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114 Developing Countries Essay Topic Ideas & Examples

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Title: 114 Developing Countries Essay Topic Ideas & Examples

Introduction:

When it comes to writing essays on developing countries, there is an abundance of topics to choose from. Exploring the social, economic, political, and environmental aspects of these nations provides an opportunity to understand the challenges they face as well as the potential for growth and progress. In this article, we present 114 essay topic ideas and examples that will help you delve into the complex issues surrounding developing countries.

Social Issues:

• Gender inequality and its impact on development in developing countries.
• The role of education in reducing poverty and promoting social mobility.
• Child labor: Causes, consequences, and possible solutions.
• The influence of cultural traditions on the status of women in developing countries.
• Healthcare challenges and solutions in developing nations.
• Exploring the correlation between population growth and poverty rates.
• The impact of migration on both the sending and receiving countries.
• Access to clean water and sanitation: Addressing the global water crisis.
• The role of NGOs in addressing social inequalities in developing countries.
• Analyzing the impact of urbanization on social structures in developing nations.

Economic Issues:

• The effects of foreign aid on economic development in developing countries.
• The role of microfinance in empowering individuals and communities.
• The impact of corruption on economic growth in developing nations.
• Strategies for promoting sustainable economic development in rural areas.
• Trade liberalization and its implications for developing countries.
• The role of multinational corporations in developing countries.
• The challenges and opportunities of entrepreneurship in developing nations.
• The impact of foreign direct investment on economic development.
• The role of agriculture in the economic development of developing countries.
• Economic inequality and its consequences for social stability.

Political Issues:

• Democracy and its challenges in developing countries.
• The impact of political instability on development efforts.
• The role of international organizations in promoting democracy in developing nations.
• The political economy of natural resource extraction in developing countries.
• The influence of colonialism on current political systems in developing nations.
• The challenges of implementing effective governance structures in developing countries.
• The role of civil society organizations in promoting political participation.
• The impact of climate change on political stability in developing nations.
• The role of international aid in shaping political systems in developing countries.
• The relationship between political ideology and development strategies.

Environmental Issues:

• Climate change and its effects on developing countries.
• Deforestation: Causes, consequences, and possible solutions.
• The impact of pollution on public health in developing nations.
• Sustainable energy solutions for developing countries.
• Water scarcity and its implications for agricultural productivity.
• Environmental conservation and economic development: A delicate balance.
• The role of indigenous communities in environmental protection.
• The challenges of waste management in urban areas of developing countries.
• The impact of overfishing on coastal communities in developing nations.
• The role of international agreements in addressing environmental challenges.

Examples of Developing Countries:

• The economic development of China and its impact on global trade.
• The challenges of poverty reduction in India.
• The role of South Africa in regional stability and economic development.
• The impact of tourism on the economy of Thailand.
• The agricultural revolution in Brazil and its effects on food security.
• Cuba's healthcare system: Achievements and challenges.
• The economic transformation of Rwanda after the genocide.
• The role of Bangladesh in the garment industry and its social implications.
• The challenges of sustainable development in Nigeria.
• The impact of remittances on the economy of the Philippines.

Conclusion:

Writing essays on developing countries provides an opportunity to understand the complexities and challenges faced by these nations, as well as their potential for growth and progress. The topics and examples provided in this article should inspire you to explore various aspects of social, economic, political, and environmental issues related to developing countries. By delving into these topics, you will gain a deeper understanding of the global dynamics and the importance of addressing the needs of these nations for a more sustainable and equitable world.

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80 Developing Countries Essay Topics

🏆 best essay topics on developing countries, ✍️ developing countries essay topics for college, 🎓 most interesting developing countries research titles, 💡 simple developing countries essay ideas.

• Homelessness and Poverty in Developed and Developing Countries
• Impacts of Globalization on the Developing Countries
• Is Globalization a Threat or an Opportunity to Developing Countries?
• Environmental Issues in the Third World Countries
• Can Developing Countries Catch Up to Developed Countries
• Globalization’s Role for Developing Countries: Zambia
• Developing Countries Foreign Aid
• Urbanization and Developing Countries Urbanization takes a wide scope because of its effects on the economic, social, political systems’ organization of a nation, more especially on urban centers.
• Medical Research in Developing Countries This critique will consider three articles on the subject of medical research in developing countries and examine the concerns raised by the authors on participant safety.
• Corruption in Developing Countries – a Cultural Phenomenon This paper analyzes the way corruption has penetrated societies in developing countries, the factors and how they have combined to influence corruption in developing countries.
• Stealing Africa: How Rich Companies Benefit from the Developing Countries The Stealing Africa movie’s thesis is that multinational companies like Glencore are stealing from African countries and damaging countries’ economics and the environment.
• Should Aid to Developing Countries Be Stopped? The tragedy in aid business is when the very purpose of aid is construed in a way that does not only cause economic instability but environmental degradation as well.
• Companies Outsourcing in Developing Countries The purpose of this paper is to analyze the factors that motivate or stop companies from outsourcing their production in developing countries.
• Measures to Counter Workplace Abuse in Developing Countries This paper discusses the main measures to counter workplace abuse in developing countries such as laws and regulations, social reforms, and the role of western countries in this issue.
• Personalism and Patrimonialism in Developing Countries Personalism implies the presence of a charismatic leader, who can enhance the authority of the ruling power or the whole state. Patrimonialism is another form of autocratic power.
• Issue for Farmers in Developing Countries Agriculture is a very important sector in the whole world economy since it makes available, food to every living person.
• Problems of Democratic Consolidation in Developing Countries The paper argues developing countries pursuing economic and political heights should strive to consolidate democratic forces.
• Causes of Corruption in Africa’s Developing Countries The major goal of this research project is to contribute to the solution of the problem of bribes and kickbacks in corporations that create a significant corruption challenge.
• Governance and Corruption in Developing Countries This research paper examines the problem of corruption in developing countries and the role of governance in countering corruption.
• Globalization Challenges in Developing Countries and Japan The participation of nations in global trade has several benefits, even though various problems impede countries from accessing global markets.
• Developing Countries’ Transformation Factors It would hardly be an exaggeration to say that many citizens of developing countries await their transformation into universalistic welfare states.
• Impacts of Political Risks and Institutional Environment on FDI Levels in Developing Countries This study aims at establishing which of the factors has the most significant impact on FDI flows in developing countries.
• Improving Hand Hygiene in Developing Countries The completed review and assessment of the research article indicate that the study presentation lacks details and explanations.
• Poverty and Covid-19 in Developing Countries In response to the pandemic, countries recommended and enforced policies on social distancing and shelter-in-place.
• Improving Disease Surveillance in Developing Countries The Kenya Medical Research Institute and the WHO argue that malaria kills about 50,000 annually. Children and expectant women are at the greatest risks of malaria infections
• Modern Energy Technologies Introduction to Developing Countries The ultimate goal of this marketing strategy would be to make new sources of energy affordable and attractive, not only to people but also to the government and local investors.
• Countering Workplace Abuse in Developing Countries Social reforms are part of the strategy of improvement for developing countries, which must make investments in safety nets for unemployed workers.
• Ethical Issues in Marketing Infant Formulas in Developing Countries Particular ethical issues that should be considered in this case include heath issues and the cost of the products.
• Globalization Effect on Developing Countries’ Business The objective of this study is to show how globalization can benefit a particular nation. This objective is implemented by considering a developing economy that is Nigeria.
• Healthcare Programs in the Developing Countries The paper studies healthcare programs solving the health crises in the developing countries: their cost-effectiveness, financially sustainability and challenges.
• Achieving Sustainable Development Within Developing Countries
• Implementing Policy Reforms in Developing Countries
• Adapting the WTO Trade Policy Reviews to the Needs of Developing Countries
• Can Denmark’s Flexicurity System Be Replicated in Developing Countries?
• Behavior, Environment, and Health in Developing Countries: Evaluation and Valuation
• Adjustment, Investment, and the Real Exchange Rate in Developing Countries
• Demand for Telecommunication Services in Developing Countries
• Beyond Poverty Escapes: Social Mobility in Developing Countries
• Manufacturing and Economic Growth in Developing Countries, 1950-2005
• Capital Controls and Monetary Policy in Developing Countries
• Openness, Economic Reforms, and Poverty: Globalization in Developing Countries
• Affordable, Quality Education for Developing Countries
• Bilateral Relationship Between Technological Changes and Income Inequality in Developing Countries
• Economic and Welfare Impacts of Climate Change on Developing Countries
• Aid, Agriculture, and Poverty in Developing Countries
• Factors Affecting Energy Demand in Developing Countries
• Child Labor and Human Capital in Developing Countries
• Biofuels: The Best Response of Developing Countries to High Energy Prices?
• Another Day, Another Dollar: Enterprise Resilience Under Terrorism in Developing Countries
• Health and Nutrition: Emerging and Reemerging Issues in Developing Countries
• Between the State and Market: Electricity Sector Reform in Developing Countries
• Import Competition From Developed and Developing Countries
• Automotive Industry Trends and Prospects for Investment in Developing Countries
• Climate Change, Agriculture, and Developing Countries: Does Adaptation Matter?
• Business Under Fire: Entrepreneurship and Violent Conflict in Developing Countries
• Adjustment Policies and Investment Performance in Developing Countries
• Catch Up: Developing Countries in the World Economy
• Bank Efficiency and Macro-economic Factors: The Case of Developing Countries
• Labor Mobility and Labor Utilization in Developing Countries
• Aggregate Agricultural Inputs and Outputs in Developing Countries
• Democracy, Elections, and Allocation of Public Expenditure in Developing Countries
• Catalyzing Investment for Renewable Energy in Developing Countries
• Aid and Public Sector Behavior in Developing Countries
• Economic Growth and Infant Mortality in Developing Countries
• Challenges and Policy Lessons for the Growth-Employment-Poverty Nexus in Developing Countries
• Beyond the ABCs: Higher Education and Developing Countries
• Alternative Pollution Control Policies in Developing Countries
• Family Ties, Institutions, and Financing Constraints in Developing Countries
• Bioenergy and Rural Development in Developing Countries
• Measuring and Explaining Government Efficiency in Developing Countries
• Child Mortality, Poverty and Environment in Developing Countries
• Biotechnology and Poverty Reduction in Developing Countries
• Oil and Energy Demand in Developing Countries in 1990
• Argentina: Lessons for the Developing Countries
• Educational Quality and Labor Market Performance in Developing Countries
• Beliefs, Economic Volatility, and Redistributive Preferences Across Developing Countries
• Global Brands and Labor in Developing Countries
• Assets and Child Well-Being in Developing Countries
• Microfinance: Improving the Standard of Living in Developing Countries
• Brain Drain and Human Capital Formation in Developing Countries: Winners and Losers

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StudyCorgi. (2022, August 27). 80 Developing Countries Essay Topics. https://studycorgi.com/ideas/developing-countries-essay-topics/

"80 Developing Countries Essay Topics." StudyCorgi , 27 Aug. 2022, studycorgi.com/ideas/developing-countries-essay-topics/.

