public service motivation essay

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Public service motivation and organizational performance: Catalyzing effects of altruism, perceived social impact and political support

Syed sohaib zubair.

1 Department of Administrative Sciences, University of the Punjab, Jhelum, Pakistan

Mukaram Ali Khan

2 Institute of Administrative Sciences, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Pakistan

Aamna Tariq Mukaram

3 Islamia University Bahawalpur, Bahawalpur, Pakistan

Associated Data

All relevant data is available within the paper and Supporting Information files.

With the increasing pressures and demands from the public sector to be more efficient and effective and accountable, the idea of Public Service Motivation (PSM) and Organization Performance (OP) has become more relevant and critical. This quantitative research hypothesizes that PSM leads towards higher level of organizational performance among public sector officials and also explores the intervening effects of Altruism (ALT), Perceived Social Impact (PSI) and Political Support (PS) in this context. Based on self-administered questionnaire, data was collected from 405 public officials using random sampling strategy. Covariance Based Structural Equation Modelling was used to test the hypothesized model. Following the validation of the measurement model, structural model was developed to test the various paths predicted in the hypotheses. Analysis revealed that PSM, PS and ALT have a positive relationship with OP whereas PSM relationship with PS could not be established.

1. Introduction

Governance and Government related issues are becoming increasingly complex and it is the need of the hour to focus on various possible solutions in the light of “dynamics of modern societies” [ 1 ]. Among various issues, the idea of motivating public sector employees has always been one of the major challenges. The literature in public administration has long endeavored to distinguish the characteristic of public and private administration. Public administration theorists and scholars have incorporated an enormous amount of time in anticipating what motivates public sector employees. Due to the reason that public sector lacks in providing explicit financial incentives to the employees and the fact that government employees look up to a clear and meaningful service, the available research in this realm has been majorly tilted towards non-financial factors [ 2 ]. Two vastly researched non-financial factors among these are goal clarity i.e. [ 3 ] and public service motivation [ 4 ]. The understanding of motivation for individuals working in public organizations is a prerequisite for the management and structure of public sector and for a prosperous provision of public services. Motivation in its general description withholds a stimulus that strengthens, sustains and directs the behavior of individuals, while for public service employees these motivational stimuli are specifically associated with the desire contributing in the social world and serving its citizens [ 5 – 7 ]. Studies such as [ 8 ] and [ 9 ] clearly presents that Public Service Motivation (PSM) cultivate higher performance in organizations only when managers get the instinct of employees feeling that they can hold a constructive influence on society.

According to pioneer studies including [ 10 ] and [ 11 ], it is assumed that employees in public sectors carry a motivation and zeal of serving public which is not present in private sector employees. Since the very beginning, public sector has been highlighted as a responsibility, a duty and a calling instead of merely being a job because, these employees are supposed to be motivated by the ethics of serving public in contrast to employees working in private sector organizations. While on the other hand, the rational choice theories of public administration view public administrators as self-interest maximizers not paying credits to those moral responsibilities which are not specifically reflecting any explicit goals and the external rewards associated with their achievement [ 12 ]. While many organizational theorists and behavioral scientists have tried to indicate the significance of non-selfish motivational elements such as loyalty, altruism and sense of responsibility in overcoming the most highly reported malpractices in public sector organizations such as self-aggrandizement, free riding and opportunism.

A study has highlighted the failures and challenges of traditional incentives in motivating public sector employees [ 13 ]. Moreover, [ 14 ] demonstrated the negative impacts of pay for performance on public sector and also depicted that these negative effects are more likely to persist in public when compared to the management of private sector. In short, studies such as [ 15 ] suggest that by adopting the practices of private sector may not necessarily lead towards the similar perks and advantages of performance in public sector organizations.

Scholars and practitioners in the field have been active in the process of deepening our understanding of why employees in public sector urge to act more in the favor of common good as compared to private sector employees. The leading theoretical perspective which explains the reason why public employees are more active in serving society is public service motivation [ 16 ]. According to [ 17 ], public service motivation has been defined as the belief, values and attitudes that go beyond self-interest and organizational interest, that concern the interest of a larger political entity and that motivate individuals to act accordingly whenever appropriate.

The growing volume of research in the domain of public service motivation is the spirit of this study. [ 18 ] and [ 19 ] report that, beforehand the research on public service motivation has predominantly been conducted in European and American context and Asia has generally being under-researched. The notion to improve the performance of public sector organizations in Pakistan carries equal importance. Since, public sector reforms in the country have specifically endorsed ‘merit-based systems’ and a performance oriented culture which is altogether different from traditional practices that levies growth demands on public sector employees and public organizations in general. The study hypothesizes that public service motivation leads towards higher level of organizational performance among public sector officials because they value organizational results and fate as their own. It contributes to theory and evidence by providing meaningful insights into how public service motivation increases organizational performance amidst the presence of altruism, perceived social impact and political support.

2. Literature review and theoretical underpinnings

Over a period of more than two decades, studies such as that of [ 20 ] and [ 21 ] in public administration research have compiled the need to understand the context of work motivation in public sector organizations. Undeniably, work motivation is a complex subject, and no single theory of motivation can address all the contextual settings of work motivation [ 22 ]. The advocates of goal theory i.e. [ 23 ] promoted that goal theory is conceivably potentially appropriate in the motivational settings of public sector. This assertion may not be true for the reason that it relies on “personal significance reinforcement” instead of monetarist incentives, rather it is considered convincible due to the vital share it carries into many other motivational techniques.

The motivational explanation presented by goal theory illustrates that variations in the performance of employees are not due to the situation or ability rather due to their diverse performance objectives [ 24 ]. Likewise, according to the social cognitive theory, goals do not provide enough explanations to motivate employees to perform, rather these are the discrepancies that individuals shape to compare their actual performance with their desired performance which motivate their behaviors [ 25 ]. The outcome of these discrepancies is a feeling of self-disapproval or approval which encourages individuals to perform in a way that increases self-approval.

As per [ 22 ], the integration of goal and cognitive theories is practical and significantly important to understand motivation in the domain of public sector. Resultantly, if public sector carries ambiguous goals or some conflicting contextual or procedural constraints, these characteristics put a potential influence on the attitudes of employees which as per social cognitive theories are the keystones of work motivation. The present study contributes to the understanding of public service motivation and its relationship with organizational performance by considering altruism, perceived social impact and political support as possible imminent factors that can significantly influence.

Political environment and its corresponding governmental reforms can be a challenge in the path of stimulating the provision of public service motivation despite of having synchronization between organizational and employees’ values. Since, organizations in public sector are typically engrossed in high bureaucratic systems and political structures where individual service providers work within the confined system of directives, rules and regulations and are accountable to their political heads. This does influence their potential of public service motivation and their abilities to uphold [ 26 ]. Policies and political environment carry power to influence the working conditions of service providers [ 8 ] and when such policy reforms are perceived by service providers as a source of their work support, motivation can be multiplied rather than being curtailed [ 7 , 27 ].

Studies such as those by [ 28 ] show that employees who carry higher level of public service motivation do take part in social and political activities, and these organizations promote several values associated to their motivation. Similarly [ 29 ] reveal that people with an orientation for doing good to authors’ value social impact and are likely to be more helpful in certain public services.

Undertaking an institutional and organizational framework, this study argues that the presence of altruism, perceived social support and political support in public service motivation-Organizational Performance relationship demonstrates exactly how this association unfolds. Finally, the study asserts that the presence of contextual factors such as altruism, perceived social impact and political support as potential mediators can assist the relationship between public service motivation and organizational performance. This discussion leads to the elaboration of key constructs in this study, followed by development of research hypotheses that are to be tested.

2.1 Public service motivation

The term public service motivation was first coined by [ 30 ] which was further elaborated by Perry and Wise formally and in consequence of it the research in the realm of public service motivation was sprouted. The description of [ 10 ] states public service motivation as “ the individual predisposition to respond to motives primarily or uniquely found in public institutions ”(p.368). Moreover, in addition to this description, public service motivation is also portrayed as a general orientation of individuals towards delivering services to people with the intention of doing good for society at large [ 31 ].

Research about public service motivation has uprooted rapidly since two decades. [ 10 ] elaborate that public service motivation is to influence employees’ behavior in three different manners i.e. (a) as the level of public service motivation escalates, individuals are more oriented towards working in public sector organizations (b) public service motivation is significantly correlated with job performance of employees in public organizations and that (c) public organizations are comprised of higher number of employees having higher degrees of public service motivation and are not necessarily in need for extrinsic incentives to fulfill their motivation. While [ 17 ] emphasizes on the altruistic component present in public service motivation and further describes it as the beliefs, values and attitudes that go beyond self-interest and organizational interest, that concern the interest of a larger political entity and that motivate individuals to act accordingly whenever appropriate. Perry et al. [ 32 ] argue that due to the blend of altruism, public service motivation has to be considered as a specific type of motivation. According to [ 33 ], some normative concerns such as political ideologies are also a part of public service motivation. As per [ 34 ] and [ 35 ], public service motivation does not only measure motivation in public sector employees, it is rather equally applicable for studying the motivation of volunteer workers. Furthermore, in the perspective of public service motivation, employees’ motivation is slanted towards realizing the importance of goals and services in the public sector because they are a part of some specific public employees and hence get to justify their performance and behaviors accordingly [ 34 ].

Public service motivation and its role as an independent variable is of special consideration because of the proposed welcoming outcomes research has found it with. Studies have found public service motivation’s association with individual and organizational performance [ 36 ]. As per [ 37 ], this relationship has been relatively under researched. Furthermore, [ 18 ] in their comprehensive literature review have lately reported 34 studies out of around 300 articles over a span of twenty five years. In that review 21 studies demonstrated a positive relation between public service motivation and performance, while the rest represented assorted or neutral finding.

Public administration scholars advocate that the true spirit of public service-motivated employees resides in serving the abstract notion of public interest through contributing and serving the society at large. It is also reasoned that public service motivation which focuses on societal well-being primarily resonates with “ societal altruism ” [ 38 ].

2.2 Altruism

Altruism comprises of behaviors a person, a group or an organization takes part in for the sake of providing benefits or to improve the wellness of the beneficiaries. It can also be describes as exhibiting one’s own personal resources to benefit others. It works as an ethical doctrine in which the moral values of an individual’s action are dependent solely on their influence over others regardless of their consequences and outcomes on the individual itself. It is also similar to the concept of formal utilitarianism which advocates maximizing acts which hold good consequences for whole society. Moreover, according to [ 39 ], altruism is defined as “acting on genuinely selfless motives to enhance another’s welfare” . It suggests that altruism is a special behavior grounded on particular sets of fundamental yet theoretically distinctive motives.

In psychology research the concept of altruistic motivation and altruism are considered to describe the motivational dimension. However, studies such as [ 40 ] consider it as an ambiguous psychological terminology and argue that it is important to noticeably explain altruism as a behavior, otherwise it may hold identical meanings as the description of prosocial motivation. In line with this description, the present study undertakes the explanation of altruism in the perspective of [ 41 ] i.e. “evolutionary biology” which expresses altruism as “conferring a benefit ‘b’ on the recipient at a cost ‘c’ to the donor” , this definition explicitly withhold the conceptual basis of altruism and align with the concept of a behavior and not of a motivation . Through the discussion these narrow differences among motivations and behaviors scholars are more able to reduce the complexities by ultimately steering towards conceptual clarity [ 42 ]. As per [ 10 ] altruism contributes in building normative and affective motives among individuals i.e. the normative aspiration of serving and working for the public interest can be regarded as being altruistic. Scholars such as [ 43 ] studied the potential connection of the affective dimension of altruism and selflessness. Piatak and Holt [ 44 ] comprehensively describe that public service motivation and altruism undoubtedly measure some intersecting fragments of prosocial motives for behavior but on the other hand they are different concepts where public service motivation is founded to be more likely predicting voluntary behaviors as compared to altruism.

2.3 Perceived social impact

The concept of perceived social impact is described in terms of degree to which employees analyze their actions while positively influencing their recipients, for instance, by offering such services and products that create a positive impact in the lives of customers [ 45 , 46 ]. In some of the pioneer research, the connection between perceived social impact and job performance has been demonstrated clearly. Grant in a series of experiments [ 45 , 47 , 48 ] demonstrated that connection with recipients amplified social impact’s perception and consequently instigated higher persistence and improved work performance.

In a study on public sanitation department, [ 49 ] have concluded that perceived social impact significantly curtails emotional collapse and increases administrative performance ratings among employees.

2.4 Political support

Easton [ 50 ] (p.436) describe political support as the “degree to which individuals evaluate political objects positively , that is , the mix of attitudes about political leaders , institutions and the system as a whole” . According to [ 51 – 53 ] there are different faces of political support. Tausendpfund and Schäfer [ 54 ] distinguishes “overt support”, that are “supportive activities”, such as vote casting in favor of some political candidate and “covert support”, that is associated with “supportive behaviors” i.e. party loyalty. Moreover, according to [ 55 ] the concept of political support acts as multidimensional because it includes contentment with policies as well as a general assessment which reports how well a political system, its authorities or institutions are meeting the normative expectations of its residents. As per [ 56 ] and [ 57 ], political support elevates in the presence of direct democratic instruments which are considered while political decision making. Moreover, with reference to the procedural fairness theory, [ 58 ] argues that just procedures curtail the negative consequences of unsuitable decisions, which means that citizens may not receive the desired outcome but since, they held a support for raising their voice in the processes, they endorse the processes and call them just and fair which in consequence amplify their political support.

Furthermore, Bowler and Donovan [ 59 ] (p.376) explains that citizens due to the notion of direct and democratic decision-making hold an “occasional voice in government”, which means that their voices are given a considerable attention and they are able to take decisions on specific issues and are listened to. This notion of feeling themselves as a credible part of decision making signifies their perception of influence and political support. According to [ 60 ] this practice largely illustrates their sense of self-determination along with a significant sense of control on their society and living conditions. Shomer et al. [ 61 ] illustrates that the higher degrees of people’s involvement and participation in electoral procedures for the political parties amplifies political support.

2.5 Organizational performance

Organizational performance is generally theorized in terms of the actual output of an organization which are measured against its desired or intended results, objectives or goals and meet the expectations of different groups of stakeholders [ 62 ]. The level of organizational performance is evaluated through several elements consisting of operational efficiencies, levels of diversification, mergers, acquisitions, composition of top management and organizational structures and manipulation of social or political effects interfering with the market conformity [ 63 ]. Although, the measuring criteria for organizational performance has been remained controversial. Studies such as [ 64 ] endorse adopting a multi-dimensional approach to measure organizational performance which reflect a broader range of interests of stakeholders. However, Rouse and Putterill [ 65 ] demonstrates that there is no single performance criteria that is suffice enough to be applicable for all organizations. Hence, organizational performance being a complex subject should always be studied in the contextual settings of the existing context [ 66 ]. Exceptional results are maintained by organizations when they meet the expectations of stakeholders within society [ 67 ]. Based on all this discussion and the objectives of the study, Fig 1 below depicts the research model developed for the study.

2.6 Hypothesis development

Distinct studies such as [ 68 , 69 ] illustrate that public service motivation leads towards individual performance. [ 17 ] validates the potential evidence that public service motivation is positively connected with job performance. Moreover, an empirical study conducted on medical staff i.e. nurses in Italy proliferates that public service motivation carries a significant positive association with performance [ 70 ]. In some relative studies comprising of small samples from nurses, school teachers and other government employees represented a positive relationship of public service motivation and job performance i.e. [ 70 , 71 , 36 ].

Public administration scholars and experts are captivated in knowing the way PSM amplifies organizational performance of employees in public sector organizations [ 37 ]. In the available literature PSM has been associated to primarily positive consequences, such as organizational citizenship behavior as depicted by [ 72 ], organizational commitment as studied by [ 73 ] and job satisfaction as portrayed by [ 74 ]. However, there is a lack of empirical research on the relationship between public service motivation and organizational performance and this relationship is still inconclusive in the available literature [ 37 ].

In addition to this discussion, [ 75 ] describes that the conceptuality of performance and what creates performance in public sector is complex because it might comprises of some private sector measures such as efficiency or it may carry orientation towards more of public setting objectives such as transparency, access to public, and alleviation of corruption. A meta-analysis [ 76 ] demonstrated that a performance surge and a higher possibility of better performance can be seen with the help of intrinsic motivational sources in contrast with extrinsic motivators. According to [ 77 ], there is a significant positive connection between public service motivation and organizational performance. In the light of these findings this study leads towards hypothesizing that public service motivation is potentially related with organizational performance.

• H1: Public service motivation is significantly positively related with organizational performance.

As far as the relationship between public service motivation and political support is concerned, there are quite a few studies which have been conducted on said variables. According to a research conducted on undergraduate students public service motivation is identified as one of the major factors in increasing political participation and support [ 78 ]. Another study conducted on 300 civil servants found a positive and significant relationship between political support/loyalty and public service motivation [ 79 ].

As far as relationship between political support and organizational performance is concerned, a study conducted by [ 80 ] highlighted the positive role of organizational performance in unfolding the role of political support and concluded that political support is inevitable in accessing organizational performance. According to [ 81 ], a study conducted on elected officials found a positive relationship between political support and organizational performance. Based on following studies, following hypotheses have been developed;

• H2: Public service motivation holds a significant positive relationship with political support.
• H2a: Political support is significantly and positively associated with organizational performance.
• H2b: Political support performs as a potential mediator between PSM and organizational performance.

As far as relationship between public service motivation and Altruism is concerned, there are very few studies which are conducted on the relationship between these two concepts as number of studies tried to distinguish these two concepts [ 42 , 44 ]. As per [ 82 ], a late study conducted in 1870 on university students resulted into finding that public service motivation and altruism are significantly positively correlated with each other and also found that public service motivation may act as a potential predictor of Altruism.

There are quite few studies steered on trying to develop the connection between Altruism and social impact. According to [ 83 ], it was concluded that there is a crucial role of altruism in the society which can eventually create positive social impact. According to [ 84 ], a study conducted on US public and non-profit employees concludes that performance metrics are more likely to be used by those public servants who consider social impact as an important aspect of their tasks. According to [ 46 ], study concluded the positive relationship between perceived social impact and performance. Based on the aforementioned discussion, subsequent hypotheses are developed;

• H3: Public service motivation is significantly positively associated with altruism.
• H3a: Altruism is expected to have a significant positive relationship with perceived social impact.
• H3b: Perceived social impact is anticipated to be positively associated with organizational performance.
• H3c: Altruism and perceived social impact mediates the relationship of PSM and organizational performance.

3. Methodology

Design and protocols developed or followed for a study are of critical nature [ 85 ]. They add that no matter how advanced statistical tool a researcher uses, the research effort might not have sound weightage if the fundamentals of research design and methodology are not carefully taken care off. This research on various factors associated with public officials and their performance has been evaluated by following a quantitative research methodology and a cross-sectional research design. The sample included officers from public organizations/departments under the federal and provincial governments in Pakistan, where the population is 1343, as per the list available with the central bank i.e. the State Bank of Pakistan. On the basis of [ 86 ], the minimum sample size calculated was to be 308. The questionnaires were sent to 475 civil servants using random sampling strategy and 405 were received as duly filled making the response rate of approximately 85.26%. The reason for sending 475 questionnaires was the potential issue of no response, however, the response rate was good in actual. The said individuals in the sample representing their organizations were from top-tier management. In order to tap the organizations, simple random sampling strategy was used and organizations were selected from the frame available. It is imperative to mention that verbal informed consent was taken from the respondents and all details regarding the purpose of data collection and the research work were shared in a cover letter attached with the instrument.

Furthermore, in order to collect data, a structured questionnaire was adapted after extensive review of the literature and responses were recorded using a 5 point Likert Scale. Table 1 highlights the scale used to measure all variables, the number of items used and a sample item for each construct:

The model developed earlier, and the collected valuable responses were put to inferential analysis using Co-Variance Based Structural Equation Modelling (SEM) through AMOS. Prior to the testing of the hypothesis through the structural model, several perquisites were established and ensured using the confirmatory factor analysis (CFA). The model fitness was tested and ensured, followed by the confirmation of the convergent and discriminant validities. Table 2 summarizes the demographical characteristics of the officers that were part of the final sample:

The sample included 84% male officers and 16% female officers playing a lead role in the organizations under study. 33.6% of the total sample was officers with experience of less than 15 years whereas 66.4% were of more than 15 years of service in the public sector. Referring to the education of such officers, 33.3% were bachelors, 64% had a Masters/M.Phil degree whereas 2.7% had a PhD. Public organizations or offices in Pakistan range from federal, provincial and district level. 40.5% respondents were from federal organizations, 49.1% from provincial organizations, whereas 10.4% were currently serving in district level organizations.

This study has used descriptive statistics including the Means and Standard Deviations of the latent constructs whereas measurement and structural model using covariance based SEM. As far as descriptives are concerned, the mean values of all latent constructs are between 2.74 and 3.68 whereas standard deviations are from 0.54 to 0.81 shows the dispersion of mean.

4.1 Measurement model

The purpose of measurement model is to check the reliability and validity of the model. It also identifies the model fitness indices which ultimately decide the fitness of the model. At first stage, it is highlighted that the Standardized Factor Loading (SFL) of each item should be at least 0.60. However, as per the initial model, the only item whose factor loading was found to be less than the threshold value was PSM 1. After removing the said item, the model was run again and found all the items more than the threshold value of 0.60. At first stage, model fitness indices were tested using covariance based Structural Equation Modeling (SEM). As far as relative chi-square value is concerned, its threshold value is up to 3 [ 92 ] which stands true in this case as the value was found to be 2.90. Moving on, Goodness of Fit index (GFI) [ 93 ], Normed Fit Index (NFI) [ 94 ], and Tucker Lewis index (TLI) [ 95 ] have threshold values of minimum of 0.90 and in this case, all values meets the minimum threshold with the value i.e. 0.901, 0.927 and 0.941 respectively. Furthermore, Comparative Fit Index (CFI) minimum threshold is 0.940 [ 96 ] and its obtained value is 0.950. Lastly, RMSEA minimum threshold is up to 0.080 and in this case, it is 0.069 meeting the minimum threshold [ 97 ].

4.1.1 Composite reliability and convergent validity

Table 3 highlights the composite reliability and convergent validity. Convergent validity which refers to the accuracy of convergence of items towards their respective latent constructs [ 98 ]. For fulfilling the criteria of convergent validity, three criteria must be fulfilled. One the minimum SFLs must be at least 0.60 which is the case in this study. Secondly, Composite reliability (CR) refers to the internal consistency of the items and its values should be at least 0.70 [ 99 ] which in this case stands true as CR of public service motivation, altruism, social impact, political support, and organizational performance is 0.826, 0.838, 0.854, 0.820 and 0.939 respectively. Thirdly, Average Variance Extracted (AVE) should be at least 0.50 [ 97 ] which also stands true in this case as AVE of public service motivation, altruism, social impact, political support, and organizational performance is 0.544, 0.567, 0.593, 0.604 and 0.660 respectively. Looking at the aforementioned discussion, it is concluded that convergent validity exist in the model.

4.1.2 Discriminant validity

As far as discriminant validity is concerned, it refers to the level to which participants were able to differentiate between the items of latent constructs [ 97 ]. For meeting the criteria, all the values of the correlations should be less than the square roots of AVEs. As per Table 4 , it can be seen that all the values of the correlations are less than the square roots of AVE which means that discriminant validity exist in the model.

Lastly, as far as Common method Bias (CMB) is concerned, “Harman Single Factor Test” (HSFT) is used which is referred to see whether “change in single factor affects all the variables in the data and that variance should be less than 0.5 to avoid CMB” and in this study, value of HSFT is found to be 0.09, therefore it is reported that data is not suffering from CMB [ 100 ]. However, there are few limitations associated with technique [ 101 ], hence, “Common Latent Factor” (CLF) test is used through SEM by “comparing standardized regression weights (SRWs) with and without CLF and found that SRWs without CLF were higher than SRWs with CLF with the difference of less than 0.05”, ultimately concludes that data is not having CMB [ 102 ].

