gender acceptance essay

5 Powerful Essays Advocating for Gender Equality

Gender equality – which becomes reality when all genders are treated fairly and allowed equal opportunities –  is a complicated human rights issue for every country in the world. Recent statistics are sobering. According to the World Economic Forum, it will take 108 years to achieve gender parity . The biggest gaps are found in political empowerment and economics. Also, there are currently just six countries that give women and men equal legal work rights. Generally, women are only given ¾ of the rights given to men. To learn more about how gender equality is measured, how it affects both women and men, and what can be done, here are five essays making a fair point.

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“Countries With Less Gender Equity Have More Women In STEM — Huh?” – Adam Mastroianni and Dakota McCoy

This essay from two Harvard PhD candidates (Mastroianni in psychology and McCoy in biology) takes a closer look at a recent study that showed that in countries with lower gender equity, more women are in STEM. The study’s researchers suggested that this is because women are actually especially interested in STEM fields, and because they are given more choice in Western countries, they go with different careers. Mastroianni and McCoy disagree.

They argue the research actually shows that cultural attitudes and discrimination are impacting women’s interests, and that bias and discrimination is present even in countries with better gender equality. The problem may lie in the Gender Gap Index (GGI), which tracks factors like wage disparity and government representation. To learn why there’s more women in STEM from countries with less gender equality, a more nuanced and complex approach is needed.

“Men’s health is better, too, in countries with more gender equality” – Liz Plank

When it comes to discussions about gender equality, it isn’t uncommon for someone in the room to say, “What about the men?” Achieving gender equality has been difficult because of the underlying belief that giving women more rights and freedom somehow takes rights away from men. The reality, however, is that gender equality is good for everyone. In Liz Plank’s essay, which is an adaption from her book For the Love of Men: A Vision for Mindful Masculinity, she explores how in Iceland, the #1 ranked country for gender equality, men live longer. Plank lays out the research for why this is, revealing that men who hold “traditional” ideas about masculinity are more likely to die by suicide and suffer worse health. Anxiety about being the only financial provider plays a big role in this, so in countries where women are allowed education and equal earning power, men don’t shoulder the burden alone.

Liz Plank is an author and award-winning journalist with Vox, where she works as a senior producer and political correspondent. In 2015, Forbes named her one of their “30 Under 30” in the Media category. She’s focused on feminist issues throughout her career.

“China’s #MeToo Moment” –  Jiayang Fan

Some of the most visible examples of gender inequality and discrimination comes from “Me Too” stories. Women are coming forward in huge numbers relating how they’ve been harassed and abused by men who have power over them. Most of the time, established systems protect these men from accountability. In this article from Jiayang Fan, a New Yorker staff writer, we get a look at what’s happening in China.

The essay opens with a story from a PhD student inspired by the United States’ Me Too movement to open up about her experience with an academic adviser. Her story led to more accusations against the adviser, and he was eventually dismissed. This is a rare victory, because as Fan says, China employs a more rigid system of patriarchy and hierarchy. There aren’t clear definitions or laws surrounding sexual harassment. Activists are charting unfamiliar territory, which this essay explores.

“Men built this system. No wonder gender equality remains as far off as ever.” – Ellie Mae O’Hagan

Freelance journalist Ellie Mae O’Hagan (whose book The New Normal is scheduled for a May 2020 release) is discouraged that gender equality is so many years away. She argues that it’s because the global system of power at its core is broken.  Even when women are in power, which is proportionally rare on a global scale, they deal with a system built by the patriarchy. O’Hagan’s essay lays out ideas for how to fix what’s fundamentally flawed, so gender equality can become a reality.

Ideas include investing in welfare; reducing gender-based violence (which is mostly men committing violence against women); and strengthening trade unions and improving work conditions. With a system that’s not designed to put women down, the world can finally achieve gender equality.

“Invisibility of Race in Gender Pay Gap Discussions” – Bonnie Chu

The gender pay gap has been a pressing issue for many years in the United States, but most discussions miss the factor of race. In this concise essay, Senior Contributor Bonnie Chu examines the reality, writing that within the gender pay gap, there’s other gaps when it comes to black, Native American, and Latina women. Asian-American women, on the other hand, are paid 85 cents for every dollar. This data is extremely important and should be present in discussions about the gender pay gap. It reminds us that when it comes to gender equality, there’s other factors at play, like racism.

Bonnie Chu is a gender equality advocate and a Forbes 30 Under 30 social entrepreneur. She’s the founder and CEO of Lensational, which empowers women through photography, and the Managing Director of The Social Investment Consultancy.

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• Gender Equality Essay

Introduction to Gender Equality

In a society, everyone has the right to lead his/her life accordingly without any discrimination. When this state is achieved where all individuals are considered to be equal irrespective of their caste, gender, colour, profession, and status, we call it equality. Equality can also be defined as the situation where every individual has the same rights and equal opportunity to grow and prosper. 

Every individual of society dreams for equal rights and access to resources available at their disposal, but there is a lot of discrimination. This discrimination can be due to cultural differences, geographical differences, the colour of the individual, social status and even gender. The most prevalent discrimination is gender inequality. It is not a localised issue and is limited to only certain spheres of life but is prevalent across the globe. Even in progressive societies and top organisations, we can see many examples of gender bias. 

Gender equality can only be achieved when both male and female individuals are treated similarly. But discrimination is a social menace that creates division. We stop being together and stand together to tackle our problems. This social stigma has been creeping into the underbelly of all of society for many centuries. This has also been witnessed in gender-based cases. Gender inequality is the thing of the past as both men and women are creating history in all segments together.

Gender Equality builds a Nation

In this century, women and men enjoy the same privileges. The perception is changing slowly but steadily. People are now becoming more aware of their rights and what they can do in a free society. It has been found that when women and men hold the same position and participate equally, society progresses exclusively and creates a landmark. When a community reaches gender equality, everyone enjoys the same privileges and gets similar scopes in education, health, occupation, and political aspect. Even in the family, when both male and female members are treated in the same way, it is the best place to grow, learn, and add great value.

A nation needs to value every gender equally to progress at the right place. A society attains better development in all aspects when both genders are entitled to similar opportunities. Equal rights in decision making, health, politics, infrastructure, profession, etc will surely advance our society to a new level. The social stigma of women staying inside the house has changed. Nowadays, girls are equally competing with boys in school. They are also creating landmark development in their respective profession. Women are now seeking economic independence before they get married. It gives them the confidence to stand against oppression and make better decisions for themselves.

The age-old social structure dictated that women need to stay inside the home taking care of all when men go out to earn bread and butter. This has been practised for ages when the world outside was not safe. Now that the time has changed and we have successfully made our environment quite safer, women can step forward, get educated, pursue their passion, bring economic balance in their families, and share the weight of a family with men. This, in a cumulative way, will also make a country’s economy progress faster and better.

Methods to measure Gender Equality

Gender equality can be measured and a country’s growth can be traced by using the following methods.

Gender Development Index (GDI) is a gender-based calculation done similar to the Human Development Index. 

Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM) is a detailed calculation method of the percentage of female members in decision-making roles. 

Gender Equity Index (GEI) considers economic participation, education, and empowerment.

Global Gender Gap Index assesses the level of gender inequality present on the basis of four criteria: economic participation and opportunity, educational attainment, political empowerment, health and survival .

According to the Gender Gap Index (GGI), India ranks 140 among 156 participating countries. This denotes that the performance of India has fallen from the previous years, denoting negative growth in terms of closing the gender gap. In the current environment where equality and equal opportunities are considered supreme, this makes India be at a significant disadvantage.

Roadblocks to Gender Equality  

Indian society is still wrecked by such stigmas that dictate that women are meant to manage the home and stay indoors. This is being done for ages, leading to neglect of women in areas like education, health, wealth, and socio-economic fields. 

In addition to that, the dowry system is further crippling society. This ill practice had led to numerous female feticides. It has created a notion that girls are a burden on a family, which is one of the primary reasons a girl child cannot continue her education. Even if they excel in education and become independent, most of them are forced to quit their job as their income is considered a backup source, which is not fair. New-age women are not only independent, but they are confident too. The only thing they demand from society is support, which we should provide them.  

Along with dowry, there is one more burning issue that has a profound impact on women's growth. It is prevalent in all kinds of society and is known as violence. Violence against women is present in one or another form in public and private spaces. Sometimes, violence is accompanied by other burning issues such as exploitation, harassment, and trafficking, making the world unsafe for women. We must take steps to stop this and ensure a safe and healthy place for women.  

Poverty is also one of the major roadblocks towards gender equality. It has led to other malpractices such as child marriage, sale of children, trafficking and child labour, to name a few. Providing equal job opportunities and upliftment of people below the poverty line can help bring some checks onto this.

Initiative Towards Gender Equality

Any kind of discrimination acts as a roadblock in any nation’s growth, and a nation can only prosper when all its citizens have equal rights. Most of the developed countries has comparatively less gender discrimination and provide equal opportunity to both genders. Even the Indian government is taking multiple initiatives to cut down gender discrimination. 

They have initiated a social campaign called “Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao Yojana” to encourage the education of girl children. Besides this, the government runs multiple other schemes, such as the Women Helpline Scheme, UJJAWALA, National Mission for Empowerment of Women, etc., to generate awareness among the people. Moreover, as responsible citizens, it is our responsibility to spread knowledge on gender discrimination to create a beautiful world for wome n [1] [2] .

FAQs on Gender Equality Essay

1. What Makes Women Unequal to Men?

The social stigmas and beliefs that have been running deeply in the veins of all families make women unequal to men. Women are considered to be a burden by many families and are not provided with the same rights men enjoy in society. We are ill-informed regarding women’s rights and tend to continue age-old practices. This is made worse with social menaces such as the dowry system, child labor, child marriage, etc. Women can gather knowledge, get educated, and compete with men. This is sometimes quite threatening to the false patriarchal society.

2. How can We Promote Gender Equality?

Education is the prime measure to be taken to make society free from such menaces. When we teach our new generation regarding the best social practices and gender equal rights, we can eradicate such menaces aptly. Our society is ill-informed regarding gender equality and rights. Many policies have been designed and implemented by the government. As our country holds the second position in terms of population, it is hard to tackle these gender-based problems. It can only be erased from the deepest point by using education as the prime weapon.

3. Why should Women be Equal to Men?

Women might not be similar to men in terms of physical strength and physiological traits. Both are differently built biologically but they have the same brain and organs to function. Women these days are creating milestones that are changing society. They have traveled to space, running companies, creating history, and making everyone proud. Women are showing their capabilities in every phase and hence, they should be equal to men in all aspects.

4. Mention a few initiatives started by the Indian Government to enable gender equality.

The Indian government has initiated a social campaign called “Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao Yojana” to encourage girls’ education. Besides this, the government runs multiple other schemes, such as the  Women Helpline Scheme, UJJAWALA, National Mission for Empowerment of Women, etc., to generate awareness among the people.

Attitudes to gender and sexual diversity: changing global trends

Director, Institute for Cellular and Molecular Medicine & SAMRC Extramural Unit for Stem Cell Research & Therapy, University of Pretoria

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Michael Sean Pepper does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

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Changes in geopolitical forces are sweeping rapidly across the world, affecting the lives of many, for better and for worse. In much the same way, attitudes towards gender and sexual diversity are dynamic. They are moving towards greater acceptance in some parts of the world, while in others there is push back against this diversity.

The result is that lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) people are experiencing increasing freedom to express their diversity in some countries and communities. But in others they face discrimination, abuse, violence and even death because they don’t fit into the expectations of what certain sectors of society consider to be the norm.

The determinants of gender and sexual diversity can be understood from several perspectives. These include biological or physical sex – what we see or can measure; gender identity – how people identify independently of their biological sex; and sexual orientation.

Together, all elements contribute to a person’s gender expression. In other words, how they live their lives. Gender expression in turn is context dependent, and this includes the society in which people live.

The problem is that those who wish to impose their own beliefs frequently overlook the extent – and complexity – of natural human diversity.

Biological sex determination

Biological sex determination starts in the first trimester of pregnancy with the differentiation of the gonads (ovaries and testis). Male development is driven by the Y chromosome; X chromosomes (in the absence of a Y chromosome) drive development in the female direction. There are variations on this theme, some of which defy a binary classification.

This is followed by the development of the internal reproductive organs and external genitalia. In males this is androgen dependent and in females, estrogen dependent. There is an indeterminate phase early in the development of external genitalia, and variability can occur at any point in the process.

One of the ways in which diversity between people manifests is through what is now referred to as “ "disorders of sex development” , previously referred to as intersex or hermaphroditism.

People whose physical sex characteristics do not fit into culturally established gender norms feel strongly that the word “disorder” should not be used. Rather, they argue, it should be seen as a naturally occurring variation in development. Use of the terminology “differences in sex development” might therefore be more appropriate.

Surgery is often performed early in childhood on people who don’t fit into the binary classification of male or female with regard to their external genitalia. The aim is apparently to allow these people to fit into a socially accepted gender category.

Genitalia are often “corrected” towards female. But if this is done at a time in early infancy when the individual has not had a chance to establish their gender identity, it may create a disjunction between gender identity and physical identity later in life.

In addition, there are many consequences related to the surgery. These can include infertility, incontinence, scarring, loss of sexual pleasure, pain, mental suffering and depression.

• Gender identity

What determines gender identity?

From a biological perspective, it appears that the determination of gender identity occurs once the gonads and organ systems are in place. During development, our gender identity is female by default. The brain becomes masculinised in the presence of testosterone and remains feminised in the absence or inactivity of testosterone.

One well recognised naturally occurring variation may be that the degree of masculinisation of the genitalia does not reflect the degree of masculinisation of the brain. When gender identity does not correlate to physical sexual characteristics, this may result in transgenderism. People in this situation may decide to transition to achieve a match between their physical and psychological sex.

Identifying as transgender has previously been classified by the World Health Organization (WHO) as “gender identity disorder”. On May 25 of this year, in the most recent International Classification of Diseases manual, the WHO reclassified transgenderism as “gender incongruence” rather than as a mental health disorder. Gender incongruence has now been moved to a new chapter dedicated to sexual health, which it is believed will reduce stigma while ensuring access to healthcare .

The reclassification came about because the WHO now has a better understanding that gender incongruence per se is not a mental health condition.

With regard to sexual orientation, although the mechanisms which determine individual preference have not been determined, both genetic and epigenetic factors are believed to be involved.

Difference versus disorder

Embracing human gender and sexual diversity requires acceptance of the fact that alignment between physical sex, gender identity and sexual orientation does not necessarily adhere to heteronormative rules. Each facet may be determined independently of the others in the course of the development of an individual, both in utero and in post-natal life.

When does a difference or a variation become a disorder or a disease?

One answer might lie in linking the difference or variation to subjective distress or suffering. Take for example heart disease or cancer. A person is subjected to distress or suffering as a result of the condition, which in this case is referred to as a disorder or a disease.

If the difference or variation per se does not cause distress or suffering, it should not be considered a disorder or a disease, even though distress or suffering may be imposed by others, which is frequently the case in LGBTI individuals. In societies where gender diversity is accepted, the magnitude of externally imposed distress and suffering is reduced.

There are numerous countries that have moved closer to embracing gender and sexual diversity.

For example, the state of Minnesota in the US is moving towards banning “conversion therapy” for people whose sexual orientation differs from a heteronormative pattern , while Taiwan has recently become the first country in Asia to legalise same-sex marriage .

Similarly, the move by Malta to ban “normalisation” surgery on infants will allow for the self-determination of gender identity in people with differences in sex development. And several countries and communities are moving towards a gender neutral option on official documents.

But other countries have gone in the opposite direction and have hardened their stance. Examples include recent legislation enacted in Kenya and a ban on transgender people being allowed to join the military in the US.

Read more: Homosexuality remains illegal in Kenya as court rejects LGBT petition

Fundamental human rights

Self-expression is a fundamental human right. Gender and sexual diversity are part and parcel of being human. This is a fact. It is also a fact that this diversity occurs in many other species .

Whether or not one wishes to embrace this diversity is a separate issue.

Acceptance of diversity should not be predicated on scientific data. Furthermore, data in any shape or form is unlikely to convince people who wish to impose their own beliefs.

The key question is: does anyone have the right to judge?

• Sexual orientation
• Peacebuilding
• Sexual diversity
• Biological sex

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Gender Equality pp 632–645 Cite as

Gender Sensitivity and Its Relation to Gender Equality

• Juana Figueroa Vélez 6 &
• Susana Vélez Ochoa 6  
• Reference work entry
• First Online: 01 January 2021

175 Accesses

Part of the book series: Encyclopedia of the UN Sustainable Development Goals ((ENUNSDG))

Gender awareness ; Gender sensitization

Gender sensitivity encompasses the ability (skills, knowledge, and attitudes) to acknowledge and make existing gender differences, issues, and inequalities visible (UNIFEM 2007 ). This capacity is reflected through an awareness applied to everyday life situations, policies, projects, institutions, and a variety of contexts. It includes an understanding of how gender roles have been socially constructed, and how those social constructions often presuppose the existence of inequalities or unfair distribution of opportunities (UNIFEM 2007 ). Gender sensitivity incorporates a cross-cultural analysis to raise awareness of obstacles for gender equality and focuses on how inequalities take place on the grounds of gender. It can also be read as a part within an awareness spectrum, ranging from gender negative to gender transformative (Christodoulou 2005 ; Zobnina 2009 ). Within this spectrum, gender sensitivity lies in the middle, between...

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Original research article, between acceptance and rejection: how gender influences the implementation climate of a school sexuality education program.

• 1 Departamento de Psicología, Universidad de Chile, Ñuñoa, Chile
• 2 Centro de Estudios de Intervención e Implementación Psicosocial (CEIP), Santiago, Chile

The implementation climate is the shared reception of the individuals involved in the intervention; it is a fundamental determinant of the success of program implementation. One of the factors that affects the implementation climate is gender, since it can influence the commitment of the participants toward sexuality education. This study aims to identify the implementation climate for students who receive a school sexuality education program and explore whether their gender is related to the acceptance of the intervention. A selective quantitative method was used, and a survey was designed to measure implementation climate. A confirmation factorial analysis (CFA) using Mplus 7.0 was conducted to establish the structure of the instrument. A cluster analysis was performed to determine levels of implementation climate. To measure the association between participants’ gender and the implementation climate, a Chi-square analysis was performed between each cluster, the gender of the students and each cluster and the type of school (single-sex girls’ schools, single-sex boys’ schools and co-educational schools). The results demonstrated four levels of implementation climate: acceptance, receptivity, conflict and rejection. Significant differences were observed in the relationship between these levels and the gender of the participants. Acceptance was associated with single-sex girls’ schools and female students, conflict and rejection were associated with a single-sex boys’ schools and male students, and co-educational schools were associated with conflict. This shows that there is a relationship between the different levels of the implementation climate and the gender.

Introduction

Sexuality education has become an area of great interest as a field of study and as a strategy to approach sexual health ( Rocha et al., 2016 ). Sexuality education programs for children and adolescents have become important for the mental health of these groups ( Caffe et al., 2017 ), given the existing vulnerability during that period as a product of teenage pregnancy ( Montero, 2011 ; Silva and Leiva, 2014 ), risky sexual behavior ( Lara and Abdo, 2016 ) and sexually transmitted infections (STIs; Montero, 2011 ), among others. Specifically in the Chilean context, adolescent sexuality education is important since the information currently being received is considered insufficient ( Obach et al., 2017 ).

One of the main places where sexuality education is provided is in schools, which are often considered as the most appropriate place for preventive and promotional initiatives that can foster students’ development and allow them to improve their health in a variety of areas ( Langford et al., 2014 ; Weist et al., 2014 ; Leiva et al., 2015b ). Providing sexuality education in school has been demonstrated to be an effective way of preventing STIs and providing information about sexual and reproductive health ( Aham-Chiabuotu and Aja, 2017 ).

There has been increasing interest in the development, implementation and evaluation of successful interventions to promote sexual education ( Berglas et al., 2016 ). This is relevant, since studying the implementation of preventive and promotional programs allows us to recognize the elements that make them effective and develop strategies for their application ( Glasgow et al., 1999 ; Damschroder et al., 2009 ; Proctor et al., 2009 ). Implementation research also helps achieve better results ( Derzon et al., 2005 ; Durlak and Weissberg, 2005 ; Eccles and Mittman, 2006 ; Durlak and DuPre, 2008 ; DuPaul, 2009 ) and quality interventions ( Meyers et al., 2012 ), resulting in more benefits for those who receive the intervention ( Durlak and DuPre, 2008 ), offering empirical evidence of the effectiveness of the programs ( Leiva et al., 2015b ) and providing relevance to the context in which the intervention takes place ( Damschroder et al., 2009 ; Beidas and Kendall, 2010 ; Lau et al., 2016 ).

One of the components used to analyze the execution of programs in implementation research is the implementation climate. This dimension comes from the organizational field ( Klein and Sorra, 1996 ; Weiner et al., 2011 ); however, there are several approaches to this concept. For this study we used the definition proposed by Damschroder et al. (2009) , which through their CFIR model (The Consolidated Framework for Implementation Research), allows the implementation climate to be applied to broader fields than the organizational one, such as health. From the CFIR, this dimension is understood as the shared reception of the individuals involved in the intervention and demonstrates the degree to which the intervention will be rewarded, supported, and received positively ( Damschroder et al., 2009 ; Breimaier et al., 2015 ). It also indicates the capacity of involved individuals to support and develop changes through the intervention ( Hahn et al., 2019 ).

As it has been identified as one of the determinants of successful interventions in school contexts ( Lyon and Bruns, 2019 ), examining the implementation climate is an important topic ( Locke et al., 2016 ) in understanding the facilitators and barriers of effective implementation ( Langley et al., 2010 ; Weiner et al., 2011 ) and the development of the relevant components of the internal context of a program ( Shuman et al., 2019 ). A positive climate makes it more probable that a program will be accepted, increasing the possibility of achieving an effective intervention ( Turner et al., 2018 ). This leads to better quality programs that best fit the intended users’ values ( Weiner et al., 2011 ), and creates a positive context for putting a program into practice ( Ehrhart et al., 2014 ). In contrast, a poor implementation climate acts as a barrier to obtaining good results ( Maritim et al., 2019 ).

Studying the implementation climate in a school setting focuses on the perception that the school has of the importance of the intervention ( Langley et al., 2010 ), which contributes to its necessity and efficacy problems ( Sung et al., 2003 ). The relevance of the implementation climate for school programs is also key, because it is fundamental for preventative strategies ( Fixsen et al., 2005 ), and includes a contextual element that can be determinant in the capacity of the school community to support a program ( Klein and Knight, 2005 ; Weiner, 2009 ).

Damschroder et al. (2009) , in the Consolidated Framework for Implementation Research, highlight that the implementation of programs has different general domains that can have a positive or negative impact. One of these domains is the internal context, which refers to the characteristics, variables, and structural, political and cultural circumstances of the implemented intervention. The implementation climate is a dimension of the internal context, and can be measured through Tension for Change, Compatibility, Relative Priority, Organizational Incentives and Rewards, Objectives and Feedback, and Climate of Learning ( Damschroder et al., 2009 ). In this study, the implementation climate was evaluated through the sub-dimensions Tension for Change and Compatibility. Although some studies include all the dimensions and sub-dimensions of the CFIR, others—like this study—include only some of them ( Kirk et al., 2015 ). The decision was made to include Tension for Change and Compatibility because these dimensions allow us to respond to the objective of the research and facilitate the analysis of the implementation of sexuality education programs from a gender perspective.