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StudyCorgi . "80 Developing Countries Essay Topics." August 27, 2022. https://studycorgi.com/ideas/developing-countries-essay-topics/.

StudyCorgi . 2022. "80 Developing Countries Essay Topics." August 27, 2022. https://studycorgi.com/ideas/developing-countries-essay-topics/.

These essay examples and topics on Developing Countries were carefully selected by the StudyCorgi editorial team. They meet our highest standards in terms of grammar, punctuation, style, and fact accuracy. Please ensure you properly reference the materials if you’re using them to write your assignment.

This essay topic collection was updated on December 27, 2023 .

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Developing Countries Essay Topics

• Water Quality Issues as a Critical Environmental Determinant of Health for Populations in Developing Countries
• How Urbanization Provides Potential for Towns and Cities in Developing Countries to Become the Centers of the Social and Economic Progress
• Analysis of Economic Aspects Influencing the Lifespan of People with Dementia in Developing and Developed Countries
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• The Commonplace Practice of Providing Financial Assistance to Third World Countries
• The Political Environment, Civil Conflict, and Horizontal Inequalities: Evidence from 55 Developing Countries
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• Tourism as a Sector that Can Engage People and Promote Good Relations in Developing Countries
• Making Environmental Policies in Developing Nations
• Future Economic Sustainability in Developing Nations
• Why Migration Patterns Vary in Developing Nations
• The Negative Effects of Globalization on Developed and Developing Countries
• Judicial Corruption as a Persistent Culture of Impunity in African Leadership in Developing Countries
• Project Management Methodologies and Guidelines in Developing Nations
• Globalization’s Effects on Developed and Developing Countries
• Obesity in Children in Developing Nations: A Global Health Concern
• Why the Global Economy Sees Developing Countries’ Interests as Constrained.
• Restriction of Social Media Sites in Third World Countries
• The Effects of Internationalization on Developing Nations
• How Does Urban Poverty Develop in Developing Nations Due to Migration and Urbanization?
• Wage Disparity and Transparency in Developing Nations
• Third World Nations and Modernization Principle
• Developing Economies and the European Union
• Significance of Property Taxes in Developing Nations
• The Developing Nation of Mali
• Effects of Technology Solutions on Developing Nations
• The Theoretical Framework and Debate of Developing Countries
• An Analysis of the Nike Company in Developing Nations
• India: Is it Still a Third World country?
• Sustainable Democracies in Underdeveloped Nations

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• The AIDS Epidemic and the Healthcare Sector in Developing Countries
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• India: A Developing Country for Business
• Geographical Information Systems and Remote Sensing for Developing Nations.
• Is Poverty in Developing Countries Just an Imagination?
• Cost of AIDS Medications Offered to Developing Countries
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• An Analogy of Developing Countries: Africa, Asia, and South America
• Links between Poverty and War in Developing Countries
• Access to the WTO Dispute Settlement as a Concern for Developing Countries
• The Impact of Clean Water on People’s Lives in Developing Nations
• Besley and Persson’s “Why Do Developing Countries Tax So Little?”
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Essay on Globalisation and Development for Students

To take the treatment of development and globalization, it is first maintained that development which, in its initial stages in the 1950s was very much a part of the modernisation discourse, has entered a post-modernist stage. At the end of the Second World War, when several former colonies emerged as independent countries with membership in the United Nations, it was felt that something should be done for the development of these nations.

Misinterpretation of Globalization as Colonialism

It was then that most developing countries suffered economic stagnation and political oppression Self-sufficiency and centralisation did not produce prosperous, united countries. Instead, they produced more than 100 weak,22 misgoverned countries which, by the 1990s, needed to be rescued by the IMF The collapse of the Soviet Union and the rise of Deng in China showed that mere Socialism was not the solution so developing countries began moving in a new direction, globalisation. Why did the post-independence leaders in developing countries go so badly wrong? Mainly because they equated globalisation with 19th-century colonialism. They failed to see that in the late 20th century, globalisation was not a political conquest but an economic partnership, creating unprecedented opportunities for the poor to rise. This faulty interpretation led to faulty policies aimed at de-globalisation.

Evolution of Globalization: From Colonialism to Decolonization

The Third World leaders knew that globalisation in the 19th century had produced alien rule, poverty, and transfer of wealth to colonial power They assumed that 20th century globalisation would do the same. They went wrong in several ways. In the 19th century globalisation represented colonialism In the 20th century globalisation has been the era of decolonisation. The capital has flowed the other way, through aid and foreign direct investment to the developing countries Globalisation has yielded GDP growth rates of up to 10% in many developing countries creating huge opportunities for the poor In recent decades, the fastest-growing countries have all been in the Third World, mostly in Asia but also in Africa (Botswana, Mauritius). Income per head is now higher in Singapore ($24,740) and Hong Kong ($ 25,920) than in their erstwhile colonial master, Britain (S 24,430).

Globalisation has shifted millions of manufacturing jobs from high-income to low-income countries. The share of manufacturers in the exports to low-income countries rose to 53 percent in 2000, and the share in East Asia was a whopping 83 percent. Developing countries now have their multinationals, who accounted for 30.2% of all foreign direct investment in 1997 Globalisation is a two-way street. Factories are shifting from rich to poorer countries provided the latter have decent policies institutions and infrastructure The poorer the country, the greater its wage advantage. So, globalisation has made poverty an advantage for the first time in history That is revolutionary A new study by Prof. Sala-1-Martin of Columbia University, shows that the number of people living on under one dollar a day has fallen from 550 million in 1970 to 350 million in 1999 Never in history has poverty fallen so rapidly Poverty remains stubbornly high in Africa Most countries there have not created the institutions of policies needed to climb onto the globalisation bandwagon.

Many have been autocratic kleptocracies. No wonder they have failed.All opportunities carry risks. Globalisation has created unprecedented opportunities and unprecedented risks too. The World Trade Organisation, World Bank, and IMF, should be an issue of concern to any serious human being The significant threats to democracy, democratic participation, and fundamental human right posed by increasing concentration of wealth and power in the hands of an extreme minority of the world’s population cannot and should not be ignored. The ‘withering away’ of the state in many developing countries, the increased role of Multi-National Corporations (MNCs) in running both the global economy and national economies, and the weakening of such global democratic forums as the United Nations, are all challenges to the creation of the world order in which every human being has the opportunity to live a life of dignity, free from want, prosecution, and fear.

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Impact of Globalisation (Revision Essay Plan)

Last updated 11 Jan 2022

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Here is a suggested answer to a question on the impact of globalisation on developed and developing countries.

Introductory Context

An estimated 9 percent of the global population still lives below the international poverty line of US$1.90 PPP a day.Success in reducing poverty in East Asia is clear with 7 percent of the population in the region living below the US$3.20 PPP line and 25 percent living below the US$5.50 PPP poverty line in 2018. However, almost 70 percent of Sub-Saharan Africa’s population lives on less than US$3.20 per day. Progress in cutting extreme poverty has been halted by the pandemic. The World Bank estimated that the pandemic pushed between 119 and 124 million people into extreme poverty around the globe in 2020. Many developing countries have limited resilience to the impact of economic shocks and threats from climate change.”.

Source: Adapted from the World Bank Poverty Report, 2021

To what extent have the economic benefits of globalisation favoured developed over developing countries? (25 marks)

KAA Point 1

Globalisation involves deeper integration between countries through networks of trade, capital flows, ideas, technologies and movement of people. One argument that globalisation has favoured high-income countries lies in the growing dominance of TNCs from advanced nations. TNCs base their manufacturing, assembly, research and retail operations across several countries, and many have become synonymous with globalisation namely Nike, Apple, Amazon, Google (Alphabet) and Samsung. Some have annual revenues many times higher than the GDP of smaller low-income countries and there has been fierce criticism of numerous TNCs for following tax avoidance strategies such as transfer pricing. This has reduced tax revenues for governments in developing nations which then hampers their ability to use fiscal policy to fund public services such as education and basic health care. The effect is to limit progress in reducing extreme poverty and improving human development outcomes.

Evaluation Point 1

A counter argument is that globalisation is associated with a steady reduction in import tariffs around the world which has then improved access to high-income markets for businesses from emerging countries. Many nations in east Asia have achieved reductions in extreme poverty driven by export-led growth. The extract says that only 7 percent of this region’s population now live below the US$3.20 PPP poverty line and continued high growth – as economies recover from the effects of the pandemic - will lead to improvements in per capita incomes and living standards. Indeed, sixty percent of the value of world GDP now comes from emerging market and developing economies and several countries have their own TNCs operating on a global scale. The recent success of countries such as South Korea, India and Vietnam is testimony to the opportunities that globalisation has offered developing nations who have developed competitive advantage across a range of industries.

KAA Point 2

A second argument supporting the question is that nations succeeding in a globalizing world have diversified economies, a workforce with flexible skills and governments with fiscal resources to overcome external shocks such as the pandemic. In contrast, poorer low-income countries rely heavily on the production and export of primary commodities or incomes from tourism, both of which have been hit by the global recession in 2020-21. Many poorer nations also haveinadequate infrastructure which increases the costs of trade and their direct tax revenues as a share of GDP are low because of sizeable informal economies and persistently low per capita incomes. This means that national governments rely heavily on external debt, and many have low currency reserves. They are therefore more exposed to economic, financial and public health shocks. This is evidenced by the differences in vaccination rates between rich and low-income countries. As of January 2022, only 9% of people in low-income countries have received at least one dose and per capita incomes may take years to reach pre-2020 levels.

