ladder, and walked up the steps in order to reach the banana.

According to Kohler, the ape experienced a sudden visual reorganization in which the elements in the situation fit together in a way to solve the problem; that is, the crates could become a ladder that reduces the distance to the banana. Kohler referred to the underlying mechanism as insight —literally seeing into the structure of the situation. A major challenge of Gestalt theory is its lack of precision; for example, naming a process (i.e., insight) is not the same as explaining how it works. Gestalt conceptions can be seen in modern research on mental models and schemas (Gentner & Stevens, 1983 ).

Information Processing

The information processing approach to problem solving developed in the 1960s and 1970s and was based on the influence of the computer metaphor—the idea that humans are processors of information (Mayer, 2009 ). According to the information processing approach, problem solving involves a series of mental computations—each of which consists of applying a process to a mental representation (such as comparing two elements to determine whether they differ).

In their classic book, Human Problem Solving , Newell and Simon ( 1972 ) proposed that problem solving involved a problem space and search heuristics . A problem space is a mental representation of the initial state of the problem, the goal state of the problem, and all possible intervening states (based on applying allowable operators). Search heuristics are strategies for moving through the problem space from the given to the goal state. Newell and Simon focused on means-ends analysis , in which the problem solver continually sets goals and finds moves to accomplish goals.

Newell and Simon used computer simulation as a research method to test their conception of human problem solving. First, they asked human problem solvers to think aloud as they solved various problems such as logic problems, chess, and cryptarithmetic problems. Then, based on an information processing analysis, Newell and Simon created computer programs that solved these problems. In comparing the solution behavior of humans and computers, they found high similarity, suggesting that the computer programs were solving problems using the same thought processes as humans.

An important advantage of the information processing approach is that problem solving can be described with great clarity—as a computer program. An important limitation of the information processing approach is that it is most useful for describing problem solving for well-defined problems rather than ill-defined problems. The information processing conception of cognition lives on as a keystone of today’s cognitive science (Mayer, 2009 ).

Classic Issues in Problem Solving

Three classic issues in research on problem solving concern the nature of transfer (suggested by the associationist approach), the nature of insight (suggested by the Gestalt approach), and the role of problem-solving heuristics (suggested by the information processing approach).

Transfer refers to the effects of prior learning on new learning (or new problem solving). Positive transfer occurs when learning A helps someone learn B. Negative transfer occurs when learning A hinders someone from learning B. Neutral transfer occurs when learning A has no effect on learning B. Positive transfer is a central goal of education, but research shows that people often do not transfer what they learned to solving problems in new contexts (Mayer, 1992 ; Singley & Anderson, 1989 ).

Three conceptions of the mechanisms underlying transfer are specific transfer , general transfer , and specific transfer of general principles . Specific transfer refers to the idea that learning A will help someone learn B only if A and B have specific elements in common. For example, learning Spanish may help someone learn Latin because some of the vocabulary words are similar and the verb conjugation rules are similar. General transfer refers to the idea that learning A can help someone learn B even they have nothing specifically in common but A helps improve the learner’s mind in general. For example, learning Latin may help people learn “proper habits of mind” so they are better able to learn completely unrelated subjects as well. Specific transfer of general principles is the idea that learning A will help someone learn B if the same general principle or solution method is required for both even if the specific elements are different.

In a classic study, Thorndike and Woodworth ( 1901 ) found that students who learned Latin did not subsequently learn bookkeeping any better than students who had not learned Latin. They interpreted this finding as evidence for specific transfer—learning A did not transfer to learning B because A and B did not have specific elements in common. Modern research on problem-solving transfer continues to show that people often do not demonstrate general transfer (Mayer, 1992 ). However, it is possible to teach people a general strategy for solving a problem, so that when they see a new problem in a different context they are able to apply the strategy to the new problem (Judd, 1908 ; Mayer, 2008 )—so there is also research support for the idea of specific transfer of general principles.

Insight refers to a change in a problem solver’s mind from not knowing how to solve a problem to knowing how to solve it (Mayer, 1995 ; Metcalfe & Wiebe, 1987 ). In short, where does the idea for a creative solution come from? A central goal of problem-solving research is to determine the mechanisms underlying insight.

The search for insight has led to five major (but not mutually exclusive) explanatory mechanisms—insight as completing a schema, insight as suddenly reorganizing visual information, insight as reformulation of a problem, insight as removing mental blocks, and insight as finding a problem analog (Mayer, 1995 ). Completing a schema is exemplified in a study by Selz (Fridja & de Groot, 1982 ), in which people were asked to think aloud as they solved word association problems such as “What is the superordinate for newspaper?” To solve the problem, people sometimes thought of a coordinate, such as “magazine,” and then searched for a superordinate category that subsumed both terms, such as “publication.” According to Selz, finding a solution involved building a schema that consisted of a superordinate and two subordinate categories.

Reorganizing visual information is reflected in Kohler’s ( 1925 ) study described in a previous section in which a hungry ape figured out how to stack boxes as a ladder to reach a banana hanging above. According to Kohler, the ape looked around the yard and found the solution in a flash of insight by mentally seeing how the parts could be rearranged to accomplish the goal.

Reformulating a problem is reflected in a classic study by Duncker ( 1945 ) in which people are asked to think aloud as they solve the tumor problem—how can you destroy a tumor in a patient without destroying surrounding healthy tissue by using rays that at sufficient intensity will destroy any tissue in their path? In analyzing the thinking-aloud protocols—that is, transcripts of what the problem solvers said—Duncker concluded that people reformulated the goal in various ways (e.g., avoid contact with healthy tissue, immunize healthy tissue, have ray be weak in healthy tissue) until they hit upon a productive formulation that led to the solution (i.e., concentrating many weak rays on the tumor).

Removing mental blocks is reflected in classic studies by Duncker ( 1945 ) in which solving a problem involved thinking of a novel use for an object, and by Luchins ( 1942 ) in which solving a problem involved not using a procedure that had worked well on previous problems. Finding a problem analog is reflected in classic research by Wertheimer ( 1959 ) in which learning to find the area of a parallelogram is supported by the insight that one could cut off the triangle on one side and place it on the other side to form a rectangle—so a parallelogram is really a rectangle in disguise. The search for insight along each of these five lines continues in current problem-solving research.

Heuristics are problem-solving strategies, that is, general approaches to how to solve problems. Newell and Simon ( 1972 ) suggested three general problem-solving heuristics for moving from a given state to a goal state: random trial and error , hill climbing , and means-ends analysis . Random trial and error involves randomly selecting a legal move and applying it to create a new problem state, and repeating that process until the goal state is reached. Random trial and error may work for simple problems but is not efficient for complex ones. Hill climbing involves selecting the legal move that moves the problem solver closer to the goal state. Hill climbing will not work for problems in which the problem solver must take a move that temporarily moves away from the goal as is required in many problems.

Means-ends analysis involves creating goals and seeking moves that can accomplish the goal. If a goal cannot be directly accomplished, a subgoal is created to remove one or more obstacles. Newell and Simon ( 1972 ) successfully used means-ends analysis as the search heuristic in a computer program aimed at general problem solving, that is, solving a diverse collection of problems. However, people may also use specific heuristics that are designed to work for specific problem-solving situations (Gigerenzer, Todd, & ABC Research Group, 1999 ; Kahneman & Tversky, 1984 ).

Current and Future Issues in Problem Solving

Eight current issues in problem solving involve decision making, intelligence and creativity, teaching of thinking skills, expert problem solving, analogical reasoning, mathematical and scientific problem solving, everyday thinking, and the cognitive neuroscience of problem solving.

Decision Making

Decision making refers to the cognitive processing involved in choosing between two or more alternatives (Baron, 2000 ; Markman & Medin, 2002 ). For example, a decision-making task may involve choosing between getting $240 for sure or having a 25% change of getting $1000. According to economic theories such as expected value theory, people should chose the second option, which is worth $250 (i.e., .25 x $1000) rather than the first option, which is worth $240 (1.00 x $240), but psychological research shows that most people prefer the first option (Kahneman & Tversky, 1984 ).

Research on decision making has generated three classes of theories (Markman & Medin, 2002 ): descriptive theories, such as prospect theory (Kahneman & Tversky), which are based on the ideas that people prefer to overweight the cost of a loss and tend to overestimate small probabilities; heuristic theories, which are based on the idea that people use a collection of short-cut strategies such as the availability heuristic (Gigerenzer et al., 1999 ; Kahneman & Tversky, 2000 ); and constructive theories, such as mental accounting (Kahneman & Tversky, 2000 ), in which people build a narrative to justify their choices to themselves. Future research is needed to examine decision making in more realistic settings.

Intelligence and Creativity

Although researchers do not have complete consensus on the definition of intelligence (Sternberg, 1990 ), it is reasonable to view intelligence as the ability to learn or adapt to new situations. Fluid intelligence refers to the potential to solve problems without any relevant knowledge, whereas crystallized intelligence refers to the potential to solve problems based on relevant prior knowledge (Sternberg & Gregorenko, 2003 ). As people gain more experience in a field, their problem-solving performance depends more on crystallized intelligence (i.e., domain knowledge) than on fluid intelligence (i.e., general ability) (Sternberg & Gregorenko, 2003 ). The ability to monitor and manage one’s cognitive processing during problem solving—which can be called metacognition —is an important aspect of intelligence (Sternberg, 1990 ). Research is needed to pinpoint the knowledge that is needed to support intelligent performance on problem-solving tasks.

Creativity refers to the ability to generate ideas that are original (i.e., other people do not think of the same idea) and functional (i.e., the idea works; Sternberg, 1999 ). Creativity is often measured using tests of divergent thinking —that is, generating as many solutions as possible for a problem (Guilford, 1967 ). For example, the uses test asks people to list as many uses as they can think of for a brick. Creativity is different from intelligence, and it is at the heart of creative problem solving—generating a novel solution to a problem that the problem solver has never seen before. An important research question concerns whether creative problem solving depends on specific knowledge or creativity ability in general.

Teaching of Thinking Skills

How can people learn to be better problem solvers? Mayer ( 2008 ) proposes four questions concerning teaching of thinking skills:

What to teach —Successful programs attempt to teach small component skills (such as how to generate and evaluate hypotheses) rather than improve the mind as a single monolithic skill (Covington, Crutchfield, Davies, & Olton, 1974 ). How to teach —Successful programs focus on modeling the process of problem solving rather than solely reinforcing the product of problem solving (Bloom & Broder, 1950 ). Where to teach —Successful programs teach problem-solving skills within the specific context they will be used rather than within a general course on how to solve problems (Nickerson, 1999 ). When to teach —Successful programs teaching higher order skills early rather than waiting until lower order skills are completely mastered (Tharp & Gallimore, 1988 ).

Overall, research on teaching of thinking skills points to the domain specificity of problem solving; that is, successful problem solving depends on the problem solver having domain knowledge that is relevant to the problem-solving task.

Expert Problem Solving

Research on expertise is concerned with differences between how experts and novices solve problems (Ericsson, Feltovich, & Hoffman, 2006 ). Expertise can be defined in terms of time (e.g., 10 years of concentrated experience in a field), performance (e.g., earning a perfect score on an assessment), or recognition (e.g., receiving a Nobel Prize or becoming Grand Master in chess). For example, in classic research conducted in the 1940s, de Groot ( 1965 ) found that chess experts did not have better general memory than chess novices, but they did have better domain-specific memory for the arrangement of chess pieces on the board. Chase and Simon ( 1973 ) replicated this result in a better controlled experiment. An explanation is that experts have developed schemas that allow them to chunk collections of pieces into a single configuration.

In another landmark study, Larkin et al. ( 1980 ) compared how experts (e.g., physics professors) and novices (e.g., first-year physics students) solved textbook physics problems about motion. Experts tended to work forward from the given information to the goal, whereas novices tended to work backward from the goal to the givens using a means-ends analysis strategy. Experts tended to store their knowledge in an integrated way, whereas novices tended to store their knowledge in isolated fragments. In another study, Chi, Feltovich, and Glaser ( 1981 ) found that experts tended to focus on the underlying physics concepts (such as conservation of energy), whereas novices tended to focus on the surface features of the problem (such as inclined planes or springs). Overall, research on expertise is useful in pinpointing what experts know that is different from what novices know. An important theme is that experts rely on domain-specific knowledge rather than solely general cognitive ability.

Analogical Reasoning

Analogical reasoning occurs when people solve one problem by using their knowledge about another problem (Holyoak, 2005 ). For example, suppose a problem solver learns how to solve a problem in one context using one solution method and then is given a problem in another context that requires the same solution method. In this case, the problem solver must recognize that the new problem has structural similarity to the old problem (i.e., it may be solved by the same method), even though they do not have surface similarity (i.e., the cover stories are different). Three steps in analogical reasoning are recognizing —seeing that a new problem is similar to a previously solved problem; abstracting —finding the general method used to solve the old problem; and mapping —using that general method to solve the new problem.

Research on analogical reasoning shows that people often do not recognize that a new problem can be solved by the same method as a previously solved problem (Holyoak, 2005 ). However, research also shows that successful analogical transfer to a new problem is more likely when the problem solver has experience with two old problems that have the same underlying structural features (i.e., they are solved by the same principle) but different surface features (i.e., they have different cover stories) (Holyoak, 2005 ). This finding is consistent with the idea of specific transfer of general principles as described in the section on “Transfer.”

Mathematical and Scientific Problem Solving

Research on mathematical problem solving suggests that five kinds of knowledge are needed to solve arithmetic word problems (Mayer, 2008 ):

Factual knowledge —knowledge about the characteristics of problem elements, such as knowing that there are 100 cents in a dollar Schematic knowledge —knowledge of problem types, such as being able to recognize time-rate-distance problems Strategic knowledge —knowledge of general methods, such as how to break a problem into parts Procedural knowledge —knowledge of processes, such as how to carry our arithmetic operations Attitudinal knowledge —beliefs about one’s mathematical problem-solving ability, such as thinking, “I am good at this”

People generally possess adequate procedural knowledge but may have difficulty in solving mathematics problems because they lack factual, schematic, strategic, or attitudinal knowledge (Mayer, 2008 ). Research is needed to pinpoint the role of domain knowledge in mathematical problem solving.

Research on scientific problem solving shows that people harbor misconceptions, such as believing that a force is needed to keep an object in motion (McCloskey, 1983 ). Learning to solve science problems involves conceptual change, in which the problem solver comes to recognize that previous conceptions are wrong (Mayer, 2008 ). Students can be taught to engage in scientific reasoning such as hypothesis testing through direct instruction in how to control for variables (Chen & Klahr, 1999 ). A central theme of research on scientific problem solving concerns the role of domain knowledge.

Everyday Thinking

Everyday thinking refers to problem solving in the context of one’s life outside of school. For example, children who are street vendors tend to use different procedures for solving arithmetic problems when they are working on the streets than when they are in school (Nunes, Schlieman, & Carraher, 1993 ). This line of research highlights the role of situated cognition —the idea that thinking always is shaped by the physical and social context in which it occurs (Robbins & Aydede, 2009 ). Research is needed to determine how people solve problems in authentic contexts.

Cognitive Neuroscience of Problem Solving

The cognitive neuroscience of problem solving is concerned with the brain activity that occurs during problem solving. For example, using fMRI brain imaging methodology, Goel ( 2005 ) found that people used the language areas of the brain to solve logical reasoning problems presented in sentences (e.g., “All dogs are pets…”) and used the spatial areas of the brain to solve logical reasoning problems presented in abstract letters (e.g., “All D are P…”). Cognitive neuroscience holds the potential to make unique contributions to the study of problem solving.

Problem solving has always been a topic at the fringe of cognitive psychology—too complicated to study intensively but too important to completely ignore. Problem solving—especially in realistic environments—is messy in comparison to studying elementary processes in cognition. The field remains fragmented in the sense that topics such as decision making, reasoning, intelligence, expertise, mathematical problem solving, everyday thinking, and the like are considered to be separate topics, each with its own separate literature. Yet some recurring themes are the role of domain-specific knowledge in problem solving and the advantages of studying problem solving in authentic contexts.

Future Directions

Some important issues for future research include the three classic issues examined in this chapter—the nature of problem-solving transfer (i.e., How are people able to use what they know about previous problem solving to help them in new problem solving?), the nature of insight (e.g., What is the mechanism by which a creative solution is constructed?), and heuristics (e.g., What are some teachable strategies for problem solving?). In addition, future research in problem solving should continue to pinpoint the role of domain-specific knowledge in problem solving, the nature of cognitive ability in problem solving, how to help people develop proficiency in solving problems, and how to provide aids for problem solving.

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Cognitive Psychology

Precursors to Cognitive Psychology
Emergence of Cognitive Psychology
Research Methods
Brain and Cognition: Neurons
Brain and Cognition: Brain Structure
Introduction to perception
Top-down and bottom-up theories of perception
Problem Solving
Problem solving and insight
Problem solving in animals
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What is problem solving?

A problem arises when we need to overcome some obstacle in order to get from our current state to a desired state. Problem solving is the process that an organism implements in order to try to get from the current state to the desired state.

An historical review of approaches to problem solving

The behaviourist approach.

Behaviourist researchers argued that problem solving was a reproductive process; that is, organisms faced with a problem applied behaviour that had been successful on a previous occasion. Successful behaviour was itself believed to have been arrived at through a process of trial-and-error. In 1911 Edward Thorndike had developed his law of effect after observing cats discover how to escape from the cage into which he had placed them. This greatly influenced the behaviourist view of problem solving:

The Gestalt approach

By contrast, Gestalt psychologists argued that problem solving was a productive process. In particular, in the process of thinking about a problem individuals sometimes "restructured" their representation of the problem, leading to a flash of insight that enabled them to reach a solution. In The Mentality of Apes (1915) Wolfgang Köhler described a series of studies with apes in which the animals appeared to demonstrate insight in problem solving situations. A description of these studies, with photographs, can be found here .

The Gestalt psychologists described several aspects of thought that acted as barriers to successful problem solving. One of these was called the Einstellung effect , now more commonly referred to as mental set or entrenchment . This occurs when a problem solver becomes fixated on applying a strategy that has previously worked, but is less helpful for the current problem. Luchins (1942) reported a study in which people had to use three jugs of differing capacity (measured in cups) to measure out a required amount of water (given by the experimenter). Some people were given a series of "practice" trials prior to attempting the critical problems. These practice problems could be solved by filling Jug B, then tipping water from Jug B into Jug A until it is filled, and then twice using the remainging contents of Jug A to fill Jug C. Expressed as a formula, this is B - A - 2C. However, although this formula could be applied to the subsequent "critical" problems, these also had simpler solutions, such as A - C. People who had experienced the practice problems mostly tried to apply the more complex solution to these later problems, unlike people who had not experienced the earlier problems (who mostly found the simpler solutions).

Another barrier to problem solving is functional fixedness , whereby individuals fail to recognize that objects can be used for a purpose other than that they were designed for. Maier (1930) illustrated this with his two string problem .

For a real life example of overcoming fuctional fixedness, see: Overcoming functional fixedness: Apollo 13

Questions : What do you think of Köhler's claim that his apes had demonstrated insight? What proportion of Maier's participants spontaneously found the solution before getting any kind of hint? What did Maier do that led some people to get the correct solution? (these questions require some research)

The cognitive approach to problem solving

Problem space theory.

In 1972, Allen Newell and Herbert Simon published the book Human Problem Solving , in which they outlined their problem space theory of problem solving. In this theory, people solve problems by searching in a problem space . The problem space consists of the initial (current) state, the goal state, and all possible states in between. The actions that people take in order to move from one state to another are known as operators . Consider the eight puzzle . The problem space for the eight puzzle consists of the initial arrangement of tiles, the desired arrangement of tiles (normally 1, 2, 3….8), and all the possible arrangements that can be arrived at in between. However, problem spaces can be very large so the key issue is how people navigate their way through the possibilities, given their limited working memory capacities. In other words, how do they choose operators? For many problems we possess domain knowledge that helps us decide what to do. But for novel problems Newell and Simon proposed that operator selection is guided by cognitive short-cuts, known as heuristics . The simplest heuristic is repeat-state avoidance or backup avoidance 1 , whereby individuals prefer not to take an action that would take them back to a previous problem state. This is unhelpful when a person has taken an inappropriate action and actually needs to go back a step or more.

Another heuristic is difference reduction , or hill-climbing , whereby people take the action that leads to the biggest similarity between current state and goal state. Before reading further, see if you can solve the following problem:

In the hobbits and orcs problem the task instructions are as follows:

On one side of a river are three hobbits and three orcs. They have a boat on their side that is capable of carrying two creatures at a time across the river. The goal is to transport all six creatures across to the other side of the river. At no point on either side of the river can orcs outnumber hobbits (or the orcs would eat the outnumbered hobbits). The problem, then, is to find a method of transporting all six creatures across the river without the hobbits ever being outnumbered.

The solution to this problem, together with an explanation of how difference reduction is often applied, can be found by clicking here .

A more sophisticated heuristic is means-ends analysis . Like difference reduction, the means-ends analysis heuristic looks for the action that will lead to the greatest reduction in difference between the current state and goal state, but also specifies what to do if that action cannot be taken. Means-ends analysis can be specified as follows 2 :

Compare the current state with the goal state. If there is no difference between them, the problem is solved.
If there is a difference between the current state and the goal state, set a goal to solve that difference. If there is more than one difference, set a goal to solve the largest difference.
Select an operator that will solve the difference identified in Step 2.
If the operator can be applied, apply it. If it cannot, set a new goal to reach a state that would allow the application of the operator.
Return to Step 1 with the new goal set in Step 4.

The application of means-ends analysis can be illustrated with the Tower of Hanoi problem .