Tension for Change includes statements that demonstrate a strong need for innovation and that the current situation is untenable. This dimension is critical in a sexuality education program since, if there is a traditional perspective of gender where the intervention will be implemented, the program may not be considered necessary. Compatibility includes personal value elements and how these are similar to those of the intervention ( Damschroder et al., 2009 ). Thus a person with traditional gender values may consider that sexuality education does not fit into his or her value system. Therefore, the inclusion of both sub-dimensions allows us to analyze how gender can influence the implementation of sexuality education programs.

Tension for Change is a key factor in determining the success of putting an intervention into practice and its subsequent results ( Liang et al., 2015 ; Breland et al., 2016 ). It refers to the extent to which the involved individuals believe that their current situation is intolerable or merits change ( Damschroder et al., 2009 ). It also relates to the need for intervention; that is, the best time to implement a practice is when it is most needed ( Liang et al., 2015 ). Compatibility is the degree of tangible adjustment between the significance and values associated with the intervention and the individuals involved, and how they align with the proper norms, values, risks and perceived necessity, as well as the manner in which the intervention can adjust to the existing norms ( Greenhalgh et al., 2004 ). Thus the more that people perceive the meaning that they give to the program as aligned with their values, the stronger the results of the implementation ( Damschroder et al., 2009 ), and the more likely it is that the intervention will be adopted ( Greenhalgh et al., 2004 ). Consequently, when the values of the individuals involved are understood, it is easier to create an alliance to achieve a faster adoption process ( Denis et al., 2002 ), and the most successful teams are those that adapt to the value system of the community ( Varsi et al., 2015 ).

The evidence suggests that the main factors that affect the implementation climate are socio-cultural norms, socioeconomic status, type of leadership and the degree of literacy ( Aarons et al., 2014 ). A study by Ninsiima et al. (2019) points out that one of the factors that affects acceptance of an intervention is gender. Gender can be key due to its impact on program implementation ( Tannenbaum et al., 2016 ). Gender can be understood as the socially constructed roles, behaviors, activities and attributes that society considers appropriate for males, females and other genders ( Morgan et al., 2016 ). This social construction of roles, identities and behaviors influences how people perceive themselves and others, their interactions and the distribution of power and resources in society ( Heidari et al., 2016 ); it generally organizes and regulates the values associated with gender among institutions ( Johnson et al., 2009 ) and intersects with other social categories such as sex, age, and ethnicity (Gendered innovations, 2020).

Gender has various components, such as gender roles, identities, and relations ( Tannenbaum et al., 2016 ). Gender roles are behavioral norms socially applied to men, women, and other genders, being more similar in some cultures than others ( Johnson et al., 2009 ). Gender identity is how individuals and groups perceive and present themselves and how they are perceived by others ( Gendered Innovations, 2020 ). Gender relations incorporate how people interact based on the experienced or attributed gender, and in most cultures reflect differential power between women and men and often disadvantage women ( Johnson et al., 2009 ).

Implementation has a social nature, and thus gender has substantial effects on the different stages of the program through the dynamics of gender ( Tannenbaum et al., 2016 ); it also plays a central role in the assimilation and practice of interventions ( Pawson, 2013 ), gender stereotypes ( Brown and Stone, 2016 ) and power relations ( Kululanga et al., 2011 ). Thus gender is one of the elements that can influence the implementation climate of an intervention, since it could affect interpersonal communication ( Olson et al., 2020 ) and change the participants’ commitment towards sexuality education ( Ninsiima et al., 2019 ).

In Latin American cultures such as Chile, sexuality education has been characterized by biological reductionism and heteronormativity ( Macintyre et al., 2015 ; Obach et al., 2017 ). Historically, sexual and reproductive health has been related to women ( Sadler et al., 2010 ), contrary to what has happened to teenage men who are not actively included in sexual and reproductive health services ( Obach et al., 2018 ). Indeed, the idea persists that sexuality is a particular issue for women and not something that men need to have knowledge about ( Sadler et al., 2010 ). These cultural elements of gender in sexuality education could also affect how students receive such an intervention. Thus, given that gender can affect the implementation of the intervention as well as how people assimilate and commit to it, the present study aims to identify the implementation climate of a school sexuality program and explore whether the gender of those who receive the intervention (students) is related to this climate.

The innovative aspect of this study is based on Implementation Science. This is the scientific study of the processes and components of implementing evidence-based interventions in everyday implementation settings ( Eccles and Mitman, 2006 ). Gender is not usually included as a central element of the analysis in implementation studies ( Tannenbaum et al., 2016 ), but is a current practice in health research ( Greaves, 2012 ). None of the most popular texts on implementation research have chapters dedicated to the effect of gender on the implementation of programs, while only a few articles mention this concept. Gender has also not been given importance in implementation theories ( Tannenbaum et al., 2016 ). Therefore, incorporating a gender approach in implementation studies is an innovative theoretical aspect. Although there are studies on the gender of participants in sexuality education programs, such as that of Measor (1996) , gender has not been sufficiently included in Implementation Science.

The methodology of this study implies an empirical measurement of the implementation climate, which is scarce in the field of mental health ( Weiner et al., 2011 ), specifically in the school context ( Lyon et al., 2018 ), the area where this study was carried out. This measurement was associated with the development of a specific survey for a school sexuality program. This study also reduces the breach between what is known about this type of intervention and what is carried out ( Fixsen et al., 2005 ; Wandersman et al., 2008 ) to understand how gender affects the way a sexuality education program is received, filling the research gap that exists in this area. In this way, sexuality education programs can adapt to the local context of the school and the implementation of these programs can be improved and oriented towards the culture and climate of the school ( Forman et al., 2013 ) in such a way that the intervention will be sensitive to gender differences. This augments the production of information on implementation strategies to support the work of those professionals who intervene in the school context ( Forman et al., 2013 ). Finally, it is worth mentioning that according to the background search, there are few studies on the role of gender in the implementation climate of sexuality education programs.

Materials and Methods

A selective quantitative method was used for this study, and a survey was designed that included a record of the students’ opinions using a scale of answers ( Ato et al., 2013 ), which allowed for a classification of types ( Neuman, 2013 ). This study was conducted with PROCES (County Sexuality Education Program; Programa Comunal de Educación Sexual, in Spanish), developed by the Department of Education of the city of Santiago, Chile. PROCES is a school-based sexuality education program aimed at students from public schools in Santiago. Most of these students come from low-income families. The program is carried out in all 44 schools in the district.

PROCES aims to train students to have a healthy sexual life. It addresses the affective, spiritual, ethical, and social dimension of healthy sexual development with respect for human life, diversity and dignity. The intervention includes promotional and preventive strategies, targeting factors such as 1) interpersonal relationships, 2) characteristics of sexual health, 3) self-care and lifestyles, and 4) training in politics and inclusive language ( Department of Education of the Municipality of Santiago, 2018 ). All schools in Santiago are required to implement PROCES. The program provides guidelines on objectives and topics for each age group and requests schools to incorporate the Gender Approach.

Participants

The total number of participants was 1,412 students, from 8 schools in Santiago, Chile. Three of these were co-educational high schools, two single-sex boys’ high schools and three single-sex girls’ schools. Professional school administrators involved in the decision-making related to the program were included. These included directors, counselors, psychologists, school life managers and school integration coordinators. The students included in the study were in seventh to tenth grade (between 12 and 16 years old) and had participated in the first year of the program implementation. They were chosen for their age and because they are in a sensitive period with respect to the issues addressed by the intervention ( López et al., 2017 ).

Of all surveys answered (1,412), students who did not sign the informed settlement ( n = 29) and students younger than 12 or older than 16 ( n = 41) were not included. Atypical responses ( n = 39; showing that the participant did not respond thoughtfully to the survey) and those who did not respond to all of the questions ( n = 144) were also discarded, resulting in a final sample of 1,159 students. Thus in the final sample 51% ( n = 588) were female students, 84% of the students had Chilean nationality ( n = 971), 34% ( n = 396) were in the seventh and eighth grades, 23% ( n = 267) were in the ninth grade, and 43% ( n = 496) were in the tenth grade.

An instrument was created to identify the existing implementation climate. To construct the instrument, the existing literature was reviewed ( Creswell, 2012 ), and the model used by Damschroder et al. (2009) was adopted, which measures “Tension for Change” and “Compatibility”. It is worth mentioning that no previous model was used to create the instrument.

Tension for Change was measured through two sub-dimensions: 1) “Changes,” defined as the degree to which a situation is perceived as intolerable, or that requires change, and 2) “Necessity,” understood as the interest in putting the intervention into practice. Compatibility was measured through the dimension “Values,” implying the level of adjustment between the values of the program and of the students. Specific questions related to gender were incorporated in the Values sub-dimension; for example, “My ideas and values on gender resemble those presented by PROCES.”

The survey statements were created using a 10-point Likert scale ( Creswell, 2012 ) that varied between “Totally disagree” and “Totally agree.” These were reviewed by the authors and program managers of the participating schools. Program managers were psychologists, counselors, or social workers, and from their feedback, for questions with less than 70% agreement the wording was modified to improve comprehension. A pilot survey of 78 students with similar characteristics to those of this study’s population was carried out, adjusting the number of options in some questions and simplifying the wording to facilitate reading and understanding. This survey was made up of 26 questions ( Table 1 ).

TABLE 1 . Factor loads of each item by bifactor model dimension for the Implementation Climate survey.

Data Analysis

A confirmation factorial analysis (CFA) using Mplus 7.0 was conducted with the sample of students to establish the structure of the instrument. A cluster analysis was conducted using IBM SPSS 25.0 to establish the current levels of implementation climate.

After identifying the clusters, Chi-square tests were carried out to establish the relationship between students’ gender, type of school (single-sex girls’, single-sex boys’ and co-educational schools), and levels of implementation climate. IBM SPSS 25.0 was used.

It is worth mentioning that the concept of gender fluidity (non-binary) was used. When students were asked about their gender, some identified with the option “Other.” ( n = 15)

Factorial Structure of the Implementation Climate Survey

Given that the instrument had a theoretical base, it was verified that the questions were related to the underlying latent factors ( Byrne, 2010 ). The adjustment of three theoretical models was evaluated through the CFA, using the proposals by Damschroder et al. (2009) to measure the Tension for Change and Compatibility.

The adjustment of each model was estimated using four indicators: Chi-squared analysis ( χ 2 ) and its rate with degrees of liberty ( χ 2 /gl), Root Mean Square Error of Approximation (RMSEA), Confirmatory Fit Index (CFI), and the Tucker-Lewis Index (TLI). These should all comply with the stipulated conditions for this type of analysis ( Browne and Cudeck, 1992 ), and weights of 0.30 were considered to interpret the weight of each factor, ( Hair et al., 1999 ).

First, models with one and two factors were examined (Tension for Change and Compatibility) that did not reach a degree of adjustment ( Table 2 ). Then a model that included a general factor (Tension for Change) and two sub-factors (Necessity and Changes) were contrasted. A bifactor analysis was conducted ( Patrick et al., 2007 ; Gibbons et al., 2009 ; Sheldrick et al., 2012 ) in which the questions about Tension for Change (17 in total) were weighed as a general factor, but at the same time weighed in two other factors: Changes (7 questions) and Necessity (10 questions).

TABLE 2 . Models adjustment indicators.

The bifactor model tested ( Figure 1 ) was adequate and demonstrated a result that was theoretically and statistically interpretable. There was also satisfactory reliability ( α ordinal= 0.96). Each factor reached an adequate level of reliability ( Prieto and Delgado 2010 ): Change, α ordinal= 0.88, Necessity, α ordinal= 0.94, and Compatibility, α ordinal= 0.89. The Alpha Ordinal was calculated to estimate the evidence of reliability through internal consistency, which is commonly used in response categories (Domínguez Lara, 2012 ).

FIGURE 1 . Bifactor model of the Implementation Climate survey.

Identification of the Levels of Implementation Climate

A cluster analysis was conducted on the surveys to classify the levels of implementation climate. A non-hierarchical method was used, as the cluster number was already determined a priori ( Pastor, 2010 ). The cases were grouped according to the level of the score of the variables—Tension for Change and Compatibility—and in turn, the pattern was in conjunction with the scores ( DiStefano and Kamphaus, 2006 ). The initializing method used was Quick Cluster. Then each individual was assigned to the cluster with the nearest centroid through the k means algorithm, and the centroid of the cluster was recalculated after all of the cases were assigned in each interaction.

The cases were grouped in four initial clusters. In the iterations, the change of the maximum absolute coordinates for any center was 0.000; the iteration was 16 and the minimum distance between the initial centers was 53.141. The grouping presented in Table 3 was obtained by recalculating the centroid of the cluster. A difference in the homogeneity of the groups was observed between the distinct group Tension for Change (F(0.000) = 4148.2; p < 0.05) and compatibility (F(0.000) = 15280.31; p < 0.05).

TABLE 3 . Implementation climate clusters.

The completed four clusters of implementation climate of the analysis were identified as follows:

1) Acceptance: made up of a high level of Tension for Change and Compatibility in 32% of the students. This is defined as a high necessity of the program and compatibility with its values and meanings. There is high positive receptivity to PROCES, which is both received positively and supported.

2) Receptivity: made up of a medium level of Tension for Change and Compatibility, in 31% of the students. This refers to a medium level of necessity of the program and certain compatibility with its values and meanings. There is a good reception to PROCES; however, it is possible that there is not complete support.

3) Conflict: made up of a medium-low level of Tension for Change and Compatibility in 29.2% of the students. This is defined as a medium-low level of necessity for the program and compatibility with its values and meanings. There is scarce necessity for the program and low compatibility with its values and meanings.

4) Rejection: made up of a low level of Tension for Change and Compatibility in 8% of the students. The intervention is not expected as there is a perception that it is not necessary for the school and is not compatible.

These are illustrated in Figure 2 .

FIGURE 2 . Levels of implementation climate.

Gender and Implementation Climate

A statistically significant association was found in the relationship between each cluster and the gender of students (x 2 (6) = 54.72; p < 0.001). The results show that despite the distribution of students of different genders at all levels of the implementation climate, acceptance was associated with female students and conflict and rejection with male students ( Table 4 ).

TABLE 4 . Association between implementation climate and participants’gender and type of school.

A significant relationship was found between each group and the type of school (single sex or co-educational) (x2 (9) = 72.7; p < 0.001). Acceptance was associated with single-sex girls’ schools, conflict with co-educational schools, and rejection with single-sex boys’ schools ( Table 4 ).

This study aimed to determine the types of implementation climate that can be developed in schools for sexuality education programs and to understand how students’ gender can influence the implementation climate. The results identified four levels of implementation climate from the intervention, which would require different coping strategies to promote the adoption of the intervention and decrease the level of resistance towards the program ( Beidas and Kendall, 2010 ; Lau et al., 2016 ). Acceptance was the largest percentage (32%), and with receptivity made up 63% of cases, from which it can be inferred that the students had an implementation climate with adequate receptivity to the program. This is relevant, as positive reception to sexuality education programs creates a context that is beneficial to the progress of the program ( Ehrhart et al., 2014 ).

These results are encouraging with respect to the development of a sexuality education program, as the implementation climate is a reflection of the context in which it is carried out. This has an impact on the success of the intervention and improves the likelihood of adoption and maintenance of the results ( Beidas and Kendall, 2010 ; Lau et al., 2016 ). Although the intervention is in its initial stages of implementation, its receptivity is positive; as it continues being carried out in schools this should grow, and if the program is accepted, it is more likely to be effective ( Turner et al., 2018 ).

Significant differences were observed in the relationship between gender and types of implementation climate identified. Acceptance was related to single-sex girls’ schools and female students. Conflict and rejection were related to single-sex boys’ schools and male students. In co-educational schools, which were associated with conflict on the individual level, girls tended to accept sexuality education while boys tended to reject it. These differences show that gender is a factor that could influence individual response to the program ( Allen et al., 2012 ); this indicates that the implementation climate is not independent of the student’s gender.

An implementation climate of conflict and rejection toward a sexuality program in boys’ schools and from male students could be understood in the context of heteronormativity and biological reductionism of sexual education in Chile ( Macintyre et al., 2015 ; Obach et al., 2017 ). The relationship between acceptance, girls’ schools and female students could be understood because sexual and reproductive health in Chile has historically been linked with women and excluded men ( Sadler et al., 2010 ; Obach et al., 2017 ). Such behaviors can be observed not only in Latin America but also in countries such as the United Kingdom, Australia, Norway, and New Zealand ( Macintyre et al., 2015 ).

This shows the relationship between the implementation climate, culture and gender, because gender interacts with other social categories ( Johnson et al., 2012 ). The sociocultural system also influences how people experience their gender, thus the context contributes to whether gender is perceived more traditionally or flexibly. The more traditional way may lead to a greater rejection of the sexuality education program, while the more flexible way may help to accept it more easily. Sociocultural factors associated with gender may be a barrier in the implementation of this type of intervention ( Ninsiima et al., 2019 ), which may determine students’ reception to the intervention. As a result, heteronormativity in sexuality education can promote gender inequalities in students ( Tarkang, 2014 ), distortion in the understanding of sexual orientation, discrimination against peers with different sexual orientations ( Macintyre et al., 2015 ), and stereotype emergence ( Johnson et al., 2009 ; CIHR, 2012 ).

This situation is observed in the different school implementation climates in the program studied. From interviews conducted with teachers and program managers, information was obtained that although teachers carry out the program activities in most schools, the implementation of the program is different in each. For example, some schools (mostly single-sex boys’ schools) focus on the biological aspects of sexuality, have a heteronormative view of sexuality and include only heterosexual content; while others (mostly single-sex girls ‘schools) include content on affectivity, use a gender and inclusion approach and have content on sexual diversity. This context influences how students perceive their gender and sexuality, as more traditional schools may lead them to reject the intervention, while more flexible schools may promote their acceptance.

The results confirm the importance of gender in the implementation of programs and demonstrate how differences in gender can influence the acceptance of sexuality education ( Ninsiima et al., 2019 ). Although the program may establish guidelines that promote gender focus, the cultural aspects associated with gender could hinder its smooth implementation. This makes it necessary to take steps to address these elements either before or during the implementation of the program. The aforementioned is key in comprehensive sexuality education programs, which in addition to having a human rights and gender equity perspective, involve various dimensions of sexuality, such as abstinence, pregnancy prevention, STD/HIV, sexual diversity and partner violence, among others ( Kirby, 2006 ; Rotheram-Borus et al., 2008 ; Haberland, 2015 ; Wang et al., 2015 ; Panchaud et al., 2018 ; UNESCO, 2018 ).

Given that these types of programs promote gender norms associated with more flexible sexuality and a decrease in gender stereotypes, they have a higher probability of being rejected when there is an implementation climate with a traditional gender approach. Therefore, the gender norms and values associated with sexuality in the school should be evaluated before implementing a comprehensive program. If the norms and values are more traditional, it will be necessary to carry out actions before implementing the intervention to strengthen the gender approach in the educational community to ensure a better implementation climate for the program.

This study provided relevant information about gender influence in the implementation climate of a sexuality education program, which has implications for the Chilean and Latin American contexts. It is necessary to point out that although sexuality education programs in Latin America have similarities, there are also differences based on the cultural context ( Estrada et al., 2021 ). The results assist in understanding the reality of the implementation of sexuality education school interventions, and based on this knowledge can help to identify which elements would help to strengthen these programs. This is crucial because, there is little evidence in this regard in many low and middle-income countries ( Keogh et al., 2020 ). In addition, the scope of this type of education in schools is limited in the Latin American educational field, ( Demaria et al., 2009 ).

Finally, the implementation climate adopts a critical role as it reflects whether or not a school is open to the intervention or considers that it does not respond to its needs or systems, reflections that can facilitate or hinder implementation of an intervention ( Maritim et al., 2019 ). The present study highlights the role of gender in the formation of the implementation climate of a school sexuality program. This is especially sensitive in the school environment, as parallel to other social institutions, schools can transmit gender stereotypes that can influence students’ attitudes ( Chanzanagh et al., 2011 ). It could be hypothesized that there is a collective influence of gender in this study. There was greater resistance in the single-sex boys’ schools, while there was more openness in the single-sex girls’ schools. This can be explained by institutionalized gender ( Johnson et al., 2009 ; Tannenbaum et al., 2016 ), because the school’s system of beliefs and values around gender affect its attitude toward sexuality.

From this perspective, each educational community would develop an institutionalized gender. If the school is associated with more traditional values in terms of sexuality and gender relations, it is more likely to have a rejection or conflict type of climate. In the single-sex boys’ schools, the institutionalized gender would organize the values associated with sexual education from a more traditional or hegemonic perspective.

Future research could address the hypotheses raised and assess whether there is an institutionalized gender in schools which would be influencing the implementation climate.

Limitations

One of the limitations of the present study is the limited number of students who identified with the “other” gender alternative, which makes it difficult to generalize the results and reduces the inclusion of their perspective. Consequently, the results must take cultural differences in the implementation of sexuality education programs into consideration. In addition, the limited number of schools may make it difficult to generalize the results.

Suggestions for Future Research

According to the results, a key recommendation is the necessity to develop practices that are gender-responsive at the initial stages of the implementation of sexuality education programs. These strategies are necessary to address institutionalized gender and the gender role of the students to create an implementation climate that contributes to the effectiveness of the intervention. Evaluating the implementation climate as the starting point of the process of developing a program is essential, as it will determine the perspective of the educational community and identify ways to adjust and respond to the school’s needs, values, interests and ways of working. This allows the program to meet the goals pursued by the intervention. For this, it is necessary to collect information by gender ( Alexander and Walker, 2015 ), identifying differences in beliefs and practices which are influencing the perspective of involved individuals (students, teachers, administrators, among others) towards the program. This provides basic knowledge that allows deciding how to incorporate gender considerations ( Caro et al., 2009 ). Based on this information, activities that address these gender differences in the implementation climate can be designed.

Future research must examine gender in the implementation climate, and analyze how the gender role of students and institutionalized gender of the school create different types of receptivity to sexuality education program. Likewise, it would be relevant to study the incidence of gender in the receptivity of interventions in various contexts, such as rural and urban schools, migrant or ethnic students, and schools in different territorial areas of the country, among others.

In conclusion, this study highlights the input of the studies on the implementation of design, transference, and maintenance of sexuality education programs. The results have provided a more holistic picture of these programs, improved their quality and effects, and connected research and the application of evidence ( Eccles and Mittman, 2006 ; Durlak and DuPre, 2008 ; Meyers et al., 2012 ; Leiva et al., 2015a ). In addition, they generate knowledge that can be applied to develop gender-sensitive sexuality programs, considering how they affect the acceptance or rejection of such interventions.

Data Availability Statement

Data generated during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

Ethics Statement

The authors received institutional authorization from the Municipality of Santiago to conduct the study. Participation was voluntary and confidential, and received authorization from the Ethics Committee of the Universidad de.

Author Contributions

BT-C. Conceived the presented idea, developed the survey and performed the measurements. AA-B. Conceived the presented idea, performed the measurements and oriented and verified the analytical methods. GZ-V. Supervised the introduction and discussion sections. LL Conceived the presented idea, encouraged BT-C to investigate the Implementation Science and supervised the findings of this study as the principal investigator, and contributed to the writing and editing of the article. All authors discussed the results and contributed to the final article.

This study was supported by the National Scientific and Technological Development Fund under the Grant Fondecyt Regular Project No. 1171634.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Publisher’s Note

All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors, and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

Acknowledgments

We thank the Department of Education of the city of Santiago, Chile for supporting this research.