Evaluation Point 2

In evaluation, the globalisation process has been a catalyst for economic reforms in low and middle-income countries. Consider the example of Vietnam which has transitioned to a socialist oriented market economy and successfully attracted inward FDI from companies such as LG and Samsung. FDIhas flowed in helped by low unit labour costs costs, improving infrastructure and human capital and a deregulated business environment whilst the Vietnamesegovernment has moved to a managed floating exchange rateto help reduce some of the risks from regional and global economic shocks. Vietnam is a good example of a country that has successfully progressed from a low income to a low-middle income nation over the last two decades. The valueof their external trade accounts for roughly 180% of national output, more than any other country at its level of per-person GDP. And their educational scores on standardized tests are on a par with Germany and Austria.

Final Reasoned Comment

Overall, it is hard to reach a firm view on this question because globalisation as a process is uneven and not inevitable. Before and during the pandemic, there was evidence of a switch towards “regionalisation” rather than full-throttled globalisation. For example, most sub-Saharan African countries have joined the African Continental Free Trade Area which seeks to boost intra-regional trade and investment and encourage economies of scale among African businesses so that they can better compete against the dominance of Western TNCs. Developing nations often struggle to compete with developed countries, therefore it is argued free trade benefits high-income economies more. Gains from globalisation will never be equitably distributed.And this sense of deepening inequality and opportunity risks a further shift to tariff and non-tariff barriers to trade and moves towards economic nationalism.

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Essay on Sustainable Development: Samples in 250, 300 and 500 Words

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• Nov 18, 2023

On 3rd August 2023, the Indian Government released its Net zero emissions target policy to reduce its carbon footprints. To achieve the sustainable development goals (SDG) , as specified by the UN, India is determined for its long-term low-carbon development strategy. Selfishly pursuing modernization, humans have frequently compromised with the requirements of a more sustainable environment.

As a result, the increased environmental depletion is evident with the prevalence of deforestation, pollution, greenhouse gases, climate change etc. To combat these challenges, the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change launched the National Clean Air Programme (NCAP) in 2019. The objective was to improve air quality in 131 cities in 24 States/UTs by engaging multiple stakeholders.

‘Development is not real until and unless it is sustainable development.’ – Ban Ki-Moon

The concept of Sustainable Development in India has even greater relevance due to the controversy surrounding the big dams and mega projects and related long-term growth. Since it is quite a frequently asked topic in school tests as well as competitive exams , we are here to help you understand what this concept means as well as the mantras to drafting a well-written essay on Sustainable Development with format and examples.

This Blog Includes:

What is sustainable development, 250-300 words essay on sustainable development, 300 words essay on sustainable development, 500 words essay on sustainable development, introduction, conclusion of sustainable development essay, importance of sustainable development, examples of sustainable development.

As the term simply explains, Sustainable Development aims to bring a balance between meeting the requirements of what the present demands while not overlooking the needs of future generations. It acknowledges nature’s requirements along with the human’s aim to work towards the development of different aspects of the world. It aims to efficiently utilise resources while also meticulously planning the accomplishment of immediate as well as long-term goals for human beings, the planet as well and future generations. In the present time, the need for Sustainable Development is not only for the survival of mankind but also for its future protection. 

Looking for ideas to incorporate in your Essay on Sustainable Development? Read our blog on Energy Management – Find Your Sustainable Career Path and find out!

To give you an idea of the way to deliver a well-written essay, we have curated a sample on sustainable development below, with 250-300 words:

To give you an idea of the way to deliver a well-written essay, we have curated a sample on sustainable development below, with 300 + words:

Must Read: Article Writing

To give you an idea of the way to deliver a well-written essay, we have curated a sample on sustainable development below, with 500 + words:

Essay Format

Before drafting an essay on Sustainable Development, students need to get familiarised with the format of essay writing, to know how to structure the essay on a given topic. Take a look at the following pointers which elaborate upon the format of a 300-350 word essay.

Introduction (50-60 words) In the introduction, students must introduce or provide an overview of the given topic, i.e. highlighting and adding recent instances and questions related to sustainable development. Body of Content (100-150 words) The area of the content after the introduction can be explained in detail about why sustainable development is important, its objectives and highlighting the efforts made by the government and various institutions towards it.  Conclusion (30-40 words) In the essay on Sustainable Development, you must add a conclusion wrapping up the content in about 2-3 lines, either with an optimistic touch to it or just summarizing what has been talked about above.

How to write the introduction of a sustainable development essay? To begin with your essay on sustainable development, you must mention the following points:

• What is sustainable development?
• What does sustainable development focus on?
• Why is it useful for the environment?

How to write the conclusion of a sustainable development essay? To conclude your essay on sustainable development, mention why it has become the need of the hour. Wrap up all the key points you have mentioned in your essay and provide some important suggestions to implement sustainable development.

The importance of sustainable development is that it meets the needs of the present generations without compromising on the needs of the coming future generations. Sustainable development teaches us to use our resources in the correct manner. Listed below are some points which tell us the importance of sustainable development.

• Focuses on Sustainable Agricultural Methods – Sustainable development is important because it takes care of the needs of future generations and makes sure that the increasing population does not put a burden on Mother Earth. It promotes agricultural techniques such as crop rotation and effective seeding techniques.
• Manages Stabilizing the Climate – We are facing the problem of climate change due to the excessive use of fossil fuels and the killing of the natural habitat of animals. Sustainable development plays a major role in preventing climate change by developing practices that are sustainable. It promotes reducing the use of fossil fuels which release greenhouse gases that destroy the atmosphere.
• Provides Important Human Needs – Sustainable development promotes the idea of saving for future generations and making sure that resources are allocated to everybody. It is based on the principle of developing an infrastructure that is can be sustained for a long period of time.
• Sustain Biodiversity – If the process of sustainable development is followed, the home and habitat of all other living animals will not be depleted. As sustainable development focuses on preserving the ecosystem it automatically helps in sustaining and preserving biodiversity.
• Financial Stability – As sustainable development promises steady development the economies of countries can become stronger by using renewable sources of energy as compared to using fossil fuels, of which there is only a particular amount on our planet.

Mentioned below are some important examples of sustainable development. Have a look:

• Wind Energy – Wind energy is an easily available resource. It is also a free resource. It is a renewable source of energy and the energy which can be produced by harnessing the power of wind will be beneficial for everyone. Windmills can produce energy which can be used to our benefit. It can be a helpful source of reducing the cost of grid power and is a fine example of sustainable development. 
• Solar Energy – Solar energy is also a source of energy which is readily available and there is no limit to it. Solar energy is being used to replace and do many things which were first being done by using non-renewable sources of energy. Solar water heaters are a good example. It is cost-effective and sustainable at the same time.
• Crop Rotation – To increase the potential of growth of gardening land, crop rotation is an ideal and sustainable way. It is rid of any chemicals and reduces the chances of disease in the soil. This form of sustainable development is beneficial to both commercial farmers and home gardeners.
• Efficient Water Fixtures – The installation of hand and head showers in our toilets which are efficient and do not waste or leak water is a method of conserving water. Water is essential for us and conserving every drop is important. Spending less time under the shower is also a way of sustainable development and conserving water.
• Sustainable Forestry – This is an amazing way of sustainable development where the timber trees that are cut by factories are replaced by another tree. A new tree is planted in place of the one which was cut down. This way, soil erosion is prevented and we have hope of having a better, greener future.

Related Articles

The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are a set of 17 global goals established by the United Nations in 2015. These include: No Poverty Zero Hunger Good Health and Well-being Quality Education Gender Equality Clean Water and Sanitation Affordable and Clean Energy Decent Work and Economic Growth Industry, Innovation, and Infrastructure Reduced Inequality Sustainable Cities and Communities Responsible Consumption and Production Climate Action Life Below Water Life on Land Peace, Justice, and Strong Institutions Partnerships for the Goals

The SDGs are designed to address a wide range of global challenges, such as eradicating extreme poverty globally, achieving food security, focusing on promoting good health and well-being, inclusive and equitable quality education, etc.

India is ranked #111 in the Sustainable Development Goal Index 2023 with a score of 63.45.

Hence, we hope that this blog helped you understand the key features of an essay on sustainable development. If you are interested in Environmental studies and planning to pursue sustainable tourism courses , take the assistance of Leverage Edu ’s AI-based tool to browse through a plethora of programs available in this specialised field across the globe and find the best course and university combination that fits your interests, preferences and aspirations. Call us immediately at 1800 57 2000 for a free 30-minute counselling session

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Essay Example on Developing Countries

• December 4, 2022

Global Trade Liberalization and The Developing Countries

Essay on Developing Countries Introduction

In today’s world, with the emergence of the internet and computer technologies, companies and countries have global market access in terms of brand recognition, customer segments, and bilateral trade relations (Gnangnon, 2018). More specifically, a company or country can reach billions of customers across the world, and trade has never been easier. Technological developments, improvements in infrastructure and logistics, and the collective and constructive approach to liberalization, especially after the 2nd World War, created a suitable environment of global prosperity, wealth, and multilateral benefits (Haas & Hird, 2017; Gnangnon, 2018). Arguably, in this direction, the world has become rapidly global and liberal within the last decade. In other words, under-developed, developing, and developed countries started to work together in a collective and competitive manner, and world trade has overcome traditional barriers and prejudices. In this assignment, global trade liberalization and developing countries have been meticulously examined. The paper presents insights, information, and comments into the integration into the world economy, resulting in integration with the world economy, the progress of integration, results of the integration, policies on trade liberalization, evidence, potential gains and benefits, and further liberalization recommendations for reaping the benefits. After all, one can highlight that although developing countries have benefited from liberalization and open economy, there are still certain barriers by the EU and the U.S., especially in the textile and agricultural industries.

International Trade and the World Economy

Economic growth, poverty reduction, and development have long been boosted by integration into the World Economy within the last decades (Haas & Hird, 2017). That is, the growth of world trade increased 6 percent per year, two times more than the average of the world output (IMF Staff, 2001). Nevertheless, one can readily infer that trade was already considered a predominant factor for obtaining growth (Haas & Hird, 2017; Gnangnon, 2018). Since the end of the 2nd World War, the global trading system made use of “eight rounds of multilateral trade liberalization, as well as from unilateral and regional liberalization” (IMF Staff, 2001). In this direction, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) was approved by many countries, and the world of trade was enabled on a large scale. Moreover, the last one of these rounds, called “Uruguay Round,” which was completed in 1994, resulted in the foundation of the World Trade Organization (WTO) (IMF Staff, 2001). The organization provides a suitable and meticulous environment for organizing and arranging the increasing and gradual bodies of multilateral trade regulations and agreements.