4.2 Structural model

Fig 2 is the structural model developed for testing the hypotheses of the study. As per Table 5 , it can be seen that public service motivation is directly and positively related to organizational performance at β = 0.41 which approves first hypothesis. As far as public service motivation relationship with political support is concerned, the relationship was not found to be significant at β = 0.05 and rejected second hypothesis. As far as political support relationship with organizational performance is concerned, it was found to be significantly positive at β = 0.29 and approved H2a. Due to the rejection of H2, mediation path due to political support between public service motivation and organizational performance was also found to be insignificant at β = 0.015. As far as relationship between public service motivation and altruism is concerned, the relationship was found to be significantly positive at β = 0.30 leading to the acceptance of H3. Similar relationship was found between altruism and social impact and social impact and organizational performance at β = 0.38 and β = 0.30 accepting the H3a and H3b. Due to these significant relationships, serial mediation due to altruism and social impact between public service motivation and organizational performance was found to be significant at β = 0.034 approving H3c and similar results were found by taking altruism as mediator between public service motivation and social impact at β = 0.11 leading to the acceptance of H3d and by taking social impact as mediator between altruism and organizational performance at β = 0.41 ultimately the acceptance of H3d.

**Significant at 1%.

*Significant at 5%.

5. Discussion and conclusion

This study aims to respond the recent for empirical research into the association between public service motivation and organizational performance. The relationship between public service motivation and organizational performance carries an utmost significance for researchers’ community because scholars are eager in identifying some predictable connection between what motivates employees and stems their organizational performance in the public sector. It is direly important to look into these concepts and strengthened them owing to the high stakes involved in the public sector.

Results found that public service motivation is significantly and positively related with organizational performance as reflected in H 1 . The pioneer of the idea of public service motivation i.e. [ 10 ] argued that employees having greater level of public service motivation carry greater chances of performing better in public sector organizations. The positive insights regarding the relationship between public service motivation and organizational performance supports a recent empirical study [ 70 ] in this domain.

Moreover, two highly cited studies i.e. [ 103 ] and [ 104 ] based on sectoral comparison reported that employees from public sector held a greater enthusiasm towards helping others and working for societal benefits. Moreover, the results from public and private sectors confirmed that public sector employees are more altruistic in their behaviours and are more prosocial as compared to other members of society. Likewise, [ 73 ] examined a significant positive relationship of public service motivation with performance and support for governmental reinvention activities.

Furthermore, [ 105 ] elaborate two premises in this domain. The first premise describes that public service motivation is more like a behavioral trail where altruistic characteristic motivates prosocial behavior among employees. The second premise holds description that people in every walk of life can have altruistic traits and be motivated to perform social service, public service motivation is more likely to be present in public sector employees as compared to private sector and elsewhere.

Moreover, the findings support the serial mediation path in the conceptual model (H3c) i.e. PSM → ALT → PSI →OP which hypothesizes that altruism and perceived social impact mediates the relationship of public service motivation and organizational performance. The results also suggest that public service motivation is strongly and positively related with altruism hence, approving the assumption of H3. On the basis of similarity between public service motivation and altruism some scholars encourage to establish some conceptual boundaries between them [ 18 ]. Scholars such as [ 21 ] have used public service motivation as some general interchangeable concept of altruism. While others have distinguished public service motivation as a prosocial motivational element that is primarily grounded in public sector employees and altruism as a general motivational dimension which aids to serve more specific subgroups among people. Scholars also agree that altruism is one the multiple dimensions of public service motivation [ 32 , 43 , 106 ]. Public service motivation is more likely understood as a general motivation directed towards society or individuals; it is highly expected that public service motivated employees indulge in different types of altruistic behaviors or societal altruism. Moreover, it is argued that public service motivation which potentially directs towards society is associated with societal altruism. The results of this study which show that public service motivation is positively associated with altruism, which are in line with [ 9 , 38 , 42 ].

Moreover, the results indicated that altruism is positively related with perceived social impact and validated the postulation of H3a. In relation with these findings [ 107 ] suggest that public service motivation potentially predicts employees’ perception of social impact of their jobs. Moreover, [ 45 ] showed that employees’ motivation can be amplified when linked with the prosocial impact of their jobs.

In addition to this, the last path of serial mediation approves that perceived social impact is significantly and positively related with organizational performance hence supporting H3b. The results equate with [ 45 ] which found that perceived social impact brings about dedication and is positively related with performance. Furthermore, [ 46 ] describes that perceived social impact plays a positive role in determining employees’ motivation to perform their jobs well. Existing empirical research in this realm such as [ 17 , 74 , 78 ] provide evidence that the real benefits of public service motivation may rely on employees’ perception that their work provides them with enough opportunities to serve others. Moreover, [ 49 ] and [ 108 ] argue that higher degrees of perceived social impact lower emotional exhaustion of employees and stimulate them towards higher performance. [ 84 ] present that when public sector employees are pro-socially motivated and perceive a meaningful influence and purpose of their job on others, they provide organization with high end performance gifts.

The data did not show support for the overall mediation path i.e. H2b which hypothesized that political support performs as a potential mediator between public service motivation and organizational performance.

Noticeably, the results did not validate the assumption of path A of mediation i.e. H2 which hypothesized that public service motivation is positively related with political support. [ 109 ] support the findings by illuminating that public sector employees having higher levels of public service motivation are more vulnerable to perceptions of politics as compared to those having lower levels of public service motivation. In addition, [ 110 ] emphasize that public sector employees carry higher levels of self-efficacy and can be more productive when they perceive their organization to be less political or non-political. Keeping this view it can be assumed that public service motivation is a behavioral trait and public service motivated employees are not necessarily reliant or in wait for political support in their respective organizations.

While, the path B of mediation i.e. H2a which postulated that political support is positively related with organizational performance was supported by the data. It is normally argued that the firms which bear high political support carry easy access ability towards long term governmental loans and other governmental privileges. The findings of this study equate with [ 111 – 114 ] and suggest that being politically supported ultimately upsurges organizational ability to showcase higher performance. In addition to this, [ 112 ] demonstrates the importance of political regimes by approving that the performance of politically supported organizations in Pakistan increased during political regimes when compared with military regimes.

The study generates enough evidence that the presence of public service motivation carries a positive impact on employees’ job behavior and organizational performance in particular. It is therefore inevitable for public sector organizations to seek ways to maximize and encourage public service motivation among their employees. It concludes that altruism and perceived social impact positively mediates the association of public service motivation and organizational performance. While political support does not validate itself as a potential mediator between public service motivation and organizational performance. However, political support individually proves itself to be a potential predictor of organizational performance. To sum it up, Public Service Motivation is a concept that is not just of scholarly interest to academicians but it equally interests and applies to practitioners particularly public administrators and managers that need to deal with multiple complexities and challenges, varying from efficient use of financial and human resources in order to make sure that the public offices and organizations are responsive to the public, and meeting its objectives [ 115 ].

5.1 Managerial implications

The present study provides relevant insights and practical implications for public sector organizations, their employees and managers by adding its valuable evidence which supports the role of public service motivation and its contribution in achieving organizational performance. It provides a meaningful contribution by providing a practical usefulness of undertaken constructs i.e. public service motivation, organizational performance, social support and political support in the field of research in public administration. The observed relationship between public service motivation and organizational performance can be useful in measuring the behavioral traits and channeling the performance and motivation of public sector employees. Moreover, the findings are useful for practitioners because they demonstrate the importance of employees’ perceptions of social impact and emphasize their positive role in relation with organizational performance. It is reiterated that organizational performance in the context of public sector are very crucial, owing to the fact that high stakes involved and increasing demand for efficiency and effectiveness along with the demand for accountability. Therefore, the model developed in this study syncs with the emerging requirements of the global public sector.

5.2 Limitations and future directions

The study acknowledges few limitations. First, the cross sectional nature of the study limits it to assert the possibility of causation among variables. Another possible threat is related to the validity and truthfulness of employees’ belief and the reliance on them because, they cannot be observed or measured directly such as public service motivation and perceived social impact. An earlier research i.e. [ 116 ] found that diverging personality traits may influence research related to such concepts. Hence, an inability and limitation to control some personality traits such as altruism, public service motivation or perceived social impact always prevail in such research. Furthermore, demographic factors have not been controlled in this study making it as one of the limitations. Moreover, the generalizability of these empirical findings is limited since, it comprises the contextual settings of public sector organizations in Pakistan, however some findings may be attributed to the developing countries with a similar political and administrative infrastructure.

Future research may introduce a longitudinal research design to study the influence of time lag between the exogenous i.e. public service motivation; mediators i.e. altruism, perceived social impact and political support; and endogenous variable i.e. organizational performance. Furthermore, a multilevel analysis with data from affectees of certain public sector organizations can enrich the literature and provide further insights.

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Public Service Motivation and Its Implications for Public Service

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• Lotte Bøgh Andersen 4 ,
• Ulrich Thy Jensen 5 &
• Anne Mette Kjeldsen 4  

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Public service motivation is individuals’ orientation toward delivering services to people with a purpose to do good for others and society. This type of motivation is especially relevant for public servants because it affects behavior and performance in public, nonprofit, and private provision of public services. Research consistently shows that public service motivation increases individual and organizational performance if public service providers agree with the values of the public service organizations in which they work and see the societal impact potential in their jobs. Public service motivation can be cultivated by leadership, especially if the general governance context is based on trust. Finally, public service motivation can contribute to attracting and retaining individuals in public service provision, and these individuals are socialized to prioritize doing good for others and society as part of their public service careers. This implies that public service motivation has great potential for contributing to better public service delivery, but the literature suggests that it depends on factors such as governance context. Public service motivation can have dark sides if it adds to the job demands in a context with sparse resources, an aspect that emphasizes the role of leadership.

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Andersen, L.B., Jensen, U.T., Kjeldsen, A.M. (2020). Public Service Motivation and Its Implications for Public Service. In: Sullivan, H., Dickinson, H., Henderson, H. (eds) The Palgrave Handbook of the Public Servant. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-03008-7_81-1

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ORIGINAL RESEARCH article

The relationship between public service motivation and affective commitment in the public sector change: a moderated mediation model.

• School of International and Public Affairs, Shanghai Jiao Tong University, Shanghai, China

How can public organizations promote change recipients’ affective commitment to public sector change? Based on socially desirable responding theory, this study explores the theoretical mechanism and boundary effect of the relationship between public service motivation and affective commitment to change. By conducting a survey of 465 front-line public employees in an eastern Chinese city undergoing public sector change, this study found that voice behavior partially mediates the relationship between public service motivation and affective commitment to change. Superficial harmony also negatively moderates the relationship between public service motivation and affective commitment to change through the mediation of voice behavior. This study mainly contributes to our understanding of the theoretical mechanism and the conditional effect of change recipients’ affective commitment during public sector change.

Introduction

In recent decades, to keep pace with the rapid economic changes of globalization, public organizations have faced great pressure relating to organizational change ( Homberg et al., 2019 ; Ahmad et al., 2020a ). Many management studies notice that the decisive way to succeed with organizational change is with the proactive support of change recipients ( Oreg et al., 2018 ; Ahmad et al., 2020a ). However, compared to learning why public sector change affects those recipients differently, as private sector management researchers do in that context ( Oreg, 2006 ), public administration scholars are more interested in issues from a macro perspective, such as reform design, structural adjustment, and reform-effect evaluation ( Kiefer et al., 2014 ; Ahmad et al., 2020b ). But frontline public employees implement the actual public sector changes; hence, the extent to which public employees proactively engage in organizational change is also essential for its success ( Kelman, 2005 ; Hassan et al., 2020 ). Affective commitment to change is a proactive support response, defined as “a desire to support change with an inherent belief in change” ( Meyer et al., 2002 , p. 19). It largely reflects the extent to which individuals proactively engage in the change ( Oreg et al., 2018 ). In this study, we focus on the theoretical mechanism of affective commitment to change and add the theoretical values of change proactive support behavior in the context of public administration studies.

The body of literature on affective commitment to change among public employees shows that it has grown at a modest rate ( Wright et al., 2013 ; Homberg et al., 2019 ), and the antecedents and consequences of affective commitment to change within the public sector desperately deserve more attention ( Wright et al., 2013 ; Ahmad and Cheng, 2018 ; Oreg et al., 2018 ). We take a step in this direction by getting the whole picture of why and when the individuals could generate affective commitment to change to public sector change. To develop our model, we draw on public service motivation theory as one of the most important motivation mechanisms that explain the prosocial behavior of public sector employees ( Perry and Wise, 1990 ) that has attracted scholars’ attention during the past 30 years ( Perry and Vandenabeele, 2015 ). Previous studies identify public service motivation as an important personal dispositional factor that relates positively to such a positive change-related response as affective commitment to change ( Wright et al., 2013 ; Liu and Zhang, 2019 ; Hassan et al., 2020 ). Although past research pays much attention to public service motivation and affective commitment to change, we know very little about the theoretical mechanisms that may underlie this relationship ( Wright et al., 2013 ; Hassan et al., 2020 ). Moreover, we lack empirical evidence for understanding this question in an eastern, Asian country largely affected by Confucius’s culture ( Leung et al., 2011 ), an implicit culture that opposes western countries’ initiative and sense of spiritual adventure( Ahmad and Cheng, 2018 ).

To address this gap in the literature, this study attempts to explore a mediated-moderation model of the relationship between public service motivation and affective commitment to change in an eastern Chinese city undergoing public sector change. Based on social desirability theory, we believe that self-deceptive enhancement and impression management are two distinct ways that individuals relate to organizational change ( Lalwani et al., 2009 ; Zhang and Wei, 2017 ). Self-deceptive enhancement is “the tendency to describe oneself in an inflated yet honestly held manner and to see oneself in a positive, overconfident light” ( Lalwani et al., 2009 , p. 2). Voice behavior is an informal, arbitrary communication ( Liang et al., 2012 ). Weiss and Morrison (2019) propose that individuals exert their voice behavior by showing their ability or expressing their willingness to help others ( Weiss and Morrison, 2019 ). We argue that people who can express their views in a changing environment also have strong self-deceptive enhancement motives. Also, people who are willing to voice, means they believe in their ability and willingness to point out the problems with change, hence, strengthening their honesty to the organizational change. However, in China’s specific cultural atmosphere, especially with public sector change as a typical conflict scenario, another impression-management motive, reflected as maintaining superficial harmony ( Zhang and Wei, 2017 ), makes them dissimulate or be silent about change, rather than proactively show support. High-level superficial-harmony individuals fear that showing support will lead to interpersonal conflict and undermine the positive impression others have of them, so they avoid conflicts during public sector change. Hence, we conduct that the superficial harmony could be the conditional effect.

Therefore, to close the knowledge gap, this study develops a more complete model to explore the relationship between public service motivation and affective commitment to change. The theory of two types of socially desirable responding explains voice behavior as the mediator and superficial harmony as a boundary effect in the relationship with public service motivation. In short, this study provides a rich theoretical explanation for the change-proactive support of public employees in public sector change, especially for the country affected by Confucius’s culture.

Theory and Hypotheses

Affective commitment to change and socially desirable responding theory.

Although much research focuses on the resistance of change recipients in the long term, little research exists on the positive reactions of change recipients, especially affective reactions ( Oreg et al., 2011 ). Affective commitment to change often reflects a desire to provide support for change, with an intrinsic sense of belief in change ( Herscovitch and Meyer, 2002 , p. 475). Individuals with a high-level affective commitment to change believe that what they are doing is valuable and necessary to help the organization make the change successful ( Meyer et al., 2007 ). Previous studies find that employees’ affective responses to change play a crucial role in their recognition and support for the change ( Parish et al., 2008 ). So, in recent studies, scholars argue that affective commitment to change is individual proactive support that should be strongly encouraged during organizational change ( Oreg et al., 2018 ). Hence, as an emotional embodiment, affective commitment to change is most worthy of scholars’ attention ( Meyer et al., 2007 ; Oreg et al., 2018 ). In this study, we define affective commitment to change as one’s favorable intention regarding current social norms and standards of organizational change ( Zerbe and Paulhus, 1987 ). Moreover, proactively involving intention toward change is socially desirable for public-sector managers, especially in an environment where public sector change lacks support.

Researchers argue that the establishment of affective commitment to change closely relates to many internal and external factors, such as individuals’ expected belief in change, management of the change process, and employment quality in the period of change ( Jimmieson et al., 2008 ; Kim et al., 2011 ; Rafferty and Minbashian, 2019 ). We lack the empirical study to explain the theoretical mechanism of deriving affective commitment to change from a socially desirable responding theory that entails “the tendency of individuals to present themselves favorably concerning the norms and standards of the society”( Zerbe and Paulhus, 1987 , p. 1). Previous studies maintain that individuals tend to present themselves in socially desirable ways while fearing negative evaluations or social rejection by others ( Zhang and Wei, 2017 ). Distinguishing two types of socially desirable responses (self-deceptive enhancement and impression management) could add to our understanding of individualism-collectivism ( Lalwani et al., 2009 ). We regard the affective commitment to change as a typical favorable response, and this study’s main focus is the antecedents reflected as self-deceptive enhancement and impression-management characteristics. We examine the balance of individualism-collectivism cultural values in responding to the socially desirable change supportive intention. The following section clarifies the theoretical considerations of this study.

Public Service Motivation and Affective Commitment to Change

Organizational change easily leads employees to feel suspicious and stress reduces their affective commitment to change ( Elias, 2009 ). However, previous studies have found that employees with high levels of public service motivation foster them regarding change as the process of improving government services and benefiting the public, thus promoting high levels of affective commitment to change ( Naff and Crum, 1999 ; Wright et al., 2013 ). Public service motivation is “the motivational force that induces individuals to perform meaningful public, community, and social service”( Brewer and Selden, 1998 , p. 417). People with high-level public service motivation have a greater sense of mission and responsibility at work ( Pattakos, 2004 ). Affected by public service motivation, public employees have a sense of commitment to public service, characteristics of benevolence, the expectation of serving others, and a strong determination to serve the community ( Houston, 2006 ).

Public sector studies have largely examined the positive relationship between public service motivation and affective commitment to change ( Wright et al., 2013 ; Van der Voet et al., 2016 ; Hassan et al., 2020 ). This study holds that public service motivation is oriented toward serving society and others and influenced by this motivation, individuals are more likely to express prosocial behavior and willingly support organizational change ( Ahmad et al., 2020c ). On the one hand, such individuals want the organizational change to deliver meaningful public service better. On the other hand, they agree with and are loyal to the organization’s decision-making, so they see organizational change as the instrument of advancing the public sector. Thus, their affective commitment to change is higher.

The Mediating Effect of Voice Behavior

Public service motivation significantly and positively correlates with individual job satisfaction, organizational commitment, and organizational citizenship behavior ( Perry and Vandenabeele, 2015 ). Individuals with higher public service motivation show more positive behaviors, attitudes, and job performance because they cherish the rare opportunity to work in the public sector and serve the public ( Perry and Wise, 1990 ; Liu et al., 2015 ). As a result, organizational problems during the change process can easily arouse the attention of more highly motivated public employees, igniting them to resolve the problems or speak out about potential issues ( Crant et al., 2011 ). In the context of organizational change, employees are willing to voice, indicating their awareness of the knowledge and ability that help them to perform their duty ( Weiss and Morrison, 2019 ). Even though they might take interpersonal risks and performance appraisal losses, this closely relates to the public service dimension of self-sacrifice ( Perry and Hondeghem, 2008 ; Wright et al., 2013 ). Voice is essentially a proactive employee behavior that helps bring about changes in organizations ( Parker and Collins, 2010 ). As a proactive behavior, the most important driving force of voice behavior is motivation ( Parker et al., 2010 ). A unique prosocial motivational base for public employees, public service motivation embodies employees’ spirit of the “public servant,” well-suited to motivating them. Specifically, public service motivation closely relates to individuals’ positive behavior performance, job performance, and extra-role behavior ( Liu et al., 2015 ). Hence, we believe that individuals with high-level public service motivation are more willing to express themselves vocally during an organizational change.

Voice behavior is a proactive employee behavior ( Liang et al., 2012 ) that could make a situation better or challenge an existing situation ( LePine and Van Dyne, 1998 ), particularly voice behavior that emphasizes flexibility, innovation, and continuous improvement ( Howard, 1995 ). Voice is one of the most important manifestations of an employee’s active involvement in the work because it challenges authority by providing useful suggestions or questions ( Morrison, 2014 ). Therefore, we believe that in the context of organizational change, people who are willing to vocalize have stronger motives of self-deceptive enhancement. Voice behavior allows them to better demonstrate the change-support intention that organizations expect, their ability to exercise control in the uncertainty of the changing environment, and their desire to improve the organization.

Voice behavior requires resources, and only when employees have access to resources do they have an environment in which to express their voice ( Kim et al., 2019 ). In other words, people able to voice have more resources in the organization than ordinary employees, and the socially desirable behavior, such as affective commitment to change, is more likely to generate this kind of important status for public employees. Voice behavior is often defined as a bottom-up process aimed at improving standard procedures ( Walumbwa and Schaubroeck, 2009 ). As an important extra-role behavior, voice behavior reflects inconsistency with specific organizational behavior and ethics. It also indicates employees’ concerns about potential problems in the organization or their willingness to improve ( Walumbwa and Schaubroeck, 2009 ). As a result, voice behavior also can appear to indicate people more committed to organizational change. People with a high-level affective commitment to change show a greater likelihood of contributing to the organization’s development goals, willing to be highly coordinated and supportive of the change ( Parish et al., 2008 ). Voice behavior suggests that employees willing to offer advice are more attuned to achieving organizational goals than fearing personal risks ( Crant et al., 2011 ). Voice behavior is a positive behavior in which employees proactively participate during work-related decision-making, reflecting their support for the change. Therefore, we believe that voice behavior positively affects employees’ affective commitment to change, and that voice behavior could link public service motivation and affective commitment to change; thus, we propose Hypothesis 1.

Hypothesis 1: Voice behavior mediates the relationship between public service motivation and affective commitment to change.

The Moderating Effect of Superficial Harmony

Interpersonal harmony theory originated from Chinese culture and argues that approaching disagreements with interpersonal harmony is a guiding principle due to Confucian influence ( Leung et al., 2011 ; Zhang and Wei, 2017 ). Harmony theory is a fundamental explanation of how the Chinese cope with conflicts ( Chang, 2001 ), and it has two constructs: genuine harmony and superficial harmony ( Leung et al., 2011 ). Superficial harmony is “associated with an instrumental motive, as it focuses on the negative consequences and backlashes of a relationship” ( Leung et al., 2011 , p. 2). When a sense of commitment is low, and tolerance is high, superficial harmony forms ( Das and Kumar, 2009 ). The expression of harmony with defensive motives (i.e., to avoid division) is superficial harmony, which holds that maintaining a smooth interpersonal relationship protects self-interest. There is no need to take various inconsistent actions that hinder and undermine one’s interests ( Lim, 2009 ; Leung et al., 2011 ). The present study asserts that superficial harmony reflects people’s impression-management motive toward socially desirable responding to public sector change, and superficial harmony influencing all individual’s intentions would become more conservative and cautious, especially during organizational change.

The value of superficial harmony reflects a defensive relationship motivation ( Zhang and Wei, 2017 ). The harmonious value of social expectations allows individuals to protect themselves from unnecessary social punishments ( Leung, 1997 ). Due to the influence of superficial harmony values, the positive influence of public service motivation on voice behavior will weaken as employees worry that taking proactive action will cause conflicts with colleagues ( Detert and Trevino, 2010 ). Oriented by superficial-harmony values, people tend to choose mutually agreeable behaviors that maintain harmony. Voice is a dangerous activity; risk includes that the leader does not accept advice ( Detert and Edmondson, 2011 ), and, considering the need for impression management, they would not engage in such risky behavior as voicing.

To establish a good image as socially expected, superficial-harmony value makes it possible to weaken the relationship between public service motivation and voice behavior. In an uncertain environment, people must have interpersonal harmony to maintain certainty; social ties will help them better adjust and cooperate in the face of organizational change, and superficial-harmony values are a strategy to avoid interpersonal conflict and maintain social relationships ( Zhang and Wei, 2017 ). However, allowing employees to vocalize on organizational change will increase interpersonal conflicts. Even though the people with high-level public service motivation want to vocalize under the influence of superficial-harmony considerations, they would not do so. Specifically, voicing might cause additional colleague conflict and is not worth disrupting healthy social relationships. Employees with high-level public service motivation could deliver public service smoothly during the change with colleagues’ help, so they will not proactively vocalize and risk undermining harmonious work in times of change.