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Tannenbaum, C., Greaves, L., and Graham, I. D. (2016). Why Sex and Gender Matter in Implementation Research. BMC Med. Res. Methodol. 16, 145. doi:10.1186/s12874-016-0247-7

Tarkang, E. E. (2014). Perceived Family Support Regarding Condom Use and Condom Use Among Secondary School Female Students in Limbe Urban City of Cameroon. BMC Public Health. 14, 173. doi:10.1186/1471-2458-14-173

Turner, K., Trogdon, J. G., Weinberger, M., Stover, A. M., Ferreri, S., Farley, J. F., et al. (2018). Testing the Organizational Theory of Innovation Implementation Effectiveness in a Community Pharmacy Medication Management Program: A Hurdle Regression Analysis. Implement. Sci. 13, 105. doi:10.1186/s13012-018-0799-5

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Varsi, C., Ekstedt, M., Gammon, D., and Ruland, C. M. (2015). Using the Consolidated Framework for Implementation Research to Identify Barriers and Facilitators for the Implementation of an Internet-Based Patient-Provider Communication Service in Five Settings: A Qualitative Study. J. Med. Internet Res. 17, e262. doi:10.2196/jmir.5091

Wandersman, A., Duffy, J., Flaspohler, P., Noonan, R., Lubell, K., Stillman, L., et al. (2008). Bridging the gap between Prevention Research and Practice: The Interactive Systems Framework for Dissemination and Implementation. Am. J. Community Psychol. 41, 171–181. doi:10.1007/s10464-008-9174-z

Wang, B., Stanton, B., Deveaux, L., Poitier, M., Lunn, S., Koci, V., et al. (2015). Factors Influencing Implementation Dose and Fidelity Thereof and Related Student Outcomes of an Evidence-Based National HIV Prevention Program. Implement. Sci. 10 (1), 44. doi:10.1186/s13012-015-0236-y

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Weiner, B. J., Belden, C. M., Bergmire, D. M., and Johnston, M. (2011). The Meaning and Measurement of Implementation Climate. Implement. Sci. 6, 78. doi:10.1186/1748-5908-6-78

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Keywords: implementation climate, sexuality education program, gender, school, implementation

Citation: Torres-Cortés B, Leiva L, Antivilo-Bruna A and Zavala-Villalón G (2021) Between Acceptance and Rejection: How Gender Influences the Implementation Climate of a School Sexuality Education Program. Front. Educ. 6:599712. doi: 10.3389/feduc.2021.599712

Received: 27 August 2020; Accepted: 13 September 2021; Published: 05 October 2021.

Reviewed by:

Copyright © 2021 Torres-Cortés, Leiva, Antivilo-Bruna and Zavala-Villalón. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY). The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Loreto Leiva, [email protected]

How Gender Influences College Admissions

Experts say most undergraduate programs strive to enroll an equal number of males and females.

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Students with a genuine interest in an academic discipline where their gender has historically been in the minority often have an edge.

When it comes to college admissions decisions, there is one factor that influences the decision-making process that college hopefuls may not realize: gender.

"I have seen that gender does come into play in college admissions," Kristen Moon, an independent college admissions consultant and the founder of the MoonPrep.com admissions consulting firm, wrote in an email. "The majority of universities are striving for diversity and to maintain roughly a 50/50 balance between men/women. When a university has a significant skew in either gender, being the minority can certainly work in your favor."

[See: 10 Tips to Inspire College Essays .]

Among the 478 ranked national undergraduate institutions which accept both men and women and reported admissions data to U.S. News, the average discrepancy between the male and female acceptance rate was a 2.6 percent advantage for female applicants.

However, there are many undergraduate institutions where the acceptance rates of male and female applicants vary significantly. For instance, at Tougaloo College in Mississippi, the school where female applicants have the biggest edge over male applicants, the female acceptance rate – 85.4 percent – was 31.3 percentage points higher than the 54.1 percent acceptance rate for male applicants.

In contrast, at Vassar College in New York, the school where male college applicants have the greatest advantage over their female peers, the 35.2 percent acceptance rate among men is 16 percentage points higher than the 19.2 percent acceptance rate among women.

Since undergraduate institutions typically aim for gender parity in their student body, applicants to schools that tend to have more students of one gender than the other should understand that their gender will be considered, college admissions experts say. This is particularly true at coed institutions that were previously single-sex schools, because these institutions tend to make a special effort to recruit students of the minority gender.

"Some colleges proactively try to achieve gender balance," says Mark Kantrowitz, publisher and vice president of SavingForCollege.com. "If there are more students from one gender applying, the acceptance rate for that gender might be lower."

Furthermore, colleges often not only want a gender-balanced freshman class, but also strive to achieve gender parity within various academic departments, experts add. So students with a genuine interest and impressive achievements in an academic discipline where their gender has historically been in the minority often have an edge, experts suggest.

"That puts women at an advantage for most sciences and men at an advantage for areas like teaching, nursing and liberal arts majors," Charlie Javice, the founder of Frank, an online platform that assists college applicants as they submit application forms and financial aid documents, wrote in an email.

[Read: A Complete Guide to the College Application Process .]

In contrast, experts say students whose academic interests align with traditional gender roles, such as women who are interested in the liberal arts or men who are interested in the hard sciences, may have a slightly tougher time selling themselves to their dream colleges.

Mandee Heller Adler, founder and president of International College Counselors, an admissions consulting firm based in Florida, says college admissions officers are often intrigued by students whose academic interests defy societal gender norms.

"A male who applies to nursing would certainly get more attention than a female who applies to nursing, or a male who applies to fashion would certainly get more attention than a female who applies to fashion, similar to a man who goes into ballet," she says.

"It's just not as popular for boys as it is for girls, which opens up a lot more opportunities for those boys. So would they have opportunities that perhaps the woman with the same statistics would not get into? Absolutely, and that's a reality of schools trying to balance genders within their environment," she says.

However, Adler says a student applying to undergraduate programs where his or her gender is significantly in the minority should find out what types of mentorship programs are available and what employment and academic outcomes look like for students of that gender.

Sabrina Manville, co-founder of Edmit, a Boston-based admissions consulting firm, says gender is a factor that college applicants should consider when assessing their overall academic competitiveness.

One way to counteract the disadvantage of being a majority-gender applicant is to apply early to an undergraduate program to convey serious interest in that program, which can sway admissions officers to overlook demographic concerns, Manville says.

However, college admissions experts caution against students feigning interest in an academic discipline where their gender is underrepresented, because that type of phoniness tends to be transparent.

It's unwise for students to declare an intended major on their college application that they aren't truly interested in simply to boost admissions odds, according to Katie Kelley, a college admissions counselor at IvyWise admissions consulting firm who previously served as the senior assistant director of admissions at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology .

"However, for students with a genuine interest in a major field in which they are the minority, their gender can provide an advantage over other students who are equally qualified in terms of academic profile," she wrote in an email.

[Read: How Colleges Weigh Applicants' Extracurricular Activities .]

Steve Peifer, the vice president of college counseling at KD College Prep, cautions that college hopefuls whose qualifications are far below the norm at a school should not expect to be admitted to that school solely because they are a gender minority.

"Just remember that gender-minority status is not an automatic selection criteria if you are an underqualified candidate," he wrote in an email.

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Free Gender Studies Essay Examples & Topics

A gender studies essay should concentrate on the interaction between gender and other unique identifying features. Along with gender identity and representation, the given field explores race, sexuality, religion, disability, and nationality. Gender is a basic social characteristic that often goes unnoticed.

Some people understand the importance of gender studies only when it relates to women and their issues. However, the concept itself involves basically everyone who lives in a society. The clothes we wear, the jobs we do, the way we act – it’s all gendered. Therefore, gender directly influences our socioeconomic status in everyday life from the moment we become a part of society.

You can explore this subject in detail by reading gender studies essays below. There you will see how the topic was considered and covered by other students. Also, our experts have prepared some valuable tips for writing such papers and have collected gender and sexuality essay topics for you.

Gender Studies Essay: Top Tips

To write a perfect gender studies essay, you need to understand the appropriate structure, style, and ways of developing your thesis and argumentation. Here we will briefly tell you everything you need to know to start and finish such a task.

For a gender roles essay or any gender-related paper, you need to do the following:

• Find a researchable topic of interest. Then, skim through the necessary sources and take notes.
• Do in-depth research. You can find the relevant info in literary works, scientific journals, interviews, popular magazines, etc.
• Organize the information . Create a working outline to make the writing process more manageable and structured.
• Create a hook for an introduction . Write it to engage the reader from the start, then provide background information about the topic.
• Include a thesis statement in your intro . Here you convey your central message to the reader. If you’d like to facilitate the process, let our thesis generator formulate one for you.
• Write body paragraphs . These usually consist of topic sentences, your arguments with proof, and concluding remarks. Organize the supporting evidence in a logical order before listing it in the body.
• Craft your conclusion. It is the most important part of a gender studies essay. You don’t need to write a lot, just a restatement of your thesis and a few strong sentences summarizing the whole piece. You can use our summary generator for this purpose.
• Revise and edit. Check the grammar, punctuation, logical flow of ideas, word choices, spelling. Make sure you’ve used the correct citation style.
• Read the draft aloud. This way, you are more inclined to notice the parts where you must make improvements. Try to exclude such words as “I,” “me,” my,” passive constructions, and verb contractions.

20 Gender Studies Essay Topics

Here we have collected topics that you can use to write your gender equality essay. They are original, so you can practice your writing skills with them or even use them for your homework. Our topic generator can create more ideas for your writing if you need some.

You can try the following ideas:

• Gender studies: what it is, its goal, and development.
• The comparison of gender discrimination laws in different countries.
• Promotion of gender equality in the workplace.
• Gender stereotypes in different aspects of life.
• What are the differences between gender and sexuality?
• How does media influence the breaking of gender role stereotypes?
• Why do women have limited opportunities in sports in comparison to men?
• Gender inequality in American history.
• How can education help solve the problem of inequality?
• In what ways can cities become safer for women to live in?
• How do gender roles influence children’s games?
• Women’s contribution to the world’s economic growth.
• Biological differences between men and women.
• Career growth opportunities for men and women in the military.
• Do feminine and masculine personality traits exist?
• What is a feminist theory in sociology?
• Is there a necessity for men to fight for their rights as women do?
• The differences in salaries between sexes in different countries.
• The main factors of inequality between men and women.
• How gender discrimination influences early childhood development.

Thanks for your attention! Now you can look at the free gender essay examples and write your work with confidence.

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The Experiences, Challenges and Hopes of Transgender and Nonbinary U.S. Adults

Findings from pew research center focus groups, table of contents, introduction.

Transgender and nonbinary people have gained visibility in the U.S. in recent years as celebrities from  Laverne Cox  to  Caitlyn Jenner  to  Elliot Page  have spoken openly about their gender transitions. On March 30, 2022, the White House issued a proclamation  recognizing Transgender Day of Visibility , the first time a U.S. president has done so.  

More recently, singer and actor Janelle Monáe  came out as nonbinary , while the U.S. State Department and Social Security Administration announced that Americans  will be allowed to select “X” rather than “male” or “female” for their sex  marker on their passport and Social Security applications. 

At the same time, several states have enacted or are considering legislation that would  limit the rights of transgender and nonbinary people . These include bills requiring people to use public bathrooms that correspond with the sex they were assigned at birth, prohibiting trans athletes from competing on teams that match their gender identity, and restricting the availability of health care to trans youth seeking to medically transition. 

A new Pew Research Center survey finds that 1.6% of U.S. adults are transgender or nonbinary – that is, their gender is different from the sex they were assigned at birth. This includes people who describe themselves as a man, a woman or nonbinary, or who use terms such as gender fluid or agender to describe their gender. While relatively few U.S. adults are transgender, a growing share say they know someone who is (44% today vs.  37% in 2017 ). One-in-five say they know someone who doesn’t identify as a man or woman. 

In order to better understand the experiences of transgender and nonbinary adults at a time when gender identity is at the center of many national debates, Pew Research Center conducted a series of focus groups with trans men, trans women and nonbinary adults on issues ranging from their gender journey, to how they navigate issues of gender in their day-to-day life, to what they see as the most pressing policy issues facing people who are trans or nonbinary. This is part of a larger study that includes a survey of the general public on their attitudes about gender identity and issues related to people who are transgender or nonbinary.

The terms  transgender  and  trans  are used interchangeably throughout this essay to refer to people whose gender is different from the sex they were assigned at birth. This includes, but is not limited to, transgender men (that is, men who were assigned female at birth) and transgender women (women who were assigned male at birth). 

Nonbinary adults  are defined here as those who are neither a man nor a woman or who aren’t strictly one or the other. While some nonbinary focus group participants sometimes use different terms to describe themselves, such as “gender queer,” “gender fluid” or “genderless,” all said the term “nonbinary” describes their gender in the screening questionnaire. Some, but not all, nonbinary participants also consider themselves to be transgender.

References to  gender transitions  relate to the process through which trans and nonbinary people express their gender as different from social expectations associated with the sex they were assigned at birth. This may include social, legal and medical transitions. The social aspect of a gender transition may include going by a new name or using different pronouns, or expressing their gender through their dress, mannerisms, gender roles or other ways. The legal aspect may include legally changing their name or changing their sex or gender designation on legal documents or identification.  Medical care  may include treatments such as hormone therapy, laser hair removal and/or surgery. 

References to  femme  indicate feminine gender expression. This is often in contrast to “masc,” meaning masculine gender expression.

Cisgender  is used to describe people whose gender matches the sex they were assigned at birth and who do not identify as transgender or nonbinary. 

Misgendering  is defined as referring to or addressing a person in ways that do not align with their gender identity, including using incorrect pronouns, titles (such as “sir” or “ma’am”), and other terms (such as “son” or “daughter”) that do not match their gender. 

References to  dysphoria  may include feelings of distress due to the mismatch of one’s gender and sex assigned at birth, as well as a  diagnosis of gender dysphoria , which is sometimes a prerequisite for access to health care and medical transitions.

The acronym  LGBTQ+  refers to lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer (or, in some cases, questioning), and other sexual orientations or gender identities that are not straight or cisgender, such as intersex, asexual or pansexual. 

Pew Research Center conducted this research to better understand the experiences and views of transgender and nonbinary U.S. adults. Because transgender and nonbinary people make up only about 1.6% of the adult U.S. population, this is a difficult population to reach with a probability-based, nationally representative survey. As an alternative, we conducted a series of focus groups with trans and nonbinary adults covering a variety of topics related to the trans and nonbinary experience. This allows us to go more in-depth on some of these topics than a survey would typically allow, and to share these experiences in the participants’ own words.

For this project, we conducted six online focus groups, with a total of 27 participants (four to five participants in each group), from March 8-10, 2022. Participants were recruited by targeted email outreach among a panel of adults who had previously said on a survey that they were transgender or nonbinary, as well as via connections through professional networks and LGBTQ+ organizations, followed by a screening call. Candidates were eligible if they met the technology requirements to participate in an online focus group and if they either said they consider themselves to be transgender or if they said their gender was nonbinary or another identity other than man or woman (regardless of whether or not they also said they were transgender). For more details, see the  Methodology . 

Participants who qualified were placed in groups as follows: one group of nonbinary adults only (with a nonbinary moderator); one group of trans women only (with a trans woman moderator); one group of trans men only (with a trans man moderator); and three groups with a mix of trans and nonbinary adults (with either a nonbinary moderator or a trans man moderator). All of the moderators had extensive experience facilitating groups, including with transgender and nonbinary participants. 

The participants were a mix of ages, races/ethnicities, and were from all corners of the country. For a detailed breakdown of the participants’ demographic characteristics, see the  Methodology .

The findings are not statistically representative and cannot be extrapolated to wider populations.

Some quotes have been lightly edited for clarity or to remove identifying details. In this essay, participants are identified as trans men, trans women, or nonbinary adults based on their answers to the screening questionnaire. These words don’t necessarily encompass all of the ways in which participants described their gender. Participants’ ages are grouped into the following categories:  late teens; early/mid/late 20s, 30s and 40s; and 50s and 60s (those ages 50 to 69 were grouped into bigger “buckets” to better preserve their anonymity).

These focus groups were not designed to be representative of the entire population of trans and nonbinary U.S. adults, but the participants’ stories provide a glimpse into some of the experiences of people who are transgender and/or nonbinary. The groups included a total of 27 transgender and nonbinary adults from around the U.S. and ranging in age from late teens to mid-60s. Most currently live in an urban area, but about half said they grew up in a suburb. The groups included a mix of White, Black, Hispanic, Asian and multiracial American participants. See  Methodology  for more details.

Identity and the gender journey

Most focus group participants said they knew from an early age – many as young as preschool or elementary school – that there was something different about them, even if they didn’t have the words to describe what it was. Some described feeling like they didn’t fit in with other children of their sex but didn’t know exactly why. Others said they felt like they were in the wrong body. 

“I remember preschool, [where] the boys were playing on one side and the girls were playing on the other, and I just had a moment where I realized what side I was supposed to be on and what side people thought I was supposed to be on. … Yeah, I always knew that I was male, since my earliest memories.” – Trans man, late 30s

“As a small child, like around kindergarten [or] first grade … I just was [fascinated] by how some people were small girls, and some people were small boys, and it was on my mind constantly. And I started to feel very uncomfortable, just existing as a young girl.” – Trans man, early 30s

“I was 9 and I was at day camp and I was changing with all the other 9-year-old girls … and I remember looking at everybody’s body around me and at my own body, and even though I was visually seeing the exact shapeless nine-year-old form, I literally thought to myself, ‘oh, maybe I was supposed to be a boy,’ even though I know I wasn’t seeing anything different. … And I remember being so unbothered by the thought, like not a panic, not like, ‘oh man, I’m so different, like everybody here I’m so different and this is terrible,’ I was like, ‘oh, maybe I was supposed to be a boy,’ and for some reason that exact quote really stuck in my memory.” – Nonbinary person, late 30s

“Since I was little, I felt as though I was a man who, when they were passing out bodies, someone made a goof and I got a female body instead of the male body that I should have had. But I was forced by society, especially at that time growing up, to just make my peace with having a female body.” – Nonbinary person, 50s

“I’ve known ever since I was little. I’m not really sure the age, but I just always knew when I put on boy clothes, I just felt so uncomfortable.” – Trans woman, late 30s

“It was probably as early as I can remember that I wasn’t like my brother or my father [and] not exactly like my girl cousins but I was something else, but I didn’t know what it was.” – Nonbinary person, 60s

Many participants were well into adulthood before they found the words to describe their gender. For those focus group participants, the path to self-discovery varied. Some described meeting someone who was transgender and relating to their experience; others described learning about people who are trans or nonbinary in college classes or by doing their own research.  

“I read a Time magazine article … called ‘Homosexuality in America’ … in 1969. … Of course, we didn’t have language like we do now or people were not willing to use it … [but] it was kind of the first word that I had ever heard that resonated with me at all. So, I went to school and I took the magazine, we were doing show-and-tell, and I stood up in front of the class and said, ‘I am a homosexual.’ So that began my journey to figure this stuff out.” – Nonbinary person, 60s

“It wasn’t until maybe I was 20 or so when my friend started his transition where I was like, ‘Wow, that sounds very similar to the emotions and challenges I am going through with my own identity.’ … My whole life from a very young age I was confused, but I didn’t really put a name on it until I was about 20.” – Nonbinary person, late 20s

“I knew about drag queens, but I didn’t know what trans was until I got to college and was exposed to new things, and that was when I had a word for myself for the first time.” – Trans man, early 40s

“I thought that by figuring out that I was interested in women, identifying as lesbian, I thought [my anxiety and sadness] would dissipate in time, and that was me cracking the code. But then, when I got older, I left home for the first time. I started to meet other trans people in the world. That’s when I started to become equipped with the vocabulary. The understanding that this is a concept, and this makes sense. And that’s when I started to understand that I wasn’t cisgender.” – Trans man, early 30s

“When I took a human sexuality class in undergrad and I started learning about gender and different sexualities and things like that, I was like, ‘oh my god. I feel seen.’ So, that’s where I learned about it for the first time and started understanding how I identify.” – Nonbinary person, mid-20s

Focus group participants used a wide range of words to describe how they see their gender. For many nonbinary participants, the term “nonbinary” is more of an umbrella term, but when it comes to how they describe themselves, they tend to use words like “gender queer” or “gender fluid.” The word “queer” came up many times across different groups, often to describe anyone who is not straight or cisgender. Some trans men and women preferred just the terms “man” or “woman,” while some identified strongly with the term “transgender.” The graphic below shows just some of the words the participants used to describe their gender.

The way nonbinary people conceptualize their gender varies. Some said they feel like they’re both a man and a woman – and how much they feel like they are one or the other may change depending on the day or the circumstance. Others said they don’t feel like they are either a man or a woman, or that they don’t have a gender at all. Some, but not all, also identified with the term transgender. 

“I had days where I would go out and just play with the boys and be one of the boys, and then there would be times that I would play with the girls and be one of the girls. And then I just never really knew what I was. I just knew that I would go back and forth.” – Nonbinary person, mid-20s

“Growing up with more of a masculine side or a feminine side, I just never was a fan of the labelling in terms of, ‘oh, this is a bit too masculine, you don’t wear jewelry, you don’t wear makeup, oh you’re not feminine enough.’ … I used to alternate just based on who I felt I was. So, on a certain day if I felt like wearing a dress, or a skirt versus on a different day, I felt like wearing what was considered men’s pants. … So, for me it’s always been both.” – Nonbinary person, mid-30s

“I feel like my gender is so amorphous and hard to hold and describe even. It’s been important to find words for it, to find the outlines of it, to see the shape of it, but it’s not something that I think about as who I am, because I’m more than just that.” – Nonbinary person, early 30s

“What words would I use to describe me? Genderless, if gender wasn’t a thing. … I guess if pronouns didn’t exist and you just called me [by my name]. That’s what my gender is. … And I do use nonbinary also, just because it feels easier, I guess.” – Nonbinary person, late 20s

Some participants said their gender is one of the most important parts of their identity, while others described it as one of many important parts or a small piece of how they see themselves. For some, the focus on gender can get tiring. Those who said gender isn’t a central – or at least not the most central – part of their identity mentioned race, ethnicity, religion and socioeconomic class as important aspects that shape their identity and experiences.

“It is tough because [gender] does affect every factor of your life. If you are doing medical transitioning then you have appointments, you have to pay for the appointments, you have to be working in a job that supports you to pay for those appointments. So, it is definitely integral, and it has a lot of branches. And it deals with how you act, how you relate to friends, you know, I am sure some of us can relate to having to come out multiple times in our lives. That is why sexuality and gender are very integral and I would definitely say I am proud of it. And I think being able to say that I am proud of it, and my gender, I guess is a very important part of my identity.” – Nonbinary person, late 20s

“Sometimes I get tired of thinking about my gender because I am actively [undergoing my medical transition]. So, it is a lot of things on my mind right now, constantly, and it sometimes gets very tiring. I just want to not have to think about it some days. So, I would say it’s, it’s probably in my top three [most important parts of my identity] – parent, Black, queer nonbinary.” – Nonbinary person, mid-40s

“I live in a town with a large queer and trans population and I don’t have to think about my gender most of the time other than having to come out as trans. But I’m poor and that colors everything. It’s not a chosen part of my identity but that part of my identity is a lot more influential than my gender.” – Trans man, early 40s

“My gender is very important to my identity because I feel that they go hand in hand. Now my identity is also broken down into other factors [like] character, personality and other stuff that make up the recipe for my identity. But my gender plays a big part of it. … It is important because it’s how I live my life every day. When I wake up in the morning, I do things as a woman.” – Trans woman, mid-40s

“I feel more strongly connected to my other identities outside of my gender, and I feel like parts of it’s just a more universal thing, like there’s a lot more people in my socioeconomic class and we have much more shared experiences.” – Trans man, late 30s

Some participants spoke about how their gender interacted with other aspects of their identity, such as their race, culture and religion. For some, being transgender or nonbinary can be at odds with other parts of their identity or background. 