In 1957 Newell and Simon developed the General Problem Solver , a computer program that used means-ends analysis to find solutions to a range of well-defined problems - problems that have clear paths (if not easy ones) to a goal state. In their 1972 book on problem solving they reported the verbal protocols of participants engaged in problem solving, which showed a close match between the steps that they took and those taken by the General Problem Solver.

Acquiring operators

There are three ways in which operators can be acquired:

Trial-and-error. As noted above, this formed the basis of the behaviourist account of problem solving.
Direct instruction.
Analogies. Analogies are examples from one domain (the source), whose elements can be used to aid problem solving in another domain (the target). However, novices often struggle to spot analogies, as described here .

Next: Problem solving and insight

Cognitive Approach in Psychology

Saul Mcleod, PhD

Editor-in-Chief for Simply Psychology

BSc (Hons) Psychology, MRes, PhD, University of Manchester

Saul Mcleod, PhD., is a qualified psychology teacher with over 18 years of experience in further and higher education. He has been published in peer-reviewed journals, including the Journal of Clinical Psychology.

Learn about our Editorial Process

Olivia Guy-Evans, MSc

Associate Editor for Simply Psychology

BSc (Hons) Psychology, MSc Psychology of Education

Olivia Guy-Evans is a writer and associate editor for Simply Psychology. She has previously worked in healthcare and educational sectors.

Cognitive psychology is the scientific study of the mind as an information processor. It concerns how we take in information from the outside world, and how we make sense of that information.

Cognitive psychology focuses on studying mental processes, including how people perceive, think, remember, learn, solve problems, and make decisions.

Cognitive psychologists try to build up cognitive models of the information processing that goes on inside people’s minds, including perception, attention, language, memory, thinking, and consciousness.

Cognitive psychology became of great importance in the mid-1950s. Several factors were important in this:

Dissatisfaction with the behaviorist approach in its simple emphasis on external behavior rather than internal processes.
The development of better experimental methods.
Comparison between human and computer processing of information . Using computers allowed psychologists to try to understand the complexities of human cognition by comparing it with computers and artificial intelligence.

The emphasis of psychology shifted away from the study of conditioned behavior and psychoanalytical notions about the study of the mind, towards the understanding of human information processing using strict and rigorous laboratory investigation.

Summary Table

Theoretical assumptions.

Mediational processes occur between stimulus and response:

The behaviorists approach only studies external observable (stimulus and response) behavior that can be objectively measured.

They believe that internal behavior cannot be studied because we cannot see what happens in a person’s mind (and therefore cannot objectively measure it).

However, cognitive psychologists regard it as essential to look at the mental processes of an organism and how these influence behavior.

Cognitive psychology assumes a mediational process occurs between stimulus/input and response/output.

These are mediational processes because they mediate (i.e., go-between) between the stimulus and the response. They come after the stimulus and before the response.

Instead of the simple stimulus-response links proposed by behaviorism, the mediational processes of the organism are essential to understand. Without this understanding, psychologists cannot have a complete understanding of behavior.

The mediational (i.e., mental) event could be memory , perception , attention or problem-solving, etc.

For example, the cognitive approach suggests that problem gambling is a result of maladaptive thinking and faulty cognitions. These both result in illogical errors being drawn, for example gamblers misjudge the amount of skill involved with ‘chance’ games so are likely to participate with the mindset that the odds are in their favour so they may have a good chance of winning.

Therefore, cognitive psychologists say that if you want to understand behavior, you must understand these mediational processes.

Psychology should be seen as a science:

The cognitive approach believes that internal mental behavior can be scientifically studied using controlled experiments . They use the results of their investigations as the basis for making inferences about mental processes.

Cognitive psychology uses laboratory experiments that are highly controlled so they avoid the influence of extraneous variables. This allows the researcher to establish a causal relationship between the independent and dependent variables.

Cognitive psychologists measure behavior that provides information about cognitive processes (e.g., verbal protocols of thinking aloud). They also measure physiological indicators of brain activity, such as neuroimages (PET and fMRI).

For example, brain imaging fMRI and PET scans map areas of the brain to cognitive function, allowing the processing of information by centers in the brain to be seen directly. Such processing causes the area of the brain involved to increase metabolism and “light up” on the scan.

These controlled experiments are replicable, and the data obtained is objective (not influenced by an individual’s judgment or opinion) and measurable. This gives psychology more credibility.

Replicability is a crucial concept of science as it ensures that people can validate research by repeating the experiment to ensure that an accurate conclusion has been reached.

Without replicability, a scientific finding may be invalid as it cannot be falsified. Additionally, scientific research relies on the peer review of research to ensure that the research is justifiable.

Without replicability, it would be impossible to justify the accuracy of the research.

Humans are information processors:

Cognitive psychology has been influenced by developments in computer science and analogies are often made between how a computer works and how we process information.

Information processing in humans resembles that in computers, and is based on transforming information, storing and processing information, and retrieving information from memory.

Information processing models of cognitive processes such as memory and attention assume that mental processes follow a linear sequence.

For example:

Input processes are concerned with the analysis of the stimuli.
Storage processes cover everything that happens to stimuli internally in the brain and can include coding and manipulation of the stimuli.
Output processes are responsible for preparing an appropriate response to a stimulus.

This has led to models which show information flowing through the cognitive system, such as the multi-store model of memory.

Information Processing Paradigm

The cognitive approach began to revolutionize psychology in the late 1950s and early 1960s to become the dominant approach (i.e., perspective) in psychology by the late 1970s. Interest in mental processes was gradually restored through the work of Jean Piaget and Edward Tolman .

Tolman was a ‘soft behaviorist’. His book Purposive Behavior in Animals and Man in 1932 described research that behaviorism found difficult to explain. The behaviorists’ view was that learning occurred due to associations between stimuli and responses.

However, Tolman suggested that learning was based on the relationships formed amongst stimuli. He referred to these relationships as cognitive maps.

But the arrival of the computer gave cognitive psychology the terminology and metaphor it needed to investigate the human mind.

The start of the use of computers allowed psychologists to try to understand the complexities of human cognition by comparing it with something simpler and better understood, i.e., an artificial system such as a computer.

The use of the computer as a tool for thinking about how the human mind handles information is known as the computer analogy. Essentially, a computer codes (i.e., changes) information, stores information, uses information and produces an output (retrieves info).

The idea of information processing was adopted by cognitive psychologists as a model of how human thought works.

The information processing approach is based on several assumptions, including:

Information made available from the environment is processed by a series of processing systems (e.g., attention, perception, short-term memory);
These processing systems transform, or alter the information in systematic ways;
The aim of research is to specify the processes and structures that underlie cognitive performance;
Information processing in humans resembles that in computers.

The Role of Schemas

Schemas can often affect cognitive processing (a mental framework of beliefs and expectations developed from experience). As you get older, these become more detailed and sophisticated.

A schema is a “packet of information” or cognitive framework that helps us organize and interpret information. They are based on our previous experience.

Schemas help us to interpret incoming information quickly and effectively; this prevents us from being overwhelmed by the vast amount of information we perceive in our environment.

However, it can also lead to distortion of this information as we select and interpret environmental stimuli using schemas that might not be relevant.

This could be the cause of inaccuracies in areas such as eyewitness testimony. It can also explain some errors we make when perceiving optical illusions.

History of Cognitive Psychology

Kohler (1925) published a book called, The Mentality of Apes . In it, he reported observations which suggested that animals could show insightful behavior. He rejected behaviorism in favour of an approach which became known as Gestalt psychology .
Norbert Wiener (1948) published Cybernetics: or Control and Communication in the Animal and the Machine, introducing terms such as input and output.
Tolman (1948) work on cognitive maps – training rats in mazes, showed that animals had an internal representation of behavior.
Birth of Cognitive Psychology often dated back to George Miller’s (1956) “ The Magical Number 7 Plus or Minus 2 : Some Limits on Our Capacity for Processing Information.” Milner argued that short-term memory could only hold about seven pieces of information, called chunks.
Newell and Simon’s (1972) development of the General Problem Solver.
In 1960, Miller founded the Center for Cognitive Studies at Harvard with the famous cognitivist developmentalist, Jerome Bruner.
Ulric Neisser (1967) publishes “ Cognitive Psychology” , which marks the official beginning of the cognitive approach.
Process models of memory Atkinson & Shiffrin’s (1968) Multi-Store Model .
The cognitive approach is highly influential in all areas of psychology (e.g., biological, social, neuroscience, developmental, etc.).

Issues and Debates

Free will vs. determinism.

The position of the cognitive approach is unclear as it argues, on the one hand, the way we process information is determined by our experience (schemas).

On the other hand in, the therapy derived from the approach (CBT) argues that we can change the way we think.

Nature vs. Nurture

The cognitive approach takes an interactionist view of the debate as it argues that our behavior is influenced by learning and experience (nurture), but also by some of our brains’ innate capacities as information processors e.g., language acquisition (nature).

Holism vs. Reductionism

The cognitive approach tends to be reductionist as when studying a variable, it isolates processes such as memory from other cognitive processes.

However, in our normal life, we would use many cognitive processes simultaneously, so it lacks validity.

Idiographic vs. Nomothetic

It is a nomothetic approach as it focuses on establishing theories on information processing that apply to all people.

Critical Evaluation

B.F. Skinner criticizes the cognitive approach as he believes that only external stimulus-response behavior should be studied as this can be scientifically measured.

Therefore, mediation processes (between stimulus and response) do not exist as they cannot be seen and measured. Due to its subjective and unscientific nature, Skinner continues to find problems with cognitive research methods, namely introspection (as used by Wilhelm Wundt).

Humanistic psychologist Carl Rogers believes that the use of laboratory experiments by cognitive psychology has low ecological validity and creates an artificial environment due to the control over variables . Rogers emphasizes a more holistic approach to understanding behavior.

The cognitive approach uses a very scientific method which are controlled and replicable, so the results are reliable. However, experiments lack ecological validity because of the artificiality of the tasks and environment, so it might not reflect the way people process information in their everyday life.

For example, Baddeley (1966) used lists of words to find out the encoding used by LTM, however, these words had no meaning to the participants, so the way they used their memory in this task was probably very different than they would have done if the words had meaning for them. This is a weakness as the theories might not explain how memory works outside the laboratory.

These are used to study rare conditions which provide an insight on the working of some mental processes i.e. Clive Wearing, HM. Although case studies deal with very small sample so the results cannot be generalized to the wider population as they are influenced by individual characteristics, they allow us to study cases which could not be produced experimentally because of ethical and practical reasons.

The information processing paradigm of cognitive psychology views the minds in terms of a computer when processing information. However, although there are similarities between the human mind and the operations of a computer (inputs and outputs, storage systems, the use of a central processor), the computer analogy has been criticized by many.

The approach is reductionist as it does not consider emotions and motivation, which influence the processing of information and memory. For example, according to the Yerkes-Dodson law anxiety can influence our memory.

Such machine reductionism (simplicity) ignores the influence of human emotion and motivation on the cognitive system and how this may affect our ability to process information.

Behaviorism assumes that people are born a blank slate (tabula rasa) and are not born with cognitive functions like schemas , memory or perception .

The cognitive approach does not always recognize physical ( biological psychology ) and environmental (behaviorist approach) factors in determining behavior.

Cognitive psychology has influenced and integrated with many other approaches and areas of study to produce, for example, social learning theory , cognitive neuropsychology, and artificial intelligence (AI).

Another strength is that the research conducted in this area of psychology very often has applications in the real world.

For example, cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) has been very effective in treating depression (Hollon & Beck, 1994), and moderately effective for anxiety problems (Beck, 1993). CBT’s basis is to change how the person processes their thoughts to make them more rational or positive.

By highlighting the importance of cognitive processing, the cognitive approach can explain mental disorders such as depression, where Beck argues that it is the negative schemas we hold about the self, the world, and the future which lead to depression rather than external events.

Atkinson, R. C., & Shiffrin, R. M. (1968). Chapter: Human memory: A proposed system and its control processes. In Spence, K. W., & Spence, J. T. The psychology of learning and motivation (Volume 2). New York: Academic Press. pp. 89–195.

Beck, A. T, & Steer, R. A. (1993). Beck Anxiety Inventory Manual. San Antonio: Harcourt Brace and Company.

Hollon, S. D., & Beck, A. T. (1994). Cognitive and cognitive-behavioral therapies. In A. E. Bergin & S.L. Garfield (Eds.), Handbook of psychotherapy and behavior change (pp. 428—466) . New York: Wiley.

Köhler, W. (1925). An aspect of Gestalt psychology. The Pedagogical Seminary and Journal of Genetic Psychology, 32(4) , 691-723.

Miller, G. A. (1956). The magical number seven, plus or minus two: some limits on our capacity for processing information. Psychological Review , 63 (2): 81–97.

Neisser, U (1967). Cognitive psychology . Appleton-Century-Crofts: New York

Newell, A., & Simon, H. (1972). Human problem solving . Prentice-Hall.

Tolman, E. C., Hall, C. S., & Bretnall, E. P. (1932). A disproof of the law of effect and a substitution of the laws of emphasis, motivation and disruption. Journal of Experimental Psychology, 15(6) , 601.

Tolman E. C. (1948). Cognitive maps in rats and men . Psychological Review. 55, 189–208

Wiener, N. (1948). Cybernetics or control and communication in the animal and the machine . Paris, (Hermann & Cie) & Camb. Mass. (MIT Press).

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In This Article Expand or collapse the "in this article" section Problem Solving and Decision Making

Introduction.

General Approaches to Problem Solving
Representational Accounts
Problem Space and Search
Working Memory and Problem Solving
Domain-Specific Problem Solving
The Rational Approach
Prospect Theory
Dual-Process Theory
Cognitive Heuristics and Biases

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Problem Solving and Decision Making by Emily G. Nielsen , John Paul Minda LAST REVIEWED: 26 June 2019 LAST MODIFIED: 26 June 2019 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199828340-0246

Problem solving and decision making are both examples of complex, higher-order thinking. Both involve the assessment of the environment, the involvement of working memory or short-term memory, reliance on long term memory, effects of knowledge, and the application of heuristics to complete a behavior. A problem can be defined as an impasse or gap between a current state and a desired goal state. Problem solving is the set of cognitive operations that a person engages in to change the current state, to go beyond the impasse, and achieve a desired outcome. Problem solving involves the mental representation of the problem state and the manipulation of this representation in order to move closer to the goal. Problems can vary in complexity, abstraction, and how well defined (or not) the initial state and the goal state are. Research has generally approached problem solving by examining the behaviors and cognitive processes involved, and some work has examined problem solving using computational processes as well. Decision making is the process of selecting and choosing one action or behavior out of several alternatives. Like problem solving, decision making involves the coordination of memories and executive resources. Research on decision making has paid particular attention to the cognitive biases that account for suboptimal decisions and decisions that deviate from rationality. The current bibliography first outlines some general resources on the psychology of problem solving and decision making before examining each of these topics in detail. Specifically, this review covers cognitive, neuroscientific, and computational approaches to problem solving, as well as decision making models and cognitive heuristics and biases.

General Overviews

Current research in the area of problem solving and decision making is published in both general and specialized scientific journals. Theoretical and scholarly work is often summarized and developed in full-length books and chapter. These may focus on the subfields of problem solving and decision making or the larger field of thinking and higher-order cognition.

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7 Module 7: Thinking, Reasoning, and Problem-Solving

This module is about how a solid working knowledge of psychological principles can help you to think more effectively, so you can succeed in school and life. You might be inclined to believe that—because you have been thinking for as long as you can remember, because you are able to figure out the solution to many problems, because you feel capable of using logic to argue a point, because you can evaluate whether the things you read and hear make sense—you do not need any special training in thinking. But this, of course, is one of the key barriers to helping people think better. If you do not believe that there is anything wrong, why try to fix it?

The human brain is indeed a remarkable thinking machine, capable of amazing, complex, creative, logical thoughts. Why, then, are we telling you that you need to learn how to think? Mainly because one major lesson from cognitive psychology is that these capabilities of the human brain are relatively infrequently realized. Many psychologists believe that people are essentially “cognitive misers.” It is not that we are lazy, but that we have a tendency to expend the least amount of mental effort necessary. Although you may not realize it, it actually takes a great deal of energy to think. Careful, deliberative reasoning and critical thinking are very difficult. Because we seem to be successful without going to the trouble of using these skills well, it feels unnecessary to develop them. As you shall see, however, there are many pitfalls in the cognitive processes described in this module. When people do not devote extra effort to learning and improving reasoning, problem solving, and critical thinking skills, they make many errors.

As is true for memory, if you develop the cognitive skills presented in this module, you will be more successful in school. It is important that you realize, however, that these skills will help you far beyond school, even more so than a good memory will. Although it is somewhat useful to have a good memory, ten years from now no potential employer will care how many questions you got right on multiple choice exams during college. All of them will, however, recognize whether you are a logical, analytical, critical thinker. With these thinking skills, you will be an effective, persuasive communicator and an excellent problem solver.

The module begins by describing different kinds of thought and knowledge, especially conceptual knowledge and critical thinking. An understanding of these differences will be valuable as you progress through school and encounter different assignments that require you to tap into different kinds of knowledge. The second section covers deductive and inductive reasoning, which are processes we use to construct and evaluate strong arguments. They are essential skills to have whenever you are trying to persuade someone (including yourself) of some point, or to respond to someone’s efforts to persuade you. The module ends with a section about problem solving. A solid understanding of the key processes involved in problem solving will help you to handle many daily challenges.

7.1. Different kinds of thought

7.2. Reasoning and Judgment

7.3. Problem Solving

READING WITH PURPOSE

Remember and understand.

By reading and studying Module 7, you should be able to remember and describe:

Concepts and inferences (7.1)
Procedural knowledge (7.1)
Metacognition (7.1)
Characteristics of critical thinking: skepticism; identify biases, distortions, omissions, and assumptions; reasoning and problem solving skills (7.1)
Reasoning: deductive reasoning, deductively valid argument, inductive reasoning, inductively strong argument, availability heuristic, representativeness heuristic (7.2)
Fixation: functional fixedness, mental set (7.3)
Algorithms, heuristics, and the role of confirmation bias (7.3)
Effective problem solving sequence (7.3)

By reading and thinking about how the concepts in Module 6 apply to real life, you should be able to:

Identify which type of knowledge a piece of information is (7.1)
Recognize examples of deductive and inductive reasoning (7.2)
Recognize judgments that have probably been influenced by the availability heuristic (7.2)
Recognize examples of problem solving heuristics and algorithms (7.3)

Analyze, Evaluate, and Create

By reading and thinking about Module 6, participating in classroom activities, and completing out-of-class assignments, you should be able to:

Use the principles of critical thinking to evaluate information (7.1)
Explain whether examples of reasoning arguments are deductively valid or inductively strong (7.2)
Outline how you could try to solve a problem from your life using the effective problem solving sequence (7.3)

7.1. Different kinds of thought and knowledge

Take a few minutes to write down everything that you know about dogs.
Do you believe that:
Psychic ability exists?
Hypnosis is an altered state of consciousness?
Magnet therapy is effective for relieving pain?
Aerobic exercise is an effective treatment for depression?
UFO’s from outer space have visited earth?

On what do you base your belief or disbelief for the questions above?

Of course, we all know what is meant by the words think and knowledge . You probably also realize that they are not unitary concepts; there are different kinds of thought and knowledge. In this section, let us look at some of these differences. If you are familiar with these different kinds of thought and pay attention to them in your classes, it will help you to focus on the right goals, learn more effectively, and succeed in school. Different assignments and requirements in school call on you to use different kinds of knowledge or thought, so it will be very helpful for you to learn to recognize them (Anderson, et al. 2001).

Factual and conceptual knowledge

Module 5 introduced the idea of declarative memory, which is composed of facts and episodes. If you have ever played a trivia game or watched Jeopardy on TV, you realize that the human brain is able to hold an extraordinary number of facts. Likewise, you realize that each of us has an enormous store of episodes, essentially facts about events that happened in our own lives. It may be difficult to keep that in mind when we are struggling to retrieve one of those facts while taking an exam, however. Part of the problem is that, in contradiction to the advice from Module 5, many students continue to try to memorize course material as a series of unrelated facts (picture a history student simply trying to memorize history as a set of unrelated dates without any coherent story tying them together). Facts in the real world are not random and unorganized, however. It is the way that they are organized that constitutes a second key kind of knowledge, conceptual.

Concepts are nothing more than our mental representations of categories of things in the world. For example, think about dogs. When you do this, you might remember specific facts about dogs, such as they have fur and they bark. You may also recall dogs that you have encountered and picture them in your mind. All of this information (and more) makes up your concept of dog. You can have concepts of simple categories (e.g., triangle), complex categories (e.g., small dogs that sleep all day, eat out of the garbage, and bark at leaves), kinds of people (e.g., psychology professors), events (e.g., birthday parties), and abstract ideas (e.g., justice). Gregory Murphy (2002) refers to concepts as the “glue that holds our mental life together” (p. 1). Very simply, summarizing the world by using concepts is one of the most important cognitive tasks that we do. Our conceptual knowledge is our knowledge about the world. Individual concepts are related to each other to form a rich interconnected network of knowledge. For example, think about how the following concepts might be related to each other: dog, pet, play, Frisbee, chew toy, shoe. Or, of more obvious use to you now, how these concepts are related: working memory, long-term memory, declarative memory, procedural memory, and rehearsal? Because our minds have a natural tendency to organize information conceptually, when students try to remember course material as isolated facts, they are working against their strengths.

One last important point about concepts is that they allow you to instantly know a great deal of information about something. For example, if someone hands you a small red object and says, “here is an apple,” they do not have to tell you, “it is something you can eat.” You already know that you can eat it because it is true by virtue of the fact that the object is an apple; this is called drawing an inference , assuming that something is true on the basis of your previous knowledge (for example, of category membership or of how the world works) or logical reasoning.