In addition, superficial harmony is a value that ostensibly emphasizes the harmonious state of groups but is genuinely concerned with personal interests ( Leung et al., 2011 ). We maintain that the occurrence of such dissonance will negatively affect an individual’s affective commitment in the context of change. Public service motivation promoting voice behavior is a process in which public employees speak out about organizational problems and reflect a genuine affective commitment to the change, showing their self-sacrifice and strong organization-oriented motives. Individuals with a strong sense of superficial harmony have more concerns about the overall stability and preservation of their interests than with the success of the organizational change. So, voice or not depends on whether the organizational change will harm them, if it does, they would not voice and show their support to the change. Therefore, their affective commitment to change is lower. In conclusion, we believe that people with a strong sense of superficial harmony are less likely to proactively participate in activities that require them to challenge authority in the context of change, and this shows their lesser loyalty to the change. On the contrary, people with a weaker sense of superficial harmony are more likely to vocalize, based on the pursuit of efficient public services, and this shows a higher level of affective commitment to change. Consequently, we propose Hypothesis 2:

Hypothesis 2: Superficial harmony will negatively moderate the relationship between public service motivation and affective commitment to change through a voice-behavior mediator.

Materials and Methods

The context of the study.

The survey was conducted in a city in Eastern China. The respondents were grassroots government workers. At the end of October 2017, this unit was carrying out institutional restriction reform while we were conducting the research. The employees participating in this research worked for the district’s bureau-level public institutions before the reform. After the reform, their employment relationship was translated to a lower level-grassroots government; as a result, lower-level institutional management limits their pay and promotions in the long run. In this context of organizational change, managers urgently need to understand how to motivate the employees and have made improvements in human resources management practice. The researchers mainly provided such human resource management consulting services for this public sector unit during the change, and then collected all data.

A total of 510 employees who had experienced the above-mentioned reforms participated in our survey. The questionnaire was translated into Chinese through standard translation and back-translation procedures. After screening unqualified questionnaires, 465 valid questionnaires were retained, with a response rate of 91.18%. In total there were 381 male respondents, accounting for 81.94% of responses. All participants were aged between 23 and 60, with an average age of 40.94 years. In total, 364 were undergraduates, accounting for 78.28% and 65.81% were civil servants.

All questionnaires in this study were measured using a Likert six-point scale with scores ranging from 1 to 6, representing personal opinions ranging from “strongly opposed” to “strongly agreed.”

Public Service Motivation

This study used the 5-item scale used by Pandey et al. (2008) . A sample item was “meaningful public services are essential to me.” The Cronbach’s Alpha was 0.909.

Voice Behavior

The 10-item voice behavior scale used was developed by Liang et al. (2012) . A sample item was “I will take the initiative to speak reasonable suggestions to help achieve the organization goal.” The Cronbach’s Alpha was 0.81.

Affective Commitment Change

The 4-item used were taken from Herscovitch and Meyer’s (2002) scale of affective commitment to change. The sample item was, “I believe this change is valuable.” The Cronbach’s Alpha was 0.81.

Superficial Harmony

This study used the 8-item scale developed by Leung et al. (2011) to measure superficial harmony. The sample item was, “When others are more powerful than yourself, you must be patient with them.” The Cronbach’s Alpha was 0.90.

Control Variables

In this study, we controlled demographic variables, such as gender, age, education background, and tenure. Previous studies verify that these variables can influence affective commitment to change ( Walker et al., 2007 ).

Measurement Models

This is a cross-sectional, self-reported survey, and all the variables are defined in the individual group, so we examined common method bias first. Using the Harman single factor test, the results showed that the unrotated explained variance of the first factor was 31.2%, lower than 40%, indicating the common method bias in this study is not serious ( Podsakoff et al., 2000 ). Then, to ensure the discriminative validity of affective commitment to change, superficial harmony, public service motivation, and voice behavior, we conducted confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) to examine different models. As Table 1 shows, the four-factor model this study proposed is good (χ 2 = 1401.2, df = 293, χ 2 / df = 4.78, RMSEA = 0.09, CFI = 0.86, TLI = 0.95, SRMR = 0.07), whereas all the three-factors, two-factors, and one-factor models did not fit well, demonstrating that the four constructs have good distinctiveness.

Table 1. The confirmatory factor analysis results.

Table 2 shows all the standardized factor loadings of CFA and all the standardized factor loadings that exceeded the threshold value of 0.4. The CR values for four factors were greater than 0.8, which indicated acceptable construct reliability. The AVE values for the four factors were greater than 0.5, which indicated the adequate convergent validity of the constructs.

Table 2. Standardized factor loading of confirmatory factor analysis for the CFA sample.

Descriptive Statistics

Before using the structural equation model to test the hypotheses, we first performed a correlation analysis among research variables. According to the results in Table 3 , the correlation coefficients between public service motivation, voice behavior, and affective commitment to change reached a significant value.

Table 3. Means, standard deviations, and correlations.

Hypothesis Testing

We used the structural equation model to test our hypothesis and to get the model fit result. We constructed two models to compare with the fitting index and examined the mediation effect. The theoretical model (voice behavior is the meditator) shows a good model fit (χ 2 = 11.97, df = 6, χ 2 / df = 2, RMSEA = 0.05, CFI = 0.97, TLI = 0.93, SRMR = 0.02). The competitive model (no meditator in the model) does not fit well (χ 2 = 41.99, df = 7, χ 2 / df = 6, RMSEA = 0.12, CFI = 0.85, TLI = 0.67, SRMR = 0.04). Hence, the result of model fitting shows that voice behavior is the mediator of public service motivation and affective commitment to change. The data supported Hypothesis 1.

Figure 1 shows the result of the path coefficient of the theoretical model. After controlling the control variables, such as gender (β = −0.03, n.s. ), age (β = −0.08, n.s. ), education background (β = −0.07, n.s. ), and tenure (β = −0.04, n.s. ), the relationship between public service motivation and voice behavior is significant (β = 0.58, p < 0.01); the confidence interval (CI) was [0.49, 0.65]. The relationship of voice behavior to affective commitment to change is significant (β = 0.18, p < 0.01); CI was [0.07, 0.29]. The direct relationship from public service motivation to affective commitment to change is also significant (β = 0.31, p <0.01); CI was [0.2, 0.42], indicating that the voice behavior is a partial mediation, and Hypothesis 1 was supported. Subsequently, we examined the moderating effect. The results in Figure 1 show that the interaction between superficial harmony and public service motivation had a significant effect on the affective commitment to change through voice behavior (β = −0.19, p < 0.05); CI was [−0.33, −0.04], Hypothesis 2 was supported.

Figure 1. Results of theorical model. **p < 0.01.

To test the mediated moderation effect further, we followed Edwards and Lambert’s (2007) method, using Mplus 7.4 software to perform path analysis, and ran the theoretical model in low (mean −1 SD), and high (mean +1 SD) moderating context. Bootstrapping 10,000 times samples was used to compute bias-corrected confidence intervals; Table 4 shows the results. In the high superficial-harmony group, the indirect effect was significant (β = 0.36, p < 0.01), CI was [0.19, 0.49]. In the low superficial-harmony group, the indirect effect was also significant (β = 0.43, p < 0.01), CI was [0.30, 0.53]. The difference between the two groups was significant ( p < 0.1). Therefore, Hypothesis 2 was further supported. Figure 2 shows the moderating effect.

Table 4. Indirect effects test of different conditions.

Figure 2. The moderating effect of superficial harmony on the relationship between public service motivation and voice behavior.

Research Conclusions

Based on socially desirable responding theory, this study examined the theoretical mechanism and boundary effect of affective commitment to change in public sector change. The data supported the two hypotheses. Specifically, this research finds that: (1) Voice behavior partially moderates the relationship between public service motivation and affective commitment to change; (2) Superficial harmony negatively mediates the relationship between public service motivation and affective commitment to change through the mediation of voice behavior. These two findings help us address the numerous calls to discover theoretical mechanisms of proactive change response under the same change context, such as the public sector ( Oreg et al., 2018 ), promoting researchers involving individual behavior studies in the public administration field ( Kelman, 2005 ; Wright et al., 2013 ; Ahmad et al., 2020d ).

Theoretical Contributions

This research has made the following theoretical contributions. First, this study links the proactive change support behavior research into the public administration field. This study builds a moderated-mediation model between public service motivation and changing support intention in the Chinese public sector, responding to the call to understand this effect in various public organizations in different countries ( Ahmad et al., 2020a ; Hassan et al., 2020 ). Our study underscores the critical roles of public service motivation regarding encouraging change-related intention in an Eastern Asian context. Notably, the present study also reveals why and when public service motivation can encourage affective commitment to change.

Second, the study advances the literature by introducing two types of socially desirable responding embedded model of affective commitment to change. Previous studies focus on theoretical mechanisms of affective commitment to change derived from the theory of planned behavior ( Ahmad et al., 2020b , d ). This study proposes the behavioral mechanism and value perspective to emphasize why socially desirable change commitment intention is generated. This helps us to advance the understanding of the whole picture of theoretical mechanisms of affective commitment to change.

Finally, the study specifies the research context of the public sector influenced by Confucianism, a relatively novel perspective, and an important theory integration ( Lalwani et al., 2009 ; Zhang and Wei, 2017 ). By discussing superficial harmony as a value concept derived from the development of traditional Chinese culture ( Leung et al., 2011 ), we can see how it affects the Chinese public employee’s work attitude and behavior. This will add a meaningful attempt to embed cultural influence in management studies, especially for long-term focus on the system, policy, and structure-related public administration studies.

Managerial Implications

The implications for management are as follows. First, the findings of this study suggest that to encourage individuals to treat change proactively, the managers should provide a friendly environment for employees to voice and even communicate freely to their supervisors during times of organizational change. Second, the initial step in addressing such problems as “not taking charge” and “inaction” in the Chinese public sector is to avoid the bad influence “ripple” from an individual’s superficial harmony. Officials should form the reconstruction of human resource management practice, communication mechanisms, or even the legal system, to block the spread of this unhealthy atmosphere. Finally, our results show that the public sector should recruit and cultivate more high-level public service motivation practitioners, to make the public service sector better deliver meaningful public service to society.

Limitations and Future Research

First, all the survey variables in this study were summarized at the same level. However, the influence from the team levels on employees’ affective commitment to change is also important; perhaps a future study could examine the organizational-level factors much more deeply. Second, the research still has common method variance since all the data were self-reported, raising the hope a longitudinal study conducted in the future will address the cross-sectional design problems. Measurement errors in the theoretical model might exist, and further studies will need to explore more reliable measurements and results.

Data Availability Statement

The original contributions presented in the study are included in the article/supplementary material, further inquiries can be directed to the corresponding author.

Author Contributions

SS was contributed all to prepare the final version of the article and approved the submitted version.

This work was supported by the National Social Science Fund of China (Project 20AZD020).

Conflict of Interest

The author declares that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

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Keywords : public sector change, affective commitment to change, public service motivation, superficial harmony, voice behavior

Citation: Sun S (2021) The Relationship Between Public Service Motivation and Affective Commitment in the Public Sector Change: A Moderated Mediation Model. Front. Psychol. 12:631948. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2021.631948

Received: 21 November 2020; Accepted: 18 May 2021; Published: 18 June 2021.

Reviewed by:

Copyright © 2021 Sun. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Sirui Sun, [email protected]

Disclaimer: All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article or claim that may be made by its manufacturer is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

What do we know about Public Service Motivation in the developing world?

Wouter van acker.

Editor's note: This blog post is part of a series for the 'Bureaucracy Lab', a World Bank initiative to better understand the world's public officials. This is Part 1 of two blogs. Stay tuned for Part 2 next week!

We know very little, and this may not come as a surprise to those familiar with public administration research. There is a strong bias towards OECD-countries. Transaction costs of doing research in non-OECD countries is high; readership of scholarly work is often concentrated in OECD countries, and a lot of research funding requires that the research be conducted in OECD countries. All of this adds up to a body of research on public administration, including research of public service motivation, skewed towards OECD countries. However, little doesn’t mean nothing, and a systematic review of the literature made it possible for me to investigate exactly which academic papers and chapters have been written about this illustrious topic over the past few decades.Public Service Motivation (PSM) has been studied since 1990 [i] ,  and describes the reasons why employees pick the public sector as their employer. Asides from job security and other material issues, public sector workers appear to name ‘helping others’ and ‘doing something good for society’ more often than private sector employees as an important aspect in their choice. PSM is subsequently defined as ‘ a belief, values and attitudes that are beyond self-interest, concern a wider political entity and motivates individuals to act appropriately .’ 

In contrast to other topics in public administration research, PSM measurement instruments have been rigorously tested, discussed and adapted over the past few decades. The instruments have consistently found significant differences in PSM levels between private sector and public sector employees. Using such instruments and focusing on differences within the public sector, research has found that public employees with higher levels of PSM have tend to perform better , remain more loyal to their employer, and have greater job satisfaction .      

For developing countries, this means that attracting the right people, with higher levels of PSM, could have an immediate positive impact on government effectiveness and public service delivery  , and help these countries meet development objectives. But what do we know about this concept in a non-western, non-OECD context?

Finding the relevant work was not difficult, but tedious. A literature review by Ritz et al. from 2016 provided me with a list of 323 academic publications to browse through. Since they used a method known as a ‘systematic literature review’ (using strictly defined search terms, and reading all the hundreds, thousands of results these provide), it is reasonable to assume that they found most, if not all relevant work published in over twenty years of research. Using the World Bank’s list of countries by the classification of their economies, I sifted out studies that included data from middle and low-income countries. The result was a total of 36 studies (11% of total), which are divided by country in the next table [ii] :

As expected, the quality of the studies ranges widely (from top journals to predatory publications), and so not all provide us with useful information. A few conclusions can be drawn:

• The overwhelming majority of studies finds significant differences in what motivates public sector versus private sector employees in developing countries. This means that PSM should be taken into account when designing policies towards developing countries; for example, when civil service recruitment is reformed. 
• PSM may foster job satisfaction, organizational citizenship behavior, and performance. 
• Public and civil servants with higher levels of PSM experience less work-related stress, have lower intentions to quit, and are more negatively affected by red tape. 
• The concept seems to differ between countries. History, culture, economic development, and administrative tradition matter. For example, differences in the level of collectivism between cultures and countries may lead to different effects of PSM. In countries with higher levels of collectivism, PSM might lead to the prevalence of the collective good over the interests of an individual citizen in civil servants’ decision-making, and vice versa in a more individualistic country.

All these findings are relevant for our work on governance. All these issues, when taken into account in our lending and advisory work, can lead to a more effective and efficient public workforce, and subsequently more effective and efficient governments. Stay tuned for Part 2 of this blog!

For questions or the full list of the 36 studies, please contact wvanacker[@]worldbank.org .  

[i] Perry, J. & Wise, L. (1990). The Motivational Bases of Public Service. Public Administration Review 50(3), 367-373.

[ii] Because some studies focus on more than 1 country, the list does not add up to 36.

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Public Service Motivation, Essay Example

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Public service motivation accomplishes the understanding and the importance of commitment to performance goals. The understanding of the goals of the employee facilitates the acceptance of performance goals by the employees. It portrays the level at which employees are able to stay on track despite challenges and shortcomings in their productivity. Dresang (2007) notes that, it is crucial for employees to understand that their goals are achievable in order to ensure performance. The basic tools in the achievement of this goal are self-efficacy and job goal’s importance.

Self-efficacy dictates that regardless of the importance of performance goals set in place, the commitment of the employees is reliant on the achievability of their objectives. The judgment of the employee’s personal capability to perform is essential in the motivation of the employee towards productivity. Therefore, the role of self-efficacy is portrayed by the individual commitment, and incentive towards the attainment of the predefined goals. Self-efficacy also enlightens the behavior and persistence of the employee towards this goal. Self-efficacy is a decisive factor in motivation as it assists individuals applies the required effort in the performance of their tasks.

On the other hand, Hays & Kearney (2003) provide that the concept of job goal importance is also a necessary factor as it drives the motivation of the employees towards their perceived objectives. Although the achievement of self-goals is crucial, the employees also work towards the achievement of performance objectives. The individual goals should be in line with the performance objectives to ensure effective performance of the employees. The enhancement of the performance of employees in this regard can be connected to the mission, task, and the public service function available to employees.

The needs of the individual are decisive factors to consider in setting the role of motivation in performance and productivity. The hierarchy of the individual’s needs portrays the level of commitment of the employee towards achievement of the perceived goals. The higher the needs of the individuals in the hierarchy, the greater are the motivation to achieve that goal. Self-actualization takes priority in the hierarchy followed by self-esteem and then love and belonging to the individual. The need for safety of the individual and other psychological needs also form part of the hierarchy of needs but on a lower level. In consideration of this, it is imperative that the productivity of the individual and the consequential performance relies on the importance of the needs of the individual associated with the task.

Public service motivation ensures that individuals participate in the management process by making the employees’ part of the process. This ensures that the objectives of both the individual and the performance objectives put into consideration (Wright, 2007). The overall quality management also ensures that the quality of the work of the employee remains at a high standard. This is achieved by taking into context the employee information on the production process and ensuring they participate. Employee participation helps to identify the operational challenges develop opportunities as well as assist the employees in developing their skills and talent. Employee satisfaction can also be achieved using motivation in the performance of the tasks by these employees. It is noteworthy that motivation does not necessarily stem from money but can be because of a commitment to a good cause.

  Strategic human resource management

The components of strategic human resource thinking include organization, which implies that the essence of a good strategy should be well organized to fit the objectives of the company, as well as keep in touch with other intrinsic and extrinsic factors including technology. Reorganization of the strategies initially developed goes a long way in the successful; planning of any strategy. Organization is key in the planning process as this component ensures that the adopted strategies are suitable, well organized and effective. Given the change of operational performance of organizations, the component of the organization is vital to ensure that the perceived goals achieved. Another component in strategic human resource thinking is the element of staffing. Staffing is critical as the operations of an organization rely majorly on the availability and productivity of its staff. It is, therefore, essential that an organization has sufficient staff and that the staff qualifies for the positions (Dresang, 2007)). The importance of staffing in the planning process is essential, as it is necessary to consider the required number of staff to facilitate the smooth operations of the company as well as to identify overstaffed areas, or understaffed areas to ensure a balance in staffing.

Also, important is the component of employee development, which provides for the advancement of the employees. Paarlberg & Lavigna (2010) provides that, employee development incorporate the acquisition of knowledge and skills by the employees in the course of business to guarantee a high level of efficiency maintained or enhance the performance of the organization. It is noteworthy that better employee development results from staffing and organization. Staffing identifies the pool of employees that require development while the organization stipulates the appropriate development strategies and measures. Accordingly, employee development integrates into the planning proceeds through the employment of career development, skill training, and motivation achieved by succession planning. Compensation is another crucial component in the process of strategic human resource planning, and it involves the fulfillment of the needs of the employees. Low wages ultimately results in lack of motivation of the employees and, therefore, implies that the performance of the employees become compromised resulting in poor productivity. Given the importance of compensation, it becomes necessary to incorporate the element of compensation in the planning process (Hays & Kearney, 2003). Compensation can be integrated into the planning procedure by succession planning putting into consideration the factors of organizational policies and the element of staffing.

Contracting, on the other hand, plays a vital role in human resource management thinking and aims at meeting the staffing needs of the company. The factors to put into consideration in contracting include the necessity, the duration the organization needs the employee and both staffing and organizational strategies employed by the organization. In incorporating the element of staffing into an organization, it is essential to consider the workload available the finances available for contracting as well as the goals of the company (Wright, 2007). Planning of contracting policies adopted also rely on the cost benefit analysis of the strategy. An equally vital component of strategic human resource management planning is the component of result evaluation, which essentially measures the planning policies adopted. It is critical to point out that this component of strategic human resource thinking looks into all the other components of strategic human resource planning in order to arrive at an elaborate evaluation of the results attained.

Role of human resource manager

The role of a human resource manager in productivity improvements is a crucial one since it ensures that the personnel work towards the attainment of the perceived objectives of the company. The human resource managers position to facilitate the improvements of productivity because of control and supervision of the organization’s staff (Buelens, 2007). It is noteworthy that the role of the human resource manager in the attainment of this goal is clearly articulated.

The major role of the human resource manager in this perspective is the job and workflow design. This is a clear clarification of the expected mission of the task, which is essential as the objectives set as well as outlining the expectations. Job design geared towards the achievement of total quality management aimed at streamlining operations and achieving productivity in line with the expected outcome. The role of the manager is to set out the details and the dynamics of the job. Establishment of jobs to ensure improved performance and productivity of an organization plays a central role in the human resource manager’s role as the manager is tasked with the responsibility of staffing. Hays & Kearney (2003) articulate the direct correlation of productivity to staffing signifies that the improved productivity in an organization relies on the outcome of strategies employed by the human resource manager. Other roles of the human resource manager that lead to improved productivity are the staffing, improvement and retention of staff and motivation of employees.

Concerning the employment development and retention of the employees, the role of the human resource manager is ensuring the recruitment of qualified and competent employees. The human resource manager also ensures that talented, skilled and product oriented employees remain in the organization by motivational incentives like increased earnings. The development of employees to improve their skills and knowledge in production in order to improve the level of efficiency of the staff is the mandate of the human resource manager. The motivation of the employees is also critical to improved productivity and thus the human resource manager must endeavor to establish motivational strategies in respect to improving the performance of the employees. The manager’s role also includes ensuring a favorable working environment for employees. The manager must strive to provide an environment that is safe, and facilitates development (Dresang, 2007). This is essential because an environment that ensures undisturbed work facilitates improved productivity.

The human resource manager has the task of evaluating the efforts and the prodsuctivi8ty of the employees in order to determine clearly the areas that need changes or improvements. Without assessment of the performance of the, the human resource manager cannot be strategically positioned to develop strategies. Planning and development of strategic human resource strategies aimed at improving productivity rely on the evaluation of the current workforce to identify shortcomings and opportunities to work on them. Additionally the application of any necessary changes in staffing is the responsibility of the human resource manager. These changes are because of the evaluation conducted on the efforts and productivity of the employees undertaken by three human resource managers. Consequently, it is imperative to note that improvements in productivity rely on the decisions of the human resource manager and, therefore, the roles of the human resource manager need to be clear.

The importance of delegation to managers is that it reduces the workload of these manages. The essence of reduction of the workload of the managers ensures that they only deal with weighty issues. Through delegation, the managers delegate their functions to other individuals and only act to provide guidance for the work delegated. In this manner, the manager ensures that the work is done in accordance with the required standards while only guiding the process and not having to oversee the tasks. It is imperative that delegation takes control of the manager and places another individual in a central position ensuring that there are checks in the system (Andersen, 2010). Delegation also improves the element of motivation as the individuals whom the management tasks delegated are motivated by the trust associated with the delegation to these individuals.

Delegation of responsibility of the managers to other individuals also does away with the rigidity in the management process by developing a hierarchy that is more employees oriented. The delegation of power puts the manager in the overall position but introduces intermediaries between the manager and the employees. According to Dresang (2007), hierarchy is fundamental to an organization as it creates a culture of responsibility and creates authority within the organization. It is critical to, point out that the involvement of the staff in management can be achieved through delegation as the team leaders whom the authority is delegated to, are in touch with the objectives and perspectives of the employees. Through delegation, the employees are more likely to complete their tasks to the fullest of their abilities since there is someone to answer to apart from the overworked manager. The employees are also more at ease with their fellow employees than they are with the manager and, therefore, the concerns and suggestions of the employees expressed genuinely. Similarly, the assessment and evaluation of employees to facilitate improvement represented as the delegation of authority ensures that all employees have representation through their team leaders.