“Culturally I’m Dominican and Puerto Rican, a little bit of the macho machismo culture, in my family, and even now, if I’m going to be a man, I’ve got to be a certain type of man. So, I cannot just be who I’m meant to be or who I want myself to be, the human being that I am.” – Trans man, mid-30s

“[Judaism] is a very binary religion. There is a lot of things like for men to do and a lot of things for women to do. … So, it is hard for me now as a gender queer person, right, to connect on some levels with [my] religion … I have just now been exposed to a bunch of trans Jewish spaces online which is amazing.” – Nonbinary person, mid-40s

“Just being Indian American, I identify and love aspects of my culture and ethnicity, and I find them amazing and I identify with that, but it’s kind of separated. So, I identify with the culture, then I identify here in terms of gender and being who I am, but I kind of feel the necessity to separate the two, unfortunately.” – Nonbinary person, mid-30s

“I think it’s really me being a Black woman or a Black man that can sometimes be difficult. And also, my ethnic background too. It’s really rough for me with my family back home and things of that nature.” – Nonbinary person, mid-20s

Navigating gender day-to-day

For some, deciding how open to be about their gender identity can be a constant calculation. Some participants reported that they choose whether or not to disclose that they are trans or nonbinary in a given situation based on how safe or comfortable they feel and whether it’s necessary for other people to know. This also varies depending on whether the participant can easily pass as a cisgender man or woman (that is, they can blend in so that others assume them to be cisgender and don’t recognize that they are trans or nonbinary).

“It just depends on whether I feel like I have the energy to bring it up, or if it feels worth it to me like with doctors and stuff like that. I always bring it up with my therapists, my primary [care doctor], I feel like she would get it. I guess it does vary on the situation and my capacity level.” – Nonbinary person, late 20s

“I decide based on the person and based on the context, like if I feel comfortable enough to share that piece of myself with them, because I do have the privilege of being able to move through the world and be identified as cis[gender] if I want to. But then it is important to me – if you’re important to me, then you will know who I am and how I identify. Otherwise, if I don’t feel comfortable or safe then I might not.” – Nonbinary person, early 30s

“The expression of my gender doesn’t vary. Who I let in to know that I was formerly female – or formerly perceived as female – is kind of on a need to know basis.” – Trans man, 60s

“It’s important to me that people not see me as cis[gender], so I have to come out a lot when I’m around new people, and sometimes that’s challenging. … It’s not information that comes out in a normal conversation. You have to force it and that’s difficult sometimes.” – Trans man, early 40s

Work is one realm where many participants said they choose not to share that they are trans or nonbinary. In some cases, this is because they want to be recognized for their work rather than the fact that they are trans or nonbinary; in others, especially for nonbinary participants, they fear it will be perceived as unprofessional.

“It’s gotten a lot better recently, but I feel like when you’re nonbinary and you use they/them pronouns, it’s just seen as really unprofessional and has been for a lot of my life.” – Nonbinary person, early 30s

“Whether it’s LinkedIn or profiles [that] have been updated, I’ve noticed people’s resumes have their pronouns now. I don’t go that far because I just feel like it’s a professional environment, it’s nobody’s business.” – Nonbinary person, mid-30s

“I don’t necessarily volunteer the information just to make it public; I want to be recognized for my character, my skill set, in my work in other ways.” – Trans man, early 30s

Some focus group participants said they don’t mind answering questions about what it’s like to be trans or nonbinary but were wary of being seen as the token trans or nonbinary person in their workplace or among acquaintances. Whether or not they are comfortable answering these types of questions sometimes depends on who’s asking, why they want to know, and how personal the questions get.

“I’ve talked to [my cousin about being trans] a lot because she has a daughter, and her daughter wants to transition. So, she always will come to me asking questions.” – Trans woman, early 40s

“It is tough being considered the only resource for these topics, right? In my job, I would hate to call myself the token nonbinary, but I was the first nonbinary person that they hired and they were like, ‘Oh, my gosh, let me ask you all the questions as you are obviously the authority on the subject.’ And it is like, ‘No, that is a part of me, but there are so many other great resources.’” – Nonbinary person, late 20s

“I don’t want to be the token. I’m not going to be no spokesperson. If you have questions, I’m the first person you can ask. Absolutely. I don’t mind discussing. Ask me some of the hardest questions, because if you ask somebody else you might get you know your clock cleaned. So, ask me now … so you can be educated properly. Otherwise, I don’t believe it’s anybody’s business.” – Trans woman, early 40s

Most nonbinary participants said they use “they/them” as their pronouns, but some prefer alternatives. These alternatives include a combination of gendered and gender-neutral pronouns (like she/they) or simply preferring that others use one’s names rather than pronouns. 

“If I could, I would just say my name is my pronoun, which I do in some spaces, but it just is not like a larger view. It feels like I’d rather have less labor on me in that regard, so I just say they/them.” – Nonbinary person, late 20s

“For me personally, I don’t get mad if someone calls me ‘he’ because I see what they’re looking at. They look and they see a guy. So, I don’t get upset. I know a few people who do … and they correct you. Me, I’m a little more fluid. So, that’s how it works for me.” – Nonbinary person, mid-30s

“I use they/she pronouns and I put ‘they’ first because that is what I think is most comfortable and it’s what I want to draw people’s attention to, because I’m 5 feet tall and 100 pounds so it’s not like I scream masculine at first sight, so I like putting ‘they’ first because otherwise people always default to ‘she.’ But I have ‘she’ in there, and I don’t know if I’d have ‘she’ in there if I had not had kids.” – Nonbinary person, late 30s

“Why is it so hard for people to think of me as nonbinary? I choose not to use only they/them pronouns because I do sometimes identify with ‘she.’ But I’m like, ‘Do I need to use they/them pronouns to be respected as nonbinary?’ Sometimes I feel like I should do that. But I don’t want to feel like I should do anything. I just want to be myself and have that be accepted and respected.” – Nonbinary person, early 30s

“I have a lot of patience for people, but [once someone in public used] they/them pronouns and I thanked them and they were like, ‘Yeah, I just figure I’d do it when I don’t know [someone’s] pronouns.’ And I’m like, ‘I love it, thank you.’” – Nonbinary person, early 30s

Transgender and nonbinary participants find affirmation of their gender identity and support in various places. Many cited their friends, chosen families (and, less commonly, their relatives), therapists or other health care providers, religion, or LGBTQ+ spaces as sources of support.

“I’m just not close with my family [of origin], but I have a huge chosen family that I love and that fully respects my identity.” – Nonbinary person, early 30s

“Before the pandemic I used to go out to bars a lot; there’s a queer bar in my town and it was a really nice place just being friends with everybody who went and everybody who worked there, it felt really nice you know, and just hearing everybody use the right pronouns for me it just felt really good.” – Nonbinary person, early 30s

“I don’t necessarily go to a lot of dedicated support groups, but I found that there’s kind of a good amount of support in areas or groups or fandoms for things that have a large LGBT population within them. Like certain shows or video games, where it’s just kind of a joke that all the gay people flock to this.”  – Trans woman, late teens

“Being able to practice my religion in a location with a congregation that is just completely chill about it, or so far has been completely chill about it, has been really amazing.” – Nonbinary person, late 30s

Many participants shared specific moments they said were small in the grand scheme of things but made them feel accepted and affirmed. Examples included going on dates, gestures of acceptance by a friend or social group, or simply participating in everyday activities.

“I went on a date with a really good-looking, handsome guy. And he didn’t know that I was trans. But I told him, and we kept talking and hanging out. … That’s not the first time that I felt affirmed or felt like somebody is treating me as I present myself. But … he made me feel wanted and beautiful.” – Trans woman, late 30s

“I play [on a men’s rec league] hockey [team]. … I joined the league like right when I first transitioned and I showed up and I was … nervous with locker rooms and stuff, and they just accepted me as male right away.” – Trans man, late 30s

“I ended up going into a barbershop. … The barber was very welcoming, and talked to me as if I was just a casual customer and there was something that clicked within that moment where, figuring out my gender identity, I just wanted to exist in the world to do these natural things like other boys and men would do. So, there was just something exciting about that. It wasn’t a super macho masculine moment, … he just made me feel like I blended in.” – Trans man, early 30s

Participants also talked about negative experiences, such as being misgendered, either intentionally or unintentionally. For example, some shared instances where they were treated or addressed as a gender other than the gender that they identify as, such as people referring to them as “he” when they go by “she,” or where they were deadnamed, meaning they were called by the name they had before they transitioned. 

“I get misgendered on the phone a lot and that’s really annoying. And then, even after I correct them, they keep doing it, sometimes on purpose and sometimes I think they’re just reading a script or something.” – Trans man, late 30s

“The times that I have been out, presenting femme, there is this very subconscious misgendering that people do and it can be very frustrating. [Once, at a restaurant,] I was dressed in makeup and nails and shoes and everything and still everyone was like, ‘Sir, what would you like?’ … Those little things – those microaggressions – they can really eat away at people.” – Nonbinary person, mid-40s

“People not calling me by the right name. My family is a big problem, they just won’t call me by my name, you know? Except for my nephew, who is of the Millennial generation, so at least he gets it.” – Nonbinary person, 60s

“I’m constantly misgendered when I go out places. I accept this – because of the way I look, people are going to perceive me as a woman and it doesn’t cause me huge dysphoria or anything, it’s just nice that the company that I keep does use the right pronouns.” – Nonbinary person, early 30s

Some participants also shared stories of discrimination, bias, humiliation, and even violence. These experiences ranged from employment discrimination to being outed (that is, someone else disclosing the fact that they are transgender or nonbinary without their permission) without their permission to physical attacks.

“I was on a date with this girl and I had to use the bathroom … and the janitor … wouldn’t let me use the men’s room, and he kept refusing to let me use the men’s room, so essentially, I ended up having to use the same bathroom as my date.” – Trans man, late 30s

“I’ve been denied employment due to my gender identity. I walked into a supermarket looking for jobs. … And they flat out didn’t let me apply. They didn’t even let me apply.” – Trans man, mid-30s

“[In high school,] this group of guys said, ‘[name] is gay.’ I ignored them but they literally threw me and tore my shirt from my back and pushed me to the ground and tried to strip me naked. And I had to fight for myself and use my bag to hit him in the face.” – Trans woman, late 20s

“I took a college course [after] I had my name changed legally and the instructor called me out in front of the class and called me a liar and outed me.” – Trans man, late 30s 

Seeking medical care for gender transitions 

Many, but not all, participants said they have received  medical care , such as surgery or hormone therapy, as part of their gender transition. For those who haven’t undergone a medical transition, the reasons ranged from financial barriers to being nervous about medical procedures in general to simply not feeling that it was the right thing for them.

“For me to really to live my truth and live my identity, I had to have the surgery, which is why I went through it. It doesn’t mean [that others] have to, or that it will make you more or less of a woman because you have it. But for me to be comfortable, … that was a big part of it. And so, that’s why I felt I had to get it.” – Trans woman, early 40s

“I’m older and it’s an operation. … I’m just kind of scared, I guess. I’ve never had an operation. I mean, like any kind of operation. I’ve never been to the hospital or anything like that. So, it [is] just kind of scary. But I mean, I want to. I think about all the time. I guess have got to get the courage up to do it.” – Trans woman, early 40s

“I’ve decided that the dysphoria of a second puberty … would just be too much for me and I’m gender fluid enough where I’m happy, I guess.” – Nonbinary person, early 30s

“I’m too old to change anything, I mean I am what I am. [laughs]” – Nonbinary person, 60s

Many focus group participants who have sought medical treatment for their gender transition faced barriers, although some had positive experiences. For those who said there were barriers, the cost and the struggle to find sympathetic doctors were often cited as challenges. 

“I was flat out turned down by the primary care physician who had to give the go-ahead to give me a referral to an endocrinologist; I was just shut down. That was it, end of story.” – Nonbinary person, 50s

“I have not had surgery, because I can’t access surgery. So unless I get breast cancer and have a double mastectomy, surgery is just not going to happen … because my health insurance wouldn’t cover something like that. … It would be an out-of-pocket plastic surgery expense and I can’t afford that at this time.” – Nonbinary person, 50s

“Why do I need the permission of a therapist to say, ‘This person’s identity is valid,’ before I can get the health care that I need to be me, that is vital for myself and for my way of life?” – Nonbinary person, mid-40s

“[My doctor] is basically the first person that actually embraced me and made me accept [who I am].” – Trans woman, late 20s

Many people who transitioned in previous decades described how access has gotten much easier in recent years. Some described relying on underground networks to learn which doctors would help them obtain medical care or where to obtain hormones illegally. 

“It was hard financially because I started so long ago, just didn’t have access like that. Sometimes you have to try to go to Mexico or learn about someone in Mexico that was a pharmacist, I can remember that. That was a big thing, going through the border to Mexico, that was wild. So, it was just hard financially because they would charge so much for testosterone. And there was the whole bodybuilding community. If you were transitioning, you went to bodybuilders, and they would charge you five times what they got it [for], so it was kind of tough.” – Trans man, early 40s

“It was a lot harder to get a surgeon when I started transitioning; insurance was out of the question, there wasn’t really a national discussion around trans people and their particular medical needs. So, it was challenging having to pay everything out of pocket at a young age.” – Trans man, early 30s

“I guess it was hard for me to access hormones initially just because you had to jump through so many hoops, get letters, and then you had to find a provider that was willing to write it. And now it’s like people are getting it from their primary care doctor, which is great, but a very different experience than I had.” – Trans man, early 40s

Connections with the broader LGBTQ+ community

The discussions also touched on whether the participants feel a connection with a broader lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ+) community or with other people who are LGBTQ+. Views varied, with some saying they feel an immediate connection with other people who are LGBTQ+, even with those who aren’t trans or nonbinary, and others saying they don’t necessarily feel this way. 

“It’s kind of a recurring joke where you can meet another LGBT person and it is like there is an immediate understanding, and you are basically talking and giving each other emotional support, like you have been friends for 10-plus years.” – Trans woman, late teens 

“I don’t think it’s automatic friendship between queer people, there’s like a kinship, but I don’t think there’s automatic friendship or anything. I think it’s just normal, like, how normal people make friends, just based on common interests.” – Nonbinary person, early 30s 

“I do think of myself as part of the LGBT [community] … I use the resources that are put in place for these communities, whether that’s different health care programs, support groups, they have the community centers. … So, I do consider myself to be part of this community, and I’m able to hopefully take when needed, as well as give back.” – Trans man, mid-30s

“I feel like that’s such an important part of being a part of the [LGBTQ+] alphabet soup community, that process of constantly learning and listening to each other and … growing and developing language together … I love that aspect of creating who we are together, learning and unlearning together, and I feel like that’s a part of at least the queer community spaces that I want to be in. That’s something that’s core to me.” – Nonbinary person, early 30s

“I identify as queer. I feel like I’m a part of the LGBT community. That’s more of a part of my identity than being trans. … Before I came out as trans, I identified as a lesbian. That was also a big part of my identity. So, that may be too why I feel like I’m more part of the LGB community.” – Trans man, early 40s

While many trans and nonbinary participants said they felt accepted by others in the LGBTQ+ community, some participants described their gender identity as a barrier to full acceptance. There was a sense among some participants that cisgender people who are lesbian, gay or bisexual don’t always accept people who are transgender or nonbinary.  

“I would really like to be included in the [LGBTQ+] community. But I have seen some people try to separate the T from LGB … I’ve run into a few situations throughout my time navigating the [LGBTQ+] community where I’ve been perceived – and I just want to say that there’s nothing wrong with this – I’ve been perceived as like a more feminine or gay man in a social setting, even though I’m heterosexual. … But the minute that that person found out that I wasn’t a gay man … and that I was actually a transgender person, they became cold and just distancing themselves. And I’ve been in a lot of those types of circumstances where there’s that divide between the rest of the community.” – Trans man, early 30s

“There are some lesbians who see trans men as being traitors to womanhood. Those are not people that I really identify with or want to be close to.” – Trans man, early 40s 

“It’s only in the past maybe dozen or so years, that an identity like gender fluid or gender queer was acceptable even within the LGBTQ+ community. … I tried to go to certain LGBTQ+ events as a trans man and, you know, I was not allowed in because I looked too female. The gay men would not allow me to participate.” – Nonbinary person, 50s 

“Technically based on the letters [in the acronym LGBTQ+] I am part of that community, but I’ve felt discrimination, it’s very heavily exclusive to people who are either gay or lesbian and I think that’s true … for queer or bisexual or asexual, intersex … anybody who’s not like exclusively hardcore gay or lesbian. It’s very exclusive, like excluding to those people. … I feel like the BTQ is a separate group of people…. So, I identify with the second half of the letters as a separate subset.” – Trans man, late 30s

Policy and social change

When asked to name the most important policy or political issues facing transgender and nonbinary people in the United States today, many participants named basic needs such as housing, employment, and health care. Others cited recent legislation or policies related to people who are transgender that have made national news.

“Housing is a huge issue. Health care might be good in New York, it might be good in California, but … it’s not a national equality for trans folks. Health care is not equal across the states. Housing is not equal across the states. So, I think that the issues right now that we’re all facing is health care and housing. That’s the top, the most important things.” – Trans woman, early 40s 

“Definitely education. I think that’s very important … Whether you identify as trans or not as a young child, it’s good to understand and know the different things under the umbrella, the queer umbrella. And it is also just a respect thing. And also, the violence that happens against trans and nonbinary people. I feel like educating them very young, that kind of helps – well, it is going to help because once you understand what’s going on and you see somebody that doesn’t identify the same as you, you’ll have that respect, or you’ll have that understanding and you’re less likely to be very violent towards them.” – Nonbinary person, mid-20s 

“Employment is a big one. And I know that some areas, more metropolitan progressive-leaning areas, are really on top of this, but they’re trans people everywhere that are still being discriminated against. I think it’s a personal thing for me that goes back to my military service, but still, it’s just unfortunate. It’s an unfortunate reality.” – Trans man, early 30s

“I think just the strong intersectionality of trans people with mental health issues, or even physical health issues. … So in that way, accessing good health care or having good mental health.” – Trans man, late 30s

“I honestly think that the situation in Texas is the most pressing political and policy situation because it is a direct attack on the trans community. … And it is so insidious because it doesn’t just target bathrooms. This is saying that if you provide medical care to trans youth it is tantamount to child abuse. And it is so enraging because it is a known proven fact that access to gender affirming medical care saves lives. It saves the lives of trans youth. And trans youth have the highest suicide rate in the country.” – Nonbinary person, mid-40s 

Participants had different takes on what gets in the way of progress on issues facing transgender and nonbinary people. Some pointed to the lack of knowledge surrounding the history of these issues or not knowing someone who is transgender or nonbinary. Others mentioned misconceptions people might have about transgender and nonbinary people that influence their political and policy perspectives. 

“People who don’t know trans people, honestly … that’s the only barrier I can understand because people fear what they don’t know and then react to it a lot of the time.” – Nonbinary person, early 30s

“Sometimes even if they know someone, they still don’t consider them to be a human being, they are an ‘other,’ they are an ‘it,’ they are a ‘not like me,’ ‘not like my family,’ person and so they are put into a place socially where they can be treated badly.” – Nonbinary person, 50s

“Just the ignorance and misinformation and this quick fake social media fodder, where it encourages people who should not be part of the conversation to spread things that are not true.” – Trans man, late 30s

“Also, the political issues that face nonbinary people, it’s that people think nonbinary is some made-up thing to feel cool. It’s not to feel cool. And if someone does do it to feel cool, maybe they’re just doing that because they don’t feel comfortable within themselves.” – Nonbinary person, mid-30s

“There’s so much fear around it, and misunderstanding, and people thinking that if you’re talking to kids about gender and sexuality, that it’s sexual. And it’s like, we really need to break down that our bodies are not inherently sexual. We need to be able to talk with students and children about their bodies so that they can then feel empowered to understand themselves, advocate for themselves.” – Nonbinary person, early 30s

When asked what makes them hopeful for the future for trans and nonbinary people, some participants pointed to the way things in society have already changed and progress that has been made. For example, some mentioned greater representation and visibility of transgender and nonbinary people in entertainment and other industries, while others focused on changing societal views as things that give them hope for the future. 

“I am hopeful about the future because I see so many of us coming out and being visible and representing and showing folks that we are not to stereotype.” – Trans woman, early 40s

“Also, even though celebrity is annoying, it’s still cool when people like Willow [Smith] or Billie Eilish or all these popstars that the kids really love are like, ‘I’m nonbinary, I’m queer,’ like a lot more progressive. … Even just more visibility in TV shows and movies, the more and more that happens the more it’s like, ‘Oh yeah, we are really here, you can’t not see us.’” – Nonbinary person, late 20s

“We shouldn’t have to look to the entertainment industry for role models, we shouldn’t have to, we should be able to look to our leaders, our political leaders, but I think, that’s what gives me hope. Soon, it’s going to become a nonissue, maybe in my lifetime.” – Trans man, 60s

“I have gotten a little bit into stand-up comedy in the last few weeks, and it is like the jokes that people made ten years ago are resurfacing online and people are enraged about it. They are saying like, ‘Oh, this is totally inappropriate.’ But that comes with the recognition that things have changed, and language has changed, and people are becoming more intolerant of allowing these things to occur. So that is why I am hopeful, is being able to see that progression and hopeful continued improvement on that front.” – Nonbinary person, late 20s

“I think because of the shift of what’s happening, how everything has become so normal, and people are being more open, and within the umbrella of queerness so many different things are happening, I think as we get more comfortable and we progress as a society, it’s just going to be better. So, people don’t have to hide who they are. So, that gives me hope.” – Nonbinary person, mid-20s

For many, young people are a source of hope. Several participants talked about younger generations being more accepting of those who are transgender or nonbinary and also being more accepted by their families if they themselves are trans or nonbinary. 

“And then the other portion that gives me hope are the kids, because I work now with so many kids who are coming out as trans earlier and their families are embracing them and everything. … So I really am trusting in the young generation.” – Nonbinary person, 60s

“I mean kids don’t judge you the same way as adults do about gender, and they’re so expansive and have so much creativity. … So it’s just the kids, Gen Z, and it just makes me feel really, really hopeful.” – Nonbinary person, early 30s

“The youth, the youth. They understand almost intrinsically so much more about these things than I feel like my generation did. They give me so much hope for the future.” – Nonbinary person, early 30s

“I think future generations, just seeing this growing amount of support that they have, that it’s just going to keep improving … there’s an increase in visibility but there’s also an increase in support … like resources for parents where they can see that they don’t have to punish their kids. Their kids can grow up feeling like, ‘This is okay to be this way.’ And I feel like that’s not something that can be stopped.” – Trans man, late 30s

Additional materials

• Acknowledgments
• Methodology

Lead photo: (Angela Weiss/AFP via Getty Images)

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How the gender identity revolution impacts society

Heath Fogg Davis, Temple professor and former director of Gender, Sexuality and Women’s Studies, speaks about how using preferred pronouns and names can help create a more inclusive culture in the workplace, at school and beyond.

In Heath Fogg Davis’ most recent book, Beyond Trans: Does Gender Matter? , he provides guidance for organizations to become more inclusive by teaching them to question and remove gender and identity barriers. A professor of political science, Davis uses he/him or they/them pronouns, and has expertise in antidiscrimination law, transgender civil rights, political theory, and race, gender, and sexuality studies. For the past three years, Davis served as the director of the Gender, Sexuality and Women’s Studies department, and is now moving into the role of director of the Intellectual Heritage Program .

We asked Davis to answer some questions about names, pronouns and identities and how the misuse of any of these impacts the lives of individuals.