Integration into the world economy refers to secure access to global open markets. This approach can be boosted by related regulations and policies that enable developing and emerging countries to take part in developed markets, or vice versa (Gnangnon, 2018). For instance, Turkey is a strong engine semi-parts manufacturer. That is, rather than wholly manufacturing a full functioning engine, the country is concentrated on manufacturing parts to support developed factories in industrial countries (Altuntaş et al., 2009). This collective approach benefits both developed countries and developing Turkey and creates a win-win trade environment. In this sense, Turkey is supported by some regulations, including customs agreements between the EU and Turkey.

The living standards across the world have been boosted as a result of the integration of the world. Most of the developing countries could improve in many fields, thanks to the global aspects of international trade. That is, they have had a suitable environment and tariffs for exporting and importing goods with many other developed and developing countries; and subsequently, the incomes of such countries have dramatically risen and brought prosperity to developing nations across the globe (Gnangnon, 2018). More specifically, while developing countries used to account for one-fourth of the overall world trade during the 60s and 70s, they now account for one-third of the world economy (IMF Staff, 2001). In this direction, many developing countries have drastically developed their infrastructure and manufacturing capabilities as a result of free access to global markets.

Similarly, the relations and trade between developing and developed countries increased in a rapid manner (Cornia, 2020; Gnangnon, 2018). In other words, 80 percent of the overall exports of developed countries are now going to developing countries (IMF Staff, 2001). In this sense, one can readily infer that the integration of the world economy has both benefited developing and developed countries in terms of trade access, income, manufacturing, and infrastructure, as well as international relations and politics implicitly.

Although the integration has long been considered as hugely beneficial to many countries across the globe, the developments in recent decades have shown us that the progress was sometimes uneven. While some Asian countries, including China and Japan, benefited a lot, Latin American countries, unfortunately, could not satisfyingly make use of the integration. The reasons behind the success of Asian countries stem from the fact that these countries were successful at implementing required internal regulations in order to take part in international trade by attracting foreign trade investments (FDI) to their countries. Especially India and China “embraced trade liberalization and other market-oriented reforms, and also of higher-income countries in Asia—like Korea and Singapore—that were themselves poor up to the 1970s” (IMF Staff, 2001). In this sense, one can conclude that the progress of integration has highly been dependent on the internal regulations and the pace of adaptation of developing countries. That is, although Asian countries were willing and successful in implementing and embracing new global regulations, especially Latin America and North African countries could not successfully adapt themselves, resulting in comparably fewer benefits in terms of income and wealth.

As mentioned earlier, although willing countries have benefited a lot from the integration, Latin America, Middle East, and African countries could not keep up with the new developments in world trade. That is, “the poorest countries have seen their share of world trade declined substantially, and without lowering their own barriers to trade, they risk further marginalization” (IMF Staff, 2001). Unlike successful countries, these countries faced structural problems with their economies, weak policies and regulations, and over-protection of trade in many aspects.

After all, although some countries failed to integrate into the world economy, many developing countries such as Indonesia, Turkey, Brazil, and India could make use of such an advantage. Between 2002 and 2010, after an almost whole integration into the European and American markets, the Turkish economy showed a sustainable growth rate, and they managed to get rid of extra zero in the national currency. The development was so rapid and beneficial that in 2008, 1 Turkish lira was worth 0.82 $US, and that rate was recorded in Turkish history (Altunbaş et al., 2009). As a developing country, Turkey integrated its internal and external assets into the world economy by freeing and opening its markets and took a great deal of FDI. Thus, international organizations could invest in Turkey because of its literate population and benefited both sides. As a result, while there are contrary examples, countries that managed to comply with the requirements of liberalization and free economy have long benefited from the globalization.

The Benefits of Trade Liberalization

Sustainable economic growth requires strong and decent policies aimed at international liberalization and trade. No need for evidence, this condition is clear. That is, not a single country was successful at improving their income, trade, and living standards without making their economy and country to open to other economies and international trade environment. For instance, the success of Asian economies are clear examples; they lowered their trade tariffs from %30 to %10 within the last decades. In this direction, one can highlight those nations should implement accessible and comprehensible regulations and policies that ease the process of international trade and globalization.

In the manufacturing of certain products, opening up economies creates many advantages to the global economy in order to boost the competitive advantage of nations. South Korea and North Korea can be given as explicit examples. While South Korea has been open to the world economy for many decades now, North Korea was extremely close to other nations, not only in terms of economy but culture as well. When considered the overall wealth of both countries, the advantages of the open economy are clear. Open economy enables a multinational, cultural, and bilateral advantage for many countries, and these eventually attract foreign direct investments, which bring wealth to the nation.

There are substantial evidence and statistics regarding oriented countries in terms of integration to world economies. “Countries that have opened their economies in recent years, including India, Uganda, and Vietnam, have experienced faster growth and more poverty reduction” (IMF Staff, 2001). In other words, those countries decreased their tariff rate during the 80s and experienced substantial economic growth in the following years.

Getting rid of trade barriers and integrating into the world economy creates many advantages. “Estimates of the gains from eliminating all barriers to merchandise trade range from US$250 billion to US$680 billion per year” (IMF Staff, 2001). Also, almost 70% percent of this income benefited developing countries directly or implicitly. Moreover, developed countries have more protective measures against trade, and one can highlight that developing countries tend to benefit more from an international open market.

Further Liberalization of International Trade

The information is given above clearly supports the idea of further liberalization. That is, the state of open market and protection are significant for both developing and developed countries because each nation may have a comparative advantage on a single product, while there still exists a need for other types of goods, and the concept of free trade and liberalization creates a mutual and bilateral advantage for both group of countries. In general, industrial (developed) countries tend to implement high protection and tariffs for agricultural products. In other words, according to the statistics, the average tariff in agriculture is almost nine times more than the manufacturing industry (IMF Staff, 2001). Moreover, agricultural manufacturing and subsidies in developing countries lead to pre-empting markets and a depressive market by undermining developing countries. As an example, “European Commission is spending 2.7 billion euro per year making sugar profitable for European farmers at the same time that it is shutting out low-cost imports of tropical sugar” (IMF Staff, 2001). In this direction, one can claim that protection over agricultural product and imports in developed countries result in a depressive agricultural sector for developing countries that aim to sell agricultural products for their GDP and economy.

The protection of manufacturing is not quite strict in developed countries. However, many labor-intensive products tend to be protected. For instance, “the U.S., which has an average import tariff of only 5 percent, has tariff peaks on almost 300 individual products, which are largely on textiles and clothing, which account for 90 percent of the $1 billion annually in U.S. imports from the poorest countries” (IMF Staff, 2001). Similarly, other types of labor-intensive products are subjected to tariff escalation and peaks. In this direction, developing and emerging countries find it hard to manufacture labor-intensive value-added products because of tariff peaks in those (developed) countries. Nevertheless, developing countries also implement high tariffs. Generally, their tariff on manufactured industrial products tend to be four times more than of developed countries, and they tend to show the same characteristics with industrial countries in terms of tariff policies on value-added products.

Because of tariff peaks and barriers, nontraditional measures have become common in global trade. That is, both developing and developed countries implement anti-dumping measures. Also, sanitary and technical standards of import can sometimes become overwhelmed. Moreover, there may be extra charges for exporters, especially to the European Union. For instance, “EU regulations on aflatoxins are costing Africa $1.3 billion in exports of cereals, dried fruits, and nuts per European life saved” (IMF Staff, 2001). In this sense, one can readily question the balance of costs and benefits in terms of exporter and customers with such regulations.

As global trade is proven to boost economic growth and wealth for both sides, further liberalization by developing and developed countries should be improved. More specifically, international communities and especially developed countries should realize the barriers to developing and poorer countries and come up with constructive policies to attract production and manufacturing across the globe. That is, especially for textile and agriculture, regulations in the EU and the U.S. should be reviewed because they are extremely strict and create disadvantages and comparative inferiority for poor countries. Similar to this, decreases on tariff escalation and peaks should be implemented to boost world trade. After all, enhanced market access for poor and developing countries will eventually result in a better income and decrease in poverty across the world.

Reaping the Benefits

Although the steps taken after the 2nd World War created a liberal trade environment, failures such as the WTO Conference in 1999 led to drawbacks and challenges for the international trade environment (Haas & Hird, 2017). These kind of agreements and multilateral initiatives are extremely significant because they provide many countries with visible benefits that eventually lead to economic growth, increased GDP, and enhance available markets across the world. In this sense, potential failures may include ineffective agreements and negotiations that merely benefit one group of countries. In other words, trade is a collective win-win outcome, and benefiting only one group will eventually result in failure.

In conclusion, in this assignment, global trade liberalization and developing countries have been meticulously examined. The paper presents insights, information, and comments into the integration into the world economy, resulting in integration with the world economy, the progress of integration, results of the integration, policies on trade liberalization, evidence, potential gains and benefits, and further liberalization recommendations for reaping the benefits. Economic growth, poverty reduction, and development have long been boosted by integration into the World Economy within the last decades. Integration into the world economy refers to easy access to global open markets. This approach can be boosted by related regulations and policies that enable developing and poor countries to take part in developed markets, or vice versa. Although the integration has long been considered as hugely beneficial to many countries across the globe, the developments in recent decades have shown us that the progress was sometimes uneven. While some Asian countries, including China and Japan, benefited a lot, Latin American countries, unfortunately, could not satisfyingly make use of the integration. International communities and especially developed countries should realize the barriers to developing and poorer countries and come up with constructive policies to attract production and manufacturing across the globe. After all, one can highlight that although developing countries have benefited from liberalization and open economy, there are still certain barriers by the EU and the U.S., especially in the textile and agricultural industries.

Altunbaş, Y., Kara, A., & Olgu, Ö. (2009). Overview of the Turkish economy. Turkish Banking, 7-39.

Cornia, G. A. (2020). Macroeconomic stabilization in developing countries. The Macroeconomics of Developing Countries, 309-327.

Gnangnon, S. K. (2018). Effect of multilateral trade liberalization on foreign direct investment outflows amid structural economic vulnerability in developing countries. Research in International Business and Finance, 45, 15-29.

Haas, P., & Hird, J. A. (2017). Trade liberalization and economic growth: Does trade liberalization contribute to economic prosperity? Controversies in Globalization: Contending Approaches to International Relations, 1-39.

IMF Staff. (2001). Global trade liberalization and the developing countries -- An IMF issues brief.