Delegation also aims at maximizing the potential of the employees because they feel they are part of the organization. Delegation makes the organization’s staff feel as if they are part of the decision making process by incorporating their opinions in the process. The motivation and contribution of the employees provide them with occupational satisfaction, which in turn provides motivation for improved performance. Delegation also presents the employees an opportunity to develop and nurture their skills and talents and help them flourish. Equally critical is that this does not only affect the employees, but it also affects the managers. Delegation allows the manager work on his/her communication skills supervision, guidance, decision making and motivation skills. In essence, delegation improves both the individual’s efficiency as well as the general performance of the company.

Furthermore, delegation helps the subordinate as well as the superior in maintaining a good relationship. Delegation gives meaning to the superior subordinate relationship through the flow of authority from the top to the bottom and signifies achievement of results. Delegation, therefore, gives stability to the working relationship. Development more so on the horizontal level can be achieved through the employment of delegation as this ensures that the organization is stable. This concept is an indispensable tool in the development of the human resource as well as the management of the organization.

Reference list

Andersen, J. A. (2010). Public versus Private Managers: How Public and Private Managers Differ in Leadership Behavior. Public Administration Review ; 70, 1; ProQuest. Pg. 131

Buelens, M., Van den, B. H. (2007 ). An Analysis of Differences in Work Motivation between Public and Private Sector Organizations. Public Administration Review ; ProQuest. Pg. 65

Dresang, D, L. (2007). Personnel management in government agencies and non profit organizations . Pearson Education Inc.

Hays, S. W. & Kearney, R. C. (2003). Public human resource management: problems and prospects. Pearson Education Inc.

Paarlberg, L. E & Lavigna, B. (2010). Transformational Leadership and Public Service Motivation: Driving . Public Administration Review ; ProQuest. Pg. 710

Wright, B. E. (2007). Public Service and Motivation: Does Mission Matter? Public Administration Review; ProQuest. Pg. 54

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Public Service Motivation

Public Service Motivation: Research Bibliography

Launched by Professor James L. Perry in 2013, Public Service Motivation (PSM): Research Bibliography from the Indiana University O'Neill School of Public and Environmental Affairs brings together citations for research on public service motivation. These studies share the commonality that they, for the most part, self-consciously focus on the meaning, antecedents, and outcomes of public service motivation as a distinct construct.

Download the full PSM Research Bibliography

The list is organized alphabetically by author's last name.

If you are aware of studies that should be included or have other feedback about this resource, then please contact Professor Perry with the citation and, if possible, a link to an electronic copy of the source.

Contact Professor Perry

See Professor Perry's complete profile

Public Service Motivation: From 1990 to Today

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Introduction

Public administrators face the challenge of motivating the employees to undertake their responsibilities, be productive as well as being efficient. The challenge arises due to issues such as intrinsic and extrinsic motivation. There are employees that are driven by intrinsic motivation, while there are others driven by extrinsic motivation. As a result, relying on a single motivation factor is likely to fail.

Part 1- Distinguishing Between Intrinsic and Extrinsic Motivations of Employees

Intrinsic motivation is a form of motivation that is driven by internal rewards, and it arises from within since it brings about natural satisfaction to the individual involved. Extrinsic motivation, on the other hand, comes about when one is motivated to perform in order to avoid a punishment or earn a reward.

There are varied ways that a public service leader can use to know whether the motivation of employees is extrinsic or intrinsic. A good example of finding out is giving an employee a small project that they are expected to complete. An employee that is extrinsically motivated will need a lot of guidance while undertaking the project and will tend to ask a lot of question during the project execution process. There is need to offer such employees instances of praise and reward, and increased outside guidance to help them move forward. However, if an employee accomplishes the project requirements independently, he/she is regarded as being intrinsically motivated. The individual can accomplish the project requirements through the motivation that comes from within.

Part 2- How do Motivations of Employees Overlap with Public Service Motivation

Public service motivation involves specific motives if an individual based on the nature of public service work.  According to Perry and Wise, public service motives are classified in three categories: (1) norm-based, (2) affective, and (3) rational.  Norm-based public service motives involve this desire to serve the public and the public interest.   This category of motives is related to citizenship, duty, and loyalty.  Rational public service motives involve an individual doing public service as a way to satisfy their own needs.  For example, an employee may identify with a specific program or desire to advance a special interest. Affective public service motives are linked to an individual’s personal beliefs, feelings, and ideals concerning a public program.

Public service motivation tends to overlap with both intrinsic and extrinsic motivation. Intrinsic motivation comes in where the employees are driven to the public sector by motives such as duty, citizenship and loyalty. These are attributes that come from within an individual and are usually linked to intrinsic motivation. Extrinsic motivation, on the other hand, comes as result of compensation that these employees receive for their services. Despite there being a public service motivation, the employees would not be working at these public agencies if they are not receiving remuneration for their services. At the end of the day, they have to earn a living for survival.

Part 3- How Do Various Motivations Influence Personal Style as Public Service Leader

The different motivations are likely to influence the personal style that a public service leader assumes. One of the things to note is that there cannot be uniformity in the style of leadership being used. This would only result in failure since the employees involved are not motivated in a similar way. It is good for the public service to know that there are both internal and external motivators when it comes to employees. It is very important for the service leaders to identify employees that are influenced by external factors of motivation and those that are influenced by internal factors. This works as a motivation factor since it gives them the autonomy to establish creativity when executing their duties. On the other hand, the employees that are extrinsically motivated require more supervision in their day to day activities. There is also the need of using guidance and praise to ensure that they remain at the top of their “game”. Failing to consider such aspects and applying a similar style while dealing with all the employees would result to inefficiency at the workplace. For employees deriving public service motivation, it is good to assess the intrinsic and extrinsic part of their services too.

For example, in using the examples of building a park, ball field, or community center, the employees assigned to such projects must be motivated by the benefits and advantages that they are going to provide to the community members.   It is the responsibility of the public service leader to communicate these benefits and advantages to be enjoyed by the community to the employees assigned to such projects.  These employees have to be internally motivated to show up every day and get their work done to please themselves, please their public manager, and work as a team in the process.  It is also obvious these employees understand they are showing up every day to get the job done to be paid their salaries and maybe earn overtime pay or bonuses for meeting deadlines hence the need for extrinsic motivation.

Employees tend to have either intrinsic or extrinsic motivation while executing their day to day activities. It is upon the service leaders to identify what motivates the employees; without assuming that their motivation prospects are similar. While dealing with public service motivation, there is also the need of considering the intrinsic and extrinsic motivations that might be involved.

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Chapter 13 Introductory Essay: 1945-1960

Written by: Patrick Allitt, Emory University

By the end of this section, you will:.

• Explain the context for societal change from 1945 to 1960
• Explain the extent to which the events of the period from 1945 to 1960 reshaped national identity

Introduction

World War II ended in 1945. The United States and the Soviet Union had cooperated to defeat Nazi Germany, but they mistrusted each other. Joseph Stalin, the Soviet dictator, believed the Americans had waited too long before launching the D-Day invasion of France in 1944, leaving his people to bear the full brunt of the German war machine. It was true that Soviet casualties were more than 20 million, whereas American casualties in all theaters of war were fewer than half a million.

On the other hand, Harry Truman, Franklin Roosevelt’s vice president, who had become president after Roosevelt’s death in April 1945, believed Stalin had betrayed a promise made to Roosevelt at the  Yalta summit  in February 1945. That promise was to permit all the nations of Europe to become independent and self-governing at the war’s end. Instead, Stalin installed Soviet  puppet governments  in Poland, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Rumania, Hungary, and Bulgaria, the parts of Europe his armies had recaptured from the Nazis.

These tensions between the two countries set the stage for the Cold War that came to dominate foreign and domestic policy during the postwar era. The world’s two superpowers turned from allies into ideological and strategic enemies as they struggled to protect and spread their systems around the world, while at the same time developing arsenals of nuclear weapons that could destroy it. Domestically, the United States emerged from the war as the world’s unchallenged economic powerhouse and enjoyed great prosperity from pent-up consumer demand and industrial dominance. Americans generally supported preserving the New Deal welfare state and the postwar anti-communist crusade. While millions of white middle-class Americans moved to settle down in the suburbs, African Americans had fought a war against racism abroad and were prepared to challenge it at home.

The Truman Doctrine and the Cold War

Journalists nicknamed the deteriorating relationship between the two great powers a “ cold war ,” and the name stuck. In the short run, America possessed the great advantage of being the only possessor of nuclear weapons as a result of the Manhattan Project. It had used two of them against the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki to end the war in the Far East, with destructive power so fearsome it deterred Soviet aggression. But after nearly four years of war, Truman was reluctant to risk a future conflict. Instead, with congressional support, he pledged to keep American forces in Europe to prevent any more Soviet advances. This was the “ Truman Doctrine ,” a dramatic contrast with the American decision after World War I to withdraw from European affairs. (See the  Harry S. Truman, “Truman Doctrine” Address, March 1947   Primary Source.)

President Harry Truman pictured here in his official presidential portrait pledged to counter Soviet geopolitical expansion with his “Truman Doctrine.”

The National Security Act, passed by Congress in 1947, reorganized the relationship between the military forces and the government. It created the National Security Council (NSC), the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and the office of Secretary of Defense. The Air Force, previously a branch of the U.S. Army, now became independent, a reflection of its new importance in an era of nuclear weapons. Eventually, NSC-68, a secret memorandum from 1950, was used to authorize large increases in American military strength and aid to its allies, aiming to ensure a high degree of readiness for war against the Soviet Union.

What made the Soviet Union tick? George Kennan, an American diplomat at the U.S. Embassy in Moscow who knew the Soviets as well as anyone in American government, wrote an influential article titled “The Sources of Soviet Conduct.” Originally sent from Moscow as a long telegram, it was later published in the journal  Foreign Affairs  under the byline “X” and impressed nearly all senior American policy makers in Washington, DC. The Soviets, said Kennan, believed capitalism and communism could not coexist and that they would be perpetually at war until one was destroyed. According to Kennan, the Soviets believed communism was destined to dominate the world. They were disciplined and patient, however, and understood “the logic of force.” Therefore, said Kennan, the United States must be equally patient, keeping watch everywhere to “contain” the threat.

Containment  became the guiding principle of U.S. anti-Soviet policy, under which the United States deployed military, economic, and cultural resources to halt Soviet expansion. In 1948, the United States gave more than $12 billion to Western Europe to relieve suffering and help rebuild and integrate the economies through the Marshall Plan. The Europeans would thus not turn to communism in their desperation and America would promote mutual prosperity through trade. The Berlin crisis of 1948–1949 was the policy’s first great test. (See the  George Kennan (“Mr. X”), “Sources of Soviet Conduct,” July 1947  Primary Source.)

Berlin, jointly occupied by the major powers, lay inside Soviet-dominated East Germany, but access roads led to it from the West. In June 1948, Soviet forces cut these roads, hoping the Americans would permit the whole of Berlin to fall into the Soviet sphere rather than risk war. Truman and his advisors, recognizing the symbolic importance of Berlin but reluctant to fire the first shot, responded by having supplies flown into West Berlin, using aircraft that had dropped bombs on Berlin just three years earlier. Grateful Berliners called them the “raisin bombers” in tribute to one of the foods they brought.

After 11 months, recognizing their plan had failed, the Soviets relented. West Berlin remained part of West Germany, making the first test of containment a success. On the other hand, the United States was powerless to prevent a complete Communist takeover in Czechoslovakia, whose government had shown some elements of independence from Moscow’s direction. (See  The Berlin Airlift  Narrative.)

Alarm about the Czech situation hastened the American decision to begin re-arming West Germany, where an imperfect and incomplete process of “de-Nazification” had taken place. The United States also supervised the creation in 1949 of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), an alliance of Western nations to forestall Soviet aggression in central Europe. The U.S. government also continued research on and development of new and more powerful nuclear weapons. Americans were dismayed to learn, in 1949, that the Soviets had successfully tested an atomic bomb of their own, greatly facilitated by information provided by Soviet spies. Europe and much of the world were divided between the world’s two superpowers and their allies.

U.S. Secretary of State Dean Acheson along with the foreign ministers of Canada and 10 European nations gathered to sign the North Atlantic Treaty on April 4 1949 founding NATO.

Postwar Uncertainty

The postwar years were politically volatile ones all over the world, due to widespread decolonization. Britain, though allied with the United States during World War II, had been weakened by the conflict and could no longer dominate its remote colonies. The British Empire was shrinking drastically, and this made the Truman Doctrine all the more necessary. In 1947, an economically desperate Britain reluctantly granted India and Pakistan the independence their citizens had sought for years. Britain’s African colonies gained independence in the 1950s and early 1960s. The United States and the Soviet Union each struggled to win over the former British colonies to their own ideological side of the Cold War. (See the  Who Was Responsible for Starting the Cold War?  Point-Counterpoint and  Winston Churchill, “Sinews of Peace,” March 1946  Primary Source.)

Israel came into existence on May 14, 1948, on land that had been a British-controlled  mandate  since the end of World War I. The Zionist movement, founded in the 1890s by Austro-Hungarian journalist Theodore Herzl, had encouraged European Jews to immigrate to Palestine. There, they would buy land, become farmers, and eventually create a Jewish state. Tens of thousands, indeed, had migrated there and prospered between 1900 and 1945. Widespread sympathy for the Jews, six million of whom had been exterminated in the Nazi Holocaust, prompted the new United Nations to authorize the partition of Palestine into two states, one Jewish and one Arab. From the very beginning, these two states were at war, with all the neighboring Arab states uniting to threaten Israel’s survival. President Truman supported Israel, however, and in the ensuing decades, most American politicians, and virtually all the American Jewish population, supported and strengthened it.

In 1949, a decades-long era of chaos, conquest, and revolution in China ended with the triumph of Mao Zedong, leader of a Communist army. Against him, America had backed Chiang Kai-Shek, the Chinese Nationalist leader, whose defeated forces fled to the offshore island of Taiwan. American anti-communist politicians in Washington, DC, pointed to the growing “red” (Communist) areas of the map as evidence that communism was winning the struggle for the world. Domestically, Truman and the Democrats endured charges that they had “lost” China to communism.

War in Korea

Korea, one of the many parts of Asia that Japan had conquered in the earlier twentieth century but then lost in 1945, was now partitioned into a pro-Communist North and an anti-Communist South. In June 1950, the Truman administration was taken by surprise when North Korea attacked the South, overpowering its army and forcing the survivors back into a small area of the country’s southeast, the Pusan perimeter. Truman and his advisors quickly concluded they should apply the containment principle to Asia and procured a resolution of support from the United Nations, which was unanimous because the Soviet representatives were not present in the Security Council during the vote. See the  Truman Intervenes in Korea  Decision Point.)

U.S. troops were sent to Korea shortly after Truman’s decision to apply containment to the region. Pictured is a U.S. gun crew near the Kum River in July 1950.

An American invasion force led by General Douglas MacArthur thus made a daring counterattack, landing at Inchon, near Seoul on the west coast of the Korean peninsula, on September 15, 1950. At once, this attack turned the tables in the war, forcing the North Koreans into retreat. Rather than simply restore the old boundary, however, MacArthur’s force advanced deep into North Korea, ultimately approaching the Chinese border. At this point, in October 1950, Mao Zedong sent tens of thousands of Chinese Communist soldiers into the conflict on the side of North Korea. They turned the tide of the war once again, forcing the American forces to fall back in disarray.

After a brutal winter of hard fighting in Korea, the front lines stabilized around the  38th parallel . MacArthur, already a hero of World War II in the Pacific, had burnished his reputation at Inchon. In April 1951, however, he crossed the line in civil-military relations that bars soldiers from dabbling in politics by publicly criticizing one of President Truman’s strategic decisions not to expand the war against the Chinese. MacArthur was so popular in America, he had come to think the rules no longer applied to him, but they did. Truman fired him with no hesitation, replacing him with the equally competent but less egotistical General Matthew Ridgway. The war dragged on in a stalemate. Only in 1953, after the inauguration of President Dwight D. Eisenhower, was a truce declared between the two Koreas. It has held uneasily ever since. (See  The Korean War and The Battle of Chosin Reservoir  Narrative.)

Prosperity and the Baby Boom

The late 1940s and early 1950s were paradoxical. They were years of great geopolitical stress, danger, and upheaval, yet they were also a time of prosperity and opportunity for millions of ordinary American citizens. Far more babies were born each year than in the 1930s, resulting in the large “ baby boom ” generation. Millions of new houses were built to meet a need accumulated over the long years of the Great Depression and the war. Suburbs expanded around every city, creating far better and less-crowded living conditions than ever before. Levittown housing developments were just one example of the planned communities with mass-produced homes across the country that made homeownership within the reach of many, though mostly white families, thanks to cheap loans for returning veterans (See the  Levittown Videos, 1947–1957  Primary Source). Wages and living standards increased, and more American consumers found they could afford their own homes, cars, refrigerators, air conditioners, and even television sets—TV was then a new and exciting technology. The entire nation breathed a sigh of relief on discovering that peace did not bring a return of depression-era conditions and widespread unemployment. (See  The Sound of the Suburbs  Lesson.)

Television became a staple in U.S. households during the 1940s and 1950s.

Full employment during the war years had strengthened trade unions, but for patriotic reasons, nearly all industrial workers had cooperated with their employers. Now that the war was over, a rash of strikes for better pay and working conditions broke out. In 1945, Truman expanded presidential power by seizing coal mines, arguing it was in the national interest because coal supplied electricity. He then forced the United Mine Workers to end their strike the following year.

Although coal miners won their demands, the power of organized labor waned over the next few decades. Republican members of Congress, whose party had triumphed in the 1946 mid-term elections, passed the Taft-Hartley Act in 1947, aiming to curb the power of unions by banning the closed shop, allowing states to protect the right to work outside the union, setting regulations to limit labor strikes and excluding supporters of the Communist Party and other social radicals from their leadership. Truman vetoed the act, but Congress overrode the veto. In 1952, Truman attempted to again seize a key industry and forestall a strike among steelworkers. However, the Supreme Court decided in  Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer  (1952) that Truman lacked the constitutional authority to seize private property, and steelworkers won significant concessions.

Watch this BRI AP U.S. History Exam Study Guide about the Post-WWII Boom: Transition to a Consumer Economy to explore the post-World War II economic boom in the United States and its impacts on society.

Joseph McCarthy and the Red Scare

Fear of communism, not only abroad but at home, was one of the postwar era’s great obsessions. Ever since the Russian Revolution of 1917, a small and dedicated American Communist Party had aimed to overthrow capitalism and create a Communist America. Briefly popular during the crisis of the Great Depression and again when Stalin was an American ally in World War II, the party shrank during the early Cold War years. Rising politicians like the young California congressman Richard Nixon nevertheless discovered that anti-Communism was a useful issue for gaining visibility. Nixon helped win publicity for the House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC), whose hearings urged former communists to expose their old comrades in the name of national security, especially in government and Hollywood. In 1947, President Truman issued Executive Order No. 9835, establishing loyalty boards investigating the communist sympathies of 2.5 million federal employees. (See  The Postwar Red Scare  and the  Cold War Spy Cases  Narratives.)

The most unscrupulous anti-communist was Senator Joseph R. McCarthy (R-WI), who used fear of communism as a powerful political issue during the early Cold War. He made reckless allegations that the government was riddled with communists and their sympathizers, even including Secretary of State George Marshall. Intimidating all critics by accusing them of being part of a great communist conspiracy, McCarthy finally overplayed his hand in publicly televised hearings by accusing the U.S. Army of knowingly harboring communists among its senior officers. The Senate censured him in December 1954, after which his influence evaporated, but for four years, he had been one of the most important figures in American political life. Although he was correct that the Soviets had spies in the U.S. government, McCarthy created a climate of fear and ruined the lives of innocent people for his own political gain during what became known as the “Second Red Scare.” (See the  McCarthyism DBQ  Lesson.)

Senator Joseph McCarthy (left) is pictured with his lawyer Roy Cohn during the 1950s McCarthy-Army clash.

Be sure to check out this  BRI Homework Help video about The Rise and Fall of Joseph McCarthy  to learn more about Joseph McCarthy and his battle against communists in the U.S. government.

Several highly publicized spy cases commanded national attention. Klaus Fuchs and other scientists with detailed knowledge of the Manhattan Project were caught passing nuclear secrets to the Soviet Union. In 1950, Alger Hiss was prosecuted for perjury before Congress and accused of sharing State Department documents with the Soviets. Julius and Ethel Rosenberg were tried for espionage in 1951 and executed two years later. Julius was convicted of running a spy ring associated with selling atomic secrets to the Russians, though the case against Ethel’s direct involvement was thinner.

From Truman to Eisenhower

After the 1946 midterm election, in which Republicans won a majority in the House and the Senate, the Democratic President Truman struggled to advance his domestic program, called the Fair Deal in an echo of Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal. For instance, Truman was the first American president to propose a system of universal health care, but the Republican Congress voted it down because they opposed the cost and regulations associated with the government program and called it “socialized medicine.” Truman did succeed in other areas. He was able to encourage Congress to pass the Employment Act of 1946, committing the government to ensuring full employment. By executive order, he desegregated the American armed forces and commissioned a report on African American civil rights. He thus played an important role in helping advance the early growth of the civil rights movement.

Truman seemed certain to lose his re-election bid in 1948. The Republicans had an attractive candidate in Thomas Dewey, and Truman’s own Democratic Party was splintering three ways. Former Vice President Henry Wallace led a Progressive breakaway, advocating a less confrontational approach to the Cold War. Strom Thurmond, a South Carolina senator, led the southern “Dixiecrat” breakaway by opposing any breach in racial segregation. The  Chicago Daily Tribune  was so sure Dewey would win that it prematurely printed its front page with the headline “Dewey Defeats Truman.” One of the most famous photographs in the history of American journalism shows Truman, who had upset the pollsters by winning, holding a copy of this newspaper aloft and grinning broadly.

President Truman is pictured here holding the Chicago Daily Tribune with its inaccurate 1948 headline.

Four years later, exhausted by Korea and the fierce stresses of the early Cold War, Truman declined to run for another term. Both parties hoped to attract the popular Supreme Allied commander, Dwight D. Eisenhower, to be their candidate. He accepted the Republicans’ invitation, defeated Adlai Stevenson in November 1952, and won against the same rival again in 1956.

Rather than roll back the New Deal, which had greatly increased the size and reach of the federal government since 1933, Eisenhower accepted most of it as a permanent part of the system, in line with his philosophy of “Modern Republicanism.” He worked with Congress to balance the budget but signed bills for the expansion of Social Security and unemployment benefits, a national highway system, federal aid to education, and the creation of National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA). In foreign policy, he recognized that for the foreseeable future, the Cold War was here to stay and that each side’s possession of nuclear weapons deterred an attack by the other. The two sides’ nuclear arsenals escalated during the 1950s, soon reaching a condition known as “ mutually assured destruction ,” which carried the ominous acronym MAD and would supposedly prevent a nuclear war.

At the same time, Eisenhower and Secretary of State John Foster Dulles supported the “New Look” foreign policy, which increased reliance on nuclear weapons rather than the more flexible but costly buildup of conventional armed forces. Despite the Cold War consensus about containment, Eisenhower did not send troops when the Vietnamese defeated the French in Vietnam; when mainland China bombed the Taiwanese islands of Quemoy and Matsu; when the British, French, and Egypt fought over the Suez Canal in 1956; or when the Soviets cracked down on Hungary. Instead, Eisenhower assumed financial responsibility for the French war effort in Vietnam and sent hundreds of military advisers there over the next several years. (See the  Dwight D. Eisenhower, Farewell Address, January 1961  Primary Source.)

Birth of the Civil Rights Movement

Encouraged by early signs of a change in national racial policy and by the Supreme Court’s decision in  Brown v. Board of Education  (1954) , African American organizations intensified their efforts to challenge southern segregation. Martin Luther King Jr., then a spellbinding young preacher in Montgomery, Alabama, led a Montgomery bus boycott that began in December 1955. Inspired by the refusal of Rosa Parks to give up her seat on a city bus, African Americans refused to ride Montgomery’s buses unless the company abandoned its policy of forcing them to ride at the back and to give up their seats to whites when the bus was crowded. After a year, the boycott succeeded. King went on to create the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), which practiced nonviolent resistance as a tactic, attracting press attention, embarrassing the agents of segregation, and promoting racial integration. (See the  Rosa Parks, Martin Luther King Jr., and the Montgomery Bus Boycott  Narrative and the  Rosa Parks’s Account of the Montgomery Bus Boycott (Radio Interview), April 1956  Primary Source.)