Procedural knowledge

Physical skills, such as tying your shoes, doing a cartwheel, and driving a car (or doing all three at the same time, but don’t try this at home) are certainly a kind of knowledge. They are procedural knowledge, the same idea as procedural memory that you saw in Module 5. Mental skills, such as reading, debating, and planning a psychology experiment, are procedural knowledge, as well. In short, procedural knowledge is the knowledge how to do something (Cohen & Eichenbaum, 1993).

Metacognitive knowledge

Floyd used to think that he had a great memory. Now, he has a better memory. Why? Because he finally realized that his memory was not as great as he once thought it was. Because Floyd eventually learned that he often forgets where he put things, he finally developed the habit of putting things in the same place. (Unfortunately, he did not learn this lesson before losing at least 5 watches and a wedding ring.) Because he finally realized that he often forgets to do things, he finally started using the To Do list app on his phone. And so on. Floyd’s insights about the real limitations of his memory have allowed him to remember things that he used to forget.

All of us have knowledge about the way our own minds work. You may know that you have a good memory for people’s names and a poor memory for math formulas. Someone else might realize that they have difficulty remembering to do things, like stopping at the store on the way home. Others still know that they tend to overlook details. This knowledge about our own thinking is actually quite important; it is called metacognitive knowledge, or metacognition . Like other kinds of thinking skills, it is subject to error. For example, in unpublished research, one of the authors surveyed about 120 General Psychology students on the first day of the term. Among other questions, the students were asked them to predict their grade in the class and report their current Grade Point Average. Two-thirds of the students predicted that their grade in the course would be higher than their GPA. (The reality is that at our college, students tend to earn lower grades in psychology than their overall GPA.) Another example: Students routinely report that they thought they had done well on an exam, only to discover, to their dismay, that they were wrong (more on that important problem in a moment). Both errors reveal a breakdown in metacognition.

The Dunning-Kruger Effect

In general, most college students probably do not study enough. For example, using data from the National Survey of Student Engagement, Fosnacht, McCormack, and Lerma (2018) reported that first-year students at 4-year colleges in the U.S. averaged less than 14 hours per week preparing for classes. The typical suggestion is that you should spend two hours outside of class for every hour in class, or 24 – 30 hours per week for a full-time student. Clearly, students in general are nowhere near that recommended mark. Many observers, including some faculty, believe that this shortfall is a result of students being too busy or lazy. Now, it may be true that many students are too busy, with work and family obligations, for example. Others, are not particularly motivated in school, and therefore might correctly be labeled lazy. A third possible explanation, however, is that some students might not think they need to spend this much time. And this is a matter of metacognition. Consider the scenario that we mentioned above, students thinking they had done well on an exam only to discover that they did not. Justin Kruger and David Dunning examined scenarios very much like this in 1999. Kruger and Dunning gave research participants tests measuring humor, logic, and grammar. Then, they asked the participants to assess their own abilities and test performance in these areas. They found that participants in general tended to overestimate their abilities, already a problem with metacognition. Importantly, the participants who scored the lowest overestimated their abilities the most. Specifically, students who scored in the bottom quarter (averaging in the 12th percentile) thought they had scored in the 62nd percentile. This has become known as the Dunning-Kruger effect . Many individual faculty members have replicated these results with their own student on their course exams, including the authors of this book. Think about it. Some students who just took an exam and performed poorly believe that they did well before seeing their score. It seems very likely that these are the very same students who stopped studying the night before because they thought they were “done.” Quite simply, it is not just that they did not know the material. They did not know that they did not know the material. That is poor metacognition.

In order to develop good metacognitive skills, you should continually monitor your thinking and seek frequent feedback on the accuracy of your thinking (Medina, Castleberry, & Persky 2017). For example, in classes get in the habit of predicting your exam grades. As soon as possible after taking an exam, try to find out which questions you missed and try to figure out why. If you do this soon enough, you may be able to recall the way it felt when you originally answered the question. Did you feel confident that you had answered the question correctly? Then you have just discovered an opportunity to improve your metacognition. Be on the lookout for that feeling and respond with caution.

concept : a mental representation of a category of things in the world

Dunning-Kruger effect : individuals who are less competent tend to overestimate their abilities more than individuals who are more competent do

inference : an assumption about the truth of something that is not stated. Inferences come from our prior knowledge and experience, and from logical reasoning

metacognition : knowledge about one’s own cognitive processes; thinking about your thinking

Critical thinking

One particular kind of knowledge or thinking skill that is related to metacognition is critical thinking (Chew, 2020). You may have noticed that critical thinking is an objective in many college courses, and thus it could be a legitimate topic to cover in nearly any college course. It is particularly appropriate in psychology, however. As the science of (behavior and) mental processes, psychology is obviously well suited to be the discipline through which you should be introduced to this important way of thinking.

More importantly, there is a particular need to use critical thinking in psychology. We are all, in a way, experts in human behavior and mental processes, having engaged in them literally since birth. Thus, perhaps more than in any other class, students typically approach psychology with very clear ideas and opinions about its subject matter. That is, students already “know” a lot about psychology. The problem is, “it ain’t so much the things we don’t know that get us into trouble. It’s the things we know that just ain’t so” (Ward, quoted in Gilovich 1991). Indeed, many of students’ preconceptions about psychology are just plain wrong. Randolph Smith (2002) wrote a book about critical thinking in psychology called Challenging Your Preconceptions, highlighting this fact. On the other hand, many of students’ preconceptions about psychology are just plain right! But wait, how do you know which of your preconceptions are right and which are wrong? And when you come across a research finding or theory in this class that contradicts your preconceptions, what will you do? Will you stick to your original idea, discounting the information from the class? Will you immediately change your mind? Critical thinking can help us sort through this confusing mess.

But what is critical thinking? The goal of critical thinking is simple to state (but extraordinarily difficult to achieve): it is to be right, to draw the correct conclusions, to believe in things that are true and to disbelieve things that are false. We will provide two definitions of critical thinking (or, if you like, one large definition with two distinct parts). First, a more conceptual one: Critical thinking is thinking like a scientist in your everyday life (Schmaltz, Jansen, & Wenckowski, 2017). Our second definition is more operational; it is simply a list of skills that are essential to be a critical thinker. Critical thinking entails solid reasoning and problem solving skills; skepticism; and an ability to identify biases, distortions, omissions, and assumptions. Excellent deductive and inductive reasoning, and problem solving skills contribute to critical thinking. So, you can consider the subject matter of sections 7.2 and 7.3 to be part of critical thinking. Because we will be devoting considerable time to these concepts in the rest of the module, let us begin with a discussion about the other aspects of critical thinking.

Let’s address that first part of the definition. Scientists form hypotheses, or predictions about some possible future observations. Then, they collect data, or information (think of this as making those future observations). They do their best to make unbiased observations using reliable techniques that have been verified by others. Then, and only then, they draw a conclusion about what those observations mean. Oh, and do not forget the most important part. “Conclusion” is probably not the most appropriate word because this conclusion is only tentative. A scientist is always prepared that someone else might come along and produce new observations that would require a new conclusion be drawn. Wow! If you like to be right, you could do a lot worse than using a process like this.

A Critical Thinker’s Toolkit

Now for the second part of the definition. Good critical thinkers (and scientists) rely on a variety of tools to evaluate information. Perhaps the most recognizable tool for critical thinking is skepticism (and this term provides the clearest link to the thinking like a scientist definition, as you are about to see). Some people intend it as an insult when they call someone a skeptic. But if someone calls you a skeptic, if they are using the term correctly, you should consider it a great compliment. Simply put, skepticism is a way of thinking in which you refrain from drawing a conclusion or changing your mind until good evidence has been provided. People from Missouri should recognize this principle, as Missouri is known as the Show-Me State. As a skeptic, you are not inclined to believe something just because someone said so, because someone else believes it, or because it sounds reasonable. You must be persuaded by high quality evidence.

Of course, if that evidence is produced, you have a responsibility as a skeptic to change your belief. Failure to change a belief in the face of good evidence is not skepticism; skepticism has open mindedness at its core. M. Neil Browne and Stuart Keeley (2018) use the term weak sense critical thinking to describe critical thinking behaviors that are used only to strengthen a prior belief. Strong sense critical thinking, on the other hand, has as its goal reaching the best conclusion. Sometimes that means strengthening your prior belief, but sometimes it means changing your belief to accommodate the better evidence.

Many times, a failure to think critically or weak sense critical thinking is related to a bias , an inclination, tendency, leaning, or prejudice. Everybody has biases, but many people are unaware of them. Awareness of your own biases gives you the opportunity to control or counteract them. Unfortunately, however, many people are happy to let their biases creep into their attempts to persuade others; indeed, it is a key part of their persuasive strategy. To see how these biases influence messages, just look at the different descriptions and explanations of the same events given by people of different ages or income brackets, or conservative versus liberal commentators, or by commentators from different parts of the world. Of course, to be successful, these people who are consciously using their biases must disguise them. Even undisguised biases can be difficult to identify, so disguised ones can be nearly impossible.

Here are some common sources of biases:

Personal values and beliefs. Some people believe that human beings are basically driven to seek power and that they are typically in competition with one another over scarce resources. These beliefs are similar to the world-view that political scientists call “realism.” Other people believe that human beings prefer to cooperate and that, given the chance, they will do so. These beliefs are similar to the world-view known as “idealism.” For many people, these deeply held beliefs can influence, or bias, their interpretations of such wide ranging situations as the behavior of nations and their leaders or the behavior of the driver in the car ahead of you. For example, if your worldview is that people are typically in competition and someone cuts you off on the highway, you may assume that the driver did it purposely to get ahead of you. Other types of beliefs about the way the world is or the way the world should be, for example, political beliefs, can similarly become a significant source of bias.
Racism, sexism, ageism and other forms of prejudice and bigotry. These are, sadly, a common source of bias in many people. They are essentially a special kind of “belief about the way the world is.” These beliefs—for example, that women do not make effective leaders—lead people to ignore contradictory evidence (examples of effective women leaders, or research that disputes the belief) and to interpret ambiguous evidence in a way consistent with the belief.
Self-interest. When particular people benefit from things turning out a certain way, they can sometimes be very susceptible to letting that interest bias them. For example, a company that will earn a profit if they sell their product may have a bias in the way that they give information about their product. A union that will benefit if its members get a generous contract might have a bias in the way it presents information about salaries at competing organizations. (Note that our inclusion of examples describing both companies and unions is an explicit attempt to control for our own personal biases). Home buyers are often dismayed to discover that they purchased their dream house from someone whose self-interest led them to lie about flooding problems in the basement or back yard. This principle, the biasing power of self-interest, is likely what led to the famous phrase Caveat Emptor (let the buyer beware) .

Knowing that these types of biases exist will help you evaluate evidence more critically. Do not forget, though, that people are not always keen to let you discover the sources of biases in their arguments. For example, companies or political organizations can sometimes disguise their support of a research study by contracting with a university professor, who comes complete with a seemingly unbiased institutional affiliation, to conduct the study.

People’s biases, conscious or unconscious, can lead them to make omissions, distortions, and assumptions that undermine our ability to correctly evaluate evidence. It is essential that you look for these elements. Always ask, what is missing, what is not as it appears, and what is being assumed here? For example, consider this (fictional) chart from an ad reporting customer satisfaction at 4 local health clubs.

what is problem solving in cognitive psychology

Clearly, from the results of the chart, one would be tempted to give Club C a try, as customer satisfaction is much higher than for the other 3 clubs.

There are so many distortions and omissions in this chart, however, that it is actually quite meaningless. First, how was satisfaction measured? Do the bars represent responses to a survey? If so, how were the questions asked? Most importantly, where is the missing scale for the chart? Although the differences look quite large, are they really?

Well, here is the same chart, with a different scale, this time labeled:

Club C is not so impressive any more, is it? In fact, all of the health clubs have customer satisfaction ratings (whatever that means) between 85% and 88%. In the first chart, the entire scale of the graph included only the percentages between 83 and 89. This “judicious” choice of scale—some would call it a distortion—and omission of that scale from the chart make the tiny differences among the clubs seem important, however.

Also, in order to be a critical thinker, you need to learn to pay attention to the assumptions that underlie a message. Let us briefly illustrate the role of assumptions by touching on some people’s beliefs about the criminal justice system in the US. Some believe that a major problem with our judicial system is that many criminals go free because of legal technicalities. Others believe that a major problem is that many innocent people are convicted of crimes. The simple fact is, both types of errors occur. A person’s conclusion about which flaw in our judicial system is the greater tragedy is based on an assumption about which of these is the more serious error (letting the guilty go free or convicting the innocent). This type of assumption is called a value assumption (Browne and Keeley, 2018). It reflects the differences in values that people develop, differences that may lead us to disregard valid evidence that does not fit in with our particular values.

Oh, by the way, some students probably noticed this, but the seven tips for evaluating information that we shared in Module 1 are related to this. Actually, they are part of this section. The tips are, to a very large degree, set of ideas you can use to help you identify biases, distortions, omissions, and assumptions. If you do not remember this section, we strongly recommend you take a few minutes to review it.

skepticism : a way of thinking in which you refrain from drawing a conclusion or changing your mind until good evidence has been provided

bias : an inclination, tendency, leaning, or prejudice

Which of your beliefs (or disbeliefs) from the Activate exercise for this section were derived from a process of critical thinking? If some of your beliefs were not based on critical thinking, are you willing to reassess these beliefs? If the answer is no, why do you think that is? If the answer is yes, what concrete steps will you take?

7.2 Reasoning and Judgment

What percentage of kidnappings are committed by strangers?
Which area of the house is riskiest: kitchen, bathroom, or stairs?
What is the most common cancer in the US?
What percentage of workplace homicides are committed by co-workers?

An essential set of procedural thinking skills is reasoning , the ability to generate and evaluate solid conclusions from a set of statements or evidence. You should note that these conclusions (when they are generated instead of being evaluated) are one key type of inference that we described in Section 7.1. There are two main types of reasoning, deductive and inductive.

Deductive reasoning

Suppose your teacher tells you that if you get an A on the final exam in a course, you will get an A for the whole course. Then, you get an A on the final exam. What will your final course grade be? Most people can see instantly that you can conclude with certainty that you will get an A for the course. This is a type of reasoning called deductive reasoning , which is defined as reasoning in which a conclusion is guaranteed to be true as long as the statements leading to it are true. The three statements can be listed as an argument , with two beginning statements and a conclusion:

Statement 1: If you get an A on the final exam, you will get an A for the course

Statement 2: You get an A on the final exam

Conclusion: You will get an A for the course

This particular arrangement, in which true beginning statements lead to a guaranteed true conclusion, is known as a deductively valid argument . Although deductive reasoning is often the subject of abstract, brain-teasing, puzzle-like word problems, it is actually an extremely important type of everyday reasoning. It is just hard to recognize sometimes. For example, imagine that you are looking for your car keys and you realize that they are either in the kitchen drawer or in your book bag. After looking in the kitchen drawer, you instantly know that they must be in your book bag. That conclusion results from a simple deductive reasoning argument. In addition, solid deductive reasoning skills are necessary for you to succeed in the sciences, philosophy, math, computer programming, and any endeavor involving the use of logic to persuade others to your point of view or to evaluate others’ arguments.

Cognitive psychologists, and before them philosophers, have been quite interested in deductive reasoning, not so much for its practical applications, but for the insights it can offer them about the ways that human beings think. One of the early ideas to emerge from the examination of deductive reasoning is that people learn (or develop) mental versions of rules that allow them to solve these types of reasoning problems (Braine, 1978; Braine, Reiser, & Rumain, 1984). The best way to see this point of view is to realize that there are different possible rules, and some of them are very simple. For example, consider this rule of logic:

therefore q

Logical rules are often presented abstractly, as letters, in order to imply that they can be used in very many specific situations. Here is a concrete version of the of the same rule:

I’ll either have pizza or a hamburger for dinner tonight (p or q)

I won’t have pizza (not p)

Therefore, I’ll have a hamburger (therefore q)

This kind of reasoning seems so natural, so easy, that it is quite plausible that we would use a version of this rule in our daily lives. At least, it seems more plausible than some of the alternative possibilities—for example, that we need to have experience with the specific situation (pizza or hamburger, in this case) in order to solve this type of problem easily. So perhaps there is a form of natural logic (Rips, 1990) that contains very simple versions of logical rules. When we are faced with a reasoning problem that maps onto one of these rules, we use the rule.

But be very careful; things are not always as easy as they seem. Even these simple rules are not so simple. For example, consider the following rule. Many people fail to realize that this rule is just as valid as the pizza or hamburger rule above.

if p, then q

therefore, not p

Concrete version:

If I eat dinner, then I will have dessert

I did not have dessert

Therefore, I did not eat dinner

The simple fact is, it can be very difficult for people to apply rules of deductive logic correctly; as a result, they make many errors when trying to do so. Is this a deductively valid argument or not?

Students who like school study a lot

Students who study a lot get good grades

Jane does not like school

Therefore, Jane does not get good grades

Many people are surprised to discover that this is not a logically valid argument; the conclusion is not guaranteed to be true from the beginning statements. Although the first statement says that students who like school study a lot, it does NOT say that students who do not like school do not study a lot. In other words, it may very well be possible to study a lot without liking school. Even people who sometimes get problems like this right might not be using the rules of deductive reasoning. Instead, they might just be making judgments for examples they know, in this case, remembering instances of people who get good grades despite not liking school.

Making deductive reasoning even more difficult is the fact that there are two important properties that an argument may have. One, it can be valid or invalid (meaning that the conclusion does or does not follow logically from the statements leading up to it). Two, an argument (or more correctly, its conclusion) can be true or false. Here is an example of an argument that is logically valid, but has a false conclusion (at least we think it is false).

Either you are eleven feet tall or the Grand Canyon was created by a spaceship crashing into the earth.

You are not eleven feet tall

Therefore the Grand Canyon was created by a spaceship crashing into the earth

This argument has the exact same form as the pizza or hamburger argument above, making it is deductively valid. The conclusion is so false, however, that it is absurd (of course, the reason the conclusion is false is that the first statement is false). When people are judging arguments, they tend to not observe the difference between deductive validity and the empirical truth of statements or conclusions. If the elements of an argument happen to be true, people are likely to judge the argument logically valid; if the elements are false, they will very likely judge it invalid (Markovits & Bouffard-Bouchard, 1992; Moshman & Franks, 1986). Thus, it seems a stretch to say that people are using these logical rules to judge the validity of arguments. Many psychologists believe that most people actually have very limited deductive reasoning skills (Johnson-Laird, 1999). They argue that when faced with a problem for which deductive logic is required, people resort to some simpler technique, such as matching terms that appear in the statements and the conclusion (Evans, 1982). This might not seem like a problem, but what if reasoners believe that the elements are true and they happen to be wrong; they will would believe that they are using a form of reasoning that guarantees they are correct and yet be wrong.

deductive reasoning : a type of reasoning in which the conclusion is guaranteed to be true any time the statements leading up to it are true

argument : a set of statements in which the beginning statements lead to a conclusion

deductively valid argument : an argument for which true beginning statements guarantee that the conclusion is true

Inductive reasoning and judgment

Every day, you make many judgments about the likelihood of one thing or another. Whether you realize it or not, you are practicing inductive reasoning on a daily basis. In inductive reasoning arguments, a conclusion is likely whenever the statements preceding it are true. The first thing to notice about inductive reasoning is that, by definition, you can never be sure about your conclusion; you can only estimate how likely the conclusion is. Inductive reasoning may lead you to focus on Memory Encoding and Recoding when you study for the exam, but it is possible the instructor will ask more questions about Memory Retrieval instead. Unlike deductive reasoning, the conclusions you reach through inductive reasoning are only probable, not certain. That is why scientists consider inductive reasoning weaker than deductive reasoning. But imagine how hard it would be for us to function if we could not act unless we were certain about the outcome.

Inductive reasoning can be represented as logical arguments consisting of statements and a conclusion, just as deductive reasoning can be. In an inductive argument, you are given some statements and a conclusion (or you are given some statements and must draw a conclusion). An argument is inductively strong if the conclusion would be very probable whenever the statements are true. So, for example, here is an inductively strong argument:

Statement #1: The forecaster on Channel 2 said it is going to rain today.
Statement #2: The forecaster on Channel 5 said it is going to rain today.
Statement #3: It is very cloudy and humid.
Statement #4: You just heard thunder.
Conclusion (or judgment): It is going to rain today.

Think of the statements as evidence, on the basis of which you will draw a conclusion. So, based on the evidence presented in the four statements, it is very likely that it will rain today. Will it definitely rain today? Certainly not. We can all think of times that the weather forecaster was wrong.

A true story: Some years ago psychology student was watching a baseball playoff game between the St. Louis Cardinals and the Los Angeles Dodgers. A graphic on the screen had just informed the audience that the Cardinal at bat, (Hall of Fame shortstop) Ozzie Smith, a switch hitter batting left-handed for this plate appearance, had never, in nearly 3000 career at-bats, hit a home run left-handed. The student, who had just learned about inductive reasoning in his psychology class, turned to his companion (a Cardinals fan) and smugly said, “It is an inductively strong argument that Ozzie Smith will not hit a home run.” He turned back to face the television just in time to watch the ball sail over the right field fence for a home run. Although the student felt foolish at the time, he was not wrong. It was an inductively strong argument; 3000 at-bats is an awful lot of evidence suggesting that the Wizard of Ozz (as he was known) would not be hitting one out of the park (think of each at-bat without a home run as a statement in an inductive argument). Sadly (for the die-hard Cubs fan and Cardinals-hating student), despite the strength of the argument, the conclusion was wrong.