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1 The Problem of Education Quality in Developing Countries

• Published: March 2019
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The universalization of basic education was set to be one of the great policy successes of the twentieth century, yet millions are still unenrolled, and many of those who attended school learned little. The ‘learning crisis’ now dominates the global education policy agenda, yet little is understood of why education quality reforms have had so little success compared to earlier expansionary reforms. This chapter sets out the rationale for this book, which is to explore how the nature of the political settlement or distribution of power between contending social groups in a given country shapes efforts to get learning reforms on the policy agenda, how they are implemented, and what difference they make to what children learn. It discusses debates about the sources and determinants of the learning crisis, examining its extent and nature and providing a rationale for the key themes the book takes up in subsequent theoretical, empirical, and comparative chapters.

Introduction

Universal basic education was set to be one of the great development successes of the twentieth century, as countries all around the world enthusiastically expanded provision, enrolling ever more of their young in primary and secondary schools. Yet by the early 2000s, it was already evident that not only were millions still out of school, but that a majority dropped out early, attended sporadically, or learned little while there (UNESCO 2014 ). As one observer summarized it, ‘schooling ain’t learning’ (Pritchett 2013 ): there is more to learning than placing children in schools. The ‘learning crisis’ is acknowledged in the Sustainable Development Goal 4 to ‘ensure inclusive and quality education for all and promote lifelong learning’, 1 an emphasis on quality and equality in contrast to the focus on access in Millennium Development Goal 2. This learning crisis is widely yet unevenly spread, varying between countries, classes, genders, and social groups (World Bank 2017 ). But whereas expanding primary schooling was a comparatively popular and measurably successful policy goal, addressing poor quality teaching and low levels of learning has so far proven less so (Bruns and Schneider 2016 ). A few countries have managed to expand their education systems while enhancing learning. But it is easier to build schools, abolish fees, recruit more teachers, and instruct parents to send their children, than it is to ensure that schools, teachers, and students are equipped and motivated for teaching and learning once there.

This book contributes to making sense of this global learning crisis, by exploring the conditions under which reforms likely to shift education provisioning onto a higher-quality pathway are undertaken and enacted. It takes as its starting point the view that politics is likely to matter in explaining why this is the case. As a recent review put it, education reform is:

a highly charged and politicized process; what gets implemented—and its impact—depends as much or more on the politics of the reform process as the technical design of the reform. (Bruns and Schneider 2016 , 5)

There are good reasons to believe that variations in how countries adopt and implement reforms necessary to promote learning relate to differences in their political economies. These differences may play out in the design of reforms that are attempted and adopted, and in what gets implemented—including that it is more politically popular and less taxing of often weak state capacities to expand school provision than to improve learning outcomes. Yet, barring some notable exceptions (e.g. Grindle 2004 ), there has been little political analysis of education in general (Busemeyer and Trampusch 2011 ; Gift and Wibbels 2014 ), and still less on the political economy of education quality in developing countries—a gap that has been noted and bemoaned in several recent reviews (Kingdon et al. 2014 ; Nicolai et al. 2014 ; Wales, Magee, and Nicolai 2016 ; Bruns and Schneider 2016 ). As a contribution to filling this critical gap, this book sets out and tests hypotheses about how different types of political context interact with the education policy domain in ways that shape the uptake and implementation of reforms designed to improve learning outcomes.

The book features comparative analysis of the politics of education quality reforms across six low- to middle-income countries—Bangladesh, Cambodia, Ghana, Rwanda, South Africa, and Uganda—all of which were relatively successful at rapidly expanding access to primary schooling, but which have all found it much harder to improve learning outcomes, in part (we suggest) because of the variable levels of political commitment that exist in each context for reforms aimed at improving the quality of education. In this volume, we understand political commitment to reflect the incentives and ideas that predominate amongst political elites, and which are shaped by the underlying character of politics and power in specific contexts. The concept we use to describe ‘the balance or distribution of power between contending social groups and social classes, on which any state is based’ (di John and Putzel 2009, 4) is a ‘political settlement’, and we have chosen our cases to represent different types of these settlements.

The comparison explores how different distributions of power shaped incentives and ideas around education quality reforms and the institutions and processes of implementation, tracing the politics of reform from the political centre down through different levels of governance to the school, taking into account the impact of the external environment (for example, aid) and the policy legacies and challenges in each context. What we want to examine here is less the broad question of ‘how politics shapes educational outcomes’ per se, than the ways in which politics shapes the commitment and capacity of elites and governments in developing countries to promote reforms that are aimed at improving learning outcomes. In particular, and following several systematic reviews of what works to improve learning outcomes in developing countries (e.g. Glewwe et al. 2011 ; Tikly and Barrett 2013 ), we focus on efforts to improve the level and management of resourcing accorded to schools, and the quality and presence of teachers through training, incentives, and oversight mechanisms.

What we know about quality reforms is that they are inherently more difficult to design and to ‘sell’ to the public: there is less certainty about ‘what works’ and results are harder to measure (Nelson 2007 ). It is easier to design and implement top-down command-and-control responses to build more schools and recruit more teachers and children than to devise workable solutions to the ‘craft’ challenge of the interpersonal, transactional nature of effective teaching and learning (Pritchett 2013 ). Strengthening local accountability is difficult. Teachers, the group whose interests are most likely to suffer from reforms to enhance their performance accountability, tend to be well-organized, influential, and equipped to resist them (Corrales 1999 , 2006 ; Moe and Wiborg 2017 ; Kingdon et al. 2014 ; Béteille, Kingdon, and Muzammil 2016 ). Parents and communities, particularly in developing countries, are often less well-equipped and informed to articulate demand for quality improvements from their political leaders or frontline providers (Dunne et al. 2007 ; Mani and Mukand 2007 ). This means that for parents and communities, both the ‘long route’ (via the process of political representation) and the ‘short route’ (via relationships with frontline providers, teachers, and schools) to accountability for the delivery of high quality education, may be obstructed or subverted (World Bank 2003 ). A recent review concluded that three features of the politics of education are particularly relevant in analysing the prospects for reform: (i) the strength of teacher unions compared with other education stakeholders or labour unions; (ii) the ‘opacity of the classroom’—the need for reforms to shape teacher behaviour in the classroom, over which direct control is impossible; and (iii) the slow or lagged nature of the results of quality reforms (compared, for example, with the abolition of fees, learning reforms will yield no instant or obvious political return) (Bruns and Schneider 2016 ).

The World Bank identifies children’s unreadiness to learn, along with teacher and school management skills, and inadequate school inputs, as the proximate determinants of the learning crisis (World Bank 2017 ). It argues that the intractability of education quality reforms is not inherently a matter of inadequate resources, although many failing systems are also under-resourced (UNESCO 2014 ; World Bank 2017 ). Instead, it is a problem of ‘misalignment’ between learning goals, policies, and practices, in which the dominant role of teacher unions and other forms of ‘unhealthy politics’ plays an important and persistent role (World Bank 2017 ). It concludes that ‘healthier’ forms of politics—in particular the use of information to increase ‘the political incentives for learning’ and broad-based pro-reform coalitions—are critical to align goals, policies, and practices around improved learning. While highlighting the significance of the politics of teacher and school management on the frontline of the learning crisis, the emphasis on ‘alignment’ sidelines the significance of contention in education reform, and fails to address the questions to which it gives rise: under what conditions do broad-based, pro-reform coalitions come about? In which political contexts does information about education performance become embedded in functioning mechanisms of accountability? Why do some states visibly devote more capacity to learning and more political resources to quality reforms than others?

This book seeks to pick up the analysis at the point where the World Development Report (WDR) 2018 leaves off, pursuing a political explanation of the misalignments and contentions that shape the uptake of learning reforms. The analysis seeks to test assumptions that political settlements where elites have shorter time-horizons (competitive and clientelistic settlements, such as those in Ghana and Bangladesh) are less likely to take up the politically intractable task of redistributing power in the education system than those (the dominant settlements of Cambodia and Rwanda) where elites are better insulated, can adopt longer-term horizons and might be more likely to take up developmentally important projects. It also seeks to explore how different political settlements interact with systems of governance within the domain of education, ranged from traditional hierarchically organized bureaucracies to multi-stakeholder models, to create a range of different outcomes in ‘the many layers within a specific sector in between the top levels of policymaking and the service provision frontline’ (Levy and Walton 2013 , 4).

Following this introductory chapter, Chapter 2 sets out the intellectual rationale for a political settlement-based approach to the analysis of education quality reforms, and establishes the theoretical framework and methodological approach used to research the politics in the cases presented here. Chapters 3 through 8 comprise the set of six country cases, each of which gives an account of the quality of basic education and its development in that country; of the political settlement and its influences on education policy and the reform agenda; and of the implementation of policies aimed at improving learning from the national level downwards through sub-national levels of governance and, in most cases, through to schools themselves. Chapter 9 draws together the theoretical, methodological, and empirical findings from the comparative analysis, and points towards areas for further conceptual development and empirical research. The book concludes with two commentaries from leading authorities in the field on the arguments and cases presented in the book.

The Global Learning Crisis

From an access point of view, progress towards universal primary education in low-income countries accelerated markedly in the past two decades (see Figure 1.1 ). Globally, 93 per cent of children now attend primary school at the appropriate age, up from 84 per cent in 1999. By 2015, 20 million more developing country children had completed primary school than would have done so had the rate of school expansion before 2000 continued. In seventeen countries, age-correct enrolment rates increased by more than 20 per cent between 1999 and 2012, implying a remarkably rapid expansion. And gains were concentrated in the poorest world regions of Sub-Saharan Africa (where the net enrolment ratio [NER] rose from 59 per cent in 1999 to 79 per cent in 2012) and South and West Asia (where it went from 78 to 94 per cent over the same period). Between 2000 and 2010, NER increased from 27 to almost 64 per cent in Niger, from 42 to 76 per cent in Guinea, and in Burundi, from less than 41 to 94 per cent in 2010. The proportion of children who had never attended school dropped in Ethiopia from 67 per cent in 2000 to 28 per cent in 2011, and in Tanzania from 47 per cent in 1999 to 12 per cent in 2010. Globally, gender parity in enrolment was achieved at primary level and almost achieved at secondary level over the period, in part due to the push on girls’ education from MDG3 on gender equality; of countries with data, 69 per cent were set to achieve gender parity at primary level, but only less than half at secondary level by 2015. 2

Primary enrolment rates worldwide, 1970–2015

However, the idea that mass education was ‘one of the successes of the MDGs’ has been tempered by ‘more sobering trends’ (Unterhalter 2014 , 181). Large numbers of children remain excluded from school, with 58 million children aged six to eleven unenrolled in 2012, many in conflict-affected regions. At least one-fifth of all children were likely to drop out before completing primary in 32 countries, most of them in Sub-Saharan Africa (UNESCO 2015 ). And rural–urban location, socio-economic class, and marginalization and social exclusion continued to determine which children enrolled and stayed on in school. Despite gains in gender parity on literacy in many places, progress towards adult literacy has been slow; in fact, almost all gains have been due to the transition of schooled youth into adulthood, rather than programmes of learning for adults. About half a billion women still lacked basic literacy in 2015 (UNESCO 2015 ). And while most children in most countries can now attend school, in a great many, a minority learn as much as their governments expect them to. By their own standards, a large number of developing country school systems are failing to endow their students with even minimum competencies of reading, writing, and arithmetic. Globally, some 125 million children do not attain functional literacy or numeracy even after four years of school, while the majority—in some cases the vast majority—of primary school students in many education systems do not attain even the basic competencies in reading or arithmetic needed to continue their learning (World Bank 2017 ).