TN: Currently we’re witnessing an increase in pronoun acknowledgement in all areas of society. What sparked this change and what does it mean? HFD: One major factor is a generational difference that boils down to self-definition and the freedom of having your identity be acknowledged and respected. Among Gen Z, 59% believe that forms should offer more options than “man” and “woman,” 35% report personally knowing someone who uses gender neutral pronouns, and one in six identify as members of the LGBTQ+ community. This generation is growing up with “intersectionality” and “queerness” in their vocabularies.

How to update your pronouns

Temple students, faculty, staff and alumni can update their pronouns in the Manage My Account section of TUportal . This function will allow students, faculty, staff and alumni to display pronouns in designated systems, such as the Cherry and White directory or Canvas. Learn more about pronoun use at Temple .

TN: What is a “dead name” and why is it such a negative experience for the individual? HFD: A dead name is a previous name, usually assigned at birth, that a person no longer identifies with. Oftentimes, it can be a gender-specific name that no longer accords with the person’s self-identity. 

This concept goes into this fundamental sense of who we are and how we want to move around in the world and be treated by others. For some people, being dead named can interfere with basic social interactions. A student who got dead named at graduation is a case in point: this important moment of celebration should be the focus, yet to be referred to by the wrong name disrupts that. 

Transgender individuals are not the only ones with dead names and people choose different names at different points in their lives for so many different reasons such as marriage, divorce, adoption and career personas. I believe oftentimes the things we consider to be transgender discrimination are so much broader than just gender identity or name, and oftentimes impact people who aren’t even trans. This gives us an opportunity to discuss how incorrect labels impact us all in negative ways.

There are different opinions about dead names, where some people just see it as a previous name, while for others it is more harmful. It’s important to respect that individual and their own self-definition.

TN: What is misgendering and how does it impact the individual? HFD: Misgendering is when someone refers to another person with specific gender pronouns that conflict with the pronouns that person uses to identify themselves, often causing embarrassment or discomfort for that person. The reasons why people change their pronouns and names are often incredibly important to those individuals in terms of their mental health, feelings of self-worth and visibility. So to misgender someone can really take that person out of the situation and prevent their full participation in a class, job or any social interaction. 

I think for a long time people didn’t take pronoun usage seriously because they thought it impacted only a small group of people, which we now know is not correct. It’s important for all of us, especially instructors, to get on board and understand that this isn’t a trivial issue. This goes to the question “are transgender people the only ones impacted by misgendering and pronouns?” They are not. 

I’d like to see fewer gender markers used in a public sphere because there is such great potential for getting it wrong. When we get it wrong, it can inflict a lot of harm, and I think more often than not the pain caused is unintentional.  “I talk with my graduating seniors about how everything we discussed in the classroom is worth bringing up in meetings—that they should be the person in the room who questions things. Empowering people is our job.” -- Heath Fogg Davis, director of the Intellectual Heritage Program

TN: How do you foster an environment of open identity within the classroom? HFD: My methods have changed over time as I’ve tried different things, and I haven’t come up with a perfect solution. I don’t think anybody has. The place I’ve come to now is that I think of they/them as gender neutral pronouns that can be used generally, so I’ve begun using them that way. It’s not easy because we fall back on habits and visual cues.

The reason I take this approach is because I think about how relevant gender is in a given scenario. If I can’t come up with a good reason to invoke it, then I think we should get rid of it in that situation. When it comes to teaching, the only times where gender is relevant is if a student is making a specific point about their own gendered experience, or a conversation about sex discrimination. To remedy sex discrimination, we of course have to talk about gender. 

Here at Temple University, we are in the business of learning and educating. There is a responsibility for us to be on the cutting edge of researching identities and how we think about them. Our job is to help young people figure out who they are, help them launch their careers and send them off with ethical things for them to consider. I talk with my graduating seniors about how everything we discussed in the classroom is worth bringing up in meetings—that they should be the person in the room who questions things. Empowering people is our job.

TN: What’s something organizations can do to be more inclusive? HFD: When I work with organizations or when I do consulting, there’s this concept I highlighted in my book called the “Gender Audit,” and I have it set up as a template. It helps you assess when and where your organization invokes gender including in formal policies, dress codes, bathrooms, benefits and bureaucratic documents. Then the next step is to decide if gender is a necessity to refer to in these formats. 

To examine how we define gender, we discover too often that we don’t define gender—we just assume it. I encourage colleges to start thinking about all of their official forms that they ask students and faculty to complete, and where those documents invoke gender. 

If their gender is crucial for that form, then it is important to define why on the document. If it’s to combat sex discrimination, that’s fine. But otherwise, if it’s just because of custom or tradition, we should not be willing to keep doing that.

TN: Why is there resistance to this movement? HFD: I think fundamentally, it’s about social custom and a fear of making mistakes. When you press people about why we use gender so often in society, the only answer boils down to social custom. We’ve always done it this way. Human beings don’t like change and these are deeply ingrained social habits. 

Most people don’t want to be corrected because they get embarrassed when they get something wrong. When we make mistakes, we want to put the blame on the other person because we aren’t at peace with admitting our faults. The educational approach is to say, yes, we are going to get things wrong with gender and names and we need to learn how to respond to that, learn from it and move on.

Rather than having the mentality of “I know all the right terminology to use all the time,” we need to be willing to constantly shift and learn. So many of the terms in existence have changed in acceptability and will continue to change within our lifetimes.

TN: What are some ways to show support for the gender and pronoun movement? HFD: When cisgender people ask me how to be a good ally, I tell them to talk openly about names, pronouns and gender on our behalf with other cis people, instead of putting the onus on the trans community to always bring up these topics. The more often that identity is brought up in casual conversation, the less taboo it becomes. When cisgender people provide their pronouns, it can be a gesture of solidarity, but it also goes to this point about being in a mode of learning. Part of that means changing not just how you’re seeing other people, but also how you see yourself. We all have gender identities and names that we have emotions connected to. It’s a way of seeing common ground and empathizing.

There can be a sense with older generations of thinking this is a young people’s issue, but it’s not. It’s important to be cognizant that we have people in all parts of our lives who may be impacted by misgendering and dead naming.  Even if these labels don’t impact you on a personal basis, they definitely impact the people you work with, go to school with and probably some folks in your family.

—Rayna Lewis

Gender and Communication

This essay about gender and communication examines the nuanced ways in which gender influences our interactions. It highlights that gender roles and expectations shape our communication styles from a young age, often encouraging women towards empathetic and inclusive styles and men towards assertiveness and problem-solving. However, the essay acknowledges the evolving understanding of gender as a spectrum, emphasizing the need for a more nuanced and flexible approach to communication. It also considers the impact of digital communication on gendered interactions, noting both challenges and opportunities. Overall, the essay argues for a deeper understanding of the complex dance between gender and communication, suggesting that embracing diversity and fluidity in communication styles can lead to richer, more inclusive interactions.

How it works

When we go into the world of communication, we can’t help but observe the complex patterns that gender weaves across our gestures, discussions, and even the gaps between them. This isn’t about the glaring distinctions that are frequently highlighted in popular culture, such as whether men and women are descended from Mars or Venus. It’s more about the subtle, nuanced ways that gender influences our interactions in ways that we frequently aren’t even aware of, coloring our world of words and beyond.

Let’s get real for a second. When we talk about gender influencing communication, it’s not just a simple matter of men do this, women do that. It’s about acknowledging the rich tapestry of social expectations, cultural backgrounds, and yes, individual quirks, that make our conversations more like a dance than a straightforward march from point A to B. This dance is as much about the moves we’ve been taught since childhood as it is about the personal style we develop over time.

Consider this: from a young age, many of us are nudged into certain communication lanes based on gender. Girls often learn the dance steps of cooperation, empathy, and inclusivity, making their communication style more about building bridges than building walls. Boys, on the other hand, might be encouraged to take up space, assert themselves, and solve problems with a directness that leaves little room for reading between the lines. But here’s the kicker—these are generalizations, not universal truths, and the real beauty of human interaction lies in the exceptions, overlaps, and outright rejections of these norms.

Fast forward to today, and it’s clear that our understanding of gender is shifting. It’s no longer seen as a simple binary but as a spectrum, a vast range of identities and expressions that defy old stereotypes. This shift isn’t just changing how we see ourselves and each other; it’s transforming the way we communicate. It’s about recognizing that the old rulebook might not apply anymore, that the language we use and the way we use it can either box us in or set us free.

Now, throw in the wild card of digital communication—social media, texting, you name it—and the plot thickens. Online, without the cues of voice and body language, gendered communication takes on new layers. Here, stereotypes can be both shattered and reinforced, and the anonymity of the digital world offers both a mask and a megaphone. Navigating this landscape requires not just understanding the gendered rules of communication but also knowing when to break them.

Wrapping this all up, it’s clear that the dance of gender and communication is intricate, ever-evolving, and deeply personal. It’s not about fitting into neat boxes or playing predefined roles. It’s about understanding the rhythms, learning from each other, and maybe, just maybe, creating a new dance altogether—one where everyone gets to choose their own steps.

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Transgender Identity and the Path to Self-Acceptance

Walter Bockting , a clinical psychologist and the founding director of the Gender and Sexuality Program at Columbia University Irving Medical Center (CUIMC), explains why more young people are identifying as transgender and discusses issues surrounding care.

Tell us about the Gender and Sexuality Program. What is its mission? Who does it serve?

We launched our program in 2018 to serve people identifying as transgender or nonbinary. It now offers comprehensive mental-health services to those who are questioning their gender or sexuality or struggling to navigate life with an identity that does not conform to traditional expectations. The majority of our patients are adolescents and teenagers, some of whom are considering medical treatments to align their bodies with their gender identity. We also see adults who are considering making such changes. And sometimes parents will come in with young children who appear to identify with another gender. They want to understand what their children are going through and how best to support them.

What exactly do the terms “transgender” and “nonbinary” mean?

Transgender is an umbrella term used to describe anyone with a gender identity that differs significantly from the sex they were assigned on their birth certificate, based on their outward anatomy. This can include people whose gender is the opposite of the sex they were assigned at birth — that is, a person assigned male at birth who identifies as a girl or woman or a person assigned female at birth who identifies as a boy or man. Transgender people may undergo medical interventions to align their appearance with their gender identity, or they may choose not to do so. Nonbinary individuals, who identify as neither boy nor girl, man nor woman, are generally considered part of the transgender community too. Their identities may combine aspects of masculinity or femininity or transcend these binary categories. Research conducted by my group and others has shown that gender identity and expression exist on a spectrum. For many people they are composed of different characteristics not easily reducible to being either male or female, masculine or feminine.

Is the transgender population growing?

There’s been a significant increase in people who openly identify as transgender or nonbinary over the past decade, especially among young people. Surveys indicate that 2 to 3 percent of adolescents and teenagers and about 5 percent of young adults in the United States now identify as transgender, with half or more of these individuals considering themselves nonbinary. Among older adults, that number is less than 1 percent, which is in line with historical trends dating back to the mid-twentieth century, when the concept of gender identity as distinct from biological sex first emerged.

What explains the rise?

Of course, there are cultural forces at work. As more and more people have embraced diverse gender identities, less stigma is associated with being trans. Which isn’t to say that it’s particularly easy to come out as transgender, because gender-nonconforming people are still among the most stigmatized in society. But transgender people feel freer to be themselves now, compared to previous decades. This is especially true for young people who’ve grown up seeing transgender individuals depicted positively in the media and meeting other transgender folks in school, on the job, or through friends and family. I think that older adults who grew up when it was less socially acceptable to be transgender are more likely to have suppressed or concealed any gender-identity issues they had, which is why you see a generational divide in these statistics.

How many Americans now undergo gender-affirming surgeries?

It’s difficult to say for sure, because the US has no centralized system for collecting data on such procedures, but it’s probably on the order of ten thousand people a year, the vast majority of whom are adults. Only a few hundred adolescents undergo gender-affirming surgeries annually, although thousands of young people do receive puberty suppressants or hormones to feminize or masculinize their bodies.

Before they perform gender-affirming surgery, physicians typically require a referral from a mental-health professional who can attest that a patient has thought the decision through, and in the past obtaining such a referral was more challenging than it is today. For example, until the mid-1990s, people who sought genital surgery were often turned down if they exhibited symptoms of severe anxiety or depression, which were seen as signs of mental instability. Now we know that feeling an incongruence between one’s gender identity and sex assigned at birth can contribute to mood disorders and that it is often appropriate to provide a person gender-affirming care at the same time that you’re treating them for other mental-health conditions.

People who opt for gender-affirming surgeries typically carry a diagnosis of gender dysphoria, a condition characterized by a discomfort with one’s sex assigned at birth that is so intense that it becomes debilitating, making daily life difficult if not impossible. Many, but not all, teenagers and young adults who now identify as transgender experience gender dysphoria. And having gender dysphoria does not necessarily lead a person to seek puberty suppression, hormone therapy, surgery, or any other gender-affirming medical interventions. Gender dysphoria plays out differently for each person.

Do your patients at the Gender and Sexuality Program tend to have dysphoria?

Most of them do, yes. We see people who are in a lot of emotional pain. In addition to experiencing incongruence between their gender identity and physical sex characteristics, which is incredibly frustrating, many are also socially isolated. Before coming to us, some have never spoken to anybody at length about what they’re going through. They might also have experienced bullying, harassment, violence, and discrimination. And it’s not uncommon for them to have internalized other people’s negative attitudes about transgender people and to feel ashamed of who they are. The cumulative stress can contribute to a wide range of mental-health issues, including substance abuse, suicidal thoughts, self-harm, anxiety, and mood disorders. When we help them come up with a plan to alleviate their gender dysphoria, we often need to address these issues, too.

What does treatment typically look like?

It starts with talk therapy to facilitate self-acceptance and identity exploration. We ask patients to describe how they’d ideally like to express their gender and what, if anything, is holding them back. If they haven’t lived openly as a transgender person yet, we might suggest that they first learn about the possibilities online and then try expressing their gender identity in a safe, private setting, like in the company of supportive friends or family members. After exploring their identity and expression in this way, some people may decide that they don’t need to change their gender identity in a formal sense. They might conclude that they’re simply uncomfortable with traditional gender norms and can be happy continuing to identify as a man or woman if they bend the rules to their liking a bit. But more often than not, among the patients we see, such experiences are affirming, encouraging people to move forward and continue transitioning. Then we might help them develop a plan for coming out at school or work, which can include preparing to address changes in pronoun use, how they dress, and bathroom access. We’ll work with their families to ensure that individuals get the emotional and social support they need. And if a patient is determined to change their body, we’ll help them think through the available options. We’ll also support them after they’ve made any physical changes, because the challenges of being transgender don’t end at that point.

You’ve been counseling transgender people and studying their lives for more than three decades. In particular, you’ve researched how their identities evolve over time. What have you learned?

One insight is that most transgender people, as they get older, become less interested in trying to pass as cisgender men and women and more comfortable identifying primarily as trans men, trans women, or nonbinary individuals. It can take them years to get to this point, because many transgender people, especially when they’re young, have internalized our society’s binary conception of gender and feel compelled to adopt the stereotypical gender expressions of men or women. They may initially think, “Well, I know I’m not a girl, so I must be a boy. Now I need to look and behave exactly like one!” This isn’t surprising. It’s human nature to seek a sense of belonging by carving out rather neatly defined identities for ourselves. And realizing that your gender identity is different or ambiguous can be nerve-racking. When my colleagues and I counsel transgender people, we encourage them to unearth and face some of this anxiety. We’ve found that by accepting the complexity and uniqueness of their gender identities, and by embracing the fact that, as transgender people, their experiences will always be unique and a bit different from cisgender people’s, they’re able to feel better about themselves and ultimately find more meaning in their lives.

Shortly before coming to Columbia in 2012, you served as president of the World Professional Association for Transgender Health (WPATH). In that role, you oversaw the creation of treatment guidelines that have made it easier for nonbinary people in many countries to access appropriate gender-affirming medical care.

Yes, these guidelines, which are now followed by most medical professionals and endorsed by their associations, stipulate that people who identify as nonbinary should have access to the same high-quality care as other transgender people. This is important because, as recently as the early 2000s, people who needed to change their bodies but didn’t necessarily want to look like cisgender men or women were often turned away. Maybe they just wanted to alter their chest, tone of voice, or hair-growth patterns while forgoing other procedures. If a physician asked if they identified as a man or woman and they responded, “Neither,” they might have been told, “Well, come back when you figure it out.” Now they’re treated equally and can access gender-affirming medical interventions appropriate to their identities and needs.

You’re also credited with improving access to care for transgender people who identify as gay, lesbian, or bisexual.

Yes, when I entered this field, another common requirement for getting gender-affirming surgery was to identify as heterosexual after transitioning. Can you believe that? In other words, you couldn’t be sexually attracted to members of your own gender identity but rather only to members of the sex you were originally assigned at birth. This was rooted in a twentieth-century theory called the “inversion hypothesis,” which held that the desire to transition one’s gender was the manifestation of intense same-sex attraction — basically, an extreme form of homosexuality. So, for example, a person who was assigned male at birth and sexually attracted to other men — and who had an unusually “de-masculinized and feminized” mind — might eventually want to become a woman. Transgender people who were brave enough to disclose their same-gender attractions faced significant barriers to accessing gender-affirming medical care. And transgender men who were attracted to men weren’t even thought to exist. But in the late 1980s and early 1990s, I published a series of papers documenting that transgender men who are attracted to men do exist and are quite happy and well-adjusted. This research, together with other scholars’ observations that transgender women often identify as lesbian, helped usher in a paradigm shift, where gender identity and sexual orientation were finally understood as separate components of one’s overall identity.

Today there is fierce debate about whether it has become too easy for adolescents to access gender-affirming medical care. In the past couple of years, more than twenty states have passed laws banning anyone under the age of eighteen from receiving puberty suppressants, hormone therapies, and surgeries. What do you make of this?

I’m shocked at how thoroughly the public discussion on this issue has become politicized and inundated by misinformation. Opponents of transgender rights, who’ve now organized themselves into a powerful movement, would have Americans believe that their kids are being brainwashed into thinking they’re transgender and greenlighted for medical procedures that they don’t need and will later regret. Of course, this isn’t true. Even among youth with gender dysphoria, only those with the most pronounced symptoms access medical interventions, usually after extensive counseling and therapy. What’s really happening is that young people in nearly half the United States are being denied access to health care that they desperately need, care that nearly every major medical organization in the country has deemed safe and essential. It’s a disgrace. Honestly, it makes me so upset that it’s difficult for me to talk about it.

“I’m shocked at how thoroughly the public discussion on this issue has become politicized and inundated by misinformation.”

When you meet a young person with gender dysphoria and hear them describe what they’re going through, you don’t forget it. It’s heartbreaking. I’m talking about kids who are overwhelmed by despair related to their sex characteristics. Who take showers in the dark to avoid seeing their bodies. Who can’t focus in school because they’re so upset about going through puberty. To these kids and their families, having access to gender-affirming care can feel like a matter of life or death.

Puberty blockers are now given to transgender kids as young as ten or eleven, which critics point out is a pretty tender age to be making medical decisions whose effects could last a lifetime.

Helping kids to change their bodies raises serious questions and concerns, there’s no doubt about it. I think that everyone working in the field of transgender health right now is asking themselves: Will any of these kids come to regret this decision? Will the puberty blockers cause any unintended effects later in life? Exactly how much therapy should these kids be getting before they transition? We don’t have conclusive answers to these questions yet. The best data available comes from a clinic in Amsterdam where gender-affirming medical care was first provided to adolescents in the 1990s. I grew up and trained in the Netherlands, and I’ve conducted research with some of the people who developed that program, which has shaped my thinking. In any case, the results from patients of that clinic are so far positive, which is why health-care providers throughout Europe and the US have since started offering puberty suppression and hormone therapies to adolescents. Hundreds of Dutch people who received gender-affirming care as youngsters decades ago are still being followed by researchers. Very few say they regret transitioning or show signs of serious unintended effects. And as a group, they have lower rates of anxiety and depression than other transgender people who attain access to gender-affirming care later in life or not at all.

What are you studying now?

For the past eight years, I’ve been leading a longitudinal study following the lives of more than three hundred transgender people, who now range in age from about twenty to ninety, in New York City, San Francisco, and Atlanta. My colleagues and I are hoping to follow these participants for years to come. We want to learn what aspects of their lives are most challenging, what brings them happiness and contentment, and how they develop resilience in the face of stigma, discrimination, and the associated stress. Among our discoveries so far is that transgender people who maintain close friendships with other transgender people are happier and healthier overall, as are those who are in regular contact with their parents, siblings, or other close family members and friends.

The importance of family, I think, is particularly interesting. Other studies have shown that transgender people are often rejected by their families or subjected to such awful abuse at home that they have to cut ties. Some of our participants have experienced this too. But many others told us things like, “You know, my folks weren’t very nice to me at first and actually said some terrible things. But I was patient and left the door open, and eventually they came around and accepted me. And I’m glad I gave them a chance, for my own sake and theirs.”

That’s inspiring. Do you share those types of stories with your patients?

I do. I’m always telling my patients about the dignity, strength, and courage of other transgender people. I’ll recommend movies, TV shows, and books, and I’ll tell them anecdotes about some of the amazing patients and research participants I’ve known over the years. When they’re ready, I’ll help them connect meaningfully with other transgender people in group therapy and support meetings. And I’ll tell them, “I know that being transgender isn’t easy — but it’s also exciting, beautiful, and, yes, fabulous. And you are now among these fabulous people who, just by being themselves and holding their heads up high, are changing the world.”

This article appears in the Winter 2023-23 print edition of Columbia Magazine with the title "Beyond the Binary."

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The Diversity College Essay: How to Write a Stellar Essay

What’s covered:, what’s covered in a diversity essay, what is a diversity essay, examples of the diversity essay prompt, how to write the diversity college essay after the end of affirmative action, tips for writing a diversity college essay.

The Diversity Essay exists because colleges want a student body that includes different ethnicities, religions, sexual orientations, backgrounds, interests, and so on. The essay asks students to illuminate what sets them apart so that admissions committees can see what kind of diverse views and opinions they can bring to the campus.

In this post, we’ll be going over what exactly a diversity essay is, examples of real prompts and essays, and tips for writing a standout essay. You’ll be well prepared to answer this common essay prompt after reading this post!

Upon hearing the word diversity, many people assume that they have to write about gender and sexuality, class, or race. To many, this can feel overly personal or forced, or can cause students to worry that their identity isn’t unique or interesting enough. In reality, the diversity essay is much broader than many people realize.

Identity means different things to different people, and the important thing is that you demonstrate your uniqueness and what’s important to you. You might write about one of the classic, traditional identity features mentioned above, but you also could consider writing about a more unusual feature of yourself or your life—or even the intersection of two or more identities.

Consider these questions as you think about what to include in your diversity essay:

• Do you have a unique or unusual talent or skill? For example, you might be a person with perfect pitch, or one with a very accurate innate sense of direction.
• Do you have beliefs or values that are markedly different from the beliefs or values of those around you? Perhaps you hold a particular passion for scientific curiosity or truthfulness, even when it’s inconvenient.
• Do you have a hobby or interest that sets you apart from your peers? Maybe you’re an avid birder, or perhaps you love to watch old horror movies.
• Have you done or experienced something that few people have? Note that if you choose to write about a single event as a diverse identity feature, that event should have had a pretty substantial impact on you and your life. Perhaps you’re part of the 0.2% of the world that has run a marathon, or you’ve had the chance to watch wolves hunt in the wild.
• Do you have a role in life that gives you a special outlook on the world? Maybe one of your siblings has a rare disability, or you grew up in a town of less than 500 people.