Given the possibility that we might draw an incorrect conclusion even with an inductively strong argument, we really want to be sure that we do, in fact, make inductively strong arguments. If we judge something probable, it had better be probable. If we judge something nearly impossible, it had better not happen. Think of inductive reasoning, then, as making reasonably accurate judgments of the probability of some conclusion given a set of evidence.

We base many decisions in our lives on inductive reasoning. For example:

Statement #1: Psychology is not my best subject

Statement #2: My psychology instructor has a reputation for giving difficult exams

Statement #3: My first psychology exam was much harder than I expected

Judgment: The next exam will probably be very difficult.

Decision: I will study tonight instead of watching Netflix.

Some other examples of judgments that people commonly make in a school context include judgments of the likelihood that:

A particular class will be interesting/useful/difficult
You will be able to finish writing a paper by next week if you go out tonight
Your laptop’s battery will last through the next trip to the library
You will not miss anything important if you skip class tomorrow
Your instructor will not notice if you skip class tomorrow
You will be able to find a book that you will need for a paper
There will be an essay question about Memory Encoding on the next exam

Tversky and Kahneman (1983) recognized that there are two general ways that we might make these judgments; they termed them extensional (i.e., following the laws of probability) and intuitive (i.e., using shortcuts or heuristics, see below). We will use a similar distinction between Type 1 and Type 2 thinking, as described by Keith Stanovich and his colleagues (Evans and Stanovich, 2013; Stanovich and West, 2000). Type 1 thinking is fast, automatic, effortful, and emotional. In fact, it is hardly fair to call it reasoning at all, as judgments just seem to pop into one’s head. Type 2 thinking , on the other hand, is slow, effortful, and logical. So obviously, it is more likely to lead to a correct judgment, or an optimal decision. The problem is, we tend to over-rely on Type 1. Now, we are not saying that Type 2 is the right way to go for every decision or judgment we make. It seems a bit much, for example, to engage in a step-by-step logical reasoning procedure to decide whether we will have chicken or fish for dinner tonight.

Many bad decisions in some very important contexts, however, can be traced back to poor judgments of the likelihood of certain risks or outcomes that result from the use of Type 1 when a more logical reasoning process would have been more appropriate. For example:

Statement #1: It is late at night.

Statement #2: Albert has been drinking beer for the past five hours at a party.

Statement #3: Albert is not exactly sure where he is or how far away home is.

Judgment: Albert will have no difficulty walking home.

Decision: He walks home alone.

As you can see in this example, the three statements backing up the judgment do not really support it. In other words, this argument is not inductively strong because it is based on judgments that ignore the laws of probability. What are the chances that someone facing these conditions will be able to walk home alone easily? And one need not be drunk to make poor decisions based on judgments that just pop into our heads.

The truth is that many of our probability judgments do not come very close to what the laws of probability say they should be. Think about it. In order for us to reason in accordance with these laws, we would need to know the laws of probability, which would allow us to calculate the relationship between particular pieces of evidence and the probability of some outcome (i.e., how much likelihood should change given a piece of evidence), and we would have to do these heavy math calculations in our heads. After all, that is what Type 2 requires. Needless to say, even if we were motivated, we often do not even know how to apply Type 2 reasoning in many cases.

So what do we do when we don’t have the knowledge, skills, or time required to make the correct mathematical judgment? Do we hold off and wait until we can get better evidence? Do we read up on probability and fire up our calculator app so we can compute the correct probability? Of course not. We rely on Type 1 thinking. We “wing it.” That is, we come up with a likelihood estimate using some means at our disposal. Psychologists use the term heuristic to describe the type of “winging it” we are talking about. A heuristic is a shortcut strategy that we use to make some judgment or solve some problem (see Section 7.3). Heuristics are easy and quick, think of them as the basic procedures that are characteristic of Type 1. They can absolutely lead to reasonably good judgments and decisions in some situations (like choosing between chicken and fish for dinner). They are, however, far from foolproof. There are, in fact, quite a lot of situations in which heuristics can lead us to make incorrect judgments, and in many cases the decisions based on those judgments can have serious consequences.

Let us return to the activity that begins this section. You were asked to judge the likelihood (or frequency) of certain events and risks. You were free to come up with your own evidence (or statements) to make these judgments. This is where a heuristic crops up. As a judgment shortcut, we tend to generate specific examples of those very events to help us decide their likelihood or frequency. For example, if we are asked to judge how common, frequent, or likely a particular type of cancer is, many of our statements would be examples of specific cancer cases:

Statement #1: Andy Kaufman (comedian) had lung cancer.

Statement #2: Colin Powell (US Secretary of State) had prostate cancer.

Statement #3: Bob Marley (musician) had skin and brain cancer

Statement #4: Sandra Day O’Connor (Supreme Court Justice) had breast cancer.

Statement #5: Fred Rogers (children’s entertainer) had stomach cancer.

Statement #6: Robin Roberts (news anchor) had breast cancer.

Statement #7: Bette Davis (actress) had breast cancer.

Judgment: Breast cancer is the most common type.

Your own experience or memory may also tell you that breast cancer is the most common type. But it is not (although it is common). Actually, skin cancer is the most common type in the US. We make the same types of misjudgments all the time because we do not generate the examples or evidence according to their actual frequencies or probabilities. Instead, we have a tendency (or bias) to search for the examples in memory; if they are easy to retrieve, we assume that they are common. To rephrase this in the language of the heuristic, events seem more likely to the extent that they are available to memory. This bias has been termed the availability heuristic (Kahneman and Tversky, 1974).

The fact that we use the availability heuristic does not automatically mean that our judgment is wrong. The reason we use heuristics in the first place is that they work fairly well in many cases (and, of course that they are easy to use). So, the easiest examples to think of sometimes are the most common ones. Is it more likely that a member of the U.S. Senate is a man or a woman? Most people have a much easier time generating examples of male senators. And as it turns out, the U.S. Senate has many more men than women (74 to 26 in 2020). In this case, then, the availability heuristic would lead you to make the correct judgment; it is far more likely that a senator would be a man.

In many other cases, however, the availability heuristic will lead us astray. This is because events can be memorable for many reasons other than their frequency. Section 5.2, Encoding Meaning, suggested that one good way to encode the meaning of some information is to form a mental image of it. Thus, information that has been pictured mentally will be more available to memory. Indeed, an event that is vivid and easily pictured will trick many people into supposing that type of event is more common than it actually is. Repetition of information will also make it more memorable. So, if the same event is described to you in a magazine, on the evening news, on a podcast that you listen to, and in your Facebook feed; it will be very available to memory. Again, the availability heuristic will cause you to misperceive the frequency of these types of events.

Most interestingly, information that is unusual is more memorable. Suppose we give you the following list of words to remember: box, flower, letter, platypus, oven, boat, newspaper, purse, drum, car. Very likely, the easiest word to remember would be platypus, the unusual one. The same thing occurs with memories of events. An event may be available to memory because it is unusual, yet the availability heuristic leads us to judge that the event is common. Did you catch that? In these cases, the availability heuristic makes us think the exact opposite of the true frequency. We end up thinking something is common because it is unusual (and therefore memorable). Yikes.

The misapplication of the availability heuristic sometimes has unfortunate results. For example, if you went to K-12 school in the US over the past 10 years, it is extremely likely that you have participated in lockdown and active shooter drills. Of course, everyone is trying to prevent the tragedy of another school shooting. And believe us, we are not trying to minimize how terrible the tragedy is. But the truth of the matter is, school shootings are extremely rare. Because the federal government does not keep a database of school shootings, the Washington Post has maintained their own running tally. Between 1999 and January 2020 (the date of the most recent school shooting with a death in the US at of the time this paragraph was written), the Post reported a total of 254 people died in school shootings in the US. Not 254 per year, 254 total. That is an average of 12 per year. Of course, that is 254 people who should not have died (particularly because many were children), but in a country with approximately 60,000,000 students and teachers, this is a very small risk.

But many students and teachers are terrified that they will be victims of school shootings because of the availability heuristic. It is so easy to think of examples (they are very available to memory) that people believe the event is very common. It is not. And there is a downside to this. We happen to believe that there is an enormous gun violence problem in the United States. According the the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, there were 39,773 firearm deaths in the US in 2017. Fifteen of those deaths were in school shootings, according to the Post. 60% of those deaths were suicides. When people pay attention to the school shooting risk (low), they often fail to notice the much larger risk.

And examples like this are by no means unique. The authors of this book have been teaching psychology since the 1990’s. We have been able to make the exact same arguments about the misapplication of the availability heuristics and keep them current by simply swapping out for the “fear of the day.” In the 1990’s it was children being kidnapped by strangers (it was known as “stranger danger”) despite the facts that kidnappings accounted for only 2% of the violent crimes committed against children, and only 24% of kidnappings are committed by strangers (US Department of Justice, 2007). This fear overlapped with the fear of terrorism that gripped the country after the 2001 terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and US Pentagon and still plagues the population of the US somewhat in 2020. After a well-publicized, sensational act of violence, people are extremely likely to increase their estimates of the chances that they, too, will be victims of terror. Think about the reality, however. In October of 2001, a terrorist mailed anthrax spores to members of the US government and a number of media companies. A total of five people died as a result of this attack. The nation was nearly paralyzed by the fear of dying from the attack; in reality the probability of an individual person dying was 0.00000002.

The availability heuristic can lead you to make incorrect judgments in a school setting as well. For example, suppose you are trying to decide if you should take a class from a particular math professor. You might try to make a judgment of how good a teacher she is by recalling instances of friends and acquaintances making comments about her teaching skill. You may have some examples that suggest that she is a poor teacher very available to memory, so on the basis of the availability heuristic you judge her a poor teacher and decide to take the class from someone else. What if, however, the instances you recalled were all from the same person, and this person happens to be a very colorful storyteller? The subsequent ease of remembering the instances might not indicate that the professor is a poor teacher after all.

Although the availability heuristic is obviously important, it is not the only judgment heuristic we use. Amos Tversky and Daniel Kahneman examined the role of heuristics in inductive reasoning in a long series of studies. Kahneman received a Nobel Prize in Economics for this research in 2002, and Tversky would have certainly received one as well if he had not died of melanoma at age 59 in 1996 (Nobel Prizes are not awarded posthumously). Kahneman and Tversky demonstrated repeatedly that people do not reason in ways that are consistent with the laws of probability. They identified several heuristic strategies that people use instead to make judgments about likelihood. The importance of this work for economics (and the reason that Kahneman was awarded the Nobel Prize) is that earlier economic theories had assumed that people do make judgments rationally, that is, in agreement with the laws of probability.

Another common heuristic that people use for making judgments is the representativeness heuristic (Kahneman & Tversky 1973). Suppose we describe a person to you. He is quiet and shy, has an unassuming personality, and likes to work with numbers. Is this person more likely to be an accountant or an attorney? If you said accountant, you were probably using the representativeness heuristic. Our imaginary person is judged likely to be an accountant because he resembles, or is representative of the concept of, an accountant. When research participants are asked to make judgments such as these, the only thing that seems to matter is the representativeness of the description. For example, if told that the person described is in a room that contains 70 attorneys and 30 accountants, participants will still assume that he is an accountant.

inductive reasoning : a type of reasoning in which we make judgments about likelihood from sets of evidence

inductively strong argument : an inductive argument in which the beginning statements lead to a conclusion that is probably true

heuristic : a shortcut strategy that we use to make judgments and solve problems. Although they are easy to use, they do not guarantee correct judgments and solutions

availability heuristic : judging the frequency or likelihood of some event type according to how easily examples of the event can be called to mind (i.e., how available they are to memory)

representativeness heuristic: judging the likelihood that something is a member of a category on the basis of how much it resembles a typical category member (i.e., how representative it is of the category)

Type 1 thinking : fast, automatic, and emotional thinking.

Type 2 thinking : slow, effortful, and logical thinking.

What percentage of workplace homicides are co-worker violence?

Many people get these questions wrong. The answers are 10%; stairs; skin; 6%. How close were your answers? Explain how the availability heuristic might have led you to make the incorrect judgments.

Can you think of some other judgments that you have made (or beliefs that you have) that might have been influenced by the availability heuristic?

7.3 Problem Solving

Please take a few minutes to list a number of problems that you are facing right now.
Now write about a problem that you recently solved.
What is your definition of a problem?

Mary has a problem. Her daughter, ordinarily quite eager to please, appears to delight in being the last person to do anything. Whether getting ready for school, going to piano lessons or karate class, or even going out with her friends, she seems unwilling or unable to get ready on time. Other people have different kinds of problems. For example, many students work at jobs, have numerous family commitments, and are facing a course schedule full of difficult exams, assignments, papers, and speeches. How can they find enough time to devote to their studies and still fulfill their other obligations? Speaking of students and their problems: Show that a ball thrown vertically upward with initial velocity v0 takes twice as much time to return as to reach the highest point (from Spiegel, 1981).

These are three very different situations, but we have called them all problems. What makes them all the same, despite the differences? A psychologist might define a problem as a situation with an initial state, a goal state, and a set of possible intermediate states. Somewhat more meaningfully, we might consider a problem a situation in which you are in here one state (e.g., daughter is always late), you want to be there in another state (e.g., daughter is not always late), and with no obvious way to get from here to there. Defined this way, each of the three situations we outlined can now be seen as an example of the same general concept, a problem. At this point, you might begin to wonder what is not a problem, given such a general definition. It seems that nearly every non-routine task we engage in could qualify as a problem. As long as you realize that problems are not necessarily bad (it can be quite fun and satisfying to rise to the challenge and solve a problem), this may be a useful way to think about it.

Can we identify a set of problem-solving skills that would apply to these very different kinds of situations? That task, in a nutshell, is a major goal of this section. Let us try to begin to make sense of the wide variety of ways that problems can be solved with an important observation: the process of solving problems can be divided into two key parts. First, people have to notice, comprehend, and represent the problem properly in their minds (called problem representation ). Second, they have to apply some kind of solution strategy to the problem. Psychologists have studied both of these key parts of the process in detail.

When you first think about the problem-solving process, you might guess that most of our difficulties would occur because we are failing in the second step, the application of strategies. Although this can be a significant difficulty much of the time, the more important source of difficulty is probably problem representation. In short, we often fail to solve a problem because we are looking at it, or thinking about it, the wrong way.

problem : a situation in which we are in an initial state, have a desired goal state, and there is a number of possible intermediate states (i.e., there is no obvious way to get from the initial to the goal state)

problem representation : noticing, comprehending and forming a mental conception of a problem

Defining and Mentally Representing Problems in Order to Solve Them

So, the main obstacle to solving a problem is that we do not clearly understand exactly what the problem is. Recall the problem with Mary’s daughter always being late. One way to represent, or to think about, this problem is that she is being defiant. She refuses to get ready in time. This type of representation or definition suggests a particular type of solution. Another way to think about the problem, however, is to consider the possibility that she is simply being sidetracked by interesting diversions. This different conception of what the problem is (i.e., different representation) suggests a very different solution strategy. For example, if Mary defines the problem as defiance, she may be tempted to solve the problem using some kind of coercive tactics, that is, to assert her authority as her mother and force her to listen. On the other hand, if Mary defines the problem as distraction, she may try to solve it by simply removing the distracting objects.

As you might guess, when a problem is represented one way, the solution may seem very difficult, or even impossible. Seen another way, the solution might be very easy. For example, consider the following problem (from Nasar, 1998):

Two bicyclists start 20 miles apart and head toward each other, each going at a steady rate of 10 miles per hour. At the same time, a fly that travels at a steady 15 miles per hour starts from the front wheel of the southbound bicycle and flies to the front wheel of the northbound one, then turns around and flies to the front wheel of the southbound one again, and continues in this manner until he is crushed between the two front wheels. Question: what total distance did the fly cover?

Please take a few minutes to try to solve this problem.

Most people represent this problem as a question about a fly because, well, that is how the question is asked. The solution, using this representation, is to figure out how far the fly travels on the first leg of its journey, then add this total to how far it travels on the second leg of its journey (when it turns around and returns to the first bicycle), then continue to add the smaller distance from each leg of the journey until you converge on the correct answer. You would have to be quite skilled at math to solve this problem, and you would probably need some time and pencil and paper to do it.

If you consider a different representation, however, you can solve this problem in your head. Instead of thinking about it as a question about a fly, think about it as a question about the bicycles. They are 20 miles apart, and each is traveling 10 miles per hour. How long will it take for the bicycles to reach each other? Right, one hour. The fly is traveling 15 miles per hour; therefore, it will travel a total of 15 miles back and forth in the hour before the bicycles meet. Represented one way (as a problem about a fly), the problem is quite difficult. Represented another way (as a problem about two bicycles), it is easy. Changing your representation of a problem is sometimes the best—sometimes the only—way to solve it.

Unfortunately, however, changing a problem’s representation is not the easiest thing in the world to do. Often, problem solvers get stuck looking at a problem one way. This is called fixation . Most people who represent the preceding problem as a problem about a fly probably do not pause to reconsider, and consequently change, their representation. A parent who thinks her daughter is being defiant is unlikely to consider the possibility that her behavior is far less purposeful.

Problem-solving fixation was examined by a group of German psychologists called Gestalt psychologists during the 1930’s and 1940’s. Karl Dunker, for example, discovered an important type of failure to take a different perspective called functional fixedness . Imagine being a participant in one of his experiments. You are asked to figure out how to mount two candles on a door and are given an assortment of odds and ends, including a small empty cardboard box and some thumbtacks. Perhaps you have already figured out a solution: tack the box to the door so it forms a platform, then put the candles on top of the box. Most people are able to arrive at this solution. Imagine a slight variation of the procedure, however. What if, instead of being empty, the box had matches in it? Most people given this version of the problem do not arrive at the solution given above. Why? Because it seems to people that when the box contains matches, it already has a function; it is a matchbox. People are unlikely to consider a new function for an object that already has a function. This is functional fixedness.

Mental set is a type of fixation in which the problem solver gets stuck using the same solution strategy that has been successful in the past, even though the solution may no longer be useful. It is commonly seen when students do math problems for homework. Often, several problems in a row require the reapplication of the same solution strategy. Then, without warning, the next problem in the set requires a new strategy. Many students attempt to apply the formerly successful strategy on the new problem and therefore cannot come up with a correct answer.

The thing to remember is that you cannot solve a problem unless you correctly identify what it is to begin with (initial state) and what you want the end result to be (goal state). That may mean looking at the problem from a different angle and representing it in a new way. The correct representation does not guarantee a successful solution, but it certainly puts you on the right track.

A bit more optimistically, the Gestalt psychologists discovered what may be considered the opposite of fixation, namely insight . Sometimes the solution to a problem just seems to pop into your head. Wolfgang Kohler examined insight by posing many different problems to chimpanzees, principally problems pertaining to their acquisition of out-of-reach food. In one version, a banana was placed outside of a chimpanzee’s cage and a short stick inside the cage. The stick was too short to retrieve the banana, but was long enough to retrieve a longer stick also located outside of the cage. This second stick was long enough to retrieve the banana. After trying, and failing, to reach the banana with the shorter stick, the chimpanzee would try a couple of random-seeming attempts, react with some apparent frustration or anger, then suddenly rush to the longer stick, the correct solution fully realized at this point. This sudden appearance of the solution, observed many times with many different problems, was termed insight by Kohler.

Lest you think it pertains to chimpanzees only, Karl Dunker demonstrated that children also solve problems through insight in the 1930s. More importantly, you have probably experienced insight yourself. Think back to a time when you were trying to solve a difficult problem. After struggling for a while, you gave up. Hours later, the solution just popped into your head, perhaps when you were taking a walk, eating dinner, or lying in bed.

fixation : when a problem solver gets stuck looking at a problem a particular way and cannot change his or her representation of it (or his or her intended solution strategy)

functional fixedness : a specific type of fixation in which a problem solver cannot think of a new use for an object that already has a function

mental set : a specific type of fixation in which a problem solver gets stuck using the same solution strategy that has been successful in the past

insight : a sudden realization of a solution to a problem

Solving Problems by Trial and Error

Correctly identifying the problem and your goal for a solution is a good start, but recall the psychologist’s definition of a problem: it includes a set of possible intermediate states. Viewed this way, a problem can be solved satisfactorily only if one can find a path through some of these intermediate states to the goal. Imagine a fairly routine problem, finding a new route to school when your ordinary route is blocked (by road construction, for example). At each intersection, you may turn left, turn right, or go straight. A satisfactory solution to the problem (of getting to school) is a sequence of selections at each intersection that allows you to wind up at school.

If you had all the time in the world to get to school, you might try choosing intermediate states randomly. At one corner you turn left, the next you go straight, then you go left again, then right, then right, then straight. Unfortunately, trial and error will not necessarily get you where you want to go, and even if it does, it is not the fastest way to get there. For example, when a friend of ours was in college, he got lost on the way to a concert and attempted to find the venue by choosing streets to turn onto randomly (this was long before the use of GPS). Amazingly enough, the strategy worked, although he did end up missing two out of the three bands who played that night.

Trial and error is not all bad, however. B.F. Skinner, a prominent behaviorist psychologist, suggested that people often behave randomly in order to see what effect the behavior has on the environment and what subsequent effect this environmental change has on them. This seems particularly true for the very young person. Picture a child filling a household’s fish tank with toilet paper, for example. To a child trying to develop a repertoire of creative problem-solving strategies, an odd and random behavior might be just the ticket. Eventually, the exasperated parent hopes, the child will discover that many of these random behaviors do not successfully solve problems; in fact, in many cases they create problems. Thus, one would expect a decrease in this random behavior as a child matures. You should realize, however, that the opposite extreme is equally counterproductive. If the children become too rigid, never trying something unexpected and new, their problem solving skills can become too limited.

Effective problem solving seems to call for a happy medium that strikes a balance between using well-founded old strategies and trying new ground and territory. The individual who recognizes a situation in which an old problem-solving strategy would work best, and who can also recognize a situation in which a new untested strategy is necessary is halfway to success.