In 1957, Congress passed the first federal protection of civil rights since Reconstruction and empowered the federal government to protect black voting rights. However, the bill was watered down and did not lead to significant change. In August, black students tried to attend high school in Little Rock, Arkansas, but were blocked by National Guard troops. Over the next few weeks, angry crowds assembled and threatened these students. President Eisenhower decided to send in federal troops to protect the nine black students. In the postwar era, African Americans won some victories in the fight for equality, but many southern whites began a campaign of massive resistance to that goal.

Check out this BRI Homework Help video about Brown v. Board of Education to learn more about the details of the case.

Thus, the pace of school desegregation across the south remained very slow. White southerners in Congress promised massive resistance to the policy. When it came to the point, however, only one county, Prince Edward County, Virginia, actually closed down its public schools rather than permit them to be desegregated. Other districts, gradually and reluctantly, eventually undertook integration, but widespread discrimination persisted, especially in the South.

Mexican Americans, like African Americans, suffered from racial discrimination. Under the  bracero  program, inaugurated during the 1940s, Mexicans were permitted to enter the United States temporarily to work, mainly as farm laborers in the western states, but they too were treated by whites as second-class citizens. They were guest workers, and the program was not intended to put them on a path to U.S. citizenship. (See  The Little Rock Nine  Narrative.)

Pictured are Mexican workers waiting to gain legal employment and enter the United States as part of the “ bracero ” program begun in the 1940s.

The Space Race

The desegregation of schools was only one aspect of public concern about education in the 1950s. The Soviet Union launched an artificial orbiting satellite, “Sputnik,” in 1957 and ignited the “ Space Race .” Most Americans were horrified, understanding that a rocket able to carry a satellite into space could also carry a warhead to the United States. Congress reacted by passing the National Defense Education Act in August 1958, devoting $1 billion of federal funds to education in science, engineering, and technology in the hope of improving the nation’s scientific talent pool.

NASA had been created earlier that same year to coordinate programs related to rocketry and space travel. NASA managed to catch up with the Soviet space program in the ensuing years and later triumphed by placing the first person on the moon in 1969. Better space rockets meant better military missiles. NASA programs also stimulated useful technological discoveries in materials, navigation, and computers. (See the  Sputnik and NASA  Narrative and the  Was Federal Spending on the Space Race Justified?  Point-Counterpoint.)

Another major initiative, also defense related, of the Eisenhower years was the decision to build the interstate highway system. As a young officer just after World War I, Eisenhower had been part of an Army truck convoy that attempted to cross the United States. Terrible roads meant that the convoy took 62 days, with many breakdowns and 21 injuries to the soldiers, an experience Eisenhower never forgot. He had also been impressed by the high quality of Germany’s autobahns near the war’s end. A comprehensive national system across the United States would permit military convoys to move quickly and efficiently. Commerce, the trucking industry, and tourism would benefit too, a belief borne out over the next 35 years while the system was built; it was declared finished in 1992. See  The National Highway Act  Narrative and the  Nam Paik,  Electronic Superhighway , 1995  Primary Source.)

New Roles for Women

American women, especially in the large and growing middle class, were in a paradoxical situation in the 1950s. In one sense, they were the most materially privileged generation of women in world history, wealthier than any predecessors. More had gained college education than ever before, and millions were marrying young, raising their children with advice from Dr. Spock’s best-selling  Common Sense Book of Baby and Child Care  (1946), and enjoying labor-saving domestic devices and modern conveniences like washing machines, toasters, and electric ovens. Affluence meant many middle-class women were driving cars of their own. This  1950s advertisement for Ford automobiles  persuaded women to become a “two Ford family.” At the same time, however, some suffered various forms of depression and anxiety, seeking counseling, often medicating themselves, and feeling a lack of purpose in their lives.

This situation was noticed by Betty Friedan, a popular journalist in the 1950s whose book  The Feminine Mystique , published in 1963, helped ignite the new feminist movement. Its principal claim was that in America in the 1950s, women lacked fulfilling careers of their own, and material abundance was no substitute. (See the  Dr. Benjamin Spock and the Baby Boom  Narrative.) A feminist movement emerged in the 1960s and 1970s seeking greater equality. In the postwar period, however, not all women shared the same experiences. Millions of working-class and poor women of all races continued to work in factories, retail, domestic, or offices as they had before and during the war. Whether married or single, these women generally did not share in the postwar affluence enjoyed by middle-class, mostly white, women who were in the vanguard of the feminist movement for equal rights for women.

By 1960, the United States was, without question, in a superior position to its great rival the Soviet Union—richer, stronger, healthier, better fed, much freer, and much more powerful. Nevertheless Eisenhower, in his farewell address, warned against the dangers of an overdeveloped “military-industrial complex,” in which American traditions of democracy, decentralization, and civilian control would be swallowed up by the demands of the defense industry and a large, governmental national security apparatus. He had no easy remedies to offer and remained acutely aware that the Cold War continued to threaten the future of the world.

Timeline of events in the postwar period from 1945 to 1960.

Additional Chapter Resources

• Eleanor Roosevelt and the United Nations Narrative
• The G.I. Bill Narrative
• Jackie Robinson Narrative
• The Murder of Emmett Till Narrative
• The Nixon-Khrushchev Kitchen Debate Narrative
• William F. Buckley Jr. and the Conservative Movement Narrative
• Truman Fires General Douglas MacArthur Decision Point
• Eisenhower and the Suez Canal Crisis Point-Counterpoint
• Richard Nixon “Checkers” Speech September 1952 Primary Source
• Critics of Postwar Culture: Jack Kerouac On the Road (Excerpts) 1957 Primary Source
• Kennedy vs. Nixon: TV and Politics Lesson

Review Questions

1. The major deterrent to Soviet aggression in Europe immediately after World War II was

• that the Soviets lost 20 million people during the war
• the Truman Doctrine
• the United States’ possession of atomic power
• the presence of U.S. troops in western Europe after World War II was over

2. Why did the United States maintain large armed forces in Europe after World War II?

• To stop renewed German aggression
• To halt Soviet aggression despite the wartime alliance
• To help the British relinquish their empire
• To maintain high levels of employment at home

3. The memorandum NSC-68 authorized

• the formation of the CIA
• the creation of the Department of Defense
• increases in the size of U.S. military forces
• the formation of an independent air force

4. The United States’ first successful application of its policy of containment occurred in

• Prague Czechoslovakia
• Moscow U.S.S.R.
• Berlin Germany
• Bombay India

5. During the late 1940s the Truman Administration supported all the following countries except

• Republic of Korea
• People’s Republic of China

6. When North Korea invaded South Korea the Truman Administration resolved to apply which strategy?

• The Truman Doctrine
• Containment
• A plan similar to the Berlin Airlift
• The bracero program

7. Events in which European country led the United States to allow the re-arming of West Germany?

• East Germany
• Czechoslovakia

8. The Taft-Hartley Act was most likely passed as a result of

• fear of labor involvement in radical politics and activities
• concern that strong labor unions could rekindle a depression
• fear that labor would restrict the freedom of workers
• desire to make the labor strike illegal

9. Why was it reasonable to expect Truman to lose the presidential election of 1948?

• McCarthyism was creating widespread dislike of the Democratic Party.
• Truman had been unable to win the Korean War.
• The Democratic Party split into three rival branches including one dedicated to racial segregation.
• The Democrats had controlled Congress since 1933.

10. Why were many middle-class women dissatisfied with their lives in the 1950s?

• They were excluded from most career opportunities.
• The cost of living was too high.
• Fear of losing their traditional roles caused them constant anxiety.
• They opposed the early civil rights movement.

11. All the following were Cold War based initiatives by the Eisenhower Administration except

• the creation of NASA
• the National Defense Highway Act
• the National Defense Education Act
• the Taft-Hartley Act

12. Anti-communist crusader Senator Joseph McCarthy overplayed his advantage in the Red Scare when he

• claimed members of the president’s Cabinet were known communists
• charged Martin Luther King Jr. with being a communist
• asserted the U.S. Army knowingly protected known communists in its leadership
• hinted that President Eisenhower could be a communist

13. As a presidential candidate Dwight Eisenhower recognized the significance of all the following except

• the success of some New Deal programs
• the Cold War’s impact on U.S. foreign policy
• racial integration
• mutually assured destruction (MAD)

14. Which of the following statements most accurately describes the United States’ foreign policy during 1945-1960?

• The United States distanced itself from the global free-market economy.
• The United States based its foreign policy on unilateral decision-making.
• The Cold War was based on military policy only.
• The United States formed military alliances in reaction to the Soviet Union’s aggression.

15. Betty Friedan gained prominence by

• supporting women’s traditional role at home
• promoting the child-rearing ideas of Dr. Benjamin Spock
• researching and writing about the unfulfilling domestic role of educated women
• encouraging more women to attend college

16. Before leaving the office of the presidency Dwight D. Eisenhower warned the nation of the danger of

• falling behind in the space race
• having fewer nuclear weapons than the Soviet Union
• allowing the growth of the military-industrial complex
• overlooking communists within the federal government

Free Response Questions

• Explain President Harry Truman’s reaction to the Taft-Hartley Act.
• Describe President Truman’s role in advancing civil rights.
• Describe Dwight D. Eisenhower’s reaction to the New Deal programs still in existence when he was elected president.
• Explain the main reason for the United States’ military participation in Korea.

AP Practice Questions

Political cartoon by Clifford Berryman regarding civil rights and the 1948 election.

1. The main topic of public debate at the time this political cartoon was published was the

• deployment of U.S. troops in Korea
• dropping of the atomic bomb on Japan
• integration of the U.S. military

2. Which of the following groups would most likely support the sentiments expressed in the political cartoon?

• Progressives who argued for prohibition
• William Lloyd Garrison and like-minded abolitionists
• Antebellum reformers in favor of free public education
• Members of the America First Committee

“It would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries which have struggled so long against overwhelming odds should lose that victory for which they sacrificed so much. Collapse of free institutions and loss of independence would be disastrous not only for them but for the world. Discouragement and possibly failure would quickly be the lot of neighboring peoples striving to maintain their freedom and independence. Should we fail to aid Greece and Turkey in this fateful hour the effect will be far reaching to the West as well as to the East. We must take immediate and resolute action. I therefore ask the Congress to provide authority for assistance to Greece and Turkey in the amount of $400 0 000 for the period ending June 30 1948.”

President Harry S. Truman The Truman Doctrine Speech March 12 1947

3. President Truman’s speech was most likely intended to increase the public’s awareness of

• rising tensions over oil reserves in the Middle East
• the Cold War and the struggle against Communism in Europe
• the United States’ need for access to the Black Sea
• the need to rebuild Europe after World War II

4. The immediate outcome of the event described in the excerpt was that

• the United States unilaterally rebuilt Europe
• worldwide freedom of the seas was guaranteed for all nations
• the United States’ foreign policy of containment was successfully implemented
• Europe was not as vital to U.S. interests as initially believed

5. Based on the ideas in the excerpt which of the following observations of U.S. foreign policy in the post World War II years is true?

• The United States was making a major shift in foreign policy from its stance after World War I.
• More people opposed the idea of U.S. involvement in world affairs.
• A majority believed that U.S. foreign policy was being dictated by the United Nations.
• The United States needed to reassert the “Good Neighbor Policy” but with a focus on Europe.

“Women especially educated women such as you have a unique opportunity to influence us man and boy and to play a direct part in the unfolding drama of our free society. But I am told that nowadays the young wife or mother is short of time for the subtle arts that things are not what they used to be; that once immersed in the very pressing and particular problems of domesticity many women feel frustrated and far apart from the great issues and stirring debates for which their education has given them understanding and relish. . . . There is often a sense of contraction of closing horizons and lost opportunities. They had hoped to play their part in the crisis of the age. . . . The point is that . . . women “never had it so good” as you do. And in spite of the difficulties of domesticity you have a way to participate actively in the crisis in addition to keeping yourself and those about you straight on the difference between means and ends mind and spirit reason and emotion . . . In modern America the home is not the boundary of a woman’s life. . . . But even more important is the fact surely that what you have learned and can learn will fit you for the primary task of making homes and whole human beings in whom the rational values of freedom tolerance charity and free inquiry can take root.”

Adlai Stevenson “A Purpose for Modern Women” from his Commencement Address at Smith College 1955

6. Which of the following best mirrors the sentiments expressed by Adlai Stevenson in the provided excerpt?

• Women should be prepared to return to a more traditional role in society.
• The ideals espoused by Republican Motherhood should be upheld.
• The United States would not have won World War II if women had not worked in factories.
• Women had the opportunity to influence the next generation of citizens.

7. The reference that “many women feel frustrated and far apart from the great issues and stirring debates for which their education has given them understanding and relish” is a reference to the ideas espoused by

• Martin Luther King Jr.
• Betty Friedan
• Dr. Benjamin Spock

Primary Sources

Eisenhower Dwight D. “Eisenhower’s Farewell Address to the Nation.” http://mcadams.posc.mu.edu/ike.htm

Eisenhower Dwight D. “Interstate Highway System.” Eisenhower proposes the interstate highway system to Congress. https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/special-message-the-congress-regarding-national-highway-program

“‘Enemies from Within’: Senator Joseph R. McCarthy’s Accusations of Disloyalty.” McCarthy’s speech in Wheeling West Virginia. http://historymatters.gmu.edu/d/6456

Friedan Betty. The Feminine Mystique . New York: W. W. Norton 1963.

Hamilton Shane and Sarah Phillips. Kitchen Debate and Cold War Consumer Politics: A Brief History with Documents . Boston: Bedford Books 2014.

Kennan George F. American Diplomacy . New York: Signet/Penguin Publishing 1952.

King Martin Luther Jr. “(1955) Martin Luther King Jr. ‘The Montgomery Bus Boycott.'” http://www.blackpast.org/1955-martin-luther-king-jr-montgomery-bus-boycott

King Martin Luther Jr. Stride Toward Freedom: The Montgomery Story . New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers 1958.

MacLean Nancy. American Women’s Movement 1945-2000: A Brief History with Documents . Boston: Bedford Books 2009.

Marshall George C. “The ‘Marshall Plan’ speech at Harvard University 5 June 1947.” http://www.oecd.org/general/themarshallplanspeechatharvarduniversity5june1947.htm

Martin Waldo E. Jr. Brown v. Board of Education: A Brief History with Documents . Boston: Bedford Books 1998.

Schrecker Ellen W. The Age of McCarthyism: A Brief History with Documents . Boston: Bedford Books 2016.

Story Ronald and Bruce Laurie. Rise of Conservatism in America 1945-2000: A Brief History with Documents. Boston: Bedford Books 2008.

Truman Harry. “A Report to the National Security Council – NSC 68 April 12 1950.” https://www.trumanlibrary.gov/library/research-files/report-national-security-council-nsc-68

Truman Harry. “The Fateful Hour (1947)” speech. http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/harrystrumantrumandoctrine.html

Suggested Resources

Ambrose Stephen and Douglas Brinkley. Rise to Globalism: American Foreign Policy since 1938. Ninth ed. New York: Penguin 2010.

Branch Taylor. Parting the Waters: America in the King Years 1954-63 . New York: Simon and Schuster 1988.

Brands H.W. American Dreams: The United States Since 1945 . New York: Penguin 2010.

Brands H.W. The General vs. the President: MacArthur and Truman at the Brink of Nuclear War . New York: Anchor 2016.

Cadbury Deborah. Space Race: The Epic Battle Between American and the Soviet Union for Dominion of Space. New York: Harper 2007.

Cohen Lizabeth A. A Consumers’ Republic: The Politics of Mass Consumption in Postwar America . New York: Vintage 2003.

Coontz Stephanie. The Way We Never Were: American Families and the Nostalgia Trap . New York: Basic Books 2016.

Dallek Robert. Harry S. Truman . New York: Times Books 2008.

Diggins John Patrick. The Proud Decades: America in War and Peace 1941-1960 . New York: W. W. Norton 1989.

Fried Richard. Nightmare in Red: The McCarthy Era in Perspective . Oxford: Oxford University Press 1991.

Gaddis John Lewis. The Cold War: A New History . New York: Penguin 2005.

Halberstam David. The Coldest Winter: America and the Korean War. New York: Hyperion 2007.

Hitchcock William I. The Age of Eisenhower: America and the World in the 1950s. New York: Simon and Schuster 2018.

Johnson Paul. Eisenhower: A Life. New York: Penguin 2015.

Lewis Tom. Divided Highways: Building the Interstate Highways Transforming American Life. Ithaca NY: Cornell University Press 2013.

May Elaine Tyler. Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era . New York: Basic 2008.

McCullough David. Truman. New York: Simon and Schuster 1993.

Patterson James T. Grand Expectations: The United States 1945-1974. Oxford: Oxford University Press 1996.

Whitfield Stephen J. The Culture of the Cold War. Baltimore MD: Johns Hopkins University Press 1996.

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At least 115 killed, more than 185 injured in attack on moscow concert hall, more than 130 killed in moscow concert hall attack, ‘heinous, cowardly’: world reacts to attack on moscow concert hall, moscow concert hall attack: what do we know so far.

Eleven people had been detained, including four people directly involved in the armed assault, Russia’s Interfax news agency reported on Saturday.

ISIL’s Afghan branch – also known as the Islamic State in Khorasan Province, ISKP (ISIS-K) – has claimed responsibility for the attack and United States officials have confirmed the authenticity of that claim, according to the Reuters news agency.

Here is what we know about the group and their possible motive for the Moscow attack.

ISIL’s Afghanistan branch

The group remains one of the most active affiliates of ISIL and takes its title from an ancient caliphate in the region that once encompassed areas of Afghanistan, Iran, Pakistan and Turkmenistan.

The group emerged from eastern Afghanistan in late 2014 and was made up of breakaway fighters of the Pakistan Taliban and local fighters who pledged allegiance to the late ISIL leader, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi .

The group has since established a fearsome reputation for acts of brutality.

Murat Aslan, a military analyst and former Turkish army colonel, said ISIL’s Afghanistan affiliate is known for its “radical and tough methodologies”.

“I think their ideology inspires them in terms of selecting targets. First of all, Russia is in Syria and fighting against Daesh [ISIL] like the United States. That means they see such countries as hostile,” Aslan told Al Jazeera.

“They are now in Moscow. Previously they were in Iran, and we will see much more attacks, maybe in other capitals,” he added.

Though its membership in Afghanistan is said to have declined since a peak in about 2018, its fighters still pose one of the greatest threats to the Taliban’s authority in Afghanistan.

Previous attacks by the group

ISKP fighters claimed responsibility for the 2021 attacks outside Kabul airport that left at least 175 civilians dead, killed 13 US soldiers, and many dozens injured.

The ISIL affiliate was previously blamed for carrying out a bloody attack on a maternity ward in Kabul in May 2020 that killed 24 people, including women and infants. In November that same year, the group carried out an attack on Kabul University, killing at least 22 teachers and students.

In September 2022, the group took responsibility for a deadly suicide bombing at the Russian embassy in Kabul.

Last year, Iran blamed the group for two separate attacks on a major shrine in southern Shiraz – the Shah Cheragh – which killed at least 14 people and injured more than 40.

The US claimed that it intercepted communications confirming that the group was preparing to carry out attacks before coordinated suicide bombings in Iran in January this year killed nearly 100 people in the southeastern Iranian city of Kerman. ISKP claimed responsibility for the Kerman attacks.

Why is ISIL attacking Russia?

Defence and security analysts say the group has targeted its propaganda at Russian President Vladimir Putin in recent years over the alleged oppression of Muslims by Russia.

“Russian foreign policy has been one big red flag for ISIS [ISIL],” Michael Kugelman, director of the South Asia Institute at the Washington-based Wilson Center told Al Jazeera. “The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, Russian actions in Chechnya, Moscow’s close relationships with the Syrian and Iranian governments, and especially the military campaigns that Russia has waged against ISIS fighters in Syria and — through Wagner Group mercenaries – in parts of Africa.”

All of that has meant that Moscow has become a focus of ISKP’s “extensive propaganda war,” said Amira Jadoon, assistant professor at Clemson University in South Carolina and co-author of, The Islamic State in Afghanistan and Pakistan: Strategic Alliances and Rivalries.

“Russia’s engagement in the global fight against ISIS and its affiliates, especially through its military operations in Syria and its efforts to establish connections with the Afghan Taliban – ISIS-K’s rival – marks Russia as a key adversary for ISIS/ISIS-K,” Jadoon told Al Jazeera.

Should the Moscow attack be “definitely attributed” to ISKP, Jadoon said, the group hopes to win support and advance “its goal to evolve into a terrorist organisation with global influence” by demonstrating that it can launch attacks within Russian territory.

“ISK [ISKP] has consistently demonstrated its ambition to evolve into a formidable regional entity … By directing its aggression towards nations such as Iran and Russia, ISK not only confronts regional heavyweights but also underscores its political relevance and operational reach on the global stage,” Jadoon said.

Kabir Taneja, a fellow at the Strategic Studies Programme of the Observer Research Foundation – a think tank based in New Delhi, India – told Al Jazeera that Russia is seen by ISIL and its affiliates as “a crusading power against Muslims”.

“Russia has been a target for ISIS and not just ISKP from the beginning,” Taneja, author of the book, The ISIS Peril, said.

“ISKP attacked [the] Russian embassy in Kabul in 2022, and over the months, Russian security agencies have upped their efforts to clamp down on pro-ISIS ecosystems both in Russia and around its borders, specifically Central Asia and the Caucusus,” he said.

In early March, Russia’s Federal Security Service, better known as the FSB, said it had thwarted an ISIL plan to attack a Moscow synagogue.

“The most compelling current motivation for ISIS-K to attack Russia is the Taliban factor. The Taliban is a bitter rival of ISIS, and ISIS views Russia as a friend of the Taliban,” said Kugelman.

Moscow’s close relations with Israel are also anathema to ISIL’s ideology, Taneja said.

“So this friction is not new ideologically, but is so tactically,” he told Al Jazeera.

There’s another factor, too: Largely away from the world’s attention, the armed group has regrouped into a formidable force after setbacks in Syria and Iran.

“ISKP in Afghanistan has grown in strength significantly … and it’s not just ISKP, ISIS in its original regions of operations, Syria and Iraq, also sees [an] uptick in operational capabilities,” Taneja said. Today, he added, it is “ideologically powerful even if not politically, tactically or strategically … that powerful any more”.

That poses a challenge for a distracted world, he said.

“How to combat this is the big question at a time when big power competition and global geopolitical churn has put counterterrorism on the back burner,” Taneja added.

How has ISIL responded?

ISKP social media channels are “jubilant” following the attack on Moscow, said Abdul Basit, a senior associate fellow at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Singapore.

“They are celebrating the attack,” Basit told Al Jazeera, adding that supporters are “translating and recirculating the responsibility claim” issued by the ISIL-linked Amaq News Agency.

Basit said that ISIL’s method of operations involves amplifying a propaganda campaign in advance of large-scale attacks and this had been observed in recent anti-Russian messaging. Such attacks “add to the credibility” of armed groups, Basit explained, which then “increases the scope of their funding, recruitment and propaganda”.

More attacks are possible in Russia and elsewhere, he added, given the key role that ISIL recruits of Central Asian origin – particularly Tajiks – played when the group held territory in Syria. They have now returned to the Central Asia region and their intent to carry out attacks has now materialised in capability, Basit said.

Previous attacks in Russia

Moscow and other Russian cities have been the targets of previous attacks.

In 2002, Chechen fighters took more than 900 people hostage in a Moscow theatre, the Dubrovka, demanding the withdrawal of Russian troops from Chechnya and an end to Russia’s war on the region.

Russian special forces attacked the theatre to end the standoff and 130 people were killed, most suffocated by a gas used by security forces to leave the Chechen fighters unconscious.