The poor quality of the education received by the majority in developing countries is of particular concern because of the potential role of good quality education in reversing—or reinforcing—economic and related inequalities. The quality of education is increasingly understood to be a more powerful driver of economic growth than the size of an education system, and higher-quality basic education is associated with more inclusive and equitable forms of growth (Hanushek 2009 ; Hanushek and Woessmann 2007 ). However, the learning crisis aggravates, and is aggravated by, social and economic inequalities of all kinds. Differences in learning attainments between lower- and higher-income regions and countries are substantial, as a comparison of PISA (Programme for International Student Assessment) test scores shows: the average student in a low-income country performs worse than 95 per cent of students in OECD countries—that is, would require remedial lessons in any developed country school system. Differences within a region can also be significant: Colombian students attain basic literacy six years earlier than their Bolivian counterparts, while only 19 per cent of young Nigerian primary school completers can read, compared with 80 per cent in Tanzania (World Bank 2017 ). Girls, rural students, and children from minority or other socially marginalized groups generally learn less, compared with boys, city children, and other advantaged groups (World Bank 2017 ). This reflects how gender and class disadvantage, remote geography, and membership of marginalized social groups amplify unequal learning outcomes; these then accumulate as children transition through the education system and on into the labour market (UNESCO 2012 , 2014 ). Nonetheless, some countries outperform others on learning indicators: Vietnam, for instance, performs much better than predicted by its per capita income; students in Latvia and Albania similarly learn more than expected from their other social and economic indicators (World Bank 2017 ). This again reinforces the sense that the drivers of educational quality are not simply related to economic or cultural factors, and that political factors are likely to play a significant role here.

Roots of the Learning Crisis: Lessons from Efforts at Reform

Why is the learning crisis so pervasive and apparently stubborn, when policies of educational expansion were so rapidly and enthusiastically adopted across the developing world? Improving quality is recognized to be more expensive and more difficult than increasing school places, and there is a perceived trade-off between keeping unit costs low and maximizing learning achievement (Nicolai et al. 2014 , 2). Enabling high quality learning is particularly challenging amongst low-income populations because of: institutional or personal biases against children from poor or marginalized groups (UNESCO 2010 ); challenges in the home environment (Smith and Barrett 2011 ); the adverse cognitive effects of early and chronic malnourishment (Crookston et al. 2010 , 2013 ; World Bank 2017 ); and dropout, poor attendance, child labour, and other characteristic features of childhoods lived in extreme poverty (Rose and Dyer 2008 ). School meals tend to raise participation and attendance rates, for instance, but evidence that school meals improve learning outcomes is more mixed (Adelman, Gilligan, and Lehrer 2008 ; Snilstveit et al. 2015 ). Poverty and inequality may be the biggest obstacles to education quality (Tikly and Barrett 2013 ), but while good quality education may be the surest pathway out of poverty and towards more equitable societies, there are few simple solutions to raising education standards in such settings. There is, in any case, limited consensus about what works to improve learning, as a recent ‘review of reviews’ found (Evans and Popova 2016 ).

Under-resourced and poorly managed systems lead to persistently poor quality basic education, but more finance is not necessarily the answer. Low- and middle-income countries typically spend too little on education: only 41 of 150 countries for which data is available spend the recommended 6 per cent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) on education, and 25 countries spend less than half that. Globally, the average proportion of public spending on education was only 15 per cent (against a recommended 20 per cent), a proportion that has barely changed since 1999; in some low- and middle-income countries, the share of education in public spending dropped below 5 per cent of GDP during the MDG period (UNESCO 2014 ). Under-resourcing does not explain all of the problems of education quality, but it helps to explain why fewer than 5 per cent of Tanzanian students have their own reading textbook, why 130 Malawian students cram into the average first-year classroom, and why only one in four Chad schools has a toilet (UNESCO 2014 ).

Yet the extent to which resources shape education quality is known to be highly variable, depending on how they are governed and managed at the different levels of education systems. The resources that do reach schools are often poorly deployed, usually because of over-centralized control, so that the meagre resources are inefficiently and ineffectively used, and the evidence on how more resources contribute to better learning via lower pupil–teacher ratios and more qualified teachers is mixed and context-specific (Glewwe et al. 2011 ). In their review of seventy-nine studies in developing countries, Glewwe et al. (2011, 41) concluded that a reasonably functional physical classroom tended to matter, but so did teachers with more subject knowledge, longer school days, and the provision of tuition; by contrast, teacher absence had a ‘clear negative effect’. Many teachers freelance as private tutors or find other ways to supplement their income (Bray 2006 ). Leakage is common, particularly through loss of public sector employee time (Chaudhury et al. 2004 ).

Where teachers do show up, they are often themselves too poorly educated to impart high quality learning: most new teachers in The Gambia, Botswana, Lesotho, Chad, Togo, Guinea-Bissau, and Cameroon did not even meet secondary school minimum qualifications for teachers in the 1990s (UNESCO 2004). And, despite massive investments in teacher training in the 2000s, in one-third of countries less than 75 per cent of teachers are trained even up to (often quite low) national standards (UNESCO 2014 ). Tikly and Barrett ( 2013 , 4) found that while low reading and mathematics attainments were closely linked to poverty and inequality, ‘schools can make a difference’, even more so in lower-income countries than in richer countries, particularly through effective school leadership and teacher management. As the World Bank ( 2017 ) summarized it, the four determinants of the learning crisis are: (i) children do not arrive ready to learn; (ii) teachers often lack the needed skills and motivation; (iii) school management skills are low; and (iv) school inputs have failed to keep pace with expansion. A critical lesson is that learning crises are systemic, not merely errors at the margin: entire education systems generally fail to deliver adequate levels of learning. This reflects the ‘misalignment’ of the goals and practices of the education system with the learning outcomes it needs to generate, notably on matters such as setting learning objectives and responsibilities, monitoring learning, financing, and the motivations and incentives of key actors within the system (World Bank 2017 ).

What causes these misalignments? The World Development Report 2004, Making Services Work for Poor People , undertook a political analysis of service delivery failures, linking them to weak or dysfunctional relationships of accountability between citizens and service-users (with respect to education, parents, and students) and service providers (teachers, officials, politicians) (World Bank 2003 ). Four dimensions of accountability most needed strengthening in relation to education performance: (i) voice, or how well citizens could hold the state—politicians and policymakers—accountable for performance in discharging its responsibility for education; (ii) compacts, or how well and how clearly the responsibilities and objectives of public engagement were communicated to the public, and to private organizations that provide services (Ministries of Education, school districts); (iii) management, or the actions that created effective frontline providers (teachers, administrators) within organizations; and (iv) client power, or how well citizen-clients could increase the accountability of schools and school systems (World Bank 2003 , 113). Central insights included that accountability for public service provision could be exercised via the ‘long route to accountability’, whereby citizens and civil society mandate political actors to provide education services, politicians then direct state actors to design such services, and the central state then tasks local governments and frontline service to deliver the services (and they are potentially punished electorally for failures at education service delivery); or via the ‘short route’, through which service-users hold frontline providers directly to account, through the use of their powers as consumers or rights-bearing citizens to demand services and sanction failures (World Bank 2003 ).

Recognizing the central importance of accountability, efforts to strengthen the ‘short route’ to accountable education provision took the form of interventions and experiments to promote community participation in school-based management; induce community monitoring of school quality indicators, such as enrolment, attendance, and performance; introduce vouchers and other ‘school choice’ initiatives; and efforts to monitor teacher performance, amongst others. It seems clear that teachers perform best when motivated and monitored to do so (Bruns, Filmer, and Patrinos 2011 ; Bruns and Luque 2014 ), yet efforts to enhance learning by strengthening ‘client power’ have yielded mixed results (Bruns et al. 2011 ; Carr-Hill et al. 2015 ; Snilstveit et al. 2015 ; World Bank 2017 ). Carr-Hill et al. (2015) found that community participation in school management yielded positive and large effects in middle-income countries, but smaller and more uneven results in poorer countries, where, amongst other things, community members lacked the capacities or incentives to engage with school performance (see also Dunne et al. 2007 ).

Some of these interventions, particularly the quasi-experimental efforts at information and monitoring, were introduced with limited reference to the political contexts within which they needed to operate, something which recent reviews of social accountability have found to be critical (Devarajan, Khemani, and Walton 2011 ; Hickey and King 2016 ). These ‘widgets’—pared-down tools for project intervention that failed to engage with the deeper and wider politics of school provision—had little prospect of strengthening accountability for public service delivery (Joshi and Houtzager 2012 ). Citizen power involves a transformation of political relationships, not merely the ‘teeth’ or consumer power to make choices at the frontline, but the ‘voice’ to mandate public action, and to demand accountability (Fox 2015 ). In the terms of the WDR 2004, the short route to accountability needs the ‘voice’ of political claims- and policymaking for it to be effective, while at the local level, education service delivery only has ‘teeth’—the ability to punish failures—when citizens and service-users have the capacities to demand, and receive, improved performance on the frontline (see also Westhorp et al. 2014 ).

These bottom-up pressures also need to be backed up by top-down pressure from within the political and bureaucratic system (Booth 2012 ), often through combined forms of diagonal accountability that join up oversight mechanisms in pursuit of more responsive and effective performance (Goetz and Jenkins 2005; Joshi and Houtzager 2012 ). The nature of the ‘craft’ in the interpersonal activity of teaching and learning means that effective school systems need to be organized like starfish—independently functional and responsive to differences in environment, yet connected to the whole—rather than, as most are, like spiders, directly controlled from the centre (Pritchett 2013 ). Yet central control remains an important political objective in many school systems, whether under democratic or authoritarian rule, and whether state capacity can be judged strong or weak.