Solving Problems with Algorithms and Heuristics

For many problems there is a possible strategy available that will guarantee a correct solution. For example, think about math problems. Math lessons often consist of step-by-step procedures that can be used to solve the problems. If you apply the strategy without error, you are guaranteed to arrive at the correct solution to the problem. This approach is called using an algorithm , a term that denotes the step-by-step procedure that guarantees a correct solution. Because algorithms are sometimes available and come with a guarantee, you might think that most people use them frequently. Unfortunately, however, they do not. As the experience of many students who have struggled through math classes can attest, algorithms can be extremely difficult to use, even when the problem solver knows which algorithm is supposed to work in solving the problem. In problems outside of math class, we often do not even know if an algorithm is available. It is probably fair to say, then, that algorithms are rarely used when people try to solve problems.

Because algorithms are so difficult to use, people often pass up the opportunity to guarantee a correct solution in favor of a strategy that is much easier to use and yields a reasonable chance of coming up with a correct solution. These strategies are called problem solving heuristics . Similar to what you saw in section 6.2 with reasoning heuristics, a problem solving heuristic is a shortcut strategy that people use when trying to solve problems. It usually works pretty well, but does not guarantee a correct solution to the problem. For example, one problem solving heuristic might be “always move toward the goal” (so when trying to get to school when your regular route is blocked, you would always turn in the direction you think the school is). A heuristic that people might use when doing math homework is “use the same solution strategy that you just used for the previous problem.”

By the way, we hope these last two paragraphs feel familiar to you. They seem to parallel a distinction that you recently learned. Indeed, algorithms and problem-solving heuristics are another example of the distinction between Type 1 thinking and Type 2 thinking.

Although it is probably not worth describing a large number of specific heuristics, two observations about heuristics are worth mentioning. First, heuristics can be very general or they can be very specific, pertaining to a particular type of problem only. For example, “always move toward the goal” is a general strategy that you can apply to countless problem situations. On the other hand, “when you are lost without a functioning gps, pick the most expensive car you can see and follow it” is specific to the problem of being lost. Second, all heuristics are not equally useful. One heuristic that many students know is “when in doubt, choose c for a question on a multiple-choice exam.” This is a dreadful strategy because many instructors intentionally randomize the order of answer choices. Another test-taking heuristic, somewhat more useful, is “look for the answer to one question somewhere else on the exam.”

You really should pay attention to the application of heuristics to test taking. Imagine that while reviewing your answers for a multiple-choice exam before turning it in, you come across a question for which you originally thought the answer was c. Upon reflection, you now think that the answer might be b. Should you change the answer to b, or should you stick with your first impression? Most people will apply the heuristic strategy to “stick with your first impression.” What they do not realize, of course, is that this is a very poor strategy (Lilienfeld et al, 2009). Most of the errors on exams come on questions that were answered wrong originally and were not changed (so they remain wrong). There are many fewer errors where we change a correct answer to an incorrect answer. And, of course, sometimes we change an incorrect answer to a correct answer. In fact, research has shown that it is more common to change a wrong answer to a right answer than vice versa (Bruno, 2001).

The belief in this poor test-taking strategy (stick with your first impression) is based on the confirmation bias (Nickerson, 1998; Wason, 1960). You first saw the confirmation bias in Module 1, but because it is so important, we will repeat the information here. People have a bias, or tendency, to notice information that confirms what they already believe. Somebody at one time told you to stick with your first impression, so when you look at the results of an exam you have taken, you will tend to notice the cases that are consistent with that belief. That is, you will notice the cases in which you originally had an answer correct and changed it to the wrong answer. You tend not to notice the other two important (and more common) cases, changing an answer from wrong to right, and leaving a wrong answer unchanged.

Because heuristics by definition do not guarantee a correct solution to a problem, mistakes are bound to occur when we employ them. A poor choice of a specific heuristic will lead to an even higher likelihood of making an error.

algorithm : a step-by-step procedure that guarantees a correct solution to a problem

problem solving heuristic : a shortcut strategy that we use to solve problems. Although they are easy to use, they do not guarantee correct judgments and solutions

confirmation bias : people’s tendency to notice information that confirms what they already believe

An Effective Problem-Solving Sequence

You may be left with a big question: If algorithms are hard to use and heuristics often don’t work, how am I supposed to solve problems? Robert Sternberg (1996), as part of his theory of what makes people successfully intelligent (Module 8) described a problem-solving sequence that has been shown to work rather well:

Identify the existence of a problem. In school, problem identification is often easy; problems that you encounter in math classes, for example, are conveniently labeled as problems for you. Outside of school, however, realizing that you have a problem is a key difficulty that you must get past in order to begin solving it. You must be very sensitive to the symptoms that indicate a problem.
Define the problem. Suppose you realize that you have been having many headaches recently. Very likely, you would identify this as a problem. If you define the problem as “headaches,” the solution would probably be to take aspirin or ibuprofen or some other anti-inflammatory medication. If the headaches keep returning, however, you have not really solved the problem—likely because you have mistaken a symptom for the problem itself. Instead, you must find the root cause of the headaches. Stress might be the real problem. For you to successfully solve many problems it may be necessary for you to overcome your fixations and represent the problems differently. One specific strategy that you might find useful is to try to define the problem from someone else’s perspective. How would your parents, spouse, significant other, doctor, etc. define the problem? Somewhere in these different perspectives may lurk the key definition that will allow you to find an easier and permanent solution.
Formulate strategy. Now it is time to begin planning exactly how the problem will be solved. Is there an algorithm or heuristic available for you to use? Remember, heuristics by their very nature guarantee that occasionally you will not be able to solve the problem. One point to keep in mind is that you should look for long-range solutions, which are more likely to address the root cause of a problem than short-range solutions.
Represent and organize information. Similar to the way that the problem itself can be defined, or represented in multiple ways, information within the problem is open to different interpretations. Suppose you are studying for a big exam. You have chapters from a textbook and from a supplemental reader, along with lecture notes that all need to be studied. How should you (represent and) organize these materials? Should you separate them by type of material (text versus reader versus lecture notes), or should you separate them by topic? To solve problems effectively, you must learn to find the most useful representation and organization of information.
Allocate resources. This is perhaps the simplest principle of the problem solving sequence, but it is extremely difficult for many people. First, you must decide whether time, money, skills, effort, goodwill, or some other resource would help to solve the problem Then, you must make the hard choice of deciding which resources to use, realizing that you cannot devote maximum resources to every problem. Very often, the solution to problem is simply to change how resources are allocated (for example, spending more time studying in order to improve grades).
Monitor and evaluate solutions. Pay attention to the solution strategy while you are applying it. If it is not working, you may be able to select another strategy. Another fact you should realize about problem solving is that it never does end. Solving one problem frequently brings up new ones. Good monitoring and evaluation of your problem solutions can help you to anticipate and get a jump on solving the inevitable new problems that will arise.

Please note that this as an effective problem-solving sequence, not the effective problem solving sequence. Just as you can become fixated and end up representing the problem incorrectly or trying an inefficient solution, you can become stuck applying the problem-solving sequence in an inflexible way. Clearly there are problem situations that can be solved without using these skills in this order.

Additionally, many real-world problems may require that you go back and redefine a problem several times as the situation changes (Sternberg et al. 2000). For example, consider the problem with Mary’s daughter one last time. At first, Mary did represent the problem as one of defiance. When her early strategy of pleading and threatening punishment was unsuccessful, Mary began to observe her daughter more carefully. She noticed that, indeed, her daughter’s attention would be drawn by an irresistible distraction or book. Fresh with a re-representation of the problem, she began a new solution strategy. She began to remind her daughter every few minutes to stay on task and remind her that if she is ready before it is time to leave, she may return to the book or other distracting object at that time. Fortunately, this strategy was successful, so Mary did not have to go back and redefine the problem again.

Pick one or two of the problems that you listed when you first started studying this section and try to work out the steps of Sternberg’s problem solving sequence for each one.

a mental representation of a category of things in the world

an assumption about the truth of something that is not stated. Inferences come from our prior knowledge and experience, and from logical reasoning

knowledge about one’s own cognitive processes; thinking about your thinking

individuals who are less competent tend to overestimate their abilities more than individuals who are more competent do

Thinking like a scientist in your everyday life for the purpose of drawing correct conclusions. It entails skepticism; an ability to identify biases, distortions, omissions, and assumptions; and excellent deductive and inductive reasoning, and problem solving skills.

a way of thinking in which you refrain from drawing a conclusion or changing your mind until good evidence has been provided

an inclination, tendency, leaning, or prejudice

a type of reasoning in which the conclusion is guaranteed to be true any time the statements leading up to it are true

a set of statements in which the beginning statements lead to a conclusion

an argument for which true beginning statements guarantee that the conclusion is true

a type of reasoning in which we make judgments about likelihood from sets of evidence

an inductive argument in which the beginning statements lead to a conclusion that is probably true

fast, automatic, and emotional thinking

slow, effortful, and logical thinking

a shortcut strategy that we use to make judgments and solve problems. Although they are easy to use, they do not guarantee correct judgments and solutions

udging the frequency or likelihood of some event type according to how easily examples of the event can be called to mind (i.e., how available they are to memory)

judging the likelihood that something is a member of a category on the basis of how much it resembles a typical category member (i.e., how representative it is of the category)

a situation in which we are in an initial state, have a desired goal state, and there is a number of possible intermediate states (i.e., there is no obvious way to get from the initial to the goal state)

noticing, comprehending and forming a mental conception of a problem

when a problem solver gets stuck looking at a problem a particular way and cannot change his or her representation of it (or his or her intended solution strategy)

a specific type of fixation in which a problem solver cannot think of a new use for an object that already has a function

a specific type of fixation in which a problem solver gets stuck using the same solution strategy that has been successful in the past

a sudden realization of a solution to a problem

a step-by-step procedure that guarantees a correct solution to a problem

The tendency to notice and pay attention to information that confirms your prior beliefs and to ignore information that disconfirms them.

a shortcut strategy that we use to solve problems. Although they are easy to use, they do not guarantee correct judgments and solutions

Introduction to Psychology Copyright © 2020 by Ken Gray; Elizabeth Arnott-Hill; and Or'Shaundra Benson is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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What Is the Cognitive Psychology Approach? 12 Key Theories

Maintaining focus on the oncoming traffic is paramount, yet I am barely aware of the seagulls flying overhead.

These noisy birds only receive attention when I am safely walking up the other side of the road, their cries reminding me of childhood seaside vacations.

Cognitive psychology focuses on the internal mental processes needed to make sense of the environment and decide on the next appropriate action (Eysenck & Keane, 2015).

This article explores the cognitive psychology approach, its origins, and several theories and models involved in cognition.

Before you continue, we thought you might like to download our three Positive Psychology Exercises for free . These science-based exercises explore fundamental aspects of positive psychology, including strengths, values, and self-compassion, and will give you the tools to enhance the wellbeing of your clients, students, or employees.

This Article Contains:

What is the cognitive psychology approach, a brief history of cognitive psychology, cognitive psychology vs behaviorism, 12 key theories, concepts, and models, fascinating research experiments, a look at positive cognitive psychology, interesting resources from positivepsychology.com, a take-home message.

The upsurge of research into the mysteries of the human brain and mind has been considerable in recent decades, with recognition of the importance of cognitive process in clinical psychology and social psychology (Eysenck & Keane, 2015).

As a result, cognitive psychology has profoundly affected the field of psychology and our understanding of what it is to be human.

Perhaps more surprisingly, it has had such an effect without clear boundaries, an integrated set of assumptions and concepts, or a recognizable spokesperson (Gross, 2020).

So, what exactly is the cognitive psychology approach?

Cognitive psychology attempts to understand human cognition by focusing on what appear to be cognitive tasks that require little effort (Goldstein, 2011).

Let’s return to our example of walking down the road. Imagine now that we are also taking a call. We’re now combining several concurrent cognitive tasks:

Perceiving the environment Distinguishing cars from traffic signals and discerning their direction and speed on the road as well as the people ahead standing, talking, and blocking the sidewalk.
Paying attention Attending to what our partner is asking us on the phone, above the traffic noise.
Visualizing Forming a mental image of items in the house, responding to the question, “Where did you leave your car keys?”
Comprehending and producing language Understanding the real question (“I need to take the car. Where are your keys?”) from what is said and formulating a suitable reply.
Problem-solving Working out how to get to the next appointment without the car.
Decision-making Concluding that the timing of one meeting will not work and choosing to push it to another day.

While cognitive psychologists initially focused firmly on an analogy comparing the mind to a computer, their understanding has moved on.

There are currently four approaches, often overlapping and frequently combined, that science uses to understand human cognition (Eysenck & Keane, 2015):

Cognitive psychology The attempt to “understand human cognition by using behavioral evidence” (Eysenck & Keane, 2015, p. 2).
Cognitive neuropsychology Understanding ‘normal’ cognition through the study of patients living with a brain injury.
Cognitive neuroscience Combining evidence from the brain with behavior to form a more complete picture of cognition.
Computational cognitive science Using computational models to understand and test our understanding of human cognition.

Cognitive psychology plays a massive and essential role in understanding human cognition and is stronger because of its close relationships and interdependencies with other academic disciplines (Eysenck & Keane, 2015).

In 1868, a Dutch physiologist, Franciscus Donders, began to measure reaction time – something we would now see as an experiment in cognitive psychology (Goldstein, 2011).

Donders recognized that mental responses could not be measured directly but could be inferred from behavior. Not long after, Hermann Ebbinghaus began examining the nature and inner workings of human memory using nonsense syllables (Goldstein, 2011).

By the late 1800s, Wilhelm Wundt had set up the first laboratory dedicated to studying the mind scientifically. His approach became known as structuralism . His bold aim was to build a periodic table of the mind , containing all the sensations involved in creating any experience (Goldstein, 2011).

However, the use of analytical introspection to uncover hidden mental processes was gradually dropped when John Watson proposed a new psychological approach that became known as behaviorism (Goldstein, 2011).

Watson rejected the introspective approach and instead focused on observable behavior. His idea of classical conditioning – the connection of a new stimulus with a previously neutral one – was later surpassed by B. F. Skinner’s idea of operant conditioning , which focused on positive reinforcement (Goldstein, 2011).

Both theories sought to understand the relationship between stimulus and response rather than the mind’s inner workings (Goldstein, 2011).

Prompted by a scathing attack by linguist and cognitive scientist Noam Chomsky, by the 1950s behaviorism as the dominant psychological discipline was in decline. The introduction of the digital computer led to the information-processing approach , inspiring psychologists to think of the mind in terms of a sequence of processing stages (Goldstein, 2011).

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Moore (1996) recognized the tensions of the paradigm shift from behaviorism to cognitive psychology.

While research into cognitive psychology, cognitive neuropsychology, cognitive neuroscience , and computational cognitive science is now widely accepted as the driving force behind understanding mental processes (such as memory, perception, problem-solving, and attention), this was not always the case (Gross, 2020).

Moore (1996) highlighted the relationship between behaviorism and the relatively new field of cognitive psychology, and the sometimes mistaken assumptions regarding the nature of the former approach:

Behaviorism is typically only associated with studying publicly observable behavior. Unlike behaviorism, cognitive psychology is viewed as free of the restrictions of logical positivism, which rely on verification through observation.

Since then, modern cognitive psychology has incorporated findings from many other disciplines, including evolutionary psychology , computer science, artificial intelligence , and neuroscience (Eysenck & Keane, 2015).

Unlike behaviorism, cognitive psychology is theoretical and explanatory. Behaviorism is often considered merely descriptive, while cognitive psychology is seen as being able to explain what is behind behavior.

Particular ongoing advances in cognitive psychology include perception, language comprehension and production, and problem-solving (Eysenck & Keane, 2015).

Behaviorism cannot incorporate theoretical terms. While challenged by some behaviorists at the time, it was argued that behaviorism could not incorporate theoretical terms unless related to directly observable behavior.

At the time, cognitive psychologists also argued that it was wrong of behaviorists to interpret mental states in terms of brain states.

Neuroscience advances, such as new imaging techniques like functional MRI, continue to offer fresh insights into the relationship between the brain and mental states (Eysenck & Keane, 2015).

Clearly, the relationship between behaviorism and the developing field of cognitive psychology has been complex. However, cognitive psychology has grown into a school of thought that has led to significant advances in understanding cognition, especially when teamed up with other developments in computing and neuroscience.

This may not have been possible without the shift in the dominant schools of thought in psychology (Gross, 2020; Goldstein, 2011; Eysenck & Keane, 2015).

And while it is beyond the scope of this article to cover the full breadth or depth of the areas of research, we list several of the most important and fascinating specialties and theories below.

It is hardly possible to imagine a world in which attention doesn’t play an essential role in how we interact with the environment, and yet, we rarely give it a thought.

According to cognitive psychology, attention is most active when driven by an individual’s expectations or goals, known as top-down processing . On the other hand, it is more passive when controlled by external stimuli, such as a loud noise, referred to as bottom-up processing (Eysenck & Keane, 2015).

A further distinction exists between focused attention (selective) and divided attention . Research into the former explores how we are able to focus on one item (noise, image, etc.) when there are several. In contrast, the latter looks at how we can maintain attention on two or more stimuli simultaneously.

Donald Broadbent proposed the bottleneck model to explain how we can attend to just one message when several are presented, for example, in dichotic listening experiments, where different auditory stimuli are presented to each ear. Broadbent’s model suggests multiple processing stages, each one progressively restricting the information flow (Goldstein, 2011).

As with all other areas of cognition, perception is far more complicated than we might first imagine. Take, for example, vision. While a great deal of research has “involved presenting a visual stimulus and assessing aspects of its processing,” there is also the time aspect to consider (Eysenck & Keane, 2015, p. 121).

We need to not only perceive objects, but also make sense of their movement and detect changes in the visual environment over time (Eysenck & Keane, 2015).

Research suggests perception, like attention, combines bottom-up and top-down processing. Bottom-up processing involves neurons that fire in response to specific elements of an image – perhaps aspects of a face, nose, eyebrows, jawline, etc. Top-down processing considers how the knowledge someone brings with them affects their perception.

Bottom-down processing helps explain why two people, presented with the same stimuli, experience different perceptions as a result of their expectations and prior knowledge (Goldstein, 2011).

Combining bottom-up and top-down processing also enables the individual to make sense of both static and moving images when limited information is available; we can track a person walking through a crowd or a plane disappearing in and out of clouds (Eysenck & Keane, 2015).

The mirror neuron system is incredibly fascinating and is proving valuable in our attempts to understand biological motion. Observing actions activates similar areas of the brain as performing them. The model appears to explain how we can imitate the actions of another person – crucial to learning (Eysenck & Keane, 2015).

Language comprehension

Whether written or spoken, understanding language involves a high degree of multi-level processing (Eysenck & Keane, 2015).

Comprehension begins with an initial analysis of sentence structure (larger language units require additional processing). Beyond processing syntax (the rules for building and analyzing sentences), analysis of sentence meaning ( semantics ) is necessary to understand if the interpretation should be literal or involve irony, metaphor, or sarcasm (Eysenck & Keane, 2015).

Pragmatics examines intended meaning. For example, shouting, “That’s the doorbell!” is not likely to be a simple observation, but rather a request to answer the door (Eysenck & Keane, 2015).

Several models have been proposed to understand the analysis and comprehension of sentences, known as parsing , including (Eysenck & Keane, 2015):

Garden-path model This model attempts to explain why some sentences are ambiguous (such as, “The horse raced past the barn fell.”). It suggests they are challenging to comprehend because the analysis is performed on each individual unit of the sentence with little feedback, and correction is inhibited.
Constraint-based model The interpretations of a sentence may be limited by several constraints, including syntactic, semantic, and general world knowledge.
Unrestricted race model This model combines the garden-path and constraint-based model, and suggests all sources of information inform syntactic structure. One such interpretation is selected until it is discarded, with good reason, for another.
Good-enough representation This model proposes that parsing provides a ‘good-enough’ interpretation rather than something detailed, accurate, and complete.

The research and theories above hint at the vast complexity of human cognition and explain why so many models and concepts attempt to answer what happens when it works and, equally important, when it doesn’t.

A level of psychology: the cognitive approach – Atomi

There are many research experiments in cognitive psychology that highlight the successes and failings of human cognition. Each of the following three offers insight into the mental processes behind our thinking and behavior.

Cocktail party phenomenon

Selective attention – or in this case, selective listening – is often exemplified by what has become known as the cocktail party phenomenon (Eysenck & Keane, 2015).

Even in a busy room and possibly mid-conversation, we can often hear if someone else mentions our name. It seems we can filter out surrounding noise by combining bottom-up and top-down processing to create a “winner takes it all” situation where the processing of one high-value auditory input suppresses the brain activity of all others (Goldstein, 2011).

While people may believe that the speed of hand movement allows magicians to trick us, research suggests the main factor is misdirection (Eysenck & Keane, 2015).

A 2010 study of a trick involving the disappearance of a lighter identified that when the lighter was dropped (to hide it from a later hand-opening finale), it was masked by directing attention from the fixation point – known as covert attention – with surprising effectiveness.

However, subjects were able to identify the drop when their attention was directed to the fixation point – known as overt attention (Kuhn & Findlay, 2010).

In a thought-provoking study exploring freewill, participants were asked to consciously decide whether to move their finger left or right while a functional MRI scanner monitored their prefrontal cortex and parietal cortex (Soon, Brass, Heinze, & Haynes, 2008).

Brain activity predicted the direction of movement a full seven seconds before they consciously became aware of their decision. While follow-up research has challenged some of the findings, it appears that brain activity may come before conscious thinking (Eysenck & Keane, 2015).