The deadliest attack in Russia was the 2004 Beslan school siege which was carried out by members of a Chechen armed group seeking Chechnya’s independence from Russia. The siege killed 334 people, including 186 children.

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• Government reform
• Civil service reform
• Election guidance for civil servants
• Cabinet Office
• Civil Service

General election guidance 2024: guidance for civil servants (HTML)

Updated 23 May 2024

© Crown copyright 2024

This publication is licensed under the terms of the Open Government Licence v3.0 except where otherwise stated. To view this licence, visit nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/version/3 or write to the Information Policy Team, The National Archives, Kew, London TW9 4DU, or email: [email protected] .

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This publication is available at https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/election-guidance-for-civil-servants/general-election-guidance-2024-guidance-for-civil-servants-html

1. General elections have a number of implications for the work of departments and civil servants. These arise from the special character of government business during an election campaign, and from the need to maintain, and be seen to maintain, the impartiality of the Civil Service, and to avoid any criticism of an inappropriate use of official resources. This guidance takes effect from 00:01 on 25 May 2024 at which point the ‘election period’ begins. The Prime Minister will write separately to Ministers advising them of the need to adhere to this guidance and to uphold the impartiality of the Civil Service. 

2. This guidance applies to all UK civil servants, and the board members and staff of Non-Departmental Public Bodies (NDPBs) and other arms’ length bodies.  

General Principles 

3. During the election period, the Government retains its responsibility to govern, and Ministers remain in charge of their departments. Essential business (which includes routine business necessary to ensure the continued smooth functioning of government and public services) must be allowed to continue. However, it is customary for Ministers to observe discretion in initiating any new action of a continuing or long term character. Decisions on matters of policy on which a new government might be expected to want the opportunity to take a different view from the present government should be postponed until after the election, provided that such postponement would not be detrimental to the national interest or wasteful of public money.   

4. Advice on handling such issues is set out in this guidance. This guidance will not cover every eventuality, but the principles should be applied to the particular circumstances.  

5. The principles underlying the conduct of civil servants in a general election are an extension of those that apply at all times, as set out in the Civil Service Code

• The basic principle for civil servants is not to undertake any activity that could call into question their political impartiality or that could give rise to criticism that public resources are being used for party political purposes. This principle applies to all staff working in departments.  
• Departmental and NDPB activity should not be seen to compete with the election campaign for public attention. The principles and conventions set out in this guidance also apply to public bodies.  
• It is also a requirement of the Ministerial Code that Ministers must not use government resources for party political purposes and must uphold the political impartiality of the Civil Service.  

Election queries 

6. For any detailed queries on this guidance, or other questions, officials should in the first instance seek guidance from their line management chain, and, where necessary, escalate to their Permanent Secretary who may consult the Cabinet Secretary, or the Propriety and Ethics Team in the Cabinet Office. 

7. The Propriety and Ethics Team handle general queries relating to conduct during the election period, provide advice on the handling of enquiries and any necessary co-ordination where enquiries raise issues that affect a number of departments (through their Permanent Secretary). 

8. In dealing with queries, the Propriety and Ethics Team will function most effectively if it is in touch with relevant developments in departments. 

Departments should therefore: 

• draw to their attention, for advice or information, any approach or exchange that raises issues that are likely to be of interest to other departments; and 
• seek advice before a Minister makes a significant Ministerial statement during the election period. 

Section A: Enquiries, Briefing, Requests for Information and attending events 

1. This note gives guidance on: 

• the handling by departments and agencies of requests for information and other enquiries during a general election campaign; 
• briefing of Ministers during the election period;  
• the handling of constituency letters received from Members of Parliament before dissolution, and of similar letters from parliamentary candidates during the campaign; and 
• the handling of FOI requests. 

2. At a general election, the government of the day is expected to defend its policies to the electorate. By convention, the governing party is entitled to check with departments that statements made on its behalf are factually correct and consistent with government policy. As at all times, however, government departments and their staff must not engage in, or appear to engage in, party politics or be used for party ends. They should provide consistent factual information on request to candidates of all parties, as well as to organisations and members of the public, and should in all instances avoid becoming involved or appearing to become involved, in a partisan way, in election issues. 

Requests for Factual Information 

3. Departments and agencies should provide any parliamentary candidate, organisation or member of the public with information in accordance with the Freedom of Information Act 2000. Local and regional offices should deal similarly with straightforward enquiries, referring doubtful cases through their line management chain and, where necessary to their Permanent Secretary for decision. 

4. Other requests for information will range from enquiries about existing government policy that are essentially factual in nature, to requests for justification and comment on existing government policy. All requests for information held by departments must be dealt with in accordance with the requirements of the Freedom of Information Act 2000. The handling of press enquiries is covered in Section I.  

5. Where the enquiry concerns the day-to-day management of a non-ministerial department or executive agency and the chief executive would normally reply, he or she should do so in the usual way, taking special care to avoid becoming involved in any matters of political controversy. 

6. Enquiries concerning policies newly announced in a party manifesto or for a comparison of the policies of different parties are for the political party concerned. Civil servants should not provide any assistance on these matters. See also paragraph 14.  

7. Officials should draft replies, whether for official or Ministerial signature, with particular care to avoid party political controversy, especially criticism of the policies of other parties. Ministers may decide to amend draft replies to include a party political context. Where this is the case, Ministers should be advised to issue the letter on party notepaper. The guiding principle is whether the use of departmental resources, including headed paper, would be a proper use of public funds for governmental as opposed to party political purposes, and could be defended as such. 

Speed of Response 

8. The circumstances of a general election demand the greatest speed in dealing with enquiries. In particular, the aim should be to answer enquiries from parliamentary candidates or from any of the political parties’ headquarters within 24 hours. All candidates should be treated equally. 

9. Where a request will take longer to deal with, the requester should be advised of this as he/she may wish to submit a refined request. 

FOI requests 

10. Requests that would normally be covered by the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) must be handled in accordance with the requirements of the Act and the deadlines set therein. Where the application of the public interest balance requires more time, that is permitted under the Act but there is no general power to defer a decision.   

11. Where a request needs to be considered under FOIA it will not normally be possible to get back to the parliamentary candidate, or others, within 24 hours and he or she should be advised of this as they may wish to submit a request more in line with paragraph 8 above. 

Role of Ministers in FOIA decisions 

12. Ministers have a number of statutory functions in relation to requests for information. They are the qualified person for the purpose of using section 36 of the FOI Act for their departments. During the general election period, Ministers will be expected to carry out these functions.  

13. Where there is any doubt, requests should be referred to the FOI Policy team in the Cabinet Office. 

Briefing and Support for Ministers 

14. Ministers continue to be in charge of departments. It is reasonable for departments to continue to provide support for any necessary governmental functions, and receive any policy advice or factual briefing necessary to resolve issues that cannot be deferred until after the election. 

15. Departments can check statements for factual accuracy and consistency with established government policy. Officials should not, however, be asked to devise new arguments or cost policies for use in the election campaign. Departments should not undertake costings or analysis of Opposition policies during the election period.  

Officials attending public or stakeholder events 

16. Officials should decline invitations to events where they may be asked to respond on questions about future government policy or on matters of public controversy. 

Constituency Correspondence 

17. During the election period, replies to constituency letters received from Members of Parliament before the dissolution, or to similar letters from parliamentary candidates, should take into account the fact that if they become public knowledge they will do so in the more politically-charged atmosphere of an election and are more likely to become the subject of political comment. Outstanding correspondence should be cleared quickly. Letters may be sent to former MPs at the House of Commons after dissolution, to be picked up or forwarded. Departments and agencies whose staff routinely deal directly with MPs’ enquiries should ensure that their regional and local offices get early guidance on dealing with questions from parliamentary candidates. Such guidance should reflect the following points: 

a. Once Parliament is dissolved, a Member of Parliament’s constitutional right to represent his or her constituents’ grievances to government disappears, and all candidates for the election are on an equal footing. This doctrine should be applied in a reasonable way. In general, replies should be sent by Ministers to constituency letters that were written by MPs before dissolution. Where there is a pressing need for Ministers to reply to letters on constituency matters written after the dissolution by former Members, this should be handled in a way that avoids any preferential treatment or the appearance of preferential treatment between letters from the governing party and those from other candidates. It will normally be appropriate to send a Private Secretary reply to letters on constituency matters from prospective parliamentary candidates who were not Members before the dissolution. 

b. The main consideration must be to ensure that the citizen’s interests are not prejudiced. But it is possible that a personal case may become politically controversial during the election period. Departments should therefore make particular efforts to ensure, so far as possible, that letters are factual, straightforward and give no room for misrepresentation. 

c. Replies to constituency correspondence to be sent after polling day should, where there has been a change of MP, normally be sent direct to the constituent concerned. It should be left to the constituent to decide whether or not to copy the letter to any new MP. Where there is no change in MP, correspondence should be returned to the MP in the normal way.

Section B: Special Advisers 

1. Special Advisers must agree with the Cabinet Office the termination of their contracts  on or before 30 May (except for a small number of Special Advisers who may remain in post, where the express agreement of their appointing Minister and the Prime Minister to continue in post has been given).     

2. An exception to this is where a Special Adviser has been publicly identified as a candidate or prospective candidate for election to the UK Parliament, in which case they must instead resign at the start of the short campaign period ahead of the election. 

3. Special Advisers who leave government for any reason will no longer have preferential access to papers and officials. Any request for advice from a former Special Adviser will be treated in the same way as requests from other members of the public.  

4. On leaving government, Special Advisers should return all departmental property e.g. mobile phones, remote access and other IT equipment. Special Advisers may leave a voicemail message or out of office reply on departmental IT with forwarding contact details.  

5. Special Advisers receive severance pay when their appointment is terminated, but not where they resign. Severance pay for Special Advisers is taxable as normal income and will be paid as a lump sum. The amount an individual is entitled to will be determined by their length of service as set out in the Model Contract for Special Advisers. Special Advisers are required to agree that if they are reappointed, they will repay any amount above that which they would have been paid in salary had they remained in post. Any excess severance will be reclaimed automatically through payroll on reappointment.  

6. If the Prime Minister agrees exceptionally that a Special Adviser should remain in post during the election period, their appointment will be automatically terminated the day after polling day. In those cases, Special Advisers may continue to give advice on government business to their Ministers as before. They must continue to adhere to the requirements of the Code of Conduct for Special Advisers and may not take any public part in the campaign. Section A is also relevant in relation to the commissioning of briefing. 

7. Different arrangements can be made for Special Advisers on, or about to begin, maternity leave when a UK general election is called. These arrangements are set out in the Maternity Policy for Special Advisers, and Special Adviser HR are best placed to advise on specific circumstances.

8. If there is no change of government following the election, a Special Adviser may be reappointed. The Prime Minister’s approval will be required before any commitments are made, and a new contract issued, including for any advisers who have stayed in post.

Section C: Contacts with the Opposition Party 

1. The Prime Minister has authorised pre-election contact between the main opposition parties and Permanent Secretaries from 11 January 2024. These contacts are strictly confidential and are designed to allow Opposition spokespeople to inform themselves of factual questions of departmental organisation and to inform civil servants of any organisational or policy changes likely in the event of a change of government.  

2. Separate guidance on handling such contacts is set out in the Cabinet Manual.

Section D: Contact with Select Committees 

1. House of Commons Select Committees set up by Standing Order continue in existence, technically, until that Standing Order is amended or rescinded. In practice, when Parliament is dissolved pending a general election, membership of committees lapses and work on their inquiries ceases.  

2. House of Lords Select Committees are not set up by Standing Orders and technically cease to exist at the end of each session. 

3. The point of contact for departments continues to be the Committee Clerk who remains in post to process the basic administrative work of the committee (and prepare for the re-establishment of the Committee in the next Parliament).  

4. Departments should continue to work, on a contingency basis, on any outstanding evidence requested by the outgoing committee and on any outstanding government responses to committee reports. It will be for any newly-appointed Ministers to approve the content of any response. It will be for the newly-appointed committee to decide whether to continue with its predecessor committee’s inquiries and for the incoming administration to review the terms of draft responses before submitting to the newly appointed committee. 

5. It is for the newly-appointed committee to decide whether to publish government responses to its predecessor reports. There may be some delay before the committee is reconstituted, and an incoming government may well wish to publish such responses itself by means of a Command Paper. In this event, the department should consult the Clerk of the Committee before publication of the report response.

Section E: Political Activities of Civil Servants 

1. Permanent Secretaries will wish to remind staff of the general rules governing national political activities. These are set out in the Civil Service Management Code and departmental staff handbooks. 

2. For this purpose, the Civil Service is divided into three groups: 

a. the “politically free” – industrial and non-office grades; 

b. the “politically restricted” – members of the Senior Civil Service, civil servants in Grades 6 and 7 (or equivalent) and members of the Fast Stream Development Programme; and

c. civil servants outside the “politically free” and “politically restricted” groups  

3. Civil servants on secondment to outside organisations (or who are on any form of paid or unpaid leave) remain civil servants and the rules relating to political activity continue to apply to them. Departments should seek to contact individuals on secondment outside the civil service to remind them of this. Individuals seconded into the Civil Service are also covered by these rules for the duration of their appointment. 

Civil Servants Standing for Parliament  

4. All civil servants are disqualified from election to Parliament (House of Commons Disqualification Act 1975) and must resign from the Civil Service before standing for election. Individuals must resign from the Civil Service on their formal adoption as a prospective parliamentary candidate, and must complete their last day of service before their adoption papers are completed. If the adoption process does not reasonably allow for the individual to give full notice, departments and agencies may at their discretion pay an amount equivalent to the period of notice that would normally be given. 

Other Political Activity 

5. “Politically restricted” civil servants are prohibited from any participation in national political activities.  

6. All other civil servants may engage in national political activities with the permission of the department, which may be subject to certain conditions.  

7. Where, on a case by case basis, permission is given by departments, civil servants must still act in accordance with the requirements of the Civil Service Code, including ensuring that they meet the Code’s values and standards of behaviour about impartiality and political impartiality. Notwithstanding any permission to engage in national political activities, they must ensure that their actions (and the perception of those actions) are compatible with the requirements to: 

• serve the government, whatever its political persuasion, to the best of their ability in a way which maintains political impartiality and is in line with the requirements of the Code, no matter what their own political beliefs are; and 
• act in a way which deserves and retains the confidence of ministers, while at the same time ensuring that they will be able to establish the same relationship with those whom they may be required to serve in some future government. 

Reinstatement 

8. Departments and agencies must reinstate former civil servants who have resigned from “politically free” posts to stand for election and whose candidature has proved unsuccessful, provided they apply within a week of declaration day.  

9. Departments and agencies have discretion to reinstate all other former civil servants who have resigned to stand for election and whose candidature has proved unsuccessful. Former civil servants in this category seeking reinstatement should apply within a week of declaration day if they are not elected. Departments are encouraged to consider all applications sympathetically and on their merits. For some individuals, it may not be possible to post them back to their former area of employment because, for instance, of the sensitivity of their work and/or because their previous job is no longer vacant. In these cases, every effort should be made to post these staff to other areas rather than reject their applications.

Section F: Cabinet and Official Documents 

1. In order to enable Ministers to fulfil their continuing responsibilities as members of the Government during the election period, departments should retain the Cabinet documents issued to them. Cabinet documents refers to all papers, minutes and supplementary materials relating to Cabinet and its committees. This is applicable to meetings of and correspondence to Cabinet and its committees. 

2. If there is no change of government after the election, Ministers who leave office or who move to another Ministerial position must surrender any Cabinet or Cabinet committee papers or minutes (including electronic copies) and they should be retained in the department in line with guidance issued by the Cabinet Office.  Ministers who leave office or move to another Ministerial position should also not remove or destroy papers that are the responsibility of their former department: that is, those papers that are not personal, party or constituency papers. 

3. If a new government is formed, all Cabinet and Cabinet committee documents issued to Ministers should be destroyed. Clearly no instructions can be given to this effect until the result of the election is known, but Permanent Secretaries may wish to alert the relevant Private Secretaries.  

4. The conventions regarding the access by Ministers and Special Advisers to papers of a previous Administration are explained in more detail in the Cabinet Manual. Further guidance to departments will be issued by the Cabinet Office once the outcome of the election is known.  

5. More detailed guidance on managing records in the event of a change of administration will be held by your Departmental Records Officer. The Head of Public Records and Archives in the Cabinet Office can also provide further advice and written guidance can be found here: 

Guidance management of private office information and records

Section G: Government Decisions 

1. During an election campaign the Government retains its responsibility to govern and Ministers remain in charge of their departments. Essential business (including routine business necessary to ensure the continued smooth functioning of government and public services) must be carried on. Cabinet committees are not expected to meet during the election period, nor are they expected to consider issues by correspondence. However there may be exceptional circumstances under which a collective decision of Ministers is required. If something requires collective agreement and cannot wait until after the General Election, the Cabinet Secretary should be consulted.  

2. However, it is customary for Ministers to observe discretion in initiating any action of a continuing or long term character. Decisions on matters of policy, and other issues such as large and/or contentious commercial contracts, on which a new government might be expected to want the opportunity to take a different view from the present government, should be postponed until after the election, provided that such postponement would not be detrimental to the national interest or wasteful of public money. 

Statutory Instruments 

3. The principles outlined above apply to making statutory instruments. 

Departmental lawyers can advise in more detail, in conjunction with the Statutory Instrument Hub.  

4. The general principle that Ministers should observe discretion in initiating any new action of a continuing or long-term character applies to the making of commencement orders, which during the election period should be exceptional.  As is usual practice, statutory instruments are required to go through the Parliamentary Business and Legislation Committee process before they can be laid.

Section H: Public and Senior Civil Service Appointments

1. All appointments requiring approval by the Prime Minister, and other Civil Service and public appointments likely to prove sensitive (including those where Ministers have delegated decisions to officials or other authorities) should be frozen until after the election, except in exceptional circumstances (further detail below). This includes appointments where a candidate has already accepted a written offer (and the appointment has been announced before the election period), but where the individual is not due to take up post until after the election. The individual concerned should be told that the appointment will be subject to confirmation by the new Administration after the election. 

2. It is recognised that this may result in the cancellation (or delay) of an appointment by the new Administration, and that the relevant department could be vulnerable to legal action by a disappointed candidate. To reduce the risk of this, departments might wish to: 

• recommend to their Secretary of State the advisability of bringing forward or delaying key stages in the process, where an appointment would otherwise likely take effect just before or after an election; 
• issue a conditional offer letter, making it clear that the formal offer of the appointment will need to be confirmed by a new Administration. 

3. In cases where an appointment is due to end between dissolution and election day, and no announcement has been made concerning the new appointment, it will normally be possible for the post to be left vacant or the current term extended until incoming Ministers have been able to take a decision either about reappointment of the existing appointee or the appointment of a new person. This situation is also likely to apply to any appointments made by Letters Patent, or otherwise requiring royal approval, since it would not be appropriate to invite His Majesty to make a conditional appointment. 

4. In exceptional cases where it is not possible to apply these temporary arrangements and there is an essential need to make an appointment during the election period, departments may wish to advise their Ministers about consulting the Opposition before a final decision is taken. Departments should consult the Public Appointments Policy Team in the Cabinet Office. 

5. In the case of public and Senior Civil Service appointments, departments should delay the launch of any open competition during an election period, to give any incoming Administration the option of deciding whether to follow the existing approach.  

6. In those cases where an appointment is required to be made, it is acceptable, in the case of sensitive Senior Civil Service positions, to allow temporary promotion.  

Section I: Communication Activities during a General Election

1. The general principle governing communication activities during a general election is to do everything possible to avoid competition with parliamentary candidates for the attention of the public, and not to undertake any activity that could call into question civil servants’ political impartiality or that could give rise to criticism that public resources are being used for party political purposes. Special care must be taken during the course of an election since material produced with complete impartiality, which would be accepted as objective in ordinary times, may generate criticism during an election period when feelings are running high. All communication activity should be conducted in line with Government Communication Service (GCS) guidance on propriety and propriety in digital and social media .  

2. Departmental communications staff may properly continue to discharge their normal function during the election period, to the extent of providing factual explanation of current government policy, statements and decisions. They must be particularly careful not to become involved in a partisan way in election issues.  

3. During the election period, access to departmental briefing systems will be restricted to permanent civil servants who will produce briefing, and answer requests for information, in line with the principles set out in Section A of the election guidance. Any updating of lines to take should be confined to matters of fact and explanations of existing government policy in order to avoid criticism of serving, or appearing to serve, a party political purpose.  

News Media  

4. In response to questions departments should, where possible, provide factual information by reference to published material, including that on websites. Specific requests for unpublished material should be handled in accordance with the requirements of the Freedom of Information Act. 

5. Routine factual press notices may continue to be issued – for example statistics that are issued on a regular basis or reports of publicly-owned bodies, independent committees etc., which a department is required to publish. 

6. There would normally be no objection to issuing routine factual publications, for example health and safety advice, but these should be decided on a case by case basis, in consultation with the Director or Head of Communications, who should take account of the subject matter and the intended audience. A similar approach should apply to blogs and social media. 

7. Press releases and other material normally sent to Members of Parliament should cease at the point at which this guidance comes into effect. 

8. Statements that refer to the future intentions of the Government should not be handled by a department and should be treated as party political statements. Where a Minister considers it necessary to hold a governmental press conference to make clear the Government’s existing policies on a particular subject prior to the election, then his or her department should provide facilities and give guidance. Ultimately, each case must be judged on its merits, including consideration of whether an announcement needs to be made, in consultation with the Director or Head of Communications.  

9. The Propriety and Ethics Team in the Cabinet Office must be consulted before a Minister makes an official Ministerial statement during the election period. 

10. Statements or comments referring to the policies, commitments or perceived intentions of Opposition parties should not be handled by departments. 

Press Articles, Interviews, and Broadcasts and Webcasts by Ministers  

11. During the election period, arrangements for newspaper articles, interviews and broadcasts by Ministers, including online, will normally be made on the political network. Care should be taken by communications staff in arranging any press interviews for Ministers during this period because of the possibility that such interviews would have a strong political content. They should not arrange broadcasts through official channels unless they are satisfied there is a need to do so and that the Minister is speaking in a government, not party, capacity. 

Paid Media 

12. Advertising, including partnership and influencer marketing. New campaigns will in general be postponed and live campaigns will be paused (across all advertising and marketing channels). A very small number of campaigns (for example, relating to essential recruitment, or public health, such as blood and organ donation or health and safety) may be approved by the Permanent Secretary, in consultation with GCS and the Propriety and Ethics Team.

a. International activity. Where marketing is delivered outside the UK and targeting non-UK citizens, the campaign can continue during the election period, subject to Permanent Secretary approval and as long as consideration has been given to the potential for the campaign to garner interest within the UK and to reach UK diaspora. If continuing the campaign is likely to generate domestic interest, it should be paused.

b. Official radio ‘fillers’ will be reviewed and withdrawn unless essential.

13. Films, videos and photographs from departmental libraries or sources should not be made available for use by political parties.  

14. Printed material should not normally be given any fresh distribution in the United Kingdom during the election period, in order to avoid any competition with the flow of election material. The effect on departments that distribute posters and leaflets to the public is as follows: 

a. Posters. The normal display of existing posters on official premises may continue but efforts should not be made to seek display elsewhere. Specific requests by employers, trade unions etc for particular posters may, however, be met in the ordinary way. 

b. Leaflets. Small numbers of copies of leaflets may be issued on request to members of the public and to parliamentary candidates, in consultation with the Director or Head of Communications, who should take account of the subject matter and the intended audience. Bulk supplies should not be issued to any individuals or organisations without appropriate approval. 

c. Export promotion stories and case studies for overseas use may continue to be sought  in the UK but it must be made clear on each occasion that this information is needed for use abroad, and permission must be sought from the Permanent Secretary before proceeding. 

d. The use of public buildings for communication purposes is covered in Section L. 

15. Exhibitions. Official exhibitions on a contentious policy or proposal should not be kept open or opened during the election period. Official exhibitions that form part of a privately sponsored exhibition do not have to be withdrawn unless they are contentious, in which case they should be withdrawn. 

Social Media and Digital Channels 

16. Official websites and social media channels will be scrutinised closely by news media and political parties during the election period. All content must be managed in accordance with GCS propriety guidance.