Of course, if you would rather write about a more classic identity feature, you absolutely should! These questions are intended to help you brainstorm and get you thinking creatively about this prompt. You don’t need to dig deep for an extremely unusual diverse facet of yourself or your personality. If writing about something like ability, ethnicity, or gender feels more representative of your life experience, that can be an equally strong choice!

You should think expansively about your options and about what really demonstrates your individuality, but the most important thing is to be authentic and choose a topic that is truly meaningful to you.

Diversity essay prompts come up in both personal statements and supplemental essays. As with all college essays, the purpose of any prompt is to better understand who you are and what you care about. Your essays are your chance to share your voice and humanize your application. This is especially true for the diversity essay, which aims to understand your unique perspectives and experiences, as well as the ways in which you might contribute to a college community.

It’s worth noting that diversity essays are used in all kinds of selection processes beyond undergrad admissions—they’re seen in everything from graduate admissions to scholarship opportunities. You may very well need to write another diversity essay later in life, so it’s a good idea to get familiar with this essay archetype now.

If you’re not sure whether your prompt is best answered by a diversity essay, consider checking out our posts on other essay archetypes, like “Why This College?” , “Why This Major?” , and the Extracurricular Activity Essay .

The best-known diversity essay prompt is from the Common App . The first prompt states:

“Some students have a background, identity, interest, or talent that is so meaningful they believe their application would be incomplete without it. If this sounds like you, then please share your story.”

Some schools also have individual diversity essay prompts. For example, here’s one from Duke University :

“We believe a wide range of personal perspectives, beliefs, and lived experiences are essential to making Duke a vibrant and meaningful living and learning community. Feel free to share with us anything in this context that might help us better understand you and what you might bring to our community.” (250 words)

And here’s one from Rice :

“Rice is strengthened by its diverse community of learning and discovery that produces leaders and change agents across the spectrum of human endeavor. What perspectives shaped by your background, experiences, upbringing, and/or racial identity inspire you to join our community of change agents at Rice?” (500 words)

In all instances, colleges want you to demonstrate how and what you’ll contribute to their communities.

In June 2023, the Supreme Court overturned the use of affirmative action in college admissions, meaning that colleges are no longer able to directly factor race into admissions decisions. Despite this ruling, you can still discuss your racial or ethnic background in your Common App or supplemental essays.

If your race or ethnic heritage is important to you, we strongly recommend writing about it in one of your essays, as this is now one of the only ways that admissions committees are able to consider it as a factor in your admission.

Many universities still want to hear about your racial background and how it has impacted you, so you are likely to see diversity essays show up more frequently as part of supplemental essay packets. Remember, if you are seeing this kind of prompt, it’s because colleges care about your unique identity and life experience, and believe that these constitute an important part of viewing your application holistically. To learn more about how the end of affirmative action is impacting college admissions, check out our post for more details .

1. Highlight what makes you stand out.

A common misconception is that diversity only refers to aspects—such as ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation, or socioeconomic status. While these are standard measures of diversity, you can be diverse in other ways. These ways includes (but aren’t limited to) your:

• Interests, hobbies, and talents
• Perspectives, values, and opinions
• Experiences
• Personality traits

Ask yourself which aspects of your identity are most central to who you are. Are these aspects properly showcased in other portions of your application? Do you have any interests, experiences, or traits you want to highlight?

For instance, maybe you’re passionate about reducing food waste. You might love hiking and the outdoors. Or, maybe you’re a talented self-taught barber who’s given hundreds of free haircuts in exchange for donations to charity.

The topic of your essay doesn’t have to be crazy or even especially unique. You just want to highlight whatever is important to you, and how this thing shapes who you are. You might still want to write about a more common aspect of identity. If so, there are strong ways to do so.

If you do choose to write about a more common trait (for example, maybe your love of running), do so in a way that tells your story. Don’t just write an ode to running and how it’s stress-relieving and pushes you past your limits. Share your journey with us⁠—for instance, maybe you used to hate it, but you changed your mind one day and eventually trained to run a half marathon. Or, take us through your thought process during a race. The topic in itself is important, but how you write about it is even more important.

2. Share an anecdote.

One easy way to make your essay more engaging is to share a relevant and related story. The beginning of your essay is a great place for that, as it draws the reader in immediately. For instance, the following student chose to write about their Jewish identity, and opened the essay with a vivid experience of being discriminated against:

“I was thirsty. In my wallet was a lone $10 bill, ultimately useless at my school’s vending machine. Tasked with scrounging together the $1 cost of a water bottle, I fished out and arranged the spare change that normally hid at the bottom of my backpack in neat piles of nickels and dimes on my desk. I swept them into a spare Ziploc and began to leave when a classmate snatched the bag and held it above my head.

“Want your money back, Jew?” she chanted, waving the coins around. I had forgotten the Star-of-David around my neck, but quickly realized she must have seen it and connected it to the stacks of coins. I am no stranger to experiencing and confronting antisemitism, but I had never been targeted in my school before.”

An anecdote allows readers to experience what you’re describing, and to feel as if they’re there with you. This can ultimately help readers better relate to you.

Brainstorm some real-life stories relevant to the trait you want to feature. Possibilities include: a meaningful interaction, achieving a goal, a conflict, a time you felt proud of the trait (or ashamed of it), or the most memorable experience related to the trait. Your story could even be something as simple as describing your mental and emotional state while you’re doing a certain activity.

Whatever you decide on, consider sharing that moment in media res , or “in the middle of things.” Take us directly to the action in your story so we can experience it with you.

3. Show, don’t tell.

If you simply state what makes you diverse, it’s really easy for your essay to end up sounding bland. The writer of the previous essay example could’ve simply stated “I’m Jewish and I’ve had to face antisemitism.” This is a broad statement that doesn’t highlight their unique personal experiences. It doesn’t have the same emotional impact.

Instead, the writer illustrated an actual instance where they experienced antisemitism, which made the essay more vivid and easier to relate to. Even if we’re not Jewish ourselves, we can feel the anger and pain of being taunted for our background. This story is also unique to the writer’s life⁠—while others may have experienced discrimination, no one else will have had the exact same encounter.

As you’re writing, constantly evaluate whether or not you’re sharing a unique perspective. If what you write could’ve been written by someone else with a similar background or interest, you need to get more granular. Your personal experiences are what will make your essay unique, so share those with your reader.

4. Discuss how your diversity shapes your outlook and actions.

It’s important to describe not only what your unique traits and experiences are, but also how they shape who you are. You don’t have to explicitly say “this is how X trait impacts me” (you actually shouldn’t, as that would be telling instead of showing). Instead, you can reveal the impact of your diversity through the details you share.

Maybe playing guitar taught you the importance of consistent effort. Show us this through a story of how you tackled an extremely difficult piece you weren’t sure you could handle. Show us the calluses on your fingers, the knit brows as you tinkered with the chords, the countless lessons with your teacher. Show us your elation as you finally performed the piece.

Remember that colleges learn not just about who you are, but also about what you might contribute to their community. Take your essay one step farther and show admissions officers how your diversity impacts the way you approach your life.

Where to Get Your Diversity Essay Edited

Do you want feedback on your diversity essay? After rereading your essays countless times, it can be difficult to evaluate your writing objectively. That’s why we created our free Peer Essay Review tool , where you can get a free review of your essay from another student. You can also improve your own writing skills by reviewing other students’ essays.

If you want a college admissions expert to review your essay, advisors on CollegeVine have helped students refine their writing and submit successful applications to top schools. Find the right advisor for you to improve your chances of getting into your dream school!

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• Gender Differences and Acceptance Essay

Gender Differences And Acceptance Essay

The process will turn out to be slow and painful, but it will be liberating. In spite of everything being different between the novel and reality in Tampa, there is one very good reason for people to listen to the story with increased interest: the wish to identify with another, to get transported into another world, the wish to understand another human being that has apparently nothing in common with on, yet makes everything sound so familiar. Even Ofelia, the grunded mother, agrees with the choice: "He chose the right book. There is nothing like reading a winter book in the middle of summer. It's like having a fan or an icebox by your side to relieve the heat and the caloric nights." (Act 1, Scene 3) Scene 3 in Act 1 will reveal one reason for grief in one of the couples in the play. Form the discussions related to Chekhov's novel, it is obvious that men and women find different parts of it appealing to them. One discussion in particular, that between Conchita and her husband, Palomo, is presenting the truth about their current relationship, with a twist. The one that could identify with Chekhov's protagonist is not the woman, but the man. He is the one having an affair. The difference is that Conchita and Palomo appear to be reconciled with the situation. As the discussion between husband and wife progresses, so does the reader's understanding of their real situation. Getting past the not surprising practicality of the man and the equally not surprising inclination to dream of the woman, one is surprised to find out that the man was once equally inclined to dream and be poetic. When Conchita reminds him of their first encounter, although he refuses to acknowledge he was ever like that, something is letting one know that both of them might be striving to find what united them in the first place again: "CONCHITA: You married me because the day you met me, I gave you a cigar I had rolled especially for you and when you smoked it, you told me I had slipped into your mouth like a pearl diver. "PALOMO: As far as I can remember, I married you because I couldn't untie your father's hands from around my neck." In contrast with the troubled relationship between Conchita and Palomo, and in spite of Santiago's troubles with money, drinking and gambling, Scene 4 in Act 1 reveals that Santiago and Ofelia, resonate with each other. First, they are communicating well. The fight, they ask questions, they criticize, but they stay on the same page. They are able to talk to each other in meaningful ways that is essential for the health of their relationship. It is another discussion about literature that will brilliantly end an entire scene that started with their fighting: "SANTIAGO: Talk to me about the novel. I can't always hear very well from up here. This fellow, Levin ... This character that I admire ... He's the one who is in love with the young girl in the story, isn't he? OFELIA: (A burst of energy.) Ah yes! He's in love with Kitty. Levin is in love with Kitty, and Kitty is in love with Vronsky. And Vronsky is in love with Anna Karenina. And Anna Karenina is married, but she's in love with Vronsky. Ay, everybody is in love in this book! 20 SANTIAGO: But for Levin ... For Levin there's only one woman. OFELIA: Yes, for him there's only one woman. SANTIAGO: (Full of love, he looks at her.) Ofelia. OFELIA: Yes. (Santiago swallows the gulp of love.)" Act II will introduce another war characteristic of the new century: that between machines and humans. In spite of their purpose to support humans in their existence and make their life easier, machines act as a menace. They are not only a menace for those they are going to replace, they are also a menace for tradition. Some people cannot help themselves seeing the machine as an enemy and not as a factor of progress, an enabler, a reason to progress themselves in their knowledge and skills. The changes brought by new technologies, the film industry and in the pace of life were threatening businesses that were failing to adapt. On the other side, Cheche is keen to apply these changes in the one sector where machines would actually diminish the quality and slowly destroy the product. Everyone else in the play, beside him, is aware that machines…

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References Anderson, I. (2007). What is a typical rape? Effects of victim and participant gender in female and male rape perception. The British Psychological Society, 46, 3225-245. Anderson, I. & Lyons, a. (2005). The Effect of Victims Social Support on Attribution of Blame in Female and Male Rape. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 35(7), 1400-1417. Davies, M. & McCartney S. (2003). Effects of Gender and Sexuality on Judgments of Victim Blame and Rape

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Understanding Gender, Sex, and Gender Identity

It's more important than ever to use this terminology correctly..

Posted February 27, 2021 | Reviewed by Kaja Perina

• The Fundamentals of Sex
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Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene hung a sign outside her Capitol office door that said “There are TWO genders: MALE & FEMALE. ‘Trust the Science!’” There are many reasons to question hanging such a sign, but given that Rep. Taylor Greene invoked science in making her assertion, I thought it might be helpful to clarify by citing some actual science. Put simply, from a scientific standpoint, Rep. Taylor Greene’s statement is patently wrong. It perpetuates a common error by conflating gender with sex . Allow me to explain how psychologists scientifically operationalize these terms.

According to the American Psychological Association (APA, 2012), sex is rooted in biology. A person’s sex is determined using observable biological criteria such as sex chromosomes, gonads, internal reproductive organs, and external genitalia (APA, 2012). Most people are classified as being either biologically male or female, although the term intersex is reserved for those with atypical combinations of biological features (APA, 2012).

Gender is related to but distinctly different from sex; it is rooted in culture, not biology. The APA (2012) defines gender as “the attitudes, feelings, and behaviors that a given culture associates with a person’s biological sex” (p. 11). Gender conformity occurs when people abide by culturally-derived gender roles (APA, 2012). Resisting gender roles (i.e., gender nonconformity ) can have significant social consequences—pro and con, depending on circumstances.

Gender identity refers to how one understands and experiences one’s own gender. It involves a person’s psychological sense of being male, female, or neither (APA, 2012). Those who identify as transgender feel that their gender identity doesn’t match their biological sex or the gender they were assigned at birth; in some cases they don’t feel they fit into into either the male or female gender categories (APA, 2012; Moleiro & Pinto, 2015). How people live out their gender identities in everyday life (in terms of how they dress, behave, and express themselves) constitutes their gender expression (APA, 2012; Drescher, 2014).

“Male” and “female” are the most common gender identities in Western culture; they form a dualistic way of thinking about gender that often informs the identity options that people feel are available to them (Prentice & Carranza, 2002). Anyone, regardless of biological sex, can closely adhere to culturally-constructed notions of “maleness” or “femaleness” by dressing, talking, and taking interest in activities stereotypically associated with traditional male or female gender identities. However, many people think “outside the box” when it comes to gender, constructing identities for themselves that move beyond the male-female binary. For examples, explore lists of famous “gender benders” from Oxygen , Vogue , More , and The Cut (not to mention Mr. and Mrs. Potato Head , whose evolving gender identities made headlines this week).

Whether society approves of these identities or not, the science on whether there are more than two genders is clear; there are as many possible gender identities as there are people psychologically forming identities. Rep. Taylor Greene’s insistence that there are just two genders merely reflects Western culture’s longstanding tradition of only recognizing “male” and “female” gender identities as “normal.” However, if we are to “trust the science” (as Rep. Taylor Greene’s recommends), then the first thing we need to do is stop mixing up biological sex and gender identity. The former may be constrained by biology, but the latter is only constrained by our imaginations.

American Psychological Association. (2012). Guidelines for psychological practice with lesbian, gay, and bisexual clients. American Psychologist , 67 (1), 10-42. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0024659

Drescher, J. (2014). Treatment of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender patients. In R. E. Hales, S. C. Yudofsky, & L. W. Roberts (Eds.), The American Psychiatric Publishing textbook of psychiatry (6th ed., pp. 1293-1318). American Psychiatric Publishing.

Moleiro, C., & Pinto, N. (2015). Sexual orientation and gender identity: Review of concepts, controversies and their relation to psychopathology classification systems. Frontiers in Psychology , 6 .

Prentice, D. A., & Carranza, E. (2002). What women should be, shouldn't be, are allowed to be, and don't have to be: The contents of prescriptive gender stereotypes. Psychology of Women Quarterly , 26 (4), 269-281. https://doi.org/10.1111/1471-6402.t01-1-00066

Jonathan D. Raskin, Ph.D. , is a professor of psychology and counselor education at the State University of New York at New Paltz.

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LGBT Youth and Family Acceptance

Sabra l. katz-wise.

a Division of Adolescent/Young Adult Medicine, Boston Children’s Hospital, 300 Longwood Ave, Boston, MA 02115

c Department of Pediatrics, Harvard Medical School, Boston, MA

Margaret Rosario

e Department of Psychology, City University of New York–City College and Graduate Center, 160 Convent Avenue, New York, NY 10031

Michael Tsappis

b Division of Psychiatry, Boston Children’s Hospital, 300 Longwood Ave, Boston, MA 02115

d Department of Psychiatry, Harvard Medical School, Boston, MA

In this article, we address theories of attachment and parental acceptance and rejection, and their implications for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) youths’ identity and health. We also provide two clinical cases to illustrate the process of family acceptance of a transgender youth and a gender nonconforming youth who was neither a sexual minority nor transgender. Clinical implications of family acceptance and rejection of LGBT youth are discussed.

Introduction

In this article, we discuss sexual minority, i.e., lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) and transgender (LGBT) youth. Sexual orientation refers to the individual’s object of sexual or romantic attraction or desire, whether of the same or other sex relative to the individual’s sex, 1 with sexual minority individuals having a sexual orientation that is partly or exclusively focused on the same sex. Transgender refers to individuals for whom current gender identity and sex assigned at birth are not concordant, whereas cisgender refers to individuals for whom current gender identity is congruent with sex assigned at birth. 1 , 2 Sexual orientation and gender identity are distinct aspects of the self. Transgender individuals may or may not be sexual minorities, and vice versa. Little is known about transgender youth, although some of the psychosocial experiences of cisgender sexual minority youth may generalize to this population.

The Institute of Medicine recently concluded that LGBT youth are at elevated risk for poor mental and physical health compared with heterosexual and cisgender peers. 2 Indeed, representative samples of youth have found disparities by sexual orientation in health-related risk behaviors, symptomatology, and diagnoses, 3 – 8 with disparities persisting over time. 9 – 11 Furthermore, sexual orientation disparities exist regardless how sexual orientation is defined, whether by sexual or romantic attractions; sexual behaviors; self-identification as heterosexual, bisexual, lesbian/gay or other identities; or, any combination thereof. Disparities by gender identity have also been found, with transgender youth experiencing poorer mental health than cisgender youth. 12

Attempts have been made to understand sexual orientation and gender identity-related health disparities among youth. It has been argued that sexual minority youth experience stress associated with society’s stigmatization of homosexuality and of anyone perceived to be homosexual [see Ch. 5]. This “gay-related” 13 or “minority” stress 14 is experienced at the hands of others as victimization. It is also internalized, such that sexual minorities victimize the self by means, for example, of possessing negative attitudes toward homosexuality, known as internalized homonegativity or homophobia. In addition to interpersonal stigma and internalized stigma, the main focus of this article, structural stigma reflected in societal level norms, policies and laws also plays a significant role in sexual minority stress, and is discussed in Mark Hatzenbeuhler’s article, “Clinical Implications of Stigma, Minority Stress, and Resilience as Predictors of Health and Mental Health Outcomes,” in this issue. Meta-analytic reviews find that sexual minorities experience more stress relative to heterosexuals, as well as unique stressors. 6 , 15 , 16 Research also indicates that transgender individuals experience substantial amounts of prejudice, discrimination, and victimization 17 and are thought to experience a similar process of minority stress as experienced by sexual minorities, 18 although minority stress for transgender individuals is based on stigma related to gender identity rather than stigma related to having a minority sexual orientation. Stigma related to gender expression affects those with gender non-conforming behavior, a group that includes both transgender and cisgender individuals. This includes many cisgender youth growing up with LGB orientations.

Actual or anticipated family acceptance or rejection of LGBT youth is important in understanding the youth’s experience of minority stress, how the youth is likely to cope with the stress, and consequently, the impact of minority stress on the youth’s health. 19 This article addresses the role of family, in particular parental acceptance and rejection in LGBT youths’ identity and health. Literature reviewed in this article focuses on the experiences of sexual minority cisgender youth due to a lack of research on transgender youth. However, we include findings and implications for transgender youth whenever possible.

Theories of Parental Acceptance and Rejection

The continued importance of parents in the lives of youth is indisputable: beginning at birth, extending through adolescence and even into emerging adulthood, affecting all relationships beyond those with the parents, and determining the individual’s own sense of self-worth. Attachment accounts for this vast reach and influence of parents.

According to Bowlby, 20 – 22 attachment to the primary caretaker guarantees survival because the attachment system is activated during stress and concerns the accessibility and responsiveness of the attachment figure to the child’s distress and potential danger. The pattern or style of attachment that develops is based on repeated interactions or transactions with the primary caregiver during infancy and childhood. Those experiences, in interaction with constitutional factors like temperament, influence the internal working model (i.e., mental representations of emotion, behavior, and thought) of beliefs about and expectations concerning the accessibility and responsiveness of the attachment figure. In time, this internal working model influences perception of others, significantly influencing patterns in relationships over time and across settings. The beliefs and expectations concerning the attachment figure also affect the internal working model of the self, meaning the individual’s sense of self-worth.

The three consistent patterns of attachment that arise in infancy and childhood are related to the internal working models of the self and other. The “secure” child has positive models of the self and other because the primary attachment figure has been accessible when needed and responsive in an attuned and sensitive manner to the child’s needs and capabilities. Consequently, the securely attached child is able to regulate emotion, explore the environment, and become self-reliant in an age-appropriate manner. The “insecure” child has an inaccessible and unresponsive primary caregiver, who is intrusive, erratic or abusive. One of two insecure attachment patterns emerges. In the first pattern, the child dismisses or avoids the parent, becoming “compulsively” 21 self-reliant and regulating emotion even when contraindicated. This child with “avoidant/dismissive” attachment depends on the self, possessing a positive internal working model of the self but a negative one of the other. In the second insecure attachment pattern, the child is anxiously preoccupied with the caregiver but in a resistant (i.e., distressed or aroused) manner. The individual with “anxious/preoccupied/resistant/ambivalent” attachment has a negative working model of the self, but a positive model of the other.

Attachment patterns in childhood are partly related to character traits in adulthood, and have implications for emotion regulation from the perspective of coping with stress, as detailed elsewhere. 23 , 24 Based on positive working models of the self and other, the securely attached individual approaches a stressful situation in an adaptive manner that allows for a realistic appraisal of the situation and a selection of coping strategies most likely to reduce or eliminate the stressor or, at minimum, render the stressor tolerable. By comparison, insecurely attached individuals may distort reality because they may be more likely to appraise a situation as stressful even when it is not. They may also be maladaptive in their management of stress and use emotion-focused coping strategies, such as substance use, to improve mood and tolerate stress. These patterns of coping influenced by attachment are present by and common in adolescence. 25 Coping is critical because sexual orientation and gender development are potentially stressful experiences for all youth, but especially for sexual and gender minorities, given the frequent stigmatization of homosexuality, gender non-conforming behavior, and gender-variant identities. 19

Implications for Parent-Child Attachment

The vast majority of sexual minority youth are born to heterosexual parents. Those parents may not uncommonly possess implicit or explicit negative attitudes toward homosexuality and expect their children to be heterosexual. Parents may not only be surprised that their child may be or is a sexual minority, but they may also respond negatively to the child. Similarly, the vast majority of transgender and/or gender nonconforming youth are born to cisgender and/or gender conforming parents, who often possess negative attitudes toward those who violate societal expectations for gender identity, expression, and roles, and expect their children to be cisgender and gender conforming. Negative responses from parents to LGBT youth may range from anxious concerns about the child’s well-being and future to abuse and even banishment of the child from the home.

The range of possible parental responses to the child’s sexual orientation, gender-related behavior or identity when these deviate from parental expectation is linked to the child’s attachment. 24 The securely attached youth has parents who have encouraged age-appropriate exploration and value the child as a unique individual. Such parents may be surprised and concerned by the child’s sexual minority orientation, gender non-conformity, or transgender identity, but they are likely to work through their negative attitudes over time and continue to be accessible and responsive to their child. Thus, the attachment of the securely attached youth may be shaken when parents learn of these, but it is unlikely to be undone. This does not apply to insecurely attached youth, given their a priori inaccessible, unresponsive, and potentially abusive parents. Knowledge of these deviations from expectation, coupled with negative attitudes, may lead such parents to be less supportive of their child, or reject them. The latter may manifest in parental abuse of the youth, running away by the youth to escape maltreatment, or eviction of the youth from the home.