Associations have been found between positive emotions, creative thinking, and overall wellbeing, suggesting environmental changes that may benefit staff productivity and innovation in the workplace (Yuan, 2015).

Factors explored include creating climates geared toward creativity, boosting challenge, trust, freedom, risk taking, low conflict, and even the beneficial effects of humor.

Undoubtedly, further innovation will be seen from marrying the two powerful and compelling new fields of positive psychology and cognitive psychology.

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In this exercise, we examine an existing issue in a client’s life:

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Cognitive psychology is crucial in our search for understanding how we interact with and make sense of a constantly changing and potentially harmful environment.

Not only that, it offers insight into what happens when things go wrong and the likely impact on our wellbeing and ability to cope with life events.

Cognitive psychology’s strength is its willingness to embrace research findings from many other disciplines, combining them with existing psychological theory to create new models of cognition.

The tasks we appear to carry out unconsciously are a great deal more complex than they might first appear. Perception, attention, problem-solving, language comprehension and production, and decision-making often happen without intentional thought and yet have enormous consequences on our lives.

Use this article as a starting point to explore the many and diverse aspects of cognitive psychology. Consider their relationships with associated research fields and reflect on the importance of understanding cognition in helping clients overcome complex events or circumstances.

We hope you enjoyed reading this article. Don’t forget to download our three Positive Psychology Exercises for free .

Eysenck, M. W., & Keane, M. T. (2015). Cognitive psychology: A student’s handbook . Psychology Press.
Goldstein, E. B. (2011). Cognitive psychology . Wadsworth, Cengage Learning.
Gross, R. D. (2020). Psychology: The science of mind and behaviour . Hodder and Stoughton.
Kuhn, G., & Findlay, J. M. (2010). Misdirection, attention and awareness: Inattentional blindness reveals temporal relationship between eye movements and visual awareness. The Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology , 63 (1), 136–146.
Moore, J. (1996). On the relation between behaviorism and cognitive psychology. Journal of Mind and Behavior , 17 (4), 345–367
Soon, C. S., Brass, M., Heinze, H., & Haynes, J. (2008). Unconscious determinants of free decisions in the human brain. Nature Neuroscience , 11 (5), 543–545.
Yuan, L. (2015). The happier one is, the more creative one becomes: An investigation on inspirational positive emotions from both subjective well-being and satisfaction at work. Psychology , 6 , 201–209.

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As a widowed Mother and Grandmother, whom was recently told by an adult child that maybe I should have “cognitive” testing done, I found this article to be very informative and refreshing. Having the ability to read and and learn about cognitive psychology is interesting as their are so many ways our brains are affected from the time we are born until the time we reach each and every stage in life. I have spent time with my grandchildren who are from age 19 months, through 15 years old , and spend time with children who are 35, 34, and 32, and my parents who are 88 and 84. I appreciate your article and your time in writing it. Sincerely,

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Analysing Complex Problem-Solving Strategies from a Cognitive Perspective: The Role of Thinking Skills

1 MTA-SZTE Digital Learning Technologies Research Group, Center for Learning and Instruction, University of Szeged, 6722 Szeged, Hungary

Gyöngyvér Molnár

2 MTA-SZTE Digital Learning Technologies Research Group, Institute of Education, University of Szeged, 6722 Szeged, Hungary; uh.degezs-u.yspde@ranlomyg

Associated Data

The data used to support the findings cannot be shared at this time as it also forms part of an ongoing study.

Complex problem solving (CPS) is considered to be one of the most important skills for successful learning. In an effort to explore the nature of CPS, this study aims to investigate the role of inductive reasoning (IR) and combinatorial reasoning (CR) in the problem-solving process of students using statistically distinguishable exploration strategies in the CPS environment. The sample was drawn from a group of university students (N = 1343). The tests were delivered via the eDia online assessment platform. Latent class analyses were employed to seek students whose problem-solving strategies showed similar patterns. Four qualitatively different class profiles were identified: (1) 84.3% of the students were proficient strategy users, (2) 6.2% were rapid learners, (3) 3.1% were non-persistent explorers, and (4) 6.5% were non-performing explorers. Better exploration strategy users showed greater development in thinking skills, and the roles of IR and CR in the CPS process were varied for each type of strategy user. To sum up, the analysis identified students’ problem-solving behaviours in respect of exploration strategy in the CPS environment and detected a number of remarkable differences in terms of the use of thinking skills between students with different exploration strategies.

1. Introduction

Problem solving is part and parcel of our daily activities, for instance, in determining what to wear in the morning, how to use our new electronic devices, how to reach a restaurant by public transport, how to arrange our schedule to achieve the greatest work efficiency and how to communicate with people in a foreign country. In most cases, it is essential to solve the problems that recur in our study, work and daily lives. These situations require problem solving. Generally, problem solving is the thinking that occurs if we want “to overcome barriers between a given state and a desired goal state by means of behavioural and/or cognitive, multistep activities” ( Frensch and Funke 1995, p. 18 ). It has also been considered as one of the most important skills for successful learning in the 21st century. This study focuses on one specific kind of problem solving, complex problem solving (CPS). (Numerous other terms are also used ( Funke et al. 2018 ), such as interactive problem solving ( Greiff et al. 2013 ; Wu and Molnár 2018 ), and creative problem solving ( OECD 2010 ), etc.).

CPS is a transversal skill ( Greiff et al. 2014 ), operating several mental activities and thinking skills (see Molnár et al. 2013 ). In order to explore the nature of CPS, some studies have focused on detecting its component skills ( Wu and Molnár 2018 ), whereas others have analysed students’ behaviour during the problem-solving process ( Greiff et al. 2018 ; Wu and Molnár 2021 ). This study aims to link these two fields by investigating the role of thinking skills in learning by examining students’ use of statistically distinguishable exploration strategies in the CPS environment.

1.1. Complex Problem Solving: Definition, Assessment and Relations to Intelligence

According to a widely accepted definition proposed by Buchner ( 1995 ), CPS is “the successful interaction with task environments that are dynamic (i.e., change as a function of users’ intervention and/or as a function of time) and in which some, if not all, of the environment’s regularities can only be revealed by successful exploration and integration of the information gained in that process” ( Buchner 1995, p. 14 ). A CPS process is split into two phases, knowledge acquisition and knowledge application. In the knowledge acquisition (KAC) phase of CPS, the problem solver understands the problem itself and stores the acquired information ( Funke 2001 ; Novick and Bassok 2005 ). In the knowledge application (KAP) phase, the problem solver applies the acquired knowledge to bring about the transition from a given state to a goal state ( Novick and Bassok 2005 ).

Problem solving, especially CPS, has frequently been compared or linked to intelligence in previous studies (e.g., Beckmann and Guthke 1995 ; Stadler et al. 2015 ; Wenke et al. 2005 ). Lotz et al. ( 2017 ) observed that “intelligence and [CPS] are two strongly overlapping constructs” (p. 98). There are many similarities and commonalities that can be detected between CPS and intelligence. For instance, CPS and intelligence share some of the same key features, such as the integration of information ( Stadler et al. 2015 ). Furthermore, Wenke et al. ( 2005 ) stated that “the ability to solve problems has featured prominently in virtually every definition of human intelligence” (p. 9); meanwhile, from the opposite perspective, intelligence has also been considered as one of the most important predictors of the ability to solve problems ( Wenke et al. 2005 ). Moreover, the relation between CPS and intelligence has also been discussed from an empirical perspective. A meta-analysis conducted by Stadler et al. ( 2015 ) selected 47 empirical studies (total sample size N = 13,740) which focused on the correlation between CPS and intelligence. The results of their analysis confirmed that a correlation between CPS and intelligence exists with a moderate effect size of M(g) = 0.43.

Due to the strong link between CPS and intelligence, assessments of these two domains have been connected and have overlapped to a certain extent. For instance, Beckmann and Guthke ( 1995 ) observed that some of the intelligence tests “capture something akin to an individual’s general ability to solve problems (e.g., Sternberg 1982 )” (p. 184). Nowadays, some widely used CPS assessment methods are related to intelligence but still constitute a distinct construct ( Schweizer et al. 2013 ), such as the MicroDYN approach ( Greiff and Funke 2009 ; Greiff et al. 2012 ; Schweizer et al. 2013 ). This approach uses the minimal complex system to simulate simplistic, artificial but still complex problems following certain construction rules ( Greiff and Funke 2009 ; Greiff et al. 2012 ).

The MicroDYN approach has been widely employed to measure problem solving in a well-defined problem context (i.e., “problems have a clear set of means for reaching a precisely described goal state”, Dörner and Funke 2017, p. 1 ). To complete a task based on the MicroDYN approach, the problem solver engages in dynamic interaction with the task to acquire relevant knowledge. It is not possible to create this kind of test environment with the traditional paper-and-pencil-based method. Therefore, it is currently only possible to conduct a MicroDYN-based CPS assessment within the computer-based assessment framework. In the context of computer-based assessment, the problem-solvers’ operations were recorded and logged by the assessment platform. Thus, except for regular achievement-focused result data, logfile data are also available for analysis. This provides the option of exploring and monitoring problem solvers’ behaviour and thinking processes, specifically, their exploration strategies, during the problem-solving process (see, e.g., Chen et al. 2019 ; Greiff et al. 2015a ; Molnár and Csapó 2018 ; Molnár et al. 2022 ; Wu and Molnár 2021 ).

Problem solving, in the context of an ill-defined problem (i.e., “problems have no clear problem definition, their goal state is not defined clearly, and the means of moving towards the (diffusely described) goal state are not clear”, Dörner and Funke 2017, p. 1), involved a different cognitive process than that in the context of a well-defined problem ( Funke 2010 ; Schraw et al. 1995 ), and it cannot be measured with the MicroDYN approach. The nature of ill-defined problem solving has been explored and discussed in numerous studies (e.g., Dörner and Funke 2017 ; Hołda et al. 2020 ; Schraw et al. 1995 ; Welter et al. 2017 ). This will not be discussed here as this study focuses on well-defined problem solving.

1.2. Inductive and Combinatorial Reasoning as Component Skills of Complex Problem Solving

Frensch and Funke ( 1995 ) constructed a theoretical framework that summarizes the basic components of CPS and the interrelations among the components. The framework contains three separate components: problem solver, task and environment. The impact of the problem solver is mainly relevant to three main categories, which are memory contents, dynamic information processing and non-cognitive variables. Some thinking skills have been reported to play an important role in dynamic information processing. We can thus describe them as component skills of CPS. Inductive reasoning (IR) and combinatorial reasoning (CR) are the two thinking skills that have been most frequently discussed as component skills of CPS.

IR is the reasoning skill that has been covered most commonly in the literature. Currently, there is no universally accepted definition. Molnár et al. ( 2013 ) described it as the cognitive process of acquiring general regularities by generalizing single and specific observations and experiences, whereas Klauer ( 1990 ) defined it as the discovery of regularities that relies upon the detection of similarities and/or dissimilarities as concerns attributes of or relations to or between objects. Sandberg and McCullough ( 2010 ) provided a general conclusion of the definitions of IR: it is the process of moving from the specific to the general.

Csapó ( 1997 ) pointed out that IR is a basic component of thinking and that it forms a central aspect of intellectual functioning. Some studies have also discussed the role of IR in a problem-solving environment. For instance, Mayer ( 1998 ) stated that IR will be applied in information processing during the process of solving general problems. Gilhooly ( 1982 ) also pointed out that IR plays a key role in some activities in the problem-solving process, such as hypothesis generation and hypothesis testing. Moreover, the influence of IR on both KAC and KAP has been analysed and demonstrated in previous studies ( Molnár et al. 2013 ).

Empirical studies have also provided evidence that IR and CPS are related. Based on the results of a large-scale assessment (N = 2769), Molnár et al. ( 2013 ) showed that IR significantly correlated with 9–17-year-old students’ domain-general problem-solving achievement (r = 0.44–0.52). Greiff et al. ( 2015b ) conducted a large-scale assessment project (N = 2021) in Finland to explore the links between fluid reasoning skills and domain-general CPS. The study measured fluid reasoning as a two-dimensional model which consisted of deductive reasoning and scientific reasoning and included inductive thinking processes ( Greiff et al. 2015b ). The results drawing on structural equation modelling indicated that fluid reasoning which was partly based on IR had significant and strong predictive effects on both KAC (β = 0.51) and KAP (β = 0.55), the two phases of problem solving. Such studies have suggested that IR is one of the component skills of CPS.

According to Adey and Csapó ’s ( 2012 ) definition, CR is the process of creating complex constructions out of a set of given elements that satisfy the conditions explicitly given in or inferred from the situation. In this process, some cognitive operations, such as combinations, arrangements, permutations, notations and formulae, will be employed ( English 2005 ). CR is one of the basic components of formal thinking ( Batanero et al. 1997 ). The relationship between CR and CPS has frequently been discussed. English ( 2005 ) demonstrated that CR has an essential meaning in several types of problem situations, such as problems requiring the systematic testing of alternative solutions. Moreover, Newell ( 1993 ) pointed out that CR is applied in some key activities of problem-solving information processing, such as strategy generation and application. Its functions include, but are not limited to, helping problem solvers to discover relationships between certain elements and concepts, promoting their fluency of thinking when they are considering different strategies ( Csapó 1999 ) and identifying all possible alternatives ( OECD 2014 ). Moreover, Wu and Molnár ’s ( 2018 ) empirical study drew on a sample (N = 187) of 11–13-year-old primary school students in China. Their study built a structural equation model between CPS, IR and CR, and the result indicated that CR showed a strong and statistically significant predictive power for CPS (β = 0.55). Thus, the results of the empirical study also support the argument that CR is one of the component skills of CPS.

1.3. Behaviours and Strategies in a Complex Problem-Solving Environment

Wüstenberg et al. ( 2012 ) stated that the creation and implementation of strategic exploration are core actions of the problem-solving task. Exploring and generating effective information are key to successfully solving a problem. Wittmann and Hattrup ( 2004 ) illustrated that “riskier strategies [create] a learning environment with greater opportunities to discover and master the rules and boundaries [of a problem]” (p. 406). Thus, when gathering information about a complex problem, there may be differences between exploration strategies in terms of efficacy. The MicroDYN scenarios, a simplification and simulation of the real-world problem-solving context, will also be influenced by the adoption and implementation of exploration strategies.

The effectiveness of the isolated variation strategy (or “Vary-One-Thing-At-A-Time” strategy—VOTAT; Vollmeyer et al. 1996 ) in a CPS environment has been hotly debated ( Chen et al. 2019 ; Greiff et al. 2018 ; Molnár and Csapó 2018 ; Molnár et al. 2022 ; Wu and Molnár 2021 ; Wüstenberg et al. 2014 ). To use the VOTAT strategy, a problem solver “systematically varies only one input variable, whereas the others remain unchanged. This way, the effect of the variable that has just been changed can be observed directly by monitoring the changes in the output variables” ( Molnár and Csapó 2018, p. 2 ). Understanding and using VOTAT effectively is the foundation for developing more complex strategies for coordinating multiple variables and the basis for some phases of scientific thinking (i.e., inquiry, analysis, inference and argument; Kuhn 2010 ; Kuhn et al. 1995 ).

Some previous studies have indicated that students who are able to apply VOTAT are more likely to achieve higher performance in a CPS assessment ( Greiff et al. 2018 ), especially if the problem is a well-defined minimal complex system (such as MicroDYN) ( Fischer et al. 2012 ; Molnár and Csapó 2018 ; Wu and Molnár 2021 ). For instance, Molnár and Csapó ( 2018 ) conducted an empirical study to explore how students’ exploration strategies influence their performance in an interactive problem-solving environment. They measured a group (N = 4371) of 3rd- to 12th-grade (aged 9–18) Hungarian students’ problem-solving achievement and modelled students’ exploration strategies. This result confirmed that students’ exploration strategies influence their problem-solving performance. For example, conscious VOTAT strategy users proved to be the best problem-solvers. Furthermore, other empirical studies (e.g., Molnár et al. 2022 ; Wu and Molnár 2021 ) achieved similar results, thus confirming the importance of VOTAT in a MicroDYN-based CPS environment.

Lotz et al. ( 2017 ) illustrated that effective use of VOTAT is associated with higher levels of intelligence. Their study also pointed out that intelligence has the potential to facilitate successful exploration behaviour. Reasoning skills are an important component of general intelligence. Based on Lotz et al. ’s ( 2017 ) statements, the roles IR and CR play in the CPS process might vary due to students’ different strategy usage patterns. However, there is still a lack of empirical studies in this regard.

2. Research Aims and Questions

Numerous studies have explored the nature of CPS, some of them discussing and analysing it from behavioural or cognitive perspectives. However, there have barely been any that have merged these two perspectives. From the cognitive perspective, this study explores the role of thinking skills (including IR and CR) in the cognition process of CPS. From the behavioural perspective, the study focuses on students’ behaviour (i.e., their exploration strategy) in the CPS assessment process. More specifically, the research aims to fill this gap and examine students’ use of statistically distinguishable exploration strategies in CPS environments and to detect the connection between the level of students’ thinking skills and their behaviour strategies in the CPS environment. The following research questions were thus formed.

(RQ1) What exploration strategy profiles characterise the various problem-solvers at the university level?
(RQ2) Can developmental differences in CPS, IR and CR be detected among students with different exploration strategy profiles?
(RQ3) What are the similarities and differences in the roles IR and CR play in the CPS process as well as in the two phases of CPS (i.e., KAC and KAP) among students with different exploration strategy profiles?

3.1. Participants and Procedure

The sample was drawn from one of the largest universities in Hungary. Participation was voluntary, but students were able to earn one course credit for taking part in the assessment. The participants were students who had just started their studies there (N = 1671). 43.4% of the first-year students took part in the assessment. 50.9% of the participants were female, and 49.1% were male. We filtered the sample and excluded those who had more than 80% missing data on any of the tests. After the data were cleaned, data from 1343 students were available for analysis. The test was designed and delivered via the eDia online assessment system ( Csapó and Molnár 2019 ). The assessment was held in the university ICT room and divided into two sessions. The first session involved the CPS test, whereas the second session entailed the IR and CR tests. Each session lasted 45 min. The language of the tests was Hungarian, the mother tongue of the students.

3.2. Instruments

3.2.1. complex problem solving (cps).

The CPS assessment instrument adopted the MicroDYN approach. It contains a total of twelve scenarios, and each scenario consisted of two items (one item in the KAC phase and one item in the KAP phase in each problem scenario). Twelve KAC items and twelve KAP items were therefore delivered on the CPS test for a total of twenty-four items. Each scenario has a fictional cover story. For instance, students found a sick cat in front of their house, and they were expected to feed the cat with two different kinds of cat food to help it recover.

Each item contains up to three input and three output variables. The relations between the input and output variables were formulated with linear structural equations ( Funke 2001 ). Figure 1 shows a MicroDYN sample structure containing three input variables (A, B and C), three output variables (X, Y and Z) and a number of possible relations between the variables. The complexity of the item was defined by the number of input and output variables, and the number of relations between the variables. The test began with the item with the lowest complexity. The complexity of each item gradually increased as the test progressed.

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A typical MicroDYN structure with three input variables and three output variables ( Greiff and Funke 2009 ).

The interface of each item displays the value of each variable in both numerical and figural forms (See Figure 2 ). Each of the input variables has a controller, which makes it possible to vary and set the value between +2 (+ +) and −2 (− −). To operate the system, students need to click the “+” or “−” button or use the slider directly to select the value they want to be added to or subtracted from the current value of the input variable. After clicking the “Apply” button in the interface, the input variables will add or subtract the selected value, and the output variables will show the corresponding changes. The history of the values for the input and output variables within the same problem scenario is displayed on screen. If students want to withdraw all the changes and set all the variables to their original status, they can click the “Reset” button.

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Screenshot of the MicroDYN item Cat—first phase (knowledge acquisition). (The items were administered in Hungarian.)

In the first phase of the problem-solving process, the KAC phase, students are asked to interact with the system by changing the value of the input variables and observing and analysing the corresponding changes in the output variables. They are then expected to determine the relationship between the input and output variables and draw it in the form of (an) arrow(s) on the concept map at the bottom of the interface. To avoid item dependence in the second phase of the problem-solving process, the students are provided with a concept map during the KAP phase (see Figure 3 ), which shows the correct connections between the input and output variables. The students are expected to interact with the system by manipulating the input variables to make the output variables reach the given target values in four steps or less. That is, they cannot click on the “Apply” button more than four times. The first phase had a 180 s time limit, whereas the second had a 90 s time limit.

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Screenshot of the MicroDYN item Cat—second phase (knowledge application). (The items were administered in Hungarian).

3.2.2. Inductive Reasoning (IR)

The IR instrument (see Figure 4 ) was originally designed and developed in Hungary ( Csapó 1997 ). In the last 25 years, the instrument has been further developed and scaled for a wide age range ( Molnár and Csapó 2011 ). In addition, figural items have been added, and the assessment method has evolved from paper-and-pencil to computer-based ( Pásztor 2016 ). Currently, the instrument is widely employed in a number of countries (see, e.g., Mousa and Molnár 2020 ; Pásztor et al. 2018 ; Wu et al. 2022 ; Wu and Molnár 2018 ). In the present study, four types of items were included after test adaptation: figural series, figural analogies, number analogies and number series. Students were expected to ascertain the correct relationship between the given figures and numbers and select a suitable figure or number as their answer. Students used the drag-and-drop operation to provide their answers. In total, 49 inductive reasoning items were delivered to the participating students.

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Sample items for the IR test. (The items were administered in Hungarian.).