Publishing content online  

17. Content Design: planning, writing and managing content guidance   should be consulted when publishing any online content.

18. Material that has already been published in accordance with the rules on propriety and that is part of the public domain record can stand. It may also be updated for factual accuracy, for example a change of address. However, while it can be referred to in handling media enquiries and signposting in response to enquiries from the public, nothing should be done to draw further attention to it. 

19. Updating the public with essential factual information may continue (e.g. transport delays) but social media and blogs that comment on government policies and proposals should not be updated for the duration of the election period.  

20. Ministers’ biographies and details of their responsibilities can remain on sites, no additions should be made. Social media profiles should not be updated during this period. 

21. Site maintenance and planned functional and technical development for existing sites can continue, but this should not involve new campaigns or extending existing campaigns.  

22. News sections of websites and blogs must comply with the advice on press releases. News tickers and other mechanisms should be discontinued for the election period. 

23. In the event of an emergency, digital channels can be used as part of Crisis Communication  activity in the normal way. 

Further Guidance 

24. In any case of doubt about the application of this guidance in a particular case, communications staff should consult their Director or Head of Communications in the first instance, then, if necessary, the Chief Executive, Government Communication Service, Chief Operating Officer, Government Communication Service, or the departmental Permanent Secretary who will liaise with the Propriety and Ethics Team in the Cabinet Office.

Section J: Guidance on Consultations during an election period 

1. In general, new public consultations should not be launched during the election period. If there are exceptional circumstances where launching a consultation is considered essential (for example, safeguarding public health), permission should be sought from the Propriety and Ethics Team in the Cabinet Office. 

2. If a consultation is on-going at the time this guidance comes into effect, it should continue as normal. However, departments should not take any steps during an election period that will compete with parliamentary candidates for the public’s attention. This effectively means a ban on publicity for those consultations that are still in process. 

3. As these restrictions may be detrimental to a consultation, departments are advised to decide on steps to make up for that deficiency while strictly observing the guidance. That can be done, for example, by: 

a. prolonging the consultation period; and 

b. putting out extra publicity for the consultation after the election in order to revive interest (following consultation with any new Minister). 

4. Some consultations, for instance those aimed solely at professional groups, and that carry no publicity, will not have the impact of those where a very public and wide-ranging consultation is required. Departments need, therefore, to take into account the circumstances of each consultation. Some may need no remedial action – but this is a practical rather than propriety question so long as departments observe the broader guidance here. 

5. During the election period, departments may continue to receive and analyse responses with a view to putting proposals to the incoming government but they should not make any statement or generate publicity during this period.   

Section K: Statistical Activities during a General Election 

1. This note gives guidance on the conduct of statistical activities across government during a general election period.  [footnote 1]

2. The same principles apply to social research and other government analytical services.  

3. Under the terms of the Statistics and Registration Service Act 2007, the UK Statistics Authority, headed by the National Statistician, is responsible for promoting and safeguarding the integrity of official statistics. It should be consulted in any cases of doubt about the application of this guidance.  

Key Principles 

4. Statistical activities should continue to be conducted in accordance with the Code of Practice for Official Statistics and the UK Government’s Prerelease Access to Official Statistics Order 2008, taking great care, in each case, to avoid competition with parliamentary candidates for the attention of the public. 

Statistical publications, releases, etc. 

5. The greatest care must continue to be taken to ensure that information is presented impartially and objectively. 

6. Regular pre-announced statistical releases (e.g. press notices, bulletins, publications or electronic releases) will continue to be issued and published. Any other ad hoc statistical releases should be released only in exceptional circumstances and with the approval of the National Statistician, consulting with the Propriety and Ethics Team in the Cabinet Office where appropriate. Where a pre-announcement has specified that the information would be released during a specified period (e.g. a week, or longer time period), but did not specify a precise day, releases should not be published within the election period. The same applies to social research publications

Requests for information 

7. Any requests for unpublished statistics, including from election candidates, should be handled in an even-handed manner, in accordance with the Freedom of Information Act. Guidance on handling FOI requests can be found in Section A.  

Commentary and Briefing 

8. Special care must be taken in producing commentary for inclusion in announcements of statistical publications issued during the election period. Commentary that would be accepted as impartial and objective analysis or interpretation at ordinary times, may attract criticism during an election. Commentary by civil servants should be restricted to the most basic factual clarification during this period. Ultimately the content of the announcement is left to the discretion of the departmental Head of Profession, seeking advice from the National Statistician as appropriate. 

9. Pre-election arrangements for statistics, whereby pre-release access for briefing purposes is given to Ministers or chief executives (and their appropriate briefing officials) who have policy responsibility for a subject area covered by a particular release, should continue, in accordance with the principles embodied in the UK Government’s Pre-release Access to Official Statistics Order 2008.  

10. In general, during this period, civil servants involved in the production of official statistics will not provide face to face briefing to Ministers. Only if there is a vital operational need for information, (e.g. an out of the ordinary occurrence of market-sensitive results with significant implications for the economy, or some new management figures with major implications for the running of public services), should such briefing be provided. Any such briefing should be approved by the National Statistician.  

11. Requests for advice on the interpretation or analysis of statistics should be handled with care, and in accordance with the guidance in paragraphs 6 and 7.  

12. Requests for factual guidance on methodology should continue to be met. 

13. Requests for small numbers of copies of leaflets, background papers or free publications that were available before the election period may continue to be met but no bulk issues to individuals or organisations should be made without appropriate approval. Regular mailings of statistical bulletins to customers on existing mailing lists may continue. 

Censuses, Surveys and other forms of quantitative or qualitative research enquiry  

14. Regular, continuous and on-going censuses and surveys of individuals, households, businesses or other organisations may continue. Ad hoc surveys and other forms of research that are directly related to and in support of a continuing statistical series may also continue. Ad hoc surveys and other forms of research that may give rise to controversy or be related to an election issue should be postponed or abandoned. 

Consultations 

15. Statistical consultations that are on-going at the point at which Parliament dissolves should continue as normal, but any publicity for such consultations should cease. New public consultations, even if preannounced, should not be launched but should be delayed until after the result of the election is officially declared.  

Further Advice 

16. If officials working on statistics in any area across government are unsure about any matters relating to their work during the election period, they should seek the advice of their Head of Profession in the first instance. Heads of Profession should consult the National Statistician in any cases of doubt. Queries relating to social research, or other analytical services should similarly be referred to the relevant Head of Profession or departmental lead and Permanent Secretary’s office in the first instance. Further advice can be sought from the Propriety and Ethics Team in the Cabinet Office.

Section L: Use of Government Property 

1. Neither Ministers, nor any other parliamentary candidates, should involve government establishments in the general election campaign by visiting them for electioneering purposes. 

2. In the case of NHS property, decisions are for the relevant NHS Trust but should visits be permitted to, for example, hospitals, the Department of Health and Social Care advise that there should be no disruption to services and the same facilities should be offered to other candidates. In any case, it is advised that election meetings should not be permitted on NHS premises. NHS England publishes its own information to NHS organisations about the pre-election period.

3. Decisions on the use of other public sector and related property must be taken by those legally responsible for the premises concerned – for example, for schools, the Governors or the Local Education Authority or Trust Board, and so on. If those concerned consult departments, they should be told that the decision is left to them but that they will be expected to treat the candidates of all parties in an even-handed way, and that there should be no disruption to services. The Department for Education will provide advice to schools on the use of school premises and resources.  

4. It is important that those legally responsible for spending public funds or the use of public property ensure that there is no misuse, or the perception of misuse, for party political purposes. Decision-makers must respect the Seven Principles of Public Life when considering the use of public funds or property during the election period. The principles include an expectation that public office holders take decisions impartially, fairly and on merit and maintain their accountability to the public for their decisions and actions.

Section M: International Business 

1. This guidance specifically addresses the principles that will apply to international business.  

2. International business will continue as normal during the period of the general election.  

International meetings 

3. Decisions on Ministerial attendance and representation at international meetings will continue to be taken on a case by case basis by the lead UK Minister. For example, Ministers will be entitled to attend international summits (such as meetings of the G20).  

4. When Ministers speak at international  meetings, they are fully entitled to pursue existing UK Government policies. All Ministers, whether from the UK Government or the Devolved Administrations, should avoid exploiting international engagements for electoral purposes. Ministers should observe discretion on new initiatives and before stating new positions or making new commitments (see Section G for further advice on Government decision-making).

5. Where a Minister is unable to attend an international meeting that has been assessed as of significant interest to the UK, the UK may be represented by a senior official. In this case, where an item is likely to be pressed to a decision (a legislative decision, or some other form of commitment, e.g. a resolution, conclusions), officials should engage in negotiations and vote in line with the cleared UK position and in line with a detailed brief cleared by the lead UK Minister. Officials should engage actively where there will be a general discussion or orientation debate, but should seek to avoid taking high profile decisions on issues of domestic political sensitivity. If decisions fall to be taken at an international summit that risk being controversial between the UK political parties, departments should consult their Permanent Secretary about the line to follow who may in turn wish to consult the Cabinet Secretary. 

Changes to International Negotiating Positions

6. There may be an unavoidable need for changes to a cleared UK position that require the collective agreement of Ministers. This may arise, for example, through the need for officials to have sufficiently clear negotiating instructions or as a result of the agreed UK position coming under pressure in the closing stages of negotiation. If collective agreement is required, the Cabinet Secretary should be consulted (see Section G). The Cabinet Secretariat can advise departments where they are unsure whether an issue requires further collective agreement. 

7. Departments should note that the reduced availability of Ministers during the election period means that it will be necessary to allow as much time as possible for Ministers to consider an issue. 

Relations with the Press 

8. Departmental Communication staff may properly continue to discharge, during the election period, their normal function only to the extent of providing factual explanation of current government policy, statements and decisions. They must be particularly careful not to become involved in a partisan way in election issues. 

9. Ministers attending international meetings will no doubt wish to brief the press afterwards in the normal manner. But where officials attend meetings in place of Ministers, they should be particularly circumspect in responding to the press on any decision or discussion in the meeting that could be regarded as touching on matters of domestic political sensitivity. If departments wish to issue press notices following international meetings on the discussions or decisions that took place, they should be essentially factual. Any comment, especially on items of domestic sensitivity, should be made by Ministers. In doing so, consideration will need to be given as to whether such comment should be handled by the department or the party. This must be agreed in advance with the Permanent Secretary.  

International Appointments 

10. The UK should not normally make nominations or put forward candidates for senior international appointments until after the election. It remains possible to make nominations or put forward candidates for other positions. Departments should consult their Permanent Secretary and the Propriety and Ethics Team in Cabinet Office on appointments that risk being controversial between the UK political parties.

Section N: The Devolved Administrations

1. The general election does not affect the devolved administrations in the same way. The devolved legislatures are elected separately to the House of Commons. Devolved Ministers in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland will continue to carry out their devolved functions in those countries as usual.

2. Under the Civil Service Code, which also applies to all civil servants, civil servants in the devolved administrations serve Ministers elected through elections in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland and do not report to the UK Government. Accordingly, this guidance does not apply to them. They will continue to support their Ministers in their work. 

3. However, the devolved administrations acknowledge that their activities could have a bearing on the general election campaign. While the devolved administrations will continue largely as normal, they are aware of the need to avoid any action that is, or could be construed as being, party political or likely to have a direct bearing on the general election. Staff in the devolved administrations will continue to refer requests for information about reserved issues from MPs, parliamentary candidates and political parties to the relevant UK department. Requests for information about devolved issues will be handled in accordance with relevant FOI legislation, taking account of the need for prompt responses in the context of an election period. 

4. Officials in the devolved administrations are subject to the rules in Section E as regards their personal political activities, in the same way as UK Government officials. 

5. Discussions with the devolved administrations during the election period should be conducted in this context. For more general details on how best to work with the devolved administrations see the Cabinet Office guidance: Devolution guidance for civil servants

Section O: Public Bodies 

1. The general principles and conventions set out in this guidance apply to the board members and staff of all NDPBs and similar public bodies. Some NDPBs and ALBs employ civil servants.  

2. NDPBs and other public sector bodies must be, and be seen to be, politically impartial. They should avoid becoming involved in party political controversy. Decisions on individual matters are for the bodies concerned in consultation with their sponsor department who will wish to consider whether proposed activities could reflect adversely on the work or reputation of the NDPB or public body in question.

This includes departments and their agencies and other relevant public bodies including all public bodies deemed to be producers of official statistics by dint of an Order in Parliament.  ↩

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Open Access

Peer-reviewed

Research Article

Public service motivation and organizational performance: Catalyzing effects of altruism, perceived social impact and political support

Contributed equally to this work with: Syed Sohaib Zubair, Mukaram Ali Khan, Aamna Tariq Mukaram

Roles Conceptualization, Project administration, Supervision, Writing – review & editing

* E-mail: [email protected]

Affiliation Department of Administrative Sciences, University of the Punjab, Jhelum, Pakistan

Roles Formal analysis, Validation

Affiliation Institute of Administrative Sciences, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Pakistan

Roles Data curation, Investigation, Writing – original draft

Affiliation Islamia University Bahawalpur, Bahawalpur, Pakistan

• Syed Sohaib Zubair, 
• Mukaram Ali Khan, 
• Aamna Tariq Mukaram

• Published: December 2, 2021
• https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0260559
• Reader Comments

With the increasing pressures and demands from the public sector to be more efficient and effective and accountable, the idea of Public Service Motivation (PSM) and Organization Performance (OP) has become more relevant and critical. This quantitative research hypothesizes that PSM leads towards higher level of organizational performance among public sector officials and also explores the intervening effects of Altruism (ALT), Perceived Social Impact (PSI) and Political Support (PS) in this context. Based on self-administered questionnaire, data was collected from 405 public officials using random sampling strategy. Covariance Based Structural Equation Modelling was used to test the hypothesized model. Following the validation of the measurement model, structural model was developed to test the various paths predicted in the hypotheses. Analysis revealed that PSM, PS and ALT have a positive relationship with OP whereas PSM relationship with PS could not be established.

Citation: Zubair SS, Khan MA, Mukaram AT (2021) Public service motivation and organizational performance: Catalyzing effects of altruism, perceived social impact and political support. PLoS ONE 16(12): e0260559. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0260559

Editor: Rogis Baker, Universiti Pertahanan Nasional Malaysia, MALAYSIA

Received: September 14, 2021; Accepted: October 26, 2021; Published: December 2, 2021

Copyright: © 2021 Zubair et al. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License , which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.

Data Availability: All relevant data is available within the paper and Supporting Information files.

Funding: The author(s) received no specific funding for this work.

Competing interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

1. Introduction

Governance and Government related issues are becoming increasingly complex and it is the need of the hour to focus on various possible solutions in the light of “dynamics of modern societies” [ 1 ]. Among various issues, the idea of motivating public sector employees has always been one of the major challenges. The literature in public administration has long endeavored to distinguish the characteristic of public and private administration. Public administration theorists and scholars have incorporated an enormous amount of time in anticipating what motivates public sector employees. Due to the reason that public sector lacks in providing explicit financial incentives to the employees and the fact that government employees look up to a clear and meaningful service, the available research in this realm has been majorly tilted towards non-financial factors [ 2 ]. Two vastly researched non-financial factors among these are goal clarity i.e. [ 3 ] and public service motivation [ 4 ]. The understanding of motivation for individuals working in public organizations is a prerequisite for the management and structure of public sector and for a prosperous provision of public services. Motivation in its general description withholds a stimulus that strengthens, sustains and directs the behavior of individuals, while for public service employees these motivational stimuli are specifically associated with the desire contributing in the social world and serving its citizens [ 5 – 7 ]. Studies such as [ 8 ] and [ 9 ] clearly presents that Public Service Motivation (PSM) cultivate higher performance in organizations only when managers get the instinct of employees feeling that they can hold a constructive influence on society.

According to pioneer studies including [ 10 ] and [ 11 ], it is assumed that employees in public sectors carry a motivation and zeal of serving public which is not present in private sector employees. Since the very beginning, public sector has been highlighted as a responsibility, a duty and a calling instead of merely being a job because, these employees are supposed to be motivated by the ethics of serving public in contrast to employees working in private sector organizations. While on the other hand, the rational choice theories of public administration view public administrators as self-interest maximizers not paying credits to those moral responsibilities which are not specifically reflecting any explicit goals and the external rewards associated with their achievement [ 12 ]. While many organizational theorists and behavioral scientists have tried to indicate the significance of non-selfish motivational elements such as loyalty, altruism and sense of responsibility in overcoming the most highly reported malpractices in public sector organizations such as self-aggrandizement, free riding and opportunism.

A study has highlighted the failures and challenges of traditional incentives in motivating public sector employees [ 13 ]. Moreover, [ 14 ] demonstrated the negative impacts of pay for performance on public sector and also depicted that these negative effects are more likely to persist in public when compared to the management of private sector. In short, studies such as [ 15 ] suggest that by adopting the practices of private sector may not necessarily lead towards the similar perks and advantages of performance in public sector organizations.

Scholars and practitioners in the field have been active in the process of deepening our understanding of why employees in public sector urge to act more in the favor of common good as compared to private sector employees. The leading theoretical perspective which explains the reason why public employees are more active in serving society is public service motivation [ 16 ]. According to [ 17 ], public service motivation has been defined as the belief, values and attitudes that go beyond self-interest and organizational interest, that concern the interest of a larger political entity and that motivate individuals to act accordingly whenever appropriate.

The growing volume of research in the domain of public service motivation is the spirit of this study. [ 18 ] and [ 19 ] report that, beforehand the research on public service motivation has predominantly been conducted in European and American context and Asia has generally being under-researched. The notion to improve the performance of public sector organizations in Pakistan carries equal importance. Since, public sector reforms in the country have specifically endorsed ‘merit-based systems’ and a performance oriented culture which is altogether different from traditional practices that levies growth demands on public sector employees and public organizations in general. The study hypothesizes that public service motivation leads towards higher level of organizational performance among public sector officials because they value organizational results and fate as their own. It contributes to theory and evidence by providing meaningful insights into how public service motivation increases organizational performance amidst the presence of altruism, perceived social impact and political support.

2. Literature review and theoretical underpinnings

Over a period of more than two decades, studies such as that of [ 20 ] and [ 21 ] in public administration research have compiled the need to understand the context of work motivation in public sector organizations. Undeniably, work motivation is a complex subject, and no single theory of motivation can address all the contextual settings of work motivation [ 22 ]. The advocates of goal theory i.e. [ 23 ] promoted that goal theory is conceivably potentially appropriate in the motivational settings of public sector. This assertion may not be true for the reason that it relies on “personal significance reinforcement” instead of monetarist incentives, rather it is considered convincible due to the vital share it carries into many other motivational techniques.

The motivational explanation presented by goal theory illustrates that variations in the performance of employees are not due to the situation or ability rather due to their diverse performance objectives [ 24 ]. Likewise, according to the social cognitive theory, goals do not provide enough explanations to motivate employees to perform, rather these are the discrepancies that individuals shape to compare their actual performance with their desired performance which motivate their behaviors [ 25 ]. The outcome of these discrepancies is a feeling of self-disapproval or approval which encourages individuals to perform in a way that increases self-approval.

As per [ 22 ], the integration of goal and cognitive theories is practical and significantly important to understand motivation in the domain of public sector. Resultantly, if public sector carries ambiguous goals or some conflicting contextual or procedural constraints, these characteristics put a potential influence on the attitudes of employees which as per social cognitive theories are the keystones of work motivation. The present study contributes to the understanding of public service motivation and its relationship with organizational performance by considering altruism, perceived social impact and political support as possible imminent factors that can significantly influence.

Political environment and its corresponding governmental reforms can be a challenge in the path of stimulating the provision of public service motivation despite of having synchronization between organizational and employees’ values. Since, organizations in public sector are typically engrossed in high bureaucratic systems and political structures where individual service providers work within the confined system of directives, rules and regulations and are accountable to their political heads. This does influence their potential of public service motivation and their abilities to uphold [ 26 ]. Policies and political environment carry power to influence the working conditions of service providers [ 8 ] and when such policy reforms are perceived by service providers as a source of their work support, motivation can be multiplied rather than being curtailed [ 7 , 27 ].

Studies such as those by [ 28 ] show that employees who carry higher level of public service motivation do take part in social and political activities, and these organizations promote several values associated to their motivation. Similarly [ 29 ] reveal that people with an orientation for doing good to authors’ value social impact and are likely to be more helpful in certain public services.

Undertaking an institutional and organizational framework, this study argues that the presence of altruism, perceived social support and political support in public service motivation-Organizational Performance relationship demonstrates exactly how this association unfolds. Finally, the study asserts that the presence of contextual factors such as altruism, perceived social impact and political support as potential mediators can assist the relationship between public service motivation and organizational performance. This discussion leads to the elaboration of key constructs in this study, followed by development of research hypotheses that are to be tested.

2.1 Public service motivation

The term public service motivation was first coined by [ 30 ] which was further elaborated by Perry and Wise formally and in consequence of it the research in the realm of public service motivation was sprouted. The description of [ 10 ] states public service motivation as “ the individual predisposition to respond to motives primarily or uniquely found in public institutions ”(p.368). Moreover, in addition to this description, public service motivation is also portrayed as a general orientation of individuals towards delivering services to people with the intention of doing good for society at large [ 31 ].

Research about public service motivation has uprooted rapidly since two decades. [ 10 ] elaborate that public service motivation is to influence employees’ behavior in three different manners i.e. (a) as the level of public service motivation escalates, individuals are more oriented towards working in public sector organizations (b) public service motivation is significantly correlated with job performance of employees in public organizations and that (c) public organizations are comprised of higher number of employees having higher degrees of public service motivation and are not necessarily in need for extrinsic incentives to fulfill their motivation. While [ 17 ] emphasizes on the altruistic component present in public service motivation and further describes it as the beliefs, values and attitudes that go beyond self-interest and organizational interest, that concern the interest of a larger political entity and that motivate individuals to act accordingly whenever appropriate. Perry et al. [ 32 ] argue that due to the blend of altruism, public service motivation has to be considered as a specific type of motivation. According to [ 33 ], some normative concerns such as political ideologies are also a part of public service motivation. As per [ 34 ] and [ 35 ], public service motivation does not only measure motivation in public sector employees, it is rather equally applicable for studying the motivation of volunteer workers. Furthermore, in the perspective of public service motivation, employees’ motivation is slanted towards realizing the importance of goals and services in the public sector because they are a part of some specific public employees and hence get to justify their performance and behaviors accordingly [ 34 ].

Public service motivation and its role as an independent variable is of special consideration because of the proposed welcoming outcomes research has found it with. Studies have found public service motivation’s association with individual and organizational performance [ 36 ]. As per [ 37 ], this relationship has been relatively under researched. Furthermore, [ 18 ] in their comprehensive literature review have lately reported 34 studies out of around 300 articles over a span of twenty five years. In that review 21 studies demonstrated a positive relation between public service motivation and performance, while the rest represented assorted or neutral finding.

Public administration scholars advocate that the true spirit of public service-motivated employees resides in serving the abstract notion of public interest through contributing and serving the society at large. It is also reasoned that public service motivation which focuses on societal well-being primarily resonates with “ societal altruism ” [ 38 ].

2.2 Altruism

Altruism comprises of behaviors a person, a group or an organization takes part in for the sake of providing benefits or to improve the wellness of the beneficiaries. It can also be describes as exhibiting one’s own personal resources to benefit others. It works as an ethical doctrine in which the moral values of an individual’s action are dependent solely on their influence over others regardless of their consequences and outcomes on the individual itself. It is also similar to the concept of formal utilitarianism which advocates maximizing acts which hold good consequences for whole society. Moreover, according to [ 39 ], altruism is defined as “acting on genuinely selfless motives to enhance another’s welfare” . It suggests that altruism is a special behavior grounded on particular sets of fundamental yet theoretically distinctive motives.