Representative samples of youth find that relative to heterosexual peers, sexual minorities report lower levels of parental closeness 26 and elevated rates of parental abuse 6 , 27 and homelessness. 28 – 32 Transgender youth also report elevated rates of child abuse 13 compared to cisgender peers. More specifically, sexual minority youth relative to heterosexual peers and siblings report less secure attachment to their mothers and their mothers report less affection for them. 33 It has also been found that maternal attachment mediates sexual orientation disparities in depressive symptomatology and substance use. 33 , 34 These disparities in sexual and gender minority youth from their and gender normative peers and siblings involving the degree of attachment underscore the importance of parental attitudes toward non-heterosexual orientations, gender non-conforming behavior, and gender identity variance for secure attachment in youth. Pediatric clinicians should assess these and the quality of the parent-child attachment.

These attachment implications and findings take on added meaning when considered along with youth’s neurocognitive development and coping capabilities. It is known that development of the prefrontal cortex lags behind that of limbic regions during adolescence, 35 ensuring less impulse control and greater risk taking. 36 The findings extend to emotion regulation. Human imaging studies demonstrate that youth have a difficult time down-regulating amygdala activation. 37 Therefore, coping in youth is circumscribed by limited ability to rationally or logically plan, execute, evaluate, and readjust a problem-focused strategy to eliminate or reduce stress, while simultaneously controlling emotional reactivity.

Consequently, youth greatly depend on adults, especially parents, both to assist them with meeting developmental demands and to guide their personal experiences in various domains (e.g., interpersonal, romantic) and settings (e.g., school, work). LGBT youth with insecure attachment may have a difficult time navigating and coping with such challenges if their parents are inaccessible and unresponsive.

Nevertheless, attachment may change over time. 38 This may happen if the attachment figure becomes more or less accessible and responsive, or if one attachment figure (e.g., the mother) buffers the negative impact of another attachment figure (e.g., the father). A non-parental individual may provide support, but whether she or he could provide the deep sense of security and the safe haven of an attachment figure is uncertain, particularly if social structures and cultural traditions do not foster these.

Parental Reactions to Gender Nonconformity

Gender nonconformity, defined as having a gender expression that is perceived to be inconsistent with gender norms expected for an individual’s sex, 39 is not uncommon in children. A study of gender atypical behavior (one aspect of gender nonconformity) among elementary school children found that approximately 23% of boys and 39% of girls displayed multiple gender atypical behaviors. 40 Gender nonconformity exists on a spectrum, with some children displaying less and some children displaying more gender nonconformity. This spectrum has implications for victimization, such that youth who are more gender nonconforming are at increased risk for abuse by caregivers, 41 as well as peer victimization and bullying (see Mark Hatzenbeuhler’s article, “Clinical Implications of Stigma, Minority Stress, and Resilience as Predictors of Health and Mental Health Outcomes,” in this issue) and an increased risk of depressive symptoms. 42 Although a link exists between childhood gender nonconformity and later sexual minority orientation 43 and/or transgender identity, 44 not all children who are gender nonconforming are LGB or transgender in later adolescence or adulthood. 44

As with stigma attached to sexual minorities and transgender individuals, gender nonconformity is also stigmatized in and of itself, particularly among boys. Connell’s theory of hegemonic masculinity sheds light on this stigma, as it suggests that one form of masculinity, with features such as aggression, limited emotionality, and heterosexuality, is culturally exalted above others. 45 , 46 For this reason, variation from this level of masculinity among boys can be stigmatized. Similar to stigma related to sexual minorities and transgender individuals, stigma related to gender nonconformity is often enacted through prejudice, discrimination, and victimization. A study of early adolescents found that gender nonconformity was associated with increased victimization by peers. 47 Youth who are sexual minorities may be bullied for gender nonconformity before they are aware of their sexual orientation. A recent study found that sexual minority youth were bullied as early as fifth grade, which is before the majority of sexual minority youth are aware of their sexual orientation or disclose it to others. 48 Although the study did not assess the reason for bullying, it is possible that these youth were bullied based on gender nonconformity.

Negative societal views may include adverse parental reactions to a child’s gender nonconformity. A qualitative study found that parents welcomed gender nonconformity among their daughters, but had mixed reactions to their sons’ gender nonconformity; they accepted some level of nonconformity in their sons (e.g., interest in cooking), but had negative reactions to higher levels of nonconformity (e.g., wearing dresses). 49 In addition to increased risk for bullying victimization from peers, previous research has found that gender nonconforming children have a high prevalence of childhood sexual abuse, physical abuse, and psychological abuse by caregivers, 41 , 50 which may be indicative of negative parental reactions to their child’s gender nonconformity. Parents’ initial reactions to gender nonconformity in their children may extend to reactions to youth’s sexual orientation disclosure.

Parental Reactions to Youths’ LGBT Disclosure

Disclosure of sexual orientation to family members is common among sexual minority youth. One study found that 79% of sexual minority youth had disclosed their sexual orientation to at least one parent, and two-thirds of youth had disclosed their orientation to at least one sibling and one extended family member. 51 Another study of sexual minority emerging adults found that 46% of men and 44% of women had disclosed their sexual orientation to their parents. 52 In this study, participants were more likely to disclose their sexual orientation to their mothers than to their fathers, and disclosures typically occurred around age 19 years in a face-to-face encounter.

A number of theories have been proposed to conceptualize the reactions of parents to their children’s disclosure of sexual minority orientation, 53 including mourning/loss paradigms based on Kubler-Ross’s stage model of grief 54 and family stress theory. 55 , 56 Willoughby et al. applied family stress theory to parental reactions to their children’s sexual orientation disclosure, proposing that reactions may depend on the availability of family-level resources (e.g., relational competencies) 57 , 58 to manage stress, meanings that parents attributed to the stressful event (e.g., believing that sexual orientation is a choice), and co-occurring stressors (e.g., divorce, major illness). 59 Although these theories are useful for understanding parents’ reactions to their child’s sexual orientation disclosure, some researchers have proposed that these models are limited in that they may not describe the reaction of all parents, account for developmental change in reactions over time, or consider the experiences of the child. 53

Parents may experience a number of different responses when faced with a disclosure of sexual minority orientation from their child, ranging from accepting to rejecting. Research in this area has yielded mixed results regarding the positivity and negativity of parental reactions. One study found that sexual minority youth who had disclosed their sexual orientation to family members reported more verbal and physical abuse by family members and more suicidality compared to youth who had not disclosed their orientation. 60 However, this study was published in 1998 and much has changed since then regarding societal acceptance of sexual minorities. Another study found that among sexual minority youth who had disclosed their sexual orientation to their mother or father, the majority (89–97%) received a positive reaction. 61 However, these findings may be misleading, given they do not consider how many youth have not disclosed to parents due to fear of negative reactions or rejection.

A review of the sexual minority literature finds that one-third of youth experience parental acceptance, another third experience parental rejection, and the remaining third do not disclose their sexual orientation even by their late teenage years and early twenties. 19 The review also finds that regardless of initial reactions, parents generally become more accepting of their child over time. For instance, one study found that compared to sexual minority youth who had not disclosed their sexual orientation to parents, sexual minority youth who had disclosed their orientation reported more past sexual orientation-based verbal victimization from parents, but more current family support and less fear of future parental victimization, 62 indicating greater acceptance over time. Whether such findings generalize to transgender youth is unknown. Our first case vignette at the end of this article illustrates areas needing more empirical research regarding transgender youth’s disclosure of gender identity to parents.

The process of sexual orientation disclosure in families may be shaped by the values of the family system. 63 In one study investigating traditional values and family acceptance of sexual minorities, families with a strong emphasis on traditional values (e.g., importance of religion, emphasis on marriage, emphasis on having children) were perceived as less accepting of sexual minority orientation than less traditional families. 64 Parental responses to youth’s disclosure of sexual minority orientation may also differ based on race/ethnicity or cultural levels of acceptance of sexual minority individuals (see Ch. 11, “Sociocultural Factors and LGBT Youth’s Health-related behavior: The role of race/ethnicity, socioeconomic status, religion and culture”). However, only one study, as far as we know, has examined parental responses to youths’ sexual orientation disclosure by race/ethnicity among young adult gay males of African-American, European-American, Mexican-American, and Vietnamese-American backgrounds. It found family responses to be similar across the four groups. 63

Additional research on levels of family support and rejection of sexual minority youth has found group differences by sexual orientation, race/ethnicity, and gender identity. A study of sexual orientation group differences in parental support of young adults found that lesbian and bisexual women reported lower levels of parental support than heterosexual women, and that gay men reported lower levels of parental support than bisexual or heterosexual men. 65 These group differences may be related to general attitudes toward different sexual orientation groups, indicating that attitudes toward sexual minority individuals are more negative than attitudes toward heterosexual individuals. 66 Some race/ethnicity differences in level of family support have also been found. In a study of White and Latino sexual minority young adults, Latino men reported the highest number of negative family reactions to their sexual orientation in adolescence. 67 However, another study found similar levels of parental support among White and racial/ethnic minority LGBT youth. 68 More research is needed to obtain a clearer picture of how race/ethnicity may be related to parental responses to sexual orientation disclosure among youth, as well as parental support and rejection of LGBT youth (see Ch. 11 for more information). Although there is little research on family support and rejection of transgender youth, some research has indicated that these youth report more rejection than cisgender youth. 69 Further empirical research is needed on family support and rejection among transgender youth, particularly compared to cisgender sexual minority youth.

Implications for LGBT Youth Identity and Health

Levels of family acceptance and rejection may have implications for sexual minority youth’s identity development. A study of sexual minority adolescents and young adults examined associations between parental acceptance and identity profiles that were affirmed as opposed to being characterized by struggle. 70 Results indicated that less parental rejection was associated with a greater likelihood of having an affirmed identity than struggling with one’s identity, 70 suggesting that the level of parental rejection may affect youths’ ability to accept their own sexual minority identity. Similarly, youth whose parents knew about their sexual orientation reported less “internalized homophobia” (or self-stigma – see Ch. 5, “Clinical Implications of Stigma, Minority Stress, and Resilience as Predictors of Health and Mental Health Outcomes”) compared both to youth whose parents did not know about their sexual orientation and youth who newly disclosed their orientation to their parents over the course of the study. 71

Pediatric care providers should be aware that family rejection may have serious consequences for LGBT youth’s physical and mental health. 72 , 73 Studies have found that parental rejection is associated with health risk behaviors and poor mental and physical health outcomes among LGBT individuals. Sexual minority emerging adults with higher levels of family rejection were more likely to report attempted suicide, high levels of depression, and illegal drug use, and engagement in unprotected sexual intercourse. 67 Parental rejection negatively affects health among both transgender and cisgender adolescents. In the Thai study referenced earlier, family rejection predicted adolescents’ level of depression, suicidal thinking, and sexual risk behaviors among both transgender and cisgender youth. 69

Conversely, family acceptance may be protective for LGBT youth’s health. Among sexual minority youth, adolescents whose mothers responded positively to their sexual orientation disclosure were less likely to use substances compared to those who had not disclosed their orientation to their parents or whose mothers and fathers did not react positively. 61 In addition, family support and acceptance is associated with greater self-esteem, social support, general health status, less depression, less substance abuse, and less suicidal ideation and behaviors among LGBT youth. 74 Family support is also associated with less substance use among LGBT youth. 74 – 76 Among transgender youth specifically, parental support is protective against depression 77 and associated with having a higher quality of life. 78

Clinical Implications

The preceding information underscores why it is important for providers of pediatric care to know the effects of family non-acceptance and rejection on youth; to understand specific threats to family acceptance affecting LGBT youth like parental stigma against LGB orientation, gender non-conforming behavior and/or gender variant identities; to assess these in youth and families; and to intervene appropriately in case of family non-acceptance or risk for it. The following case vignettes illustrate these principles in clinical practice.

Case 1 ( Box 1 ) illustrates several complexities of coming out as transgender during the later adolescent period. The burden of unshared personal information and associated shame and fears of rejection, especially by one’s closest supports, combined with the mental effort required to maintain an external identity at odds with the internal sense of true self all contributed significantly to this patient’s depression. Improvement in depression was observed with disclosure to the mother, but depression recurred following subsequent negative or ambivalent parental responses. Acceptance was achieved within a broader social network, but peer and other community support could not replace the desired parental reaction. Without the support of the parents, the patient regressed and acquiesced to the sex assigned at birth, followed by depression that required pharmacological treatment. Although the pediatrician and psychotherapist were not able to effect parental acceptance, treatment was used to clarify its importance as a way to set the stage for further family work or adaptive separation, individuation, and coping with ongoing family non-acceptance.

A 16 year-old natal male presented to the physician with his mother and father with a chief complaint of depression. He reported feelings of worthlessness, failure, unhappiness, becoming easily overwhelmed and emotionally numb when stressed. During that first meeting he made a point of reporting that he had grown to feel more distant from his mother and father.

A referral was made for individual psychotherapy. During subsequent follow-up appointments the depression symptoms remained unchanged. There was ongoing resistance to therapy but during the course of care a positive alliance was developed with the physician. It was noted later in the treatment that the physician’s neutral, inquisitive style, appearance of non-judgment and of agency for the patient, signaling of a primary alliance with the patient rather than the parents (while maintaining respect for the parents’ interests) all helped to establish a good clinical alliance with the patient.

Seven months into the treatment relationship, an appointment was scheduled with the physician at the patient’s request. The stated goal for the meeting was to inform the physician, “I’m a girl. I don’t feel like I’m a girl, I am a girl.” The patient reported constant preoccupation with thoughts related to their current gender identity, efforts to cope with already developed secondary sex characteristics and how to achieve gender affirmation. The patient indicated a preference for the use of feminine gender pronouns. The patient also chose to come out to her mother in the office with the physician present. Her mother was able to express an interest in understanding what was being explained to her but anticipated a slow process. The patient left the office indicating that the mother’s response was consistent with her expectations.

The next scheduled appointment occurred two weeks later. By that time the patient had told her father who did not attend the visit. Her father’s response was experienced as reserved and without clear acceptance or rejection. The drive to come out seemed to have been amplified since the initial experience with her mother. Beginning with a trusted faculty counselor at school and then with teachers and finally peers, she had informed members of her school and social community about her gender identity. The patient experienced their responses as supportive. There were no reports of explicit or implicit mistreatment. Her parents remained avoidant, however.

The patient felt an urgent drive to take action in the period after gender identity disclosure. After informing her broader social community, the patient sought to formally change her name and remained focused on gender affirmation. The family rejected the psychotherapist’s suggestion to consult with a gender management service, saying they would not agree to this “until [he’s] 18.”

The patient’s symptoms of depression continued, despite apparent relief and transient mood improvement immediately following the initial gender identity disclosure. As depression returned following her mother’s and then father’s avoidant responses, the patient appeared driven to repeat the disclosure to an expanding set of her social community. Each supportive encounter resulted in another transient improvement in mood, but these were always followed by recurrence of depression. Observing and discussing that process with the patient led to a calming of the fervent drive to act, but the depression remained. The patient eventually abandoned efforts to obtain a supportive and accepting response from the parents, and elected to defer pursuing further gender affirmation until able to do so independently, including suspending social transition such as requesting to be addressed by feminine name and pronoun. The depression was ultimately treated with antidepressant medication.

In Case 2 ( Box 2 ), the child benefited from the protective effects of supportive parents to whom she appeared to have a secure attachment. Her masculine gender expression provoked mistreatment from peers. The stress of her exclusion began to affect her psychological health, but was modified by her ability to share her feelings and experiences at school with her parents and to rely on their ability to provide support and take appropriate protective action. A good relationship with the pediatrician extended the foundation of support. Together they were able to care for the child through an environmental action that may have prevented the need for mental health care. This case also underscores that gender nonconforming behavior may, but does not necessarily, mean that the youth will have a LGB orientation or be transgender later in adolescence or adulthood.

The pediatrician had provided primary care for a girl since her birth. She experienced an unremarkable early development and had remained medically healthy. She was clearly “a tomboy” as her mom would note, but this garnered no concern as it might if instead of a masculine girl she were a feminine boy. There was no interest in dolls or princesses, no comfort in wearing a dress, and no affinity for pink or purple. She wore jeans and T-shirts, played football with the boys at recess, and was comfortable getting dirty.

During her fourth grade year, a Monday office visit was scheduled after an episode of emesis at school. Her mother explained that the previous week, her daughter had been complaining of stomachaches and headaches in the morning. She had stayed home from school on Friday, but seemed better by that afternoon and over the weekend. On Monday morning she had again complained of feeling sick. Her examination was unremarkable. Physically she was well. Reassurance was given along with written authorization to return to school the next day.

School avoidance continued. Given the doctor’s findings, she was not kept home. She began to pick at her skin and appeared unhappy. Her parents had always been caring and attentive though not intrusive. They asked what had been happening at school. Their daughter explained that a bully had called her “gay” and said she was “a lesbian”. In the absence of effective intervention for bullying by her school, her persistent masculine gender expression elicited name-calling by a bully, which led to a group dynamic of teasing by other children at school. This led to widespread peer rejection and shunning. Her parents listened and supported her. A meeting was arranged at the school where the teacher acknowledged awareness of recent shifts in friendships. Although he and school administration acknowledged the problem, they did not implement standard anti-bullying interventions (see Ch. 6, “LGBT Youth and Bullying”), expressing confidence that the peer ostracism would pass quickly without school intervention.

However, peer perceptions of her sexual orientation and associated social ostracism did not change. With her parents’ support and encouragement, she was able to attend school. Her skin picking resolved, but she remained unhappy. After speaking with their daughter, the parents requested a school district transfer, but were opposed by school administration.

Parents sought help from the pediatrician, asking for a letter of medical necessity. The pediatrician readily provided one that included information about negative health effects of bullying, social isolation and alienation resulting from gender nonconformity and perceived sexual minority status. She included information about increased risk of depression and suicide. After receiving the letter, the school district approved a transfer.

Adjustment to the new school, which had an antibullying policy and curriculum that included non-tolerance of bullying on the basis of sexual orientation and gender, was positive. The patient’s mood improved quickly after the transfer. She found friends who introduced her to a new hobby of freestyle skateboarding. Now a teenager, she has become quite accomplished. Both she and her current boyfriend participate in the same competitive skateboard circuit.

In this article, we have discussed theories of attachment, parental acceptance and rejection, and implications of each for LGBT youths’ identity and health. We have provided two clinical cases to illustrate the impact of family acceptance and rejection of a transgender youth and a gender nonconforming youth who was neither a sexual minority nor transgender. It is clear from existing research that family acceptance and rejection is crucial to the health and well-being of LGBT youth. However, the majority of research conducted in this area has focused on sexual minority cisgender youth. More research is needed to understand how family acceptance and rejection affects the health of transgender youth. Health care providers working with LGBT youth should address issues of family acceptance and rejection during clinical visits to ensure that youth develop a healthy sense of self in terms of their sexual orientation and gender identity.

• Parent-child attachment has implications for developing healthy relationships later in life.
• LGBT youth may experience a disruption in parent-child attachment if they are rejected based on their sexual orientation or gender identity.
• Parental rejection of LGBT youth negatively affects youths’ identity and health.
• Parental acceptance of LGBT youth is crucial to ensure that youth develop a healthy sense of self.

The authors have nothing to disclose.

Publisher's Disclaimer: This is a PDF file of an unedited manuscript that has been accepted for publication. As a service to our customers we are providing this early version of the manuscript. The manuscript will undergo copyediting, typesetting, and review of the resulting proof before it is published in its final citable form. Please note that during the production process errors may be discovered which could affect the content, and all legal disclaimers that apply to the journal pertain.

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August 7, 2023

2023-2024 Johns Hopkins Supplemental Essay Prompt

Johns Hopkins University has released its supplemental essay prompt for the 2023-2024 college admissions cycle. Johns Hopkins, which in recent years, has asked applicants to answer only one supplemental essay, is again requiring applicants to answer only one essay prompt — a 300-worder. But it’s not the length of Johns Hopkins’ essay prompt for applicants to the JHU Class of 2028 that’s interesting. Instead, it’s the topic .

2023-2024 Johns Hopkins Essay Topic

Below is Johns Hopkins’ essay prompt for applicants to the JHU Class of 2028:

Tell us about an aspect of your identity (e.g. race, gender, sexuality, religion, community, etc.) or a life experience that has shaped you as an individual and how that influenced what you’d like to pursue in college at Hopkins.? (This can be a future goal or experience that is either academic, extracurricular, or social).

Johns Hopkins’ Supplemental Essay Is a Bold Response to SCOTUS Ruling

You read Johns Hopkins’ 2023-2024 supplemental essay prompt correctly . The school’s admissions committee is directly asking about a student’s race (or gender, sexuality, religion, community, or something else) to understand their perspective and lived experience.

It’s a bold move in response to the Supreme Court’s outlawing of the practice of Affirmative Action in late June 2023. At the time, some surmised that many of our nation’s elite universities would avoid directly asking applicants to comment on their race. But not us. No, we at Ivy Coach have a crystal ball . That crystal ball, once even cited on the pages of America’s oldest college newspaper, forecasted that America’s elite universities would still find ways to indirectly consider race in the admissions process to create diverse classes, capitalizing on the opening provided by Chief Justice John Roberts.

In the majority opinion, Roberts wrote, “At the same time, as all parties agree, nothing in this opinion should be construed as prohibiting universities from considering an applicant’s discussion of how race affected his or her life, be it through discrimination, inspiration, or otherwise.”

Yet not every school put themselves directly in the line of fire by using the word “race” in their supplemental essay prompt(s). Johns Hopkins — a school that proudly previously banned the un-meritocratic practice of legacy admission , or the tradition of offering preferential treatment to the progeny of a school’s alumni base — dared to do so. Agree or disagree with Affirmative Action, Johns Hopkins’ bold response to the ruling is  noteworthy .

Johns Hopkins Even Changed Its Essay Prompt, Leaning into Race

And it’s not as though Johns Hopkins simply cut and pasted their essay prompt from last year. Last year’s essay prompt did not explicitly mention race. It read as follows:

Founded in the spirit of exploration and discovery, Johns Hopkins University encourages students to share their perspectives, develop their interests, and pursue new experiences. Use this space to share something you’d like the admissions committee to know about you (your interests, your background, your identity, or your community), and how it has shaped what you want to get out of your college experience at Hopkins.

How to Approach Answering Johns Hopkins’ Supplemental Essay

One doesn’t need to be an underrepresented minority to be able to answer this essay prompt. It’s why Johns Hopkins specifically cited any community that an applicant may deem themselves a part of or even, more broadly, a life experience that has molded their outlook on the world.

While race is explicitly mentioned in the wording of the essay prompt, applicants really have a blank canvas for this essay question. As such, they can direct their answer just about any way they wish — though it should ultimately address the second half of the hybrid question of how that perspective, community, or life experience has shaped what they hope to study at Johns Hopkins.

It’s thus essential to include a few specifics that only apply to Johns Hopkins (and, no, name-dropping professors or listing classes do not count as genuine specifics about an institution). After all, JHU admissions officers want to understand how that perspective will influence what you bring to their vibrant campus.

Ivy Coach’s Assistance with Johns Hopkins Essay Prompt

If you’re interested in optimizing your case for admission to Johns Hopkins and wowing admissions officers with compelling storytelling, fill out Ivy Coach ‘s consultation form , and we’ll be in touch to outline our college counseling services for seniors.

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Gender Admission Essays Samples For Students

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WowEssays.com paper writer service proudly presents to you a free directory of Gender Admission Essays meant to help struggling students deal with their writing challenges. In a practical sense, each Gender Admission Essay sample presented here may be a pilot that walks you through the essential stages of the writing process and showcases how to develop an academic work that hits the mark. Besides, if you require more visionary assistance, these examples could give you a nudge toward a fresh Gender Admission Essay topic or encourage a novice approach to a banal theme.