3.2.3. Combinatorial Reasoning (CR)

The CR instrument (see Figure 5 ) was originally designed by Csapó ( 1988 ). The instrument was first developed in paper-and-pencil format and then modified for computer use ( Pásztor and Csapó 2014 ). Each item contained figural or verbal elements and a clear requirement for combing through the elements. Students were asked to list every single combination based on a given rule they could find. For the figural items, students provided their answers using the drag-and-drop operation; for the verbal items, they were asked to type their answers in a text box provided on screen. The test consisted of eight combinatorial reasoning items in total.

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Sample item for the CR test. (The items were administered in Hungarian).

3.3. Scoring

Students’ performance was automatically scored via the eDia platform. Items on the CPS and IR tests were scored dichotomously. In the first phase (KAC) of the CPS test, if a student drew all the correct relations on the concept map provided on screen within the given timeframe, his/her performance was assigned a score of 1 or otherwise a score of 0. In the second phase (KAP) of the CPS test, if the student successfully reached the given target values of the output variables by manipulating the level of the input variables within no more than four steps and the given timeframe, then his/her performance earned a score of 1 or otherwise a score of 0. On the IR test items, if a student selected the correct figure or number as his/her answer, then he or she received a score of 1; otherwise, the score was 0.

Students’ performance on the CR test items was scored according to a special J index, which was developed by Csapó ( 1988 ). The J index ranges from 0 to 1, where 1 means that the student provided all the correct combinations without any redundant combinations on the task. The formula for computing the J index is the following:

x stands for the number of correct combinations in the student’s answer,

T stands for the number of all possible correct combinations, and

y stands for the number of redundant combinations in the student’s answer.

Furthermore, according to Csapó ’s ( 1988 ) design, if y is higher than T, then the J index will be counted as 0.

3.4. Coding and Labelling the Logfile Data

Beyond concrete answer data, students’ interaction and manipulation behaviour were also logged in the assessment system. This made it possible to analyse students’ exploration behaviour in the first phase of the CPS process (KAC phase). Toward this aim, we adopted a labelling system developed by Molnár and Csapó ( 2018 ) to transfer the raw logfile data to structured data files for analysis. Based on the system, each trial (i.e., the sum of manipulations within the same problem scenario which was applied and tested by clicking the “Apply” button) was modelled as a single data entity. The sum of these trials within the same problem was defined as a strategy. In our study, we only consider the trials which were able to provide useful and new information for the problem-solvers, whereas the redundant or operations trials were excluded.

In this study, we analysed students’ trials to determine the extent to which they used the VOTAT strategy: fully, partially or not at all. This strategy is the most successful exploration strategy for such problems; it is the easiest to interpret and provides direct information about the given variable without any mediation effects ( Fischer et al. 2012 ; Greiff et al. 2018 ; Molnár and Csapó 2018 ; Wüstenberg et al. 2014 ; Wu and Molnár 2021 ). Based on the definition of VOTAT noted in Section 1.3 , we checked students’ trials to ascertain if they systematically varied one input variable while keeping the others unchanged, or applied a different, less successful strategy. We considered the following three types of trials:

“Only one single input variable was manipulated, whose relationship to the output variables was unknown (we considered a relationship unknown if its effect cannot be known from previous settings), while the other variables were set at a neutral value like zero […]
One single input variable was changed, whose relationship to the output variables was unknown. The others were not at zero, but at a setting used earlier. […]
One single input variable was changed, whose relationship to the output variables was unknown, and the others were not at zero; however, the effect of the other input variable(s) was known from earlier settings. Even so, this combination was not attempted earlier” ( Molnár and Csapó 2018, p. 8 )

We used the numbers 0, 1 and 2 to distinguish the level of students’ use of the most effective exploration strategy (i.e., VOTAT). If a student applied one or more of the above trials for every input variable within the same scenario, we considered that they had used the full VOTAT strategy and labelled this behaviour 2. If a student had only employed VOTAT on some but not all of the input variables, we concluded that they had used a partial VOTAT strategy for that problem scenario and labelled it 1. If a student had used none of the trials noted above in their problem exploration, then we determined that they had not used VOTAT at all and thus gave them a label of 0.

3.5. Data Analysis Plan

We used LCA (latent class analysis) to explore students’ exploration strategy profiles. LCA is a latent variable modelling approach that can be used to identify unmeasured (latent) classes of samples with similarly observed variables. LCA has been widely used in analysing logfile data for CPS assessment and in exploring students’ behaviour patterns (see, e.g., Gnaldi et al. 2020 ; Greiff et al. 2018 ; Molnár et al. 2022 ; Molnár and Csapó 2018 ; Mustafić et al. 2019 ; Wu and Molnár 2021 ). The scores for the use of VOTAT in the KAC phase (0, 1, 2; see Section 3.4 ) were used for the LCA analysis. We used Mplus ( Muthén and Muthén 2010 ) to run the LCA analysis. Several indices were used to measure the model fit: AIC (Akaike information criterion), BIC (Bayesian information criterion) and aBIC (adjusted Bayesian information criterion). With these three indicators, lower values indicate a better model fit. Entropy (ranging from 0 to 1, with values close to 1 indicating high certainty in the classification). The Lo–Mendell–Rubin adjusted likelihood ratio was used to compare the model containing n latent classes with the model containing n − 1 latent classes, and the p value was the indicator for whether a significant difference could be detected ( Lo et al. 2001 ). The results of the Lo–Mendell–Rubin adjusted likelihood ratio analysis were used to decide the correct number of latent classes in LCA models.

ANOVA was used to analyse the performance differences for CPS, IR and CR across the students from the different class profiles. The analysis was run using SPSS. A path analysis (PA) was employed in the structural equation modelling (SEM) framework to investigate the roles of CR and IR in CPS and the similarities and differences across the students from the different exploration strategy profiles. The PA models were carried out with Mplus. The Tucker–Lewis index (TLI), the comparative fit index (CFI) and the root-mean-square error of approximation (RMSEA) were used as indicators for the model fit. A TLI and CFI larger than 0.90 paired with a RMSEA less than 0.08 are commonly considered as an acceptable model fit ( van de Schoot et al. 2012 ).

4.1. Descriptive Results

All three tests showed good reliability (Cronbach’s α: CPS: 0.89; IR: 0.87; CR: 0.79). Furthermore, the two sub-dimensions of the CPS test, KAC and KAP, also showed satisfactory reliability (Cronbach’s α: KAC: 0.86; KAP: 0.78). The tests thus proved to be reliable. The means and standard deviations of students’ performance (in percentage) on each test are provided in Table 1 .

The means and standard deviations of students’ performance on each test.

4.2. Four Qualitatively Different Exploration Strategy Profiles Can Be Distinguished in CPS

Based on the labelled logfile data for CPS, we applied latent class analyses to identify the behaviour patterns of the students in the exploration phase of the problem-solving process. The model fits for the LCA analysis are listed in Table 2 . Compared with the 2 or 3 latent class models, the 4 latent class model has a lower AIC, BIC and aBIC, and the likelihood ratio statistical test (the Lo–Mendell–Rubin adjusted likelihood ratio test) confirmed it has a significantly better model fit. The 5 and 6 latent class models did not show a better model fit than the 4 latent class model. Therefore, based on the results, four qualitatively different exploration strategy profiles can be distinguished, which covered 96% of the students.

Fit indices for latent class analyses.

The patterns for the four qualitatively different exploration strategy profiles are shown in Figure 6 . In total, 84.3% of the students were proficient exploration strategy users, who were able to use VOTAT in each problem scenario independent of its difficulty level (represented by the red line in Figure 5 ). In total, 6.2% of the students were rapid learners. They were not able to apply VOTAT at the beginning of the test on the easiest problems but managed to learn quickly, and, after a rapid learning curve by the end of the test, they reached the level of proficient exploration strategy users, even though the problems became much more complex (represented by the blue line). In total, 3.1% of the students proved to be non-persistent explorers, and they employed VOTAT on the easiest problems but did not transfer this knowledge to the more complex problems. Finally, they were no longer able to apply VOTAT when the complexity of the problems increased (represented by the green line). In total, 6.5% of the students were non-performing explorers; they barely used any VOTAT strategy during the whole test (represented by the pink line) independent of problem complexity.

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Four qualitatively different exploration strategy profiles.

4.3. Better Exploration Strategy Users Showed Better Performance in Reasoning Skills

Students with different exploration strategy profiles showed different kinds of performance in each reasoning skill under investigation. Results (see Table 3 ) showed that more proficient strategy users tended to have higher achievement in all the domains assessed as well as in the two sub-dimensions in CPS (i.e., KAC and KAP; ANOVA: CPS: F(3, 1339) = 187.28, p < 0.001; KAC: F(3, 1339) = 237.15, p < 0.001; KAP: F(3, 1339) = 74.91, p < 0.001; IR: F(3, 1339) = 48.10, p < 0.001; CR: F(3, 1339) = 28.72, p < 0.001); specifically, students identified as “proficient exploration strategy users” achieved the highest level on the reasoning skills tests independent of the domains. On average, they were followed by rapid learners, non-persistent explorers and, finally, non-performing explorers. Tukey’s post hoc tests revealed more details on the performance differences of students with different exploration profiles in each of the domains being measured. Proficient strategy users proved to be significantly more skilled in each of the reasoning domains. They were followed by rapid learners, who outperformed non-persistent explorers and non-performing explorers in CPS. In the domains of IR and CR, there were no achievement differences between rapid learners and non-persistent explorers, who significantly outperformed non-performing strategy explorers.

Students’ performance on each test—grouped according to the different exploration strategy profiles.

4.4. The Roles of IR and CR in CPS and Its Processes Were Different for Each Type of Exploration Strategy User

Path analysis was used to explore the predictive power of IR and CR for CPS and its processes, knowledge acquisition and knowledge application, for each group of students with different exploration strategy profiles. That is, four path analysis models were built to indicate the predictive power of IR and CR for CPS (see Figure 7 ), and another four path analyses models were developed to monitor the predictive power of IR and CR for the two empirically distinguishable phases of CPS (i.e., KAC and KAP) (see Figure 8 ). All eight models had good model fits, the fit indices TLI and CFI were above 0.90, and RMSEA was less than 0.08.

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Path analysis models (with CPS, IR and CR) for each type of strategy user; * significant at 0.05 ( p < 0.05); ** significant at 0.01 ( p < 0.01); N.S.: no significant effect can be found.

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Path analysis models (with KAC, KAP, IR and CR) for each type of strategy user; * significant at 0.05 ( p < 0.05); ** significant at 0.01 ( p < 0.01); N.S.: no significant effect can be found.

Students’ level of IR significantly predicted their level of CPS in all four path analysis models independent of their exploration strategy profile ( Figure 7 ; proficient strategy users: β = 0.432, p < 0.01; rapid learners: β = 0.350, p < 0.01; non-persistent explorers: β = 0.309, p < 0.05; and non-performing explorers: β = 0.386, p < 0.01). This was not the case for CR, which only proved to have predictive power for CPS among proficient strategy users (β = 0.104, p < 0.01). IR and CR were significantly correlated in all four models.

After examining the roles of IR and CR in the CPS process, we went further to explore the roles of these two reasoning skills in the distinguishable phases of CPS. The path analysis models ( Figure 8 ) showed that the predictive power of IR and CR for KAC and KAP was varied in each group. Levels of IR and CR among non-persistent explorers and non-performing explorers failed to predict their achievement in the KAC phase of the CPS process. Moreover, rapid learners’ level of IR significantly predicted their achievement in the KAC phase (β = 0.327, p < 0.01), but their level of CR did not have the same predictive power. Furthermore, the proficient strategy users’ levels of both reasoning skills had significant predictive power for KAC (IR: β = 0.363, p < 0.01; CR: β = 0.132, p < 0.01). In addition, in the KAP phase of the CPS problems, IR played a significant role for all types of strategy users, although with different power (proficient strategy users: β = 0.408, p < 0.01; rapid learners: β = 0.339, p < 0.01; non-persistent explorers: β = 0.361, p < 0.01; and non-performing explorers: β = 0.447, p < 0.01); by contrast, CR did not have significant predictive power for the KAP phase in any of the models.

5. Discussion

The study aims to investigate the role of IR and CR in CPS and its phases among students using statistically distinguishable exploration strategies in different CPS environments. We examined 1343 Hungarian university students and assessed their CPS, IR and CR skills. Both achievement data and logfile data were used in the analysis. The traditional achievement indicators formed the foundation for analysing the students’ CPS, CR and IR performance, whereas process data extracted from logfile data were used to explore students’ exploration behaviour in various CPS environments.

Four qualitatively different exploration strategy profiles were distinguished: proficient strategy users, rapid learners, non-persistent explorers and non-performing explorers (RQ1). The four profiles were consistent with the result of another study conducted at university level (see Molnár et al. 2022 ), and the frequencies of these four profiles in these two studies were very similar. The two studies therefore corroborate and validate each other’s results. The majority of the participants were identified as proficient strategy users. More than 80% of the university students were able to employ effective exploration strategies in various CPS environments. Of the remaining students, some performed poorly in exploration strategy use in the early part of the test (rapid learners), some in the last part (non-persistent explorers) and some throughout the test (non-performing explorers). However, students with these three exploration strategy profiles only constituted small portions of the total sample (with proportions ranging from 3.1% to 6.5%). The university students therefore exhibited generally good performance in terms of exploration strategy use in a CPS environment, especially compared with previous results among younger students (e.g., primary school students, see Greiff et al. 2018 ; Wu and Molnár 2021 ; primary to secondary students, see Molnár and Csapó 2018 ).

The results have indicated that better exploration strategy users achieved higher CPS performance and had better development levels of IR and CR (RQ2). First, the results have confirmed the importance of VOTAT in a CPS environment. This finding is consistent with previous studies (e.g., Greiff et al. 2015a ; Molnár and Csapó 2018 ; Mustafić et al. 2019 ; Wu and Molnár 2021 ). Second, the results have confirmed that effective use of VOTAT is strongly tied to the level of IR and CR development. Reasoning forms an important component of human intelligence, and the level of development in reasoning was an indicator of the level of intelligence ( Klauer et al. 2002 ; Sternberg and Kaufman 2011 ). Therefore, this finding has supplemented empirical evidence for the argument that effective use of VOTAT is associated with levels of intelligence to a certain extent.

The roles of IR and CR proved to be varied for each type of exploration strategy user (RQ3). For instance, the level of CPS among the best exploration strategy users (i.e., the proficient strategy users) was predicted by both the levels of IR and CR, but this was not the case for students with other profiles. In addition, the results have indicated that IR played important roles in both the KAC and KAP phases for the students with relatively good exploration strategy profiles (i.e., proficient strategy users and rapid learners) but only in the KAP phase for the rest of the students (non-persistent explorers and non-performing explorers); moreover, the predictive power of CR can only be detected in the KAC phase of the proficient strategy users. To sum up, the results suggest a general trend of IR and CR playing more important roles in the CPS process among better exploration strategy users.

Combining the answers to RQ2 and RQ3, we can gain further insights into students’ exploration strategy use in a CPS environment. Our results have confirmed that the use of VOTAT is associated with the level of IR and CR development and that the importance of IR and CR increases with proficiency in exploration strategy use. Based on these findings, we can make a reasonable argument that IR and CR are essential skills for using VOTAT and that underdeveloped IR and CR will prevent students from using effective strategies in a CPS environment. Therefore, if we want to encourage students to become better exploration strategy users, it is important to first enhance their IR and CR skills. Previous studies have suggested that establishing explicit training in using effective strategies in a CPS environment is important for students’ CPS development ( Molnár et al. 2022 ). Our findings have identified the importance of IR and CR in exploration strategy use, which has important implications for designing training programmes.

The results have also provided a basis for further studies. Future studies have been suggested to further link the behavioural and cognitive perspectives in CPS research. For instance, IR and CR were considered as component skills of CPS (see Section 1.2 ). The results of the study have indicated the possibility of not only discussing the roles of IR and CR in the cognitive process of CPS, but also exploration behaviour in a CPS environment. The results have thus provided a new perspective for exploring the component skills of CPS.

6. Limitations

There are some limitations in the study. All the tests were low stake; therefore, students might not be sufficiently motivated to do their best. This feature might have produced the missing values detected in the sample. In addition, some students’ exploration behaviour shown in this study might theoretically be below their true level. However, considering that data cleaning was adopted in this study (see Section 3.1 ), we believe this phenomenon will not have a remarkable influence on the results. Moreover, the CPS test in this study was based on the MicroDYN approach, which is a well-established and widely used artificial model with a limited number of variables and relations. However, it does not have the power to cover all kinds of complex and dynamic problems in real life. For instance, the MicroDYN approach cannot measure ill-defined problem solving. Thus, this study can only demonstrate the influence of IR and CR on problem solving in well-defined MicroDYN-simulated problems. Furthermore, VOTAT is helpful with minimally complex problems under well-defined laboratory conditions, but it may not be that helpful with real-world, ill-defined complex problems ( Dörner and Funke 2017 ; Funke 2021 ). Therefore, the generalizability of the findings is limited.

7. Conclusions

In general, the results have shed new light on students’ problem-solving behaviours in respect of exploration strategy in a CPS environment and explored differences in terms of the use of thinking skills between students with different exploration strategies. Most studies discuss students’ problem-solving strategies from a behavioural perspective. By contrast, this paper discusses them from both behavioural and cognitive perspectives, thus expanding our understanding in this area. As for educational implications, the study contributes to designing and revising training methods for CPS by identifying the importance of IR and CR in exploration behaviour in a CPS environment. To sum up, the study has investigated the nature of CPS from a fresh angle and provided a sound basis for future studies.

Funding Statement

This study has been conducted with support provided by the National Research, Development and Innovation Fund of Hungary, financed under the OTKA K135727 funding scheme and supported by the Research Programme for Public Education Development, Hungarian Academy of Sciences (KOZOKT2021-16).

Author Contributions

Conceptualization, H.W. and G.M.; methodology, H.W. and G.M.; formal analysis, H.W.; writing—original draft preparation, H.W.; writing—review and editing, G.M.; project administration, G.M.; funding acquisition, G.M. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Institutional Review Board Statement

Ethical approval was not required for this study in accordance with the national and institutional guidelines. The assessments which provided data for this study were integrated parts of the educational processes of the participating university. The participation was voluntary.

Informed Consent Statement

All of the students in the assessment turned 18, that is, it was not required or possible to request and obtain written informed parental consent from the participants.

Data Availability Statement

Conflicts of interest.

Authors declare no conflict of interest.

Publisher’s Note: MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

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Problem-Solving in Cognitive Psychology

Introduction.

Cognitive skills that a person acquires throughout one’s life shape a personal background and allow interacting with other people through the experience of communication to overcome various barriers. Problem-solving is valuable attainment, and cognitive psychology is the industry that studies this phenomenon from the perspective of drivers and incentives to make decisions in favor of specific actions or ideas.

From a neurological perspective, problem-solving is characterized by the nature of the human desire to fill the space and identify the best methods to overcome specific barriers. At the same time, this skill may be applied to other areas where the experience gained is a crucial self-determining factor, for instance, differential or educational psychology. The problem-solving attainment is of high importance from the perspective of gaining individual adaptive and social habits. The abilities to analyze and make the right decision based on the proposed circumstances are the skills that distinguish the human species from most other living beings.

Neurological Foundations and Processes Related to Problem-Solving

Problem-solving is an active neurological process that occurs at the initiative of a person oneself and does not belong to the category of automatic and reflex properties. Any task requiring a solution is associated with the work of various cognitive skills that need to be applied to solve an individual problem (“Cognitive psychology,” 2020). This form of behavior is goal-directed and serves as a tool for performing specific actions but not as a ready-made set of behavioral reflexes (“Cognitive psychology,” 2020).

The abilities to find flexible solutions, adapt to the current conditions, divide tasks in accordance with the spectrum of their significance, assess specific actions or solutions adequately, and other attainments shape the neurological background of problem-solving. Brace (2014) lists various problem-solving strategies and notes that building a sequence of actions in a specific order to achieve the desired goal is evidence of cognitive development, which varies depending on complexity. Thus, the effectiveness of problem-solving may depend on the criteria of the complexity of a particular issue and the tools available to overcome it.

The ability to control cognitive functions to direct them towards solving a specific problem is a skill that is established from an early age. As one grows older and acquires new cognitive skills, the complexity of potentially solvable problems increases. A person learns to combine existing knowledge, for instance, in the context of problem-solving by analogy, which Brace (2014) describes as a process related to experience rather than knowledge. As Kolbert (2017) argues, collaborative groups, play a significant role in this process and stimulate solving different problems through the application of previously learned attainments. In this regard, one can conclude about the neurological connection between problem-solving and social adaptation.

Filling the space that has arisen due to the urgent need to overcome a specific obstacle does not carry unconditioned reflexes and is based on a conscious choice to search for optimal solutions. When a person analyzes, draws analogies, divides tasks into subtasks, and performs other actions related to problem-solving, cognitive skills are activated (“Cognitive psychology,” 2020). Unwillingness to deviate from the intended plan characterizes the innate ability to overcome barriers to achieve the desired goal. A baby who crawls towards one’s toy despite obstacles on the floor does this consciously. Thus, problem-solving may be characterized not only as a cognitive process that develops as people grow older and socialize but also as an integral and conscious personality trait.

Criticism of the Problem-Solving Theory

Despite the fact that problem-solving is the subject of cognitive psychology research and a recognized concept, certain aspects of this theory are questioned due to the similarity with other psychological models. In particular, Servant-Miklos (2019) argues that problem-solving and knowledge acquisition are processes that have much in common and are often discussed as related phenomena. As a result, contradictions between each of these theories arise. This context is based on the understanding of what knowledge is since the ability to use accumulated cognitive skills may be interpreted from the perspectives of both intelligence and a set of problem-solving attainments.