These lessons have renewed attention to the politics of the ‘long route’ to accountability in education provision. In the first World Development Report on education (World Bank 2017 ) the roots of the learning crisis are framed as both technical and political. In one important example, national learning assessments are seen as vital to create ‘measures for learning [to] guide action’ as well as ‘measures of learning [to] spur action’, by increasing public participation and awareness of school performance; providing parents with evidence needed to make better choices; and raising voice via ‘the long route of accountability, where learning metrics may help citizens use the political process to hold politicians accountable for learning’ (World Bank 2017 , 94). Yet, while ‘political impetus’ has been critical to the adoption and implementation of learning reforms, powerful political incentives, including ‘unhealthy’ relationships between teacher unions and political and bureaucratic interests, can also ensure the goals and practices of the system remain misaligned with those of children’s learning (World Bank 2017 ).

Understanding the Political Economy of Education Quality Reforms

It may be true that ‘education systems are what they are, and indeed, the schools are what they are—everywhere in the world, regardless of the nation—because politics makes them that way’ (Moe and Wiborg 2017 ). Yet political science has paid little attention to education, for reasons that include lack of data and the specific disciplinary challenge (for political science) of accessing household dynamics and decision-making processes at multiple levels (Gift and Wibbels 2014 ; Busemeyer and Trampusch 2011 ; Ansell 2010 ). There has been some interest in the comparative politics of education, including in developing countries (for instance, Baum and Lake 2003 ; Brown and Hunter 2004 ), but it remains a new thematic area for the discipline, and one in which theorizing is in its infancy. The next section briefly discusses existing political science theories of education provision in light of the distinct challenges and concerns of developing countries, before moving on to the literature on the politics of education quality in developing country settings. This includes a discussion of the need to maintain a distinction between the politics of education in advanced, industrialized societies with long-established systems of mass education, and the politics of education in societies whose population includes many first-generation learners, where mass education is still a novelty and where transnational influences may be stronger.

Gift and Wibbels ( 2014 ) argue that the basis for a political science theory of education is as a function of the interaction between demand and supply: how much education a society receives is a function of: (a) the demand for skills emanating from the labour market and the economy; and (b) how, and the extent to which, those skills are supplied through the education system. Parents are assumed to ‘naturally prefer’ schools that are good for their children, and, to a greater or lesser extent, to mandate politicians to deliver them. How successfully they organize to assert their demands will determine what states provide. Ansell ( 2010 ) similarly notes that a political theory of education must rest on insights (a) that education is essentially redistributive and, depending on how resources are spent, can be progressive or otherwise; and (b) that ‘public education policy is heavily affected by the nature of the global market for educated labor’ (Ansell 2010 , 3).

Not all the assumptions made by Gift and Wibbels ( 2014 ) hold in contexts where mass formal schooling is still new. Gift and Wibbels view the outcome as a matter of magnitude, with the dependent variable being public spending on education. But if the heart of the problem is that schools and teachers are unaccountable to the parents and pupils they are supposed to serve, this implies a change in the relative political power of these groups, and not—or not only—more resources. In fact, more resources may exacerbate the problem, entrenching public sector interests in the existing system, making teacher unions stronger, expanding poorly managed services to an even wider population. Parents may know neither what to expect nor what to demand (for instance, Martínez 2012 ; Dunne et al. 2007 ; Mani and Mukand 2007 ). The capacity of citizens to demand and achieve improved levels of service provision is in general closely shaped by issues of poverty, exclusion, and inequality (Hickey and King 2016 ).

In developing countries with limited state capacity, the strongest demand for an educated population may come from the state itself. Many developing countries lack the human resources to staff the state; as we have already seen, many low-income countries cannot recruit enough educated teachers. Education provision may thus be insulated against state weaknesses and/or the problems of personalized as opposed to programmatic policy regimes, but with limited implications for quality: ‘in an environment of weak state capacity, democracy may prompt governments to increase education access, but not education inputs’ (Harding and Stasavage 2014 , 230). The likely absence of programmatic education agendas in developing countries may also be related to the general absence of programmatic class-based parties; the political history of education in developed countries indicates that parties and coalitions on the left and centre are more likely to promote wider access to education, and are associated with higher public spending on education (Busemeyer 2014 ).

Demand for educated labour from employers may be weak in low-income developing countries with large ‘reserve army’ populations, or because low-capital enterprises generally need little skilled labour. It seems clear that the ‘Varieties of Capitalism’ approach to understanding differences in education policy on the basis of ‘a functional complementarity between skill formation and welfare state policies’ (Busemeyer 2014 , 35) offers limited insights into situations where the relationship between labour, capital, and the state is informal, paternalistic, and unorganized. Corrales argues that it is possible that ‘more exposure to capitalism prompts governments and constituents to protect education expenditures’, but that how domestic politics interacts with opportunities and constraints in the global economy shapes the politics of investment in education (Corrales 2006 , 240). Doner and Schneider (2016, 635) note that informality, inequality, and a reliance on foreign direct investment can fragment business and labour, and ‘undercut the potential demand for upgrading institutions’.

Of the available scholarship that does focus on the political economy of education in developing countries, 3 it is possible to differentiate between those studies which focus on how national-level politics shapes educational policies in broad terms (e.g. Stasavage 2005 ; Kosack 2009 ; Kosack 2012 ) and those that look more specifically at how politics (e.g. Grindle 2004 ) and governance arrangements (Pritchett 2013 ) play out within education systems. Within each of these literatures, there is a further distinction between a focus on formal institutional arrangements (e.g. Ansell 2008 and Stasavage 2005 on democracy; Pritchett 2013 on education sector governance; World Bank 2003 on formal accountability structures) and those that focus on informal power and politics (e.g. Kosack 2012 on political coalitions; Grindle 2004 on policy coalitions; also, Wales et al. 2016 ).

Analysis of the relationship between democracy and education tends to find that democracy exerts a positive influence on governments’ financial commitments to education (Stasavage 2005 ; Ansell 2008 ). But this may not advance understanding of reforms aimed at learning, as opposed to access. Nelson ( 2007 ) argues that competitive elections may create pressures to increase but not to improve or reallocate provision, because the political incentives to do so are so weak and non-urgent. Kosack ( 2012 ) also goes beyond regime-type explanations in search of a less formal and institutional analysis, arguing that none of the three most common political–economic explanations (relating to regime type, education cultures, and governmental commitment to economic performance) predict the realities of education policies. In his analysis of Taiwan, Ghana, and Brazil, Kosack concludes that answers to two questions can explain patterns of education investment: whose support does a government need to stay in power? What sort of education do those citizens want? Kosack identifies situations in which political entrepreneurs help disorganized groups to organize around common interests on education, as through the formation of coalitions between populist leaders and rural constituencies (Kosack 2012 ; also Corrales 1999 ). By extension of the same logic regarding the role of coalitions in shaping policy preferences, it may well be that developing countries lack the kinds of organized groups that might constitute a coalition in favour of a better trained citizenry and labour force (e.g. middle-class parents, organized capitalists).

This focus on informal forms of politics seems to characterize the most insightful comparative work to date on education politics. Merilee Grindle’s (2004) seminal work on education sector reform in Latin America notes that whereas access reforms were ‘“easy” from a political economy perspective’ (Grindle 2004 , 6), reforms aimed at improving quality in the 1990s:

involved the potential for lost jobs, and lost control over budgets, people, and decisions. They exposed students, teachers, and supervisors to new pressures and expectations. Teachers’ unions charged that they destroyed long existing rights and career tracks. (Grindle 2004 , 6)

The wider literature supports the presumption that teachers are typically the best organized and most vocal group empowered to influence education policy and reforms, and that influence is not always benign (Moe and Wiborg 2017 ; Bruns and Schneider 2016 ; Kingdon et al. 2014 ; Rosser and Fahmi 2018 ; Béteille et al. 2016 ). Nevertheless, Grindle’s cases of education quality reforms in Latin America show that reforms could succeed, depending on how they were introduced, designed, approved, and implemented. Reform-oriented coalitions within the education sector were particularly important in her cases. Corrales ( 1999 ) similarly suggests that policy entrepreneurs tend to emerge in response to high-level government commitment to reforms. But a recent review of the politics of education quality in developing countries found that the visibility and ‘political returns’ of educational investments, information asymmetries, particularly around performance assessment, and patterns of demand and accountability, including capacities for collective action, tended to limit commitment to quality reforms (Nicolai et al. 2014 , 5).

In terms of studies on the significance of formal governance arrangements within the education sector, there has been a focus on both the national- and local-level systems, and within each of these on the appropriate balance between top-down and bottom-up forms of accountability mechanisms. Pritchett ( 2013 ) argues that school systems are often highly centralized, which can work well to deliver expanded provision quickly, but which may exclude local parents and teachers from influence, and so deliver schooling without learning. A similar point is made by Tikly and Barrett ( 2013 , 20), who conclude that ‘weighting accountability towards top-down control … can constrain the space for teacher autonomy, reducing responsive inclusion and curricula relevance at the classroom level’.

However, formal governance arrangements rarely play out according to design in developing countries (Andrews 2013 ). Kingdon et al. (2014, 2) note that the supposed benefits of decentralization ‘do not accrue in practice because in poor rural areas the local elite closes up the spaces for wider community representation and participation in school affairs’. They suggest the effects of decentralization are ‘especially problematic when accountability systems are weak, and there is little parental information or awareness of how to hold schools responsible’ (Kingdon et al. 2014 , 28). A good deal of work has been undertaken at the level of schools themselves, particularly in terms of the type of oversight and accountability measures associated with improved levels of performance. Westhorp et al.’s (2014) systematic review of the circumstances under which decentralization, school-based management, accountability initiatives, and community schools influence education outcomes, particularly for the poor, found that a wide range of approaches had achieved some degree of success. These include the introduction of rewards in conjunction with sanctions; performance monitoring by the community members, including traditional authorities and politicians; and the introduction of direct accountability relationships, including the power to hire and fire between school management committees and staff. However, school-level interventions are rarely enough on their own: to work, they depend on a supportive political context, an adequately-resourced education sector with a strong national system for assessment, and high-capacity local actors, including school management committees, head teachers, and local community actors.