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If You Could Imagine An Entirely Different Life From The One You Lead, What Would Admission Essay Examples

Admission Essay

Gender Discrimination Case Studies Admission Essay

Upse v. dept. of health & ors. 2010 pesc 29, gurian institute admission essay.

Today’s school systems are in peril – more and more boys are dropping out of school, and academic performance is diminished across the board. The attempt to homogenize education and make one single education system work for both boys and girls is folly; all it does is leaves both sexes in poor shape for the challenges and demands of the outside world after their education career is over.

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Good Admission Essay About Community Service,Social Work,Edication,Feminist

Good example of admission essay on human trafficking in texas or in houston, tx as a social issue and how it is relevant, john hopkins university essay admission essay examples.

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Debating sex and gender: Whose ‘biological reality’ is it anyway?

We’ve been using the terms interchangeably for too long

In “Sex and gender: The medical establishment’s reluctance to speak honestly about biological reality” (Opinion, April 8), professor Alan Sokal and professor emeritus Richard Dawkins raise a number of issues. While they define sex as binary, they acknowledge the (nonbinary) reality of intersex. Biology is complex, even if we wish it were as simple as sperm and ovum. Language matters: What people really mean when they say “sex assigned at birth” is that a baby is perceived at birth as male or female. If the child is intersex, we often do not know that.

For years, we have used the terms “sex” and “gender” interchangeably. “Sex,” however, refers to biology; “gender” to one’s sense of self. (See Merriam-Webster for a discussion of the history and current use of these terms.) The medical journal The Lancet, whose cover from a few years ago Sokal and Dawkins critique, recognizes what these writers do not: A person with a vagina does not necessarily identify as a woman. The authors suggest that it is “laudable” to defend the rights of transgender people; they seem not to recognize that their narrow definition of biological sex is one of the reasons trans people are often denied their rights, including their right to appropriate medical care.

Marie Caradonna

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Medical and public health professionals understand that simple categories won’t do

Alan Sokal and Richard Dawkins are creating their own anxiety over dogma. We have sat through countless medical meetings and trainings of health care professionals, and everyone wants to deepen our understanding of how sex and gender affect people every day. Failing to do so means that doctors make medical mistakes and public health professionals overlook health disparities . Medicine and public health cannot rely on just asking “sex” or just asking “gender .”

Patients like us, our friends, and our families in the LGBTQ community have a lifetime of mistrust and fear built up around the health care system . Much of this mistrust stems from a denial that sex and gender are different for some people .

We are professionals who can handle the nuance of real people’s lives. No one denies the role of biology or the role of anatomy or the existence of categories of sex and gender. We just know that simple categories aren’t accurate, and we aim for accuracy. Anyone who does not want to ask someone about their sex assigned at birth or their current gender identity should not go into the helping professions. Over here we care about real people.

Jessica Halem

Senior director

The Eidos LGBTQ+ Health Initiative at the University of Pennsylvania

Philadelphia

Dr. Carl G. Streed Jr.

Associate professor of medicine

Boston University Chobanian & Avedisian School of Medicine

Biological determinations matter for the sake of individuals’ health and medical care

If the current leadership of organizations and agencies such as the American Medical Association, the American Psychological Association, the American Academy of Pediatrics, and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention want to provide the best medicine and future for Americans, they should heed the warning and follow the guidance of Alan Sokal and Richard Dawkins in their op-ed, “Sex and gender: The medical establishment’s reluctance to speak honestly about biological reality.”

Sokal and Dawkins are spot-on with their caution of the harm that would be done if public health and health care leaders continue to adopt and promote phrasings such as “sex assigned at birth.” Though perhaps politically well-intended toward promoting greater social justice, this language misleads people into thinking that a person’s biological sex is arbitrary, when it never is. As the authors warn, obscuring biological facts has real medical import and can misinform people in ways that validate ignorance, which itself only enables social injustice.

I am the proud parent of two self-described queer children, one a gender nonconforming woman and one transgender nonbinary. However, their biologically determined sex is female, and that determination matters for their health and medical care no matter how they experience and live their lives socially.

Though some may disagree, our world improves as we better understand and embrace male boys, male men, male girls, male women, male nonbinary people, female boys, female men, female girls, female women, and female nonbinary people. We can do this without falsifying or muddying long-established scientific knowledge about the determination of the sex of human beings.

Dr. James L. Sherley

The writer is a physician scientist.

Indeed, let’s focus on those who are disregarded by the health care system

At 13 years old, my gynecologist dismissed my severe pain. At 18, my insurance denied coverage for stage 3 endometriosis treatment. At 22, I find myself frustrated by debates over inclusive language in medicine.

Regarding the concerns raised by Alan Sokal and Richard Dawkins, the training of future doctors is indeed at risk. However, it’s not “the denial of biological sex” that jeopardizes this training. Rather, it’s the systemic disregard for the needs of individuals with vaginas within our health care system.

I applaud the decision by the American Medical Association and other groups to prioritize human rights. I am more than willing to recognize a “lexical revision” in the hope of fostering a more inclusive environment. Please, we need to spend less time scrutinizing progress and more time identifying areas where progress is desperately needed.

If we’re to speak honestly about biological reality, consider the lives of intersex people

I am very concerned about a society that encourages diversity in every life form but our own. Human nature is more expansive than the binary categories we are limited to. In reality, there are more physiological patterns that disprove binary sex and gender than support it. Approximately 1 out of 2,000 children are born with sex or reproductive anatomy considered atypical, and 1 out of 1,666 people have nonbinary chromosomes (XXY, XO, XYY, XXYY, or mosaic).

The damage such limited thinking does has rallied millions of intersex survivors to speak out about nonconsensual, nonemergent genital surgeries we were subjected to as children to reinforce this binary myth. The United Nations has even linked those medical protocols to forms of torture, and Human Rights Watch has raised concern. As a survivor of such protocols, I wholeheartedly agree.

Esther Leidolf

Jamaica Plain

The writer is president of the MRKH Organization, a patient-run network for women with Mayer-von-Rokitansky-Kuster-Haüser’s Syndrome.

Despite Alan Sokal and Richard Dawkins’s authoritative tone in making pronouncements about sex and gender and their concern over the growing use of the phrase “sex assigned at birth,” they apparently know little about people born with various intersex syndromes. Sadly, many physicians also know little about this reality and perform medically unnecessary operations on newborns to make their anatomy conform to existing “norms.” The surgeries performed on intersex newborns inflict lives of pain, repeated surgeries, anguish, and, often, sexual dysfunction.

Susan Jacoby

Globe Opinion

Think again about what's meant by 'merit' in gender-balance law repeal

Without objective measures, merit is a social construct that often keeps the privileged and those like them in power.

Robert Leonard writes at Deep Midwest, Politics and Culture, and has bylines in the Des Moines Register, the Iowa Capital Dispatch, the New York Times, TIME, USA Today, and many more publications.

If you read a guest essay in the Des Moines Register last Thursday, you might think that Charles Hurley with The Family Leader is a civil rights hero. Not so fast. Hurley is no such hero — in fact, the efforts of Hurley and The Family Leader have been steadfast in their desire to deny LGBTQ+ Iowans of their civil rights, including the right to marry , and the recently passed “ religious freedom ” law that opponents believe is a license to discriminate against the LGBTQ+ community and more. The group's opposition to safe, legal abortion for women is also seen as a civil rights issue by many.

The essay is titled “Iowa gender balance law’s repeal ends unconsitutional discrimination in public service.” The hagiography was written by Jeffrey Jennings and Kileen Lindgren with the law firm that represented Hurley when he sued the state because he wasn’t appointed to the Judicial Nominating Committee because of his gender. Of course, he did what many of the privileged class do when they don’t get they want: They sue.

Iowa's gender balance law was put into effect in the 1980s to increase the number of women on state commissions and boards and was made effective for local governments in 2009. There were no penalties for non-compliance, but it worked . Women make up about 48% of the representatives on state boards and commissions.

The authors make the case that “merit” should be the main consideration in making appointments as if “merit” is something that can be objectively measured rather than the abstract social construct it is. To me, Hurley seems well qualified for the Judicial Nominating Committee position he wanted, but the authors suggest that part of his qualifications include that he “is a devoted father and grandfather who spent the past 40 years as an attorney, public representative, and active church member.” What about a brilliant, young rockstar woman attorney who is a single mom who is Hindu? Is she less qualified? I think not. Sorry to say, but as one, being a grandfather is a pretty weak qualification to be on a board or commission.

Besides, as a retired reporter, I’ve covered city council meetings and board of supervisors meetings in seven counties for nearly 20 years, and I’ve been in on the deliberations where a Black man or a white woman has been the most qualified applicant for the job, yet they aren’t hired because “they aren’t right for the community.” A pastor friend tells me the same thing happens across the state in churches. 

And there’s oodles of hypocrisy here. Look at the board of directors of The Family Leader, where their eight-member board has only one woman. Hurley and the rest of the leadership might try to convince us that all those old white guys and one woman gained their positions on the board solely on “merit,” but I doubt we would believe them.

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• The Cass review: an...

The Cass review: an opportunity to unite behind evidence informed care in gender medicine

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• Peer review
• Kamran Abbasi , editor in chief
• kabbasi{at}bmj.com
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At the heart of Hilary Cass’s review of gender identity services in the NHS is a concern for the welfare of “children and young people” (doi: 10.1136/bmj.q820 ). 1 Her stated ambition is to ensure that those experiencing gender dysphoria receive a high standard of care. This will be disputed, of course, by people and lobbying groups angered by her recommendations, but it is a theme running through the review. Cass, a past president of the UK’s Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health, seeks to provide better care for children and adolescents on one of the defining issues of our age. Her conclusion is alarming for anybody who genuinely cares for child welfare: gender medicine is “built on shaky foundations” (doi: 10.1136/bmj.q814 ). 2

That verdict is supported by a series of review papers published in Archives of Disease in Childhood , a journal published by BMJ and the Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health (doi: 10.1136/archdischild-2023-326669 doi: 10.1136/archdischild-2023-326670 doi: 10.1136/archdischild-2023-326499 doi: 10.1136/archdischild-2023-326500 ). 3 4 5 6 The evidence base for interventions in gender medicine is threadbare, whichever research question you wish to consider—from social transition to hormone treatment.

For example, of more than 100 studies examining the role of puberty blockers and hormone treatment for gender transition only two were of passable quality. To be clear, intervention studies—particularly of drug and surgical interventions—should include an appropriate control group, ideally be randomised, ensure concealment of treatment allocation (although open label studies are sometimes acceptable), and be designed to evaluate relevant outcomes with adequate follow-up.

One emerging criticism of the Cass review is that it set the methodological bar too high for research to be included in its analysis and discarded too many studies on the basis of quality. In fact, the reality is different: studies in gender medicine fall woefully short in terms of methodological rigour; the methodological bar for gender medicine studies was set too low, generating research findings that are therefore hard to interpret. The methodological quality of research matters because a drug efficacy study in humans with an inappropriate or no control group is a potential breach of research ethics. Offering treatments without an adequate understanding of benefits and harms is unethical. All of this matters even more when the treatments are not trivial; puberty blockers and hormone therapies are major, life altering interventions. Yet this inconclusive and unacceptable evidence base was used to inform influential clinical guidelines, such as those of the World Professional Association for Transgender Health (WPATH), which themselves were cascaded into the development of subsequent guidelines internationally (doi: 10.1136/bmj.q794 ). 7

The Cass review attempted to work with the Gender Identity Development Service (GIDS) and the NHS adult gender services to “fill some of the gaps in follow-up data for the approximately 9000 young people who have been through GIDS to develop a stronger evidence base.” However, despite encouragement from NHS England, “the necessary cooperation was not forthcoming.” Professionals withholding data from a national inquiry seems hard to imagine, but it is what happened.

A spiralling interventionist approach, in the context of an evidence void, amounted to overmedicalising care for vulnerable young people. A too narrow focus on gender dysphoria, says Cass, neglected other presenting features and failed to provide a holistic model of care. Gender care became superspecialised when a more general, multidisciplinary approach was required. In a broader sense, this failure is indicative of a societal failure in child and adolescent health (doi: 10.1136/bmj.q802 doi: 10.1136/bmj-2022-073448 ). 8 9 The review’s recommendations, which include confining prescription of puberty blockers and hormonal treatments to a research setting (doi: 10.1136/bmj.q660 ), now place the NHS firmly in line with emerging practice internationally, such as in Scandinavia (doi: 10.1136/bmj.p553 ). 10 11

Cass proposes a future model of regional multidisciplinary centres that provide better access and, importantly, standardised care for gender dysphoria, including a smoother transition between adolescent and adult services. Staff will need training. All children and young people embarking on a care pathway will be included in research to begin to rectify the problems with the evidence base, with long term outcomes being an important area of focus. An already stretched workforce will need to extend itself further (doi: 10.1136/bmj.q795 doi: 10.1136/bmj-2024-079474 ). 12 13 In the meantime, some children and young people will turn to the private sector or online providers to meet their needs. The dangers in this moment of service transition are apparent.

But it’s also a moment of opportunity. Families, carers, advocates, and clinicians—acting in the best interests of children and adolescents—face a clear choice whether to allow the Cass review to deepen division or use it as a driver of better care. The message from the evidence reviews in Archives of Disease in Childhood is as unequivocal as it could be. Cass’s review is independent and listened to people with lived experience. Without doubt, the advocacy and clinical practice for medical treatment of gender dysphoria had moved ahead of the evidence—a recipe for harm.

People who are gender non-conforming experience stigmatisation, marginalisation, and harassment in every society. They are vulnerable, particularly during childhood and adolescence. The best way to support them, however, is not with advocacy and activism based on substandard evidence. The Cass review is an opportunity to pause, recalibrate, and place evidence informed care at the heart of gender medicine. It is an opportunity not to be missed for the sake of the health of children and young people. It is an opportunity for unity.

• Mitchell A ,
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• Summers C ,

J.K. Rowling says 'Harry Potter' stars who've criticized her anti-trans views 'can save their apologies'

J.K. Rowling is not on good terms with the "Harry Potter" cast who have opposed her anti-transgender views .

Responding to an X post from a fan about feeling "safe in the knowledge" that Rowling would forgive "Harry Potter" stars such as Daniel Radcliffe and Emma Watson , who have denounced the author's anti-trans rhetoric , Rowling wrote, "Not safe, I'm afraid."

Her post continued, "Celebs who cosied up to a movement intent on eroding women's hard-won rights and who used their platforms to cheer on the transitioning of minors can save their apologies for traumatised detransitioners and vulnerable women reliant on single sex spaces."

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Radcliffe, Watson and Rupert Grint – who played protagonists Harry Potter, Hermoine Granger and Ron Weasley, respectively, from their childhood to young adult years – have all expressed their support for the trans community in recent years.

After Rowling penned a  personal essay  in June 2020 detailing her beliefs about "trans activism" and young people experiencing gender dysphoria eventually outgrowing them, several "Harry Potter" cast members publicly criticized her comments, which were deemed transphobic.

"I firmly stand with the trans community and echo the sentiments expressed by many of my peers. Trans women are women. Trans men are men. We should all be entitled to live with love and without judgment," Grint said in a statement at the time to the U.K.'s The Sunday Times.

Radcliffe reiterated that "transgender woman are women," in an essay for LGBTQ non-profit organization  The Trevor Project , and Watson said in an X post  that trans people "deserve to live their lives without being constantly questioned or told they aren't who they say they are."

'Harry Potter' at 20: How did childhood fame treat Daniel Radcliffe, Emma Watson, Rupert Grint?

The "Harry Potter" stars' criticism also came with a measure of gratitude.

In a 2021 Esquire interview , Grint acknowledged that he's "hugely grateful" for Rowling's work but added, "I think also you can have huge respect for someone and still disagree with things like that."

Though Radcliffe noted that Rowling is "unquestionably responsible" for the course of his life, he added he still feels "compelled to say something at this moment."

Meanwhile, Ralph Fiennes, who played antagonist Voldemort – aka Tom Riddle – said in a 2021 interview with The Telegraph that he couldn't "understand the vitriol directed at" Rowling. "I can understand the heat of an argument, but I find this age of accusation and the need to condemn irrational," Fiennes said.

What J.K. Rowling has said recently about the trans community

Rowling has been loudly criticized − and just as loudly defended − for her anti-trans statements since 2019, when she voiced her support for Maya Forstater , a researcher who lost her job for stating that people cannot change their biological sex. An employment appeal tribunal later sided with her.

The ruling stated that "gender-critical beliefs, which include the belief that sex is immutable and not to be conflated with gender identity" were protected by the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and the Equality Act 2010's section on "religion or belief." However, such statements are still subject to discrimination and harassment laws.

What has the 'Harry Potter' cast said? Rupert Grint calls J.K. Rowling relationship 'tricky'

Rowling has recently been vocal on social media about Scotland's new hate crime law , her concern over the number of minors who detransition and findings from the recently published Cass Review , which makes a few dozen recommendations for improving the National Health Service's gender identity services, including using "extreme caution" in prescribing gender-affirming hormone therapy to those between 16 and 18.

In response to Scotland criminalizing "stirring up hatred" relating to age, disability, religion, sexual orientation and transgender identity, Rowling tested the law by listing 10 trans women, including a convicted rapist, sex abusers and high-profile activists on X, saying they were men.

Police Scotland, the U.K. country's national police agency, reportedly told  BBC News  that Rowling's comments on the hate crime law will not be "treated as criminal." The agency added that while complaints on the author's social media posts had been made to police, no action would be taken.

Last month, British TV personality India Willoughby  said she'd reported Rowling to U.K. law enforcement for misgendering her on social media. In an interview , Willoughby said, "For J.K. Rowling to deliberately misgender me knowing who I am is grossly offensive. It is a hate crime."

Last year, Rowling  addressed the criticism  she's received on the podcast  "The Witch Trials of J.K. Rowling ."

"I absolutely knew that if I spoke out, many people who would love my books would be deeply unhappy with me," Rowling said. "Time will tell whether I've got this wrong. I can only say that I’ve thought about it deeply and hard and long and I’ve listened, I promise, to the other side." 

Contributing: Naledi Ushe, Barbara VanDenburgh and Jenna Ryu

This article originally appeared on USA TODAY: J.K. Rowling says 'Harry Potter' stars who've criticized her anti-trans views 'can save their apologies'

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Guest Essay

Elite College Admissions Have Turned Students Into Brands

By Sarah Bernstein

Ms. Bernstein is a playwright, a writing coach and an essayist in Brooklyn.

“I just can’t think of anything,” my student said.

After 10 years of teaching college essay writing, I was familiar with this reply. For some reason, when you’re asked to recount an important experience from your life, it is common to forget everything that has ever happened to you. It’s a long-form version of the anxiety that takes hold at a corporate retreat when you’re invited to say “one interesting thing about yourself,” and you suddenly believe that you are the most boring person in the entire world. Once during a version of this icebreaker, a man volunteered that he had only one kidney, and I remember feeling incredibly jealous of him.

I tried to jog this student’s memory. What about his love of music? Or his experience learning English? Or that time on a summer camping trip when he and his friends had nearly drowned? “I don’t know,” he said with a sigh. “That all seems kind of cliché.”

Applying to college has always been about standing out. When I teach college essay workshops and coach applicants one on one, I see my role as helping students to capture their voice and their way of processing the world, things that are, by definition, unique to each individual. Still, many of my students (and their parents) worry that as getting into college becomes increasingly competitive, this won’t be enough to set them apart.

Their anxiety is understandable. On Thursday, in a tradition known as “Ivy Day,” all eight Ivy League schools released their regular admission decisions. Top colleges often issue statements about how impressive (and competitive) their applicant pools were this cycle. The intention is to flatter accepted students and assuage rejected ones, but for those who have not yet applied to college, these statements reinforce the fear that there is an ever-expanding cohort of applicants with straight A’s and perfect SATs and harrowing camping trip stories all competing with one another for a vanishingly small number of spots.

This scarcity has led to a boom in the college consulting industry, now estimated to be a $2.9 billion business. In recent years, many of these advisers and companies have begun to promote the idea of personal branding — a way for teenagers to distinguish themselves by becoming as clear and memorable as a good tagline.

While this approach often leads to a strong application, students who brand themselves too early or too definitively risk missing out on the kind of exploration that will prepare them for adult life.

Like a corporate brand, the personal brand is meant to distill everything you stand for (honesty, integrity, high quality, low prices) into a cohesive identity that can be grasped at a glance. On its website, a college prep and advising company called Dallas Admissions explains the benefits of branding this way: “Each person is complex, yet admissions officers only have a small amount of time to spend learning about each prospective student. The smart student boils down key aspects of himself or herself into their personal ‘brand’ and sells that to the college admissions officer.”

Identifying the key aspects of yourself may seem like a lifelong project, but unfortunately, college applicants don’t have that kind of time. Online, there are dozens of lesson plans and seminars promising to walk students through the process of branding themselves in five to 10 easy steps. The majority begin with questions I would have found panic-inducing as a teenager, such as, “What is the story you want people to tell about you when you’re not in the room?”

Where I hoped others would describe me as “normal” or, in my wildest dreams, “cool,” today’s teenagers are expected to leave this exercise with labels like, Committed Athlete and Compassionate Leader or Environmentally Conscious Musician. Once students have a draft of their ideal self, they’re offered instructions for manifesting it (or at least, the appearance of it) in person and online. These range from common-sense tips (not posting illegal activity on social media) to more drastic recommendations (getting different friends).

It’s not just that these courses cut corners on self-discovery; it’s that they get the process backward. A personal brand is effective only if you can support it with action, so instead of finding their passion and values through experience, students are encouraged to select a passion as early as possible and then rack up the experience to substantiate it. Many college consultants suggest beginning to align your activities with your college ambitions by ninth grade, while the National Institute of Certified College Planners recommends students “talk with parents, guardians, and/or an academic adviser to create a clear plan for your education and career-related goals” in junior high.

The idea of a group of middle schoolers soberly mapping out their careers is both comical and depressing, but when I read student essays today, I can see that this advice is getting through. Over the past few years, I have been struck by how many high school seniors already have defined career goals as well as a C.V. of relevant extracurriculars to go with them. This widens the gap between wealthy students and those who lack the resources to secure a fancy research gig or start their own small business. (A shocking number of college applicants claim to have started a small business.) It also puts pressure on all students to define themselves at a moment when they are anxious to fit in and yet changing all the time.

In the world of branding, a word that appears again and again is “consistency.” If you are Charmin, that makes sense. People opening a roll of toilet paper do not want to be surprised. If you are a teenage human being, however, that is an unreasonable expectation. Changing one’s interests, opinions and presentation is a natural part of adolescence and an instructive one. I find that my students with scattershot résumés are often the most confident. They’re not afraid to push back against suggestions that ring false and will insist on revising their essay until it actually “feels like me.” On the other hand, many of my most accomplished students are so quick to accept feedback that I am wary of offering it, lest I become one more adult trying to shape them into an admission-worthy ideal.

I understand that for parents, prioritizing exploration can feel like a risky bet. Self-insight is hard to quantify and to communicate in a college application. When it comes to building a life, however, this kind of knowledge has more value than any accolade, and it cannot be generated through a brainstorming exercise in a six-step personal branding course online. To equip kids for the world, we need to provide them not just with opportunities for achievement, but with opportunities to fail, to learn, to wander and to change their minds.

In some ways, the college essay is a microcosm of modern adolescence. Depending on how you look at it, it’s either a forum for self-discovery or a high-stakes test you need to ace. I try to assure my students that it is the former. I tell them that it’s a chance to take stock of everything you’ve experienced and learned over the past 18 years and everything you have to offer as a result.

That can be a profound process. But to embark on it, students have to believe that colleges really want to see the person behind the brand. And they have to have the chance to know who that person is.

Sarah Bernstein is a playwright, a writing coach and an essayist.

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