According to Servant-Miklos (2019), “both approaches are the product of the Cognitive Revolution in psychology,” but their differences presuppose the ability to use knowledge (p. 622). As a justification, the author draws attention to the generation of the late 20th century and notes that the emergence of computer technology has eliminated the urgent need to utilize knowledge for problem-solving (Servant-Miklos, 2019). Therefore, this interpretation of the theoretical foundations is the argument in favor of the approach in which problem-solving skills in cognitive psychology prevail over knowledge acquisition.

At the same time, despite conflicting positions regarding problem-solving and knowledge acquisition, evaluating these concepts from a critical perspective allows finding the relationship between them. Lieto et al. (2019) consider problem-solving through the prism of the goal-directed approach when the final task is the main one to achieve through overcoming appropriate obstacles. In this regard, the researchers consider this process “is based on the availability of novel, additional, knowledge that can be then used to select novel sub-goals or novel operations” (Lieto et al., 2019, p. 305).

In other words, an algorithm that involves searching for effective solutions and methods to overcome specific problems is inextricably linked with the acquisition of new knowledge that will subsequently be transformed into experience. According to Servant-Miklos (2019), the psychology of learning is built on the constant processing of information that comes through communication and personal drive to overcome barriers. The better the information studied, the higher the likelihood that the problem-solving process will be faster and more successful. Therefore, despite the criticism and differentiation of the concepts of problem-solving and knowledge acquisition, these two models are rather interrelated than separated.

Application of Problem-Solving to Other Fields

Problem-solving is a concept that finds its application not only in cognitive psychology but also in other fields. For instance, Xiong and Proctor (2018) state that this model fits into the area of educational psychology.

This is an approach that allows building the educational process based on the search for evidence and justification. In modern pedagogical practice, this technique is widely used because the trend to stimulate student activity through the development of critical thinking involves the ability to solve various problems on one’s own. Kovacs and Conway (2019), in turn, draw attention to differential psychology as the area in which problem-solving can be actively applied. In this field, the search for arguments for obtaining reasonable alternative conclusions shapes the basis of the cognitive process. As a result, the more successful an individual utilizes problem-solving skills, the higher the likelihood of the objective assessment of specific phenomena or challenges to overcome.

Problem-solving, as a methodological concept, is used not only in various branches of psychology but also in other areas where the assessment of cognitive processes is indirect. For instance, Kovacs and Conway (2019) analyze this approach for practical purposes and provide an example of recruiting tests used in hiring employees. Job applicants, as a rule, are asked to answer questions related to the assessment of individual situations, and the use of critical thinking skills to apply problem-solving attainments is a common approach.

Another area in which this concept is applied is computer technology. As Xiong and Proctor (2018) note, modern AI algorithms are built due to the methods that aim to train AI to overcome various problems through problem-solving. Advances in this area may prove that acquired information accumulated through knowledge is an objective and effective methodology to overcome barriers. Computers combine and synthesize different data, thereby transforming them into efficient problem-solving algorithms. Therefore, this concept finds its application in various fields as a necessary and relevant technique.

Problem-solving is a subject of study not only in cognitive psychology but also in other areas since this concept characterizes the individual from different perspectives and distinguishes people from other living beings. Applying critical thinking and combining experience with knowledge shape the basis of this model. Despite the existing criticism, the separation of problem-solving from knowledge acquisition is irrelevant because these theories are interrelated.

Utilizing appropriate skills in computer technology confirms that the collection and accumulation of valuable information is the core of the development of problem-solving skills. Therefore, further research on this topic can be devoted to a deeper analysis of such attainments in the technology industry, in particular, artificial intelligence, to identify basic algorithms and compare them with those in humans.

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Lieto, A., Perrone, F., Pozzato, G. L., & Chiodino, E. (2019). Beyond subgoaling: A dynamic knowledge generation framework for creative problem solving in cognitive architectures . Cognitive Systems Research , 58 , 305-316. Web.

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Xiong, A., & Proctor, R. W. (2018). Information processing: The language and analytical tools for cognitive psychology in the information age. Frontiers in Psychology , 9 , 1270. Web.

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Self-Esteem

It’s ok you can’t solve every problem, trying to “fix" everything can leave you feeling like a failure..

Updated May 10, 2024 | Reviewed by Ray Parker

What Is Self-Esteem?
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Your intrinsic value is more than what you can do for other people.

You are still worthwhile and can be successful, even if you don’t have all the solutions.

Consider which decision will make you feel you’ve stayed true to your values.

In coaching others, I often discuss problem-solving strategies to help individuals think creatively and consider many options when they are faced with challenging situations.

Problem solving 1-2 includes the following:

Define the problem, identify obstacles, and set realistic goals .
Generate a variety of alternative solutions to overcome obstacles identified.
Choose which idea has the highest likelihood to achieve the goal.
Try out the solution in real-life and see if it worked or not.

Problem-solving strategies can be helpful in many situations. Thinking creatively and testing out different potential solutions can help you come up with alternative ways of solving your problems.

While many problems can be solved, there are also situations in which there is no “perfect” solution or in which what seems to be the best solution still leaves you feeling unsatisfied or like you’re not doing enough.

I encourage you to increase your comfort around the following three truths:

1. You can’t always solve everyone else’s problems.

2. You can’t always solve all of your own problems.

3. You are not a failure if you can’t solve every problem.

You can’t always solve everyone else’s problems.

When someone around you needs help, do you feel compelled to find solutions to their problem?

Are you seen as the problem solver at your job or in your close relationships?

Does it feel uncomfortable for you to listen to someone tell you about a problem and not offer solutions?

There are times when others come to you because they know you can help them solve a problem. There are also times when the other person is coming to you not for a solution to their problem, but for support, empathy, and a listening ear.

Your relationships may be negatively impacted if others feel that you don’t fully listen and only try to “fix” everything for them. While this may feel like a noble act, it may lead the other person to feel like they have failed or that you think they are unable to solve their own problems.

Consider approaching such situations with curiosity by saying to the other person:

As you share this information with me, tell me how I can best support you.
What would be most helpful right now? Are you looking for an empathetic ear or want to brainstorm potential next steps?
I want to be sure I am as helpful as I can be right now; what are you hoping to get out of our conversation?

You can’t always solve all of your own problems.

We are taught from a young age that problems have a solution. For example, while solving word problems in math class may not have been your favorite thing to do, you knew there was ultimately a “right” answer. Many times, the real world is much more complex, and many of the problems that you face do not have clear or “right” answers.

You may often be faced with finding solutions that do the most good for the most amount of people, but you know that others may still be left out or feel unsatisfied with the result.

Your beliefs about yourself, other people, and the world can sometimes help you make decisions in such circumstances. You may ask for help from others. Some may consider their faith or spirituality for guidance. While others may consider philosophical theories.

Knowing that there often isn’t a “perfect” solution, you may consider asking yourself some of the following questions:

What’s the healthiest decision I can make? The healthiest decision for yourself and for those who will be impacted.
Imagine yourself 10 years in the future, looking back on the situation: What do you think the future-you would encourage you to do?
What would a wise person do?
What decision will allow you to feel like you’ve stayed true to your values?

You are not a failure if you can’t solve all of the problems.

If you have internalized feeling like you need to be able to solve every problem that comes across your path, you may feel like a failure each time you don’t.

It’s impossible to solve every problem.

Your intrinsic value is more than what you can do for other people. You have value because you are you.

Consider creating more realistic and adaptive thoughts around your ability to help others and solve problems.

Some examples include:

I am capable, even without solving all of the problems.
I am worthwhile, even if I’m not perfect.
What I do for others does not define my worth.
In living my values, I know I’ve done my best.

I hope you utilize the information above to consider how you can coach yourself the next time you:

Start to solve someone else’s problem without being asked.
Feel stuck in deciding the best next steps.
Judge yourself negatively.

1. D'zurilla, T. J., & Goldfried, M. R. (1971). Problem solving and behavior modification. Journal of abnormal psychology, 78(1), 107.

2. D’Zurilla, T. J., & Nezu, A. M. (2010). Problem-solving therapy. Handbook of cognitive-behavioral therapies, 3(1), 197-225.

Julie Radico, Psy.D. ABPP, is a board-certified clinical psychologist and coauthor of You Will Get Through This: A Mental Health First-Aid Kit.

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What Is an Algorithm in Psychology?

Definition, Examples, and Uses

Kendra Cherry, MS, is a psychosocial rehabilitation specialist, psychology educator, and author of the "Everything Psychology Book."

James Lacy, MLS, is a fact-checker and researcher.

How Does an Algorithm Work?

Examples of algorithms.

Reasons to Use Algorithms
Potential Pitfalls

Algorithms vs. Heuristics

When solving a problem , choosing the right approach is often the key to arriving at the best solution. In psychology, one of these problem-solving approaches is known as an algorithm. While often thought of purely as a mathematical term, the same type of process can be followed in psychology to find the correct answer when solving a problem or making a decision.

An algorithm is a defined set of step-by-step procedures that provides the correct answer to a particular problem. By following the instructions correctly, you are guaranteed to arrive at the right answer.

At a Glance

Algorithms involve following specific steps in order to reach a solution to a problem. They can be a great tool when you need an accurate solution but tend to be more time-consuming than other methods.

This article discusses how algorithms are used as an approach to problem-solving. It also covers how psychologists compare this approach to other problem-solving methods.

An algorithm is often expressed in the form of a graph, where a square represents each step. Arrows then branch off from each step to point to possible directions that you may take to solve the problem.

In some cases, you must follow a particular set of steps to solve the problem. In other instances, you might be able to follow different paths that will all lead to the same solution.

Algorithms are essential step-by-step approaches to solving a problem. Rather than guessing or using trial-and-error, this approach is more likely to guarantee a specific solution.

Using an algorithm can help you solve day-to-day problems you face, but it can also help mental health professionals find ways to help people cope with mental health problems.

For example, a therapist might use an algorithm to treat a person experiencing something like anxiety. Because the therapist knows that a particular approach is likely to be effective, they would recommend a series of specific, focused steps as part of their intervention.

There are many different examples of how algorithms can be used in daily life. Some common ones include:

A recipe for cooking a particular dish
The method a search engine uses to find information on the internet
Instructions for how to assemble a bicycle
Instructions for how to solve a Rubik's cube
A process to determine what type of treatment is most appropriate for certain types of mental health conditions

Doctors and mental health professionals often use algorithms to diagnose mental disorders . For example, they may use a step-by-step approach when they evaluate people.

This might involve asking the individual about their symptoms and their medical history. The doctor may also conduct lab tests, physical exams, or psychological assessments.

Using this information, they then utilize the "Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders" (DSM-5-TR) to make a diagnosis.

Reasons to Use Algorithms in Psychology

The upside of using an algorithm to solve a problem or make a decision is that yields the best possible answer every time. There are situations where using an algorithm can be the best approach:

When Accuracy Is Crucial

Algorithms can be particularly useful in situations when accuracy is critical. They are also a good choice when similar problems need to be frequently solved.

Computer programs can often be designed to speed up this process. Data then needs to be placed in the system so that the algorithm can be executed for the correct solution.

Artificial intelligence may also be a tool for making clinical assessments in healthcare situations.

When Each Decision Needs to Follow the Same Process

Such step-by-step approaches can be useful in situations where each decision must be made following the same process. Because the process follows a prescribed procedure, you can be sure that you will reach the correct answer each time.

Potential Pitfalls When Using Algorithms

The downside of using an algorithm to solve the problem is that this process tends to be very time-consuming.

So if you face a situation where a decision must be made very quickly, you might be better off using a different problem-solving strategy.

For example, an emergency room doctor making a decision about how to treat a patient could use an algorithm approach. However, this would be very time-consuming and treatment needs to be implemented quickly.

In this instance, the doctor would instead rely on their expertise and past experiences to very quickly choose what they feel is the right treatment approach.

Algorithms can sometimes be very complex and may only apply to specific situations. This can limit their use and make them less generalizable when working with larger populations.

Algorithms can be a great problem-solving choice when the answer needs to be 100% accurate or when each decision needs to follow the same process. A different approach might be needed if speed is the primary concern.

In psychology, algorithms are frequently contrasted with heuristics . Both can be useful when problem-solving, but it is important to understand the differences between them.

What Is a Heuristic?

A heuristic is a mental shortcut that allows people to quickly make judgments and solve problems.

These mental shortcuts are typically informed by our past experiences and allow us to act quickly. However, heuristics are really more of a rule-of-thumb; they don't always guarantee a correct solution.

So how do you determine when to use a heuristic and when to use an algorithm? When problem-solving, deciding which method to use depends on the need for either accuracy or speed.

When to Use an Algorithm

If complete accuracy is required, it is best to use an algorithm. By using an algorithm, accuracy is increased and potential mistakes are minimized.

If you are working in a situation where you absolutely need the correct or best possible answer, your best bet is to use an algorithm. When you are solving problems for your math homework, you don't want to risk your grade on a guess.

By following an algorithm, you can ensure that you will arrive at the correct answer to each problem.

When to Use a Heuristic

On the other hand, if time is an issue, then it may be best to use a heuristic. Mistakes may occur, but this approach allows for speedy decisions when time is of the essence.

Heuristics are more commonly used in everyday situations, such as figuring out the best route to get from point A to point B. While you could use an algorithm to map out every possible route and determine which one would be the fastest, that would be a very time-consuming process. Instead, your best option would be to use a route that you know has worked well in the past.

Psychologists who study problem-solving have described two main processes people utilize to reach conclusions: algorithms and heuristics. Knowing which approach to use is important because these two methods can vary in terms of speed and accuracy.

While each situation is unique, you may want to use an algorithm when being accurate is the primary concern. But if time is of the essence, then an algorithm is likely not the best choice.

Lang JM, Ford JD, Fitzgerald MM. An algorithm for determining use of trauma-focused cognitive-behavioral therapy . Psychotherapy (Chic) . 2010;47(4):554-69. doi:10.1037/a0021184

Stein DJ, Shoptaw SJ, Vigo DV, et al. Psychiatric diagnosis and treatment in the 21st century: paradigm shifts versus incremental integration . World Psychiatry . 2022;21(3):393-414. doi:10.1002/wps.20998

Bobadilla-Suarez S, Love BC. Fast or frugal, but not both: decision heuristics under time pressure . J Exp Psychol Learn Mem Cogn . 2018;44(1):24-33. doi:10.1037/xlm0000419

Giordano C, Brennan M, Mohamed B, Rashidi P, Modave F, Tighe P. Accessing artificial intelligence for clinical decision-making . Front Digit Health . 2021;3:645232. doi:10.3389/fdgth.2021.645232

By Kendra Cherry, MSEd Kendra Cherry, MS, is a psychosocial rehabilitation specialist, psychology educator, and author of the "Everything Psychology Book."

COMMENTS

Problem Solving
Cognitive—Problem solving occurs within the problem solver's cognitive system and can only be inferred indirectly from the problem solver's behavior (including biological changes, introspections, and actions during problem solving).. Process—Problem solving involves mental computations in which some operation is applied to a mental representation, sometimes resulting in the creation of ...
Problem-Solving Strategies and Obstacles
In cognitive psychology, the term 'problem-solving' refers to the mental process that people go through to discover, analyze, and solve problems. A problem exists when there is a goal that we want to achieve but the process by which we will achieve it is not obvious to us.
The Problem-Solving Process
Problem-solving is a mental process that involves discovering, analyzing, and solving problems. The ultimate goal of problem-solving is to overcome obstacles and find a solution that best resolves the issue. The best strategy for solving a problem depends largely on the unique situation. In some cases, people are better off learning everything ...
7.3 Problem-Solving
Additional Problem Solving Strategies:. Abstraction - refers to solving the problem within a model of the situation before applying it to reality.; Analogy - is using a solution that solves a similar problem.; Brainstorming - refers to collecting an analyzing a large amount of solutions, especially within a group of people, to combine the solutions and developing them until an optimal ...
Problem Solving
The cognitive approach to problem solving Problem space theory. In 1972, Allen Newell and Herbert Simon published the book Human Problem Solving, in which they outlined their problem space theory of problem solving. In this theory, people solve problems by searching in a problem space. The problem space consists of the initial (current) state ...
PDF COGNITION Chapter 9: Problem Solving Fundamentals of Cognitive Psychology
Fixation occurs when solver is fixated on wrong approach to problem. It often is result of past experience. Fixation refers to the blocking of solution paths to a problem that is caused by past experiences related to the problem. NEGATIVE SET (set effects) - bias or tendency to solve a problem a particular way.
Cognitive Approach In Psychology
Cognitive psychology is the scientific study of the mind as an information processor. It concerns how we take in information from the outside world, and how. ... perception, attention or problem-solving, etc. For example, the cognitive approach suggests that problem gambling is a result of maladaptive thinking and faulty cognitions. These both ...
Cognitive Psychology: The Science of How We Think
Cognitive psychology involves the study of internal mental processes—all of the workings inside your brain, including perception, thinking, memory, attention, language, problem-solving, and learning. Cognitive psychology--the study of how people think and process information--helps researchers understand the human brain.
Problem Solving and Decision Making
Problem solving is the set of cognitive operations that a person engages in to change the current state, to go beyond the impasse, and achieve a desired outcome. ... The current bibliography first outlines some general resources on the psychology of problem solving and decision making before examining each of these topics in detail ...
Problem-Solving Strategies: Definition and 5 Techniques to Try
In insight problem-solving, the cognitive processes that help you solve a problem happen outside your conscious awareness. 4. Working backward. Working backward is a problem-solving approach often ...
Solving Problems the Cognitive-Behavioral Way
Problem-solving is one technique used on the behavioral side of cognitive-behavioral therapy. The problem-solving technique is an iterative, five-step process that requires one to identify the ...
On the cognitive process of human problem solving
Problem solving is a cognitive process of the brain that searches a solution for a given problem or finds a path to reach a given goal. When a problem object is identified, problem solving can be perceived as a search process in the memory space for finding a relationship between a set of solution goals and a set of alternative paths.
7 Module 7: Thinking, Reasoning, and Problem-Solving
Module 7: Thinking, Reasoning, and Problem-Solving. This module is about how a solid working knowledge of psychological principles can help you to think more effectively, so you can succeed in school and life. You might be inclined to believe that—because you have been thinking for as long as you can remember, because you are able to figure ...
Cognitive psychology
Cognitive psychology is the scientific study of mental processes such as attention, language use, memory, perception, problem solving, creativity, and reasoning. [1] Cognitive psychology originated in the 1960s in a break from behaviourism , which held from the 1920s to 1950s that unobservable mental processes were outside the realm of ...
PDF COGNITION Chapter 12: Problem Solving Cognitive Psychology
Fixation occurs when solver is fixated on wrong approach to problem. It often is result of past experience. Fixation refers to the blocking of solution paths to a problem that is caused by past experiences related to the problem. NEGATIVE SET (set effects) - bias or tendency to solve a problem a particular way.
On the cognitive process of human problem solving
In cognitive informatics, problem solving is identified as a cognitive process of the brain at the higher cognitive layer that searches a solution for a given problem or finds a path to reach a given goal ( Wang, 2007b ). Problem solving is one of the 39 fundamental cognitive processes modeled in the LRMB model ( Wang et al., 2006 ).
Problem solving
Problem solving is the process of achieving a goal by overcoming obstacles, a frequent part of most activities. Problems in need of solutions range from simple personal tasks (e.g. how to turn on an appliance) to complex issues in business and technical fields. The former is an example of simple problem solving (SPS) addressing one issue ...
What Is the Cognitive Psychology Approach? 12 Key Theories
Cognitive Psychology vs Behaviorism. Moore (1996) recognized the tensions of the paradigm shift from behaviorism to cognitive psychology.. While research into cognitive psychology, cognitive neuropsychology, cognitive neuroscience, and computational cognitive science is now widely accepted as the driving force behind understanding mental processes (such as memory, perception, problem-solving ...
Analysing Complex Problem-Solving Strategies from a Cognitive
Generally, problem solving is the thinking that occurs if we want "to overcome barriers between a given state and a desired goal state by means of behavioural and/or cognitive, multistep activities" (Frensch and Funke 1995, p. 18). It has also been considered as one of the most important skills for successful learning in the 21st century.
Cognitive Psychology: How Scientists Study the Mind
The cognitive perspective in psychology focuses on how the interactions of thinking, emotion, creativity, and problem-solving abilities affect how and why you think the way you do. Cognitive ...
Cognitive Definition and Meaning in Psychology
Cognitive psychology seeks to understand all of the mental processes involved in human thought and behavior. It focuses on cognitive processes such as decision-making, problem-solving, attention, memory, learning, and more. Keep reading to learn more about different types of cognitive processes, factors that can affect cognition, and the ...
Problem-Solving in Cognitive Psychology
Conclusion. Problem-solving is a subject of study not only in cognitive psychology but also in other areas since this concept characterizes the individual from different perspectives and distinguishes people from other living beings. Applying critical thinking and combining experience with knowledge shape the basis of this model.
Enhance Problem-Solving with Cognitive Psychology
Creative thinking is a valuable skill in problem-solving that can be fostered through cognitive psychology techniques. Techniques like brainstorming, lateral thinking, and divergent thinking ...
It's OK You Can't Solve Every Problem
In coaching others, I often discuss problem-solving strategies to help individuals think creatively and consider many options when they are faced with challenging situations. Problem solving 1-2 ...
Understanding the Psychology of Problem-Solving: Key Insights
The cognitive process of problem-solving entails locating, evaluating, and resolving barriers or difficulties to accomplish an objective. It is an essential component of human cognition and is used in a wide range of activities in daily life, from straightforward jobs like locating a misplaced object to intricate projects like creating new technologies or resolving social issues.
The Algorithm Problem Solving Approach in Psychology
In psychology, one of these problem-solving approaches is known as an algorithm. While often thought of purely as a mathematical term, the same type of process can be followed in psychology to find the correct answer when solving a problem or making a decision. An algorithm is a defined set of step-by-step procedures that provides the correct ...