Some research into the politics of education in developing countries has focused more on the ideas (rather than only the incentives) that shape elite behaviour. A good deal of work on elite perceptions and commitment has identified education as being an area that attracts a high level of consensus from ruling elites, as compared with other aspects of social policy (e.g. Hossain 2005 ; Hossain and Moore 2002 ). Contemporary developing countries are part of a world system in which mass education is, or is becoming, the norm, so that integration into that world system depends on the provision of mass education, and provision of mass education legitimates state authority (Boli, Ramirez, and Meyer 1985 ; Meyer, Ramirez, and Soysal 1992 ; see also Corrales 2006 ; Tikly 2001 ). Policy and political elites may ‘demand’ education as part of a developmentalist agenda of nation building or economic development, or as an instrument for achieving other social policy goals (e.g. fertility control: Colclough 2012 ; Ansell 2010 ).

Finally, international actors have played a significant role in driving up the levels of investment in education in developing countries, and in ensuring that a significant effort is made to target this provision at poorer groups. This is in part through the transnational advocacy coalition that comprised the Global Campaign for Education (Gaventa and Mayo 2009 ), as well as the strong pressures that international aid agencies have often exerted over education policy within countries that rely on overseas development finance. The Millennium Development Goals helped to provide further impetus here. However, the influence of aid agencies within the global South is declining, and there is little evidence to date that donors or international agencies have succeeded in promoting reforms targeted at improving the quality of education, despite efforts in this direction (Wales et al. 2016 ), including through the Sustainable Development Goals.

Overall, then, there have been some important studies of the politics of educational quality in developing countries, even if these are few in nature. Of these, the ones that most closely address our concern with the politics of promoting difficult reforms aimed at tackling the learning crisis have tended to emphasize the role of informal as well as formal institutional processes, ideas as well as incentives, and actors operating at multiple scales, from the global through to the local, and often in the form of coalitions. Given that none have presented a conceptual framework that can help capture these multiple factors, we try to address this failing in the next chapter, where we set out an approach that helped guide the studies reported on here and which we hope can be of some use in guiding further work in the field.

Conclusion: Understanding Education Quality Reform Demands a Political Approach

The global learning crisis manifests itself in low learning attainments in each of the six countries studied here. Their experiences are reflected across the struggles faced by low- and middle-income countries to grow their education systems in an increasingly competitive global economy dependent on skills. This book helps to make sense of the global learning crisis by exploring the proposition that politics matters, centrally, in explaining why some countries are doing better at raising the quality of education than others. But how might politics matter? Political analysis of education is limited, both empirically and theoretically, and both in developed and in developing countries. While there are good reasons to believe that the difference in the uptake of quality reforms and their implementation relates to differences of a political nature, there is little conceptual work with which to build a theoretical framework for analysing how that works, or evidence to test it. This book contributes both evidence of how politics influences reforms in developing countries, and to the construction of theory about how this comes about. It does this by setting out and testing hypotheses about how the political settlement and its relationship to the domain of education have shaped the uptake, success, or failure of recent efforts to bring about education quality reform.

Education quality reforms tend to be less politically tractable than programmes of expansion. The nature and distribution of power over the vital resource involved in education quality—teaching—are necessarily at the centre of this analysis. Quality reforms are difficult to design and difficult to deliver: less is known about ‘what works’ and achievement is hard to measure. Weak state capacity has not prevented children from attending school, but it is very likely to shape what happens once they get there. Yet strong state capacity in relation to education may not necessarily or only mean centralized power; effective education systems must be responsive and adaptive to local needs, granting enough autonomy for schools to be accountable to the local communities they seek to educate. The governance and institutional reforms needed to build effective schools are intensely political and involve struggles over power, whether in terms of the authority to define the content and direction of nation building, the power to deploy the vast national teaching force, or the resources to spend on school buildings and teachers’ pay.

The following chapters look at how politics is shaping the level of capacity and commitment of elites to improving the quality of public education and its governance in developing countries. These chapters explore variations in the extent to which countries have adopted and implemented reforms aimed at improving learning outcomes, and in how those reforms have played out in terms of improved learning. Next, Chapter 2 develops a theoretical framework for understanding the politics of education in developing countries within which such analysis can be conducted.

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Tikly, L. , and A. M. Barrett . 2013 . ‘Education Quality and Social Justice in the Global South: Towards a Conceptual Framework’. In Education Quality and Social Justice in the Global South: Challenges for Policy, Practice and Research . Edited by L. Tikly , and A.M. Barrett , 11–25. London: Routledge.

UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation). 2004 . The Quality Imperative: Education for All 2005 Global Monitoring Report. Paris: UNESCO.

UNESCO. 2010 . Reaching the Marginalised: Education for All 2010 Global Monitoring Report . Paris: UNESCO, and Oxford: Oxford University Press.

UNESCO. 2012 . Youth and Skills: Putting Education to Work: Education for All 2012 Global Monitoring Report. Paris: UNESCO.

UNESCO. 2014 . Teaching and Learning: Achieving Quality for All. Education for All 2013/14 Global Monitoring Report . Paris: UNESCO.

UNESCO. 2015 . Education for All 2000–2015: Achievements and Challenges. Education for All 2015 Global Monitoring Report. Paris: UNESCO.

Unterhalter, E.   2014 . ‘ Measuring Education for the Millennium Development Goals: Reflections on Targets, Indicators, and a Post-2015 Framework ’. Journal of Human Development and Capabilities , 15(2–3): 176–87.

Wales, J. , A. Magee , and S. Nicolai . 2016 . ‘ How Does Political Context Shape Education Reforms and Their Success ?’ ODI Dimension Paper 6. London: Overseas Development Institute.

Westhorp, G. , B. Walker , P. Rogers , N. Overbeeke , D. Ball , and G. Brice . 2014 . Enhancing Community Accountability, Empowerment and Education Outcomes in Low and Middle-Income Countries: A Realist Review . London: Department for International Development.

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World Bank. 2017 . ‘ World Development Report 2018: Learning to Realize Education’s Promis e’. Washington, DC: World Bank.

http://un.org/sustainabledevelopment/education/ (accessed 12 June 2017).

All figures here are from UNESCO’s 2015 Global Monitoring Report , which took stock of all progress towards the EFA goals over the period (UNESCO 2015 ).

We are grateful to Sophie King for producing an excellent annotated bibliography on the politics of education in developing countries, on which this section is based.

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Education in Developing Countries Essay

Diverse socio-economic environments in schools.

• Political independence brought young countries harsh difficulties including the problems with education;
• Children in such countries do not have access to high-quality education due to the poor technological, social, and economic development.

After gaining political independence, young countries faced severe financial difficulties caused by long colonial robbery and continued economic dependence on the imperialist powers. Nowadays, the problem of socio-cultural transformations, including a fundamental restructuring of the education system and adapting it to the needs of socio-economic recovery is of paramount importance (Burnett, 2014). The improvement of the educational system should be conducted per the requirements of modern science and technology.

• To provide children and young generation with adequate education;
• The education should meet the demands of the national development;
• To make education accessible to all representatives of society regardless of the social status.

Why do these challenges matter?

• Governments are responsible for the reformation of education to provide their nations with learning opportunities;
• The economic independence cannot be achieved in the country where people are illiterate;
• The development of education is directly connected to the socio-economic improvement of the country.

In is necessary to give the young generation education that meets the needs of national development and involves in the educational process a significant amount of population. The prominent role in the solution of these challenges belongs to the governments. The improvement of education in countries is based on the state plan of socio-economic development of the country. The reformation of education and training is one of the important tasks of the struggle for economic independence, a constituent part of a complex of measures aimed at overcoming underdevelopment (Guthrie, 2011). Without solving this task, the consolidation of political independence and gaining economic independence is impossible.

Current difficulties

Almost two hundred million people who are no more than thirty years old have never visited a primary school (Marshall, Kinuthia, & Taylor, 2009);

One of eight young people is unemployed and over a quarter is busy at work

The colonial education system has left one more heritage: higher education is disproportionately developed in comparison with primary and secondary school. As a result, there is the educated elite, some of which cannot find a job after college or university. It is well-known that information technology is one of the main factors of economic growth. Developing countries are doing their best to approach the level of developed countries of the assessment of electronic devices in the field of education. However, whereas the smartphone has become the part of everyday life in some countries, some still do not even have access to television, and, consequently, to the source of information and knowledge.

Recommendations for further negotiations

As far as the United Nations Development Programme is ready to contribute significantly to the development of the educational system, it is of great importance to present guidelines. These directions predetermine the further development and should serve as the proof for UN exemplifying the intention to reform education. The prescribed guidelines are as follows:

• To supply schools with computers;
• To establish a system of distant learning;
• To promote the development of learning through video lectures;
• To assist the government in educational reforms;
• To monitor the implementations of the educational reforms.

It would be a new direction for the UNDP to establish a well-structured system of the distance learning in the DCs. Video-lectures represent one of the cheapest ways to increase the educational level in the developing countries. This practice has already started by the non-commercial organizations consisting of volunteers from all over the world (Kennepohl & Shaw, 2010). Video-lectures based on the curriculum will contribute not only to education but also stimulate local teachers to broaden their knowledge of the subject and share the experience of foreign colleagues.

Reference List

Burnett, N. (2014). International education policies, issues, and challenges. In G. Carbonnier, M. Carton & K. King (Eds.), Education, learning, training: Critical issues for development (pp. 27-36). Boston, USA: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers.

Guthrie, G. (2011). The progressive education fallacy in developing countries . Dordrecht, Netherlands: Springer.

Kennepohl, D., & Shaw, L. (2010). Accessible elements . Edmonton, United Kingdom: AU Press.

Marshall, S., Kinuthia, W., & Taylor, W. (2009). Bridging the knowledge divide . Charlotte, USA: Information Age Publishing.

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IvyPanda. (2022, December 23). Education in Developing Countries. https://ivypanda.com/essays/education-in-developing-countries/

"Education in Developing Countries." IvyPanda , 23 Dec. 2022, ivypanda.com/essays/education-in-developing-countries/.

IvyPanda . (2022) 'Education in Developing Countries'. 23 December.

IvyPanda . 2022. "Education in Developing Countries." December 23, 2022. https://ivypanda.com/essays/education-in-developing-countries/.

1. IvyPanda . "Education in Developing Countries." December 23, 2022. https://ivypanda.com/essays/education-in-developing-countries/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Education in Developing Countries." December 23, 2022. https://ivypanda.com/essays/education-in-developing-countries/.

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