In psychology research the concept of altruistic motivation and altruism are considered to describe the motivational dimension. However, studies such as [ 40 ] consider it as an ambiguous psychological terminology and argue that it is important to noticeably explain altruism as a behavior, otherwise it may hold identical meanings as the description of prosocial motivation. In line with this description, the present study undertakes the explanation of altruism in the perspective of [ 41 ] i.e. “evolutionary biology” which expresses altruism as “conferring a benefit ‘b’ on the recipient at a cost ‘c’ to the donor” , this definition explicitly withhold the conceptual basis of altruism and align with the concept of a behavior and not of a motivation . Through the discussion these narrow differences among motivations and behaviors scholars are more able to reduce the complexities by ultimately steering towards conceptual clarity [ 42 ]. As per [ 10 ] altruism contributes in building normative and affective motives among individuals i.e. the normative aspiration of serving and working for the public interest can be regarded as being altruistic. Scholars such as [ 43 ] studied the potential connection of the affective dimension of altruism and selflessness. Piatak and Holt [ 44 ] comprehensively describe that public service motivation and altruism undoubtedly measure some intersecting fragments of prosocial motives for behavior but on the other hand they are different concepts where public service motivation is founded to be more likely predicting voluntary behaviors as compared to altruism.

2.3 Perceived social impact

The concept of perceived social impact is described in terms of degree to which employees analyze their actions while positively influencing their recipients, for instance, by offering such services and products that create a positive impact in the lives of customers [ 45 , 46 ]. In some of the pioneer research, the connection between perceived social impact and job performance has been demonstrated clearly. Grant in a series of experiments [ 45 , 47 , 48 ] demonstrated that connection with recipients amplified social impact’s perception and consequently instigated higher persistence and improved work performance.

In a study on public sanitation department, [ 49 ] have concluded that perceived social impact significantly curtails emotional collapse and increases administrative performance ratings among employees.

2.4 Political support

Easton [ 50 ] (p.436) describe political support as the “degree to which individuals evaluate political objects positively , that is , the mix of attitudes about political leaders , institutions and the system as a whole” . According to [ 51 – 53 ] there are different faces of political support. Tausendpfund and Schäfer [ 54 ] distinguishes “overt support”, that are “supportive activities”, such as vote casting in favor of some political candidate and “covert support”, that is associated with “supportive behaviors” i.e. party loyalty. Moreover, according to [ 55 ] the concept of political support acts as multidimensional because it includes contentment with policies as well as a general assessment which reports how well a political system, its authorities or institutions are meeting the normative expectations of its residents. As per [ 56 ] and [ 57 ], political support elevates in the presence of direct democratic instruments which are considered while political decision making. Moreover, with reference to the procedural fairness theory, [ 58 ] argues that just procedures curtail the negative consequences of unsuitable decisions, which means that citizens may not receive the desired outcome but since, they held a support for raising their voice in the processes, they endorse the processes and call them just and fair which in consequence amplify their political support.

Furthermore, Bowler and Donovan [ 59 ] (p.376) explains that citizens due to the notion of direct and democratic decision-making hold an “occasional voice in government”, which means that their voices are given a considerable attention and they are able to take decisions on specific issues and are listened to. This notion of feeling themselves as a credible part of decision making signifies their perception of influence and political support. According to [ 60 ] this practice largely illustrates their sense of self-determination along with a significant sense of control on their society and living conditions. Shomer et al. [ 61 ] illustrates that the higher degrees of people’s involvement and participation in electoral procedures for the political parties amplifies political support.

2.5 Organizational performance

Organizational performance is generally theorized in terms of the actual output of an organization which are measured against its desired or intended results, objectives or goals and meet the expectations of different groups of stakeholders [ 62 ]. The level of organizational performance is evaluated through several elements consisting of operational efficiencies, levels of diversification, mergers, acquisitions, composition of top management and organizational structures and manipulation of social or political effects interfering with the market conformity [ 63 ]. Although, the measuring criteria for organizational performance has been remained controversial. Studies such as [ 64 ] endorse adopting a multi-dimensional approach to measure organizational performance which reflect a broader range of interests of stakeholders. However, Rouse and Putterill [ 65 ] demonstrates that there is no single performance criteria that is suffice enough to be applicable for all organizations. Hence, organizational performance being a complex subject should always be studied in the contextual settings of the existing context [ 66 ]. Exceptional results are maintained by organizations when they meet the expectations of stakeholders within society [ 67 ]. Based on all this discussion and the objectives of the study, Fig 1 below depicts the research model developed for the study.

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https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0260559.g001

2.6 Hypothesis development

Distinct studies such as [ 68 , 69 ] illustrate that public service motivation leads towards individual performance. [ 17 ] validates the potential evidence that public service motivation is positively connected with job performance. Moreover, an empirical study conducted on medical staff i.e. nurses in Italy proliferates that public service motivation carries a significant positive association with performance [ 70 ]. In some relative studies comprising of small samples from nurses, school teachers and other government employees represented a positive relationship of public service motivation and job performance i.e. [ 70 , 71 , 36 ].

Public administration scholars and experts are captivated in knowing the way PSM amplifies organizational performance of employees in public sector organizations [ 37 ]. In the available literature PSM has been associated to primarily positive consequences, such as organizational citizenship behavior as depicted by [ 72 ], organizational commitment as studied by [ 73 ] and job satisfaction as portrayed by [ 74 ]. However, there is a lack of empirical research on the relationship between public service motivation and organizational performance and this relationship is still inconclusive in the available literature [ 37 ].

In addition to this discussion, [ 75 ] describes that the conceptuality of performance and what creates performance in public sector is complex because it might comprises of some private sector measures such as efficiency or it may carry orientation towards more of public setting objectives such as transparency, access to public, and alleviation of corruption. A meta-analysis [ 76 ] demonstrated that a performance surge and a higher possibility of better performance can be seen with the help of intrinsic motivational sources in contrast with extrinsic motivators. According to [ 77 ], there is a significant positive connection between public service motivation and organizational performance. In the light of these findings this study leads towards hypothesizing that public service motivation is potentially related with organizational performance.

• H1: Public service motivation is significantly positively related with organizational performance.

As far as the relationship between public service motivation and political support is concerned, there are quite a few studies which have been conducted on said variables. According to a research conducted on undergraduate students public service motivation is identified as one of the major factors in increasing political participation and support [ 78 ]. Another study conducted on 300 civil servants found a positive and significant relationship between political support/loyalty and public service motivation [ 79 ].

As far as relationship between political support and organizational performance is concerned, a study conducted by [ 80 ] highlighted the positive role of organizational performance in unfolding the role of political support and concluded that political support is inevitable in accessing organizational performance. According to [ 81 ], a study conducted on elected officials found a positive relationship between political support and organizational performance. Based on following studies, following hypotheses have been developed;

• H2: Public service motivation holds a significant positive relationship with political support.
• H2a: Political support is significantly and positively associated with organizational performance.
• H2b: Political support performs as a potential mediator between PSM and organizational performance.

As far as relationship between public service motivation and Altruism is concerned, there are very few studies which are conducted on the relationship between these two concepts as number of studies tried to distinguish these two concepts [ 42 , 44 ]. As per [ 82 ], a late study conducted in 1870 on university students resulted into finding that public service motivation and altruism are significantly positively correlated with each other and also found that public service motivation may act as a potential predictor of Altruism.

There are quite few studies steered on trying to develop the connection between Altruism and social impact. According to [ 83 ], it was concluded that there is a crucial role of altruism in the society which can eventually create positive social impact. According to [ 84 ], a study conducted on US public and non-profit employees concludes that performance metrics are more likely to be used by those public servants who consider social impact as an important aspect of their tasks. According to [ 46 ], study concluded the positive relationship between perceived social impact and performance. Based on the aforementioned discussion, subsequent hypotheses are developed;

• H3: Public service motivation is significantly positively associated with altruism.
• H3a: Altruism is expected to have a significant positive relationship with perceived social impact.
• H3b: Perceived social impact is anticipated to be positively associated with organizational performance.
• H3c: Altruism and perceived social impact mediates the relationship of PSM and organizational performance.

3. Methodology

Design and protocols developed or followed for a study are of critical nature [ 85 ]. They add that no matter how advanced statistical tool a researcher uses, the research effort might not have sound weightage if the fundamentals of research design and methodology are not carefully taken care off. This research on various factors associated with public officials and their performance has been evaluated by following a quantitative research methodology and a cross-sectional research design. The sample included officers from public organizations/departments under the federal and provincial governments in Pakistan, where the population is 1343, as per the list available with the central bank i.e. the State Bank of Pakistan. On the basis of [ 86 ], the minimum sample size calculated was to be 308. The questionnaires were sent to 475 civil servants using random sampling strategy and 405 were received as duly filled making the response rate of approximately 85.26%. The reason for sending 475 questionnaires was the potential issue of no response, however, the response rate was good in actual. The said individuals in the sample representing their organizations were from top-tier management. In order to tap the organizations, simple random sampling strategy was used and organizations were selected from the frame available. It is imperative to mention that verbal informed consent was taken from the respondents and all details regarding the purpose of data collection and the research work were shared in a cover letter attached with the instrument.

Furthermore, in order to collect data, a structured questionnaire was adapted after extensive review of the literature and responses were recorded using a 5 point Likert Scale. Table 1 highlights the scale used to measure all variables, the number of items used and a sample item for each construct:

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0260559.t001

The model developed earlier, and the collected valuable responses were put to inferential analysis using Co-Variance Based Structural Equation Modelling (SEM) through AMOS. Prior to the testing of the hypothesis through the structural model, several perquisites were established and ensured using the confirmatory factor analysis (CFA). The model fitness was tested and ensured, followed by the confirmation of the convergent and discriminant validities. Table 2 summarizes the demographical characteristics of the officers that were part of the final sample:

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0260559.t002

The sample included 84% male officers and 16% female officers playing a lead role in the organizations under study. 33.6% of the total sample was officers with experience of less than 15 years whereas 66.4% were of more than 15 years of service in the public sector. Referring to the education of such officers, 33.3% were bachelors, 64% had a Masters/M.Phil degree whereas 2.7% had a PhD. Public organizations or offices in Pakistan range from federal, provincial and district level. 40.5% respondents were from federal organizations, 49.1% from provincial organizations, whereas 10.4% were currently serving in district level organizations.

This study has used descriptive statistics including the Means and Standard Deviations of the latent constructs whereas measurement and structural model using covariance based SEM. As far as descriptives are concerned, the mean values of all latent constructs are between 2.74 and 3.68 whereas standard deviations are from 0.54 to 0.81 shows the dispersion of mean.

4.1 Measurement model

The purpose of measurement model is to check the reliability and validity of the model. It also identifies the model fitness indices which ultimately decide the fitness of the model. At first stage, it is highlighted that the Standardized Factor Loading (SFL) of each item should be at least 0.60. However, as per the initial model, the only item whose factor loading was found to be less than the threshold value was PSM 1. After removing the said item, the model was run again and found all the items more than the threshold value of 0.60. At first stage, model fitness indices were tested using covariance based Structural Equation Modeling (SEM). As far as relative chi-square value is concerned, its threshold value is up to 3 [ 92 ] which stands true in this case as the value was found to be 2.90. Moving on, Goodness of Fit index (GFI) [ 93 ], Normed Fit Index (NFI) [ 94 ], and Tucker Lewis index (TLI) [ 95 ] have threshold values of minimum of 0.90 and in this case, all values meets the minimum threshold with the value i.e. 0.901, 0.927 and 0.941 respectively. Furthermore, Comparative Fit Index (CFI) minimum threshold is 0.940 [ 96 ] and its obtained value is 0.950. Lastly, RMSEA minimum threshold is up to 0.080 and in this case, it is 0.069 meeting the minimum threshold [ 97 ].

4.1.1 Composite reliability and convergent validity.

Table 3 highlights the composite reliability and convergent validity. Convergent validity which refers to the accuracy of convergence of items towards their respective latent constructs [ 98 ]. For fulfilling the criteria of convergent validity, three criteria must be fulfilled. One the minimum SFLs must be at least 0.60 which is the case in this study. Secondly, Composite reliability (CR) refers to the internal consistency of the items and its values should be at least 0.70 [ 99 ] which in this case stands true as CR of public service motivation, altruism, social impact, political support, and organizational performance is 0.826, 0.838, 0.854, 0.820 and 0.939 respectively. Thirdly, Average Variance Extracted (AVE) should be at least 0.50 [ 97 ] which also stands true in this case as AVE of public service motivation, altruism, social impact, political support, and organizational performance is 0.544, 0.567, 0.593, 0.604 and 0.660 respectively. Looking at the aforementioned discussion, it is concluded that convergent validity exist in the model.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0260559.t003

4.1.2 Discriminant validity.

As far as discriminant validity is concerned, it refers to the level to which participants were able to differentiate between the items of latent constructs [ 97 ]. For meeting the criteria, all the values of the correlations should be less than the square roots of AVEs. As per Table 4 , it can be seen that all the values of the correlations are less than the square roots of AVE which means that discriminant validity exist in the model.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0260559.t004

Lastly, as far as Common method Bias (CMB) is concerned, “Harman Single Factor Test” (HSFT) is used which is referred to see whether “change in single factor affects all the variables in the data and that variance should be less than 0.5 to avoid CMB” and in this study, value of HSFT is found to be 0.09, therefore it is reported that data is not suffering from CMB [ 100 ]. However, there are few limitations associated with technique [ 101 ], hence, “Common Latent Factor” (CLF) test is used through SEM by “comparing standardized regression weights (SRWs) with and without CLF and found that SRWs without CLF were higher than SRWs with CLF with the difference of less than 0.05”, ultimately concludes that data is not having CMB [ 102 ].

4.2 Structural model

Fig 2 is the structural model developed for testing the hypotheses of the study. As per Table 5 , it can be seen that public service motivation is directly and positively related to organizational performance at β = 0.41 which approves first hypothesis. As far as public service motivation relationship with political support is concerned, the relationship was not found to be significant at β = 0.05 and rejected second hypothesis. As far as political support relationship with organizational performance is concerned, it was found to be significantly positive at β = 0.29 and approved H2a. Due to the rejection of H2, mediation path due to political support between public service motivation and organizational performance was also found to be insignificant at β = 0.015. As far as relationship between public service motivation and altruism is concerned, the relationship was found to be significantly positive at β = 0.30 leading to the acceptance of H3. Similar relationship was found between altruism and social impact and social impact and organizational performance at β = 0.38 and β = 0.30 accepting the H3a and H3b. Due to these significant relationships, serial mediation due to altruism and social impact between public service motivation and organizational performance was found to be significant at β = 0.034 approving H3c and similar results were found by taking altruism as mediator between public service motivation and social impact at β = 0.11 leading to the acceptance of H3d and by taking social impact as mediator between altruism and organizational performance at β = 0.41 ultimately the acceptance of H3d.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0260559.g002

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0260559.t005

5. Discussion and conclusion

This study aims to respond the recent for empirical research into the association between public service motivation and organizational performance. The relationship between public service motivation and organizational performance carries an utmost significance for researchers’ community because scholars are eager in identifying some predictable connection between what motivates employees and stems their organizational performance in the public sector. It is direly important to look into these concepts and strengthened them owing to the high stakes involved in the public sector.

Results found that public service motivation is significantly and positively related with organizational performance as reflected in H 1 . The pioneer of the idea of public service motivation i.e. [ 10 ] argued that employees having greater level of public service motivation carry greater chances of performing better in public sector organizations. The positive insights regarding the relationship between public service motivation and organizational performance supports a recent empirical study [ 70 ] in this domain.

Moreover, two highly cited studies i.e. [ 103 ] and [ 104 ] based on sectoral comparison reported that employees from public sector held a greater enthusiasm towards helping others and working for societal benefits. Moreover, the results from public and private sectors confirmed that public sector employees are more altruistic in their behaviours and are more prosocial as compared to other members of society. Likewise, [ 73 ] examined a significant positive relationship of public service motivation with performance and support for governmental reinvention activities.

Furthermore, [ 105 ] elaborate two premises in this domain. The first premise describes that public service motivation is more like a behavioral trail where altruistic characteristic motivates prosocial behavior among employees. The second premise holds description that people in every walk of life can have altruistic traits and be motivated to perform social service, public service motivation is more likely to be present in public sector employees as compared to private sector and elsewhere.

Moreover, the findings support the serial mediation path in the conceptual model (H3c) i.e. PSM → ALT → PSI →OP which hypothesizes that altruism and perceived social impact mediates the relationship of public service motivation and organizational performance. The results also suggest that public service motivation is strongly and positively related with altruism hence, approving the assumption of H3. On the basis of similarity between public service motivation and altruism some scholars encourage to establish some conceptual boundaries between them [ 18 ]. Scholars such as [ 21 ] have used public service motivation as some general interchangeable concept of altruism. While others have distinguished public service motivation as a prosocial motivational element that is primarily grounded in public sector employees and altruism as a general motivational dimension which aids to serve more specific subgroups among people. Scholars also agree that altruism is one the multiple dimensions of public service motivation [ 32 , 43 , 106 ]. Public service motivation is more likely understood as a general motivation directed towards society or individuals; it is highly expected that public service motivated employees indulge in different types of altruistic behaviors or societal altruism. Moreover, it is argued that public service motivation which potentially directs towards society is associated with societal altruism. The results of this study which show that public service motivation is positively associated with altruism, which are in line with [ 9 , 38 , 42 ].

Moreover, the results indicated that altruism is positively related with perceived social impact and validated the postulation of H3a. In relation with these findings [ 107 ] suggest that public service motivation potentially predicts employees’ perception of social impact of their jobs. Moreover, [ 45 ] showed that employees’ motivation can be amplified when linked with the prosocial impact of their jobs.

In addition to this, the last path of serial mediation approves that perceived social impact is significantly and positively related with organizational performance hence supporting H3b. The results equate with [ 45 ] which found that perceived social impact brings about dedication and is positively related with performance. Furthermore, [ 46 ] describes that perceived social impact plays a positive role in determining employees’ motivation to perform their jobs well. Existing empirical research in this realm such as [ 17 , 74 , 78 ] provide evidence that the real benefits of public service motivation may rely on employees’ perception that their work provides them with enough opportunities to serve others. Moreover, [ 49 ] and [ 108 ] argue that higher degrees of perceived social impact lower emotional exhaustion of employees and stimulate them towards higher performance. [ 84 ] present that when public sector employees are pro-socially motivated and perceive a meaningful influence and purpose of their job on others, they provide organization with high end performance gifts.

The data did not show support for the overall mediation path i.e. H2b which hypothesized that political support performs as a potential mediator between public service motivation and organizational performance.

Noticeably, the results did not validate the assumption of path A of mediation i.e. H2 which hypothesized that public service motivation is positively related with political support. [ 109 ] support the findings by illuminating that public sector employees having higher levels of public service motivation are more vulnerable to perceptions of politics as compared to those having lower levels of public service motivation. In addition, [ 110 ] emphasize that public sector employees carry higher levels of self-efficacy and can be more productive when they perceive their organization to be less political or non-political. Keeping this view it can be assumed that public service motivation is a behavioral trait and public service motivated employees are not necessarily reliant or in wait for political support in their respective organizations.

While, the path B of mediation i.e. H2a which postulated that political support is positively related with organizational performance was supported by the data. It is normally argued that the firms which bear high political support carry easy access ability towards long term governmental loans and other governmental privileges. The findings of this study equate with [ 111 – 114 ] and suggest that being politically supported ultimately upsurges organizational ability to showcase higher performance. In addition to this, [ 112 ] demonstrates the importance of political regimes by approving that the performance of politically supported organizations in Pakistan increased during political regimes when compared with military regimes.

The study generates enough evidence that the presence of public service motivation carries a positive impact on employees’ job behavior and organizational performance in particular. It is therefore inevitable for public sector organizations to seek ways to maximize and encourage public service motivation among their employees. It concludes that altruism and perceived social impact positively mediates the association of public service motivation and organizational performance. While political support does not validate itself as a potential mediator between public service motivation and organizational performance. However, political support individually proves itself to be a potential predictor of organizational performance. To sum it up, Public Service Motivation is a concept that is not just of scholarly interest to academicians but it equally interests and applies to practitioners particularly public administrators and managers that need to deal with multiple complexities and challenges, varying from efficient use of financial and human resources in order to make sure that the public offices and organizations are responsive to the public, and meeting its objectives [ 115 ].

5.1 Managerial implications

The present study provides relevant insights and practical implications for public sector organizations, their employees and managers by adding its valuable evidence which supports the role of public service motivation and its contribution in achieving organizational performance. It provides a meaningful contribution by providing a practical usefulness of undertaken constructs i.e. public service motivation, organizational performance, social support and political support in the field of research in public administration. The observed relationship between public service motivation and organizational performance can be useful in measuring the behavioral traits and channeling the performance and motivation of public sector employees. Moreover, the findings are useful for practitioners because they demonstrate the importance of employees’ perceptions of social impact and emphasize their positive role in relation with organizational performance. It is reiterated that organizational performance in the context of public sector are very crucial, owing to the fact that high stakes involved and increasing demand for efficiency and effectiveness along with the demand for accountability. Therefore, the model developed in this study syncs with the emerging requirements of the global public sector.

5.2 Limitations and future directions

The study acknowledges few limitations. First, the cross sectional nature of the study limits it to assert the possibility of causation among variables. Another possible threat is related to the validity and truthfulness of employees’ belief and the reliance on them because, they cannot be observed or measured directly such as public service motivation and perceived social impact. An earlier research i.e. [ 116 ] found that diverging personality traits may influence research related to such concepts. Hence, an inability and limitation to control some personality traits such as altruism, public service motivation or perceived social impact always prevail in such research. Furthermore, demographic factors have not been controlled in this study making it as one of the limitations. Moreover, the generalizability of these empirical findings is limited since, it comprises the contextual settings of public sector organizations in Pakistan, however some findings may be attributed to the developing countries with a similar political and administrative infrastructure.

Future research may introduce a longitudinal research design to study the influence of time lag between the exogenous i.e. public service motivation; mediators i.e. altruism, perceived social impact and political support; and endogenous variable i.e. organizational performance. Furthermore, a multilevel analysis with data from affectees of certain public sector organizations can enrich the literature and provide further insights.

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Ukraine Starts Freeing Some Prisoners to Join Its Military

Nearly 350 inmates have been freed under a new law that allows them to serve in exchange for the possibility of parole, the country’s justice minister said.

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By Constant Méheut

Reporting from Kyiv, Ukraine

Ukraine has begun releasing prisoners to serve in its army, part of a wider effort to rebuild a military that has been depleted by more than two years of war and is strained by relentless Russian assaults.

Denys Maliuska, Ukraine’s justice minister, said in an interview on Friday that nearly 350 prisoners had already been freed under a law enacted last week that allows convicts to serve in the army in exchange for the possibility of parole at the end of their service.

The country’s courts must approve each prisoner’s bid to enlist, and Mr. Maliuska said that the judiciary was already considering most of the 4,300 applications submitted so far. Up to 20,000 such applicants, including people who were in pretrial detention, could be recruited to join the hundreds of thousands of soldiers already serving in Ukraine’s military, he said.

The policy echoes a practice widely used by Russia to bolster its forces, but differs in some ways. Russia’s program is open to prisoners convicted of violent crimes, while the Ukrainian law does not extend to people convicted of two or more murders, rape or other serious offenses.

Several Ukrainian lawmakers initially said that people convicted of premeditated murder would not be eligible. But Mr. Maliuska clarified on Friday that someone convicted of a single murder could be released, unless the crime was committed with aggravating circumstances such as sexual violence.

“There is some similarity, but I can’t say that this is the same as Russia did,” Mr. Maliuska said.

Ukraine had mocked Russia’s push to recruit prisoners in exchange for parole earlier in the war. But with the conflict now in its third year and with Ukrainian forces struggling all along the front line, Kyiv desperately needs more soldiers.

“The deficit of soldiers — of course, the difficulties with the draft of ordinary citizens — those were the main reasons for the law,” Mr. Maliuska said.

President Volodymyr Zelensky said in February that 31,000 Ukrainian soldiers had been killed in the war — a figure that is well below estimates by American officials, who said in August that nearly 70,000 Ukrainian soldiers had been killed at that point.

In recent months, Ukraine has stepped up border patrols to catch anyone trying to avoid being drafted and lowered the draft eligibility age to 25 from 27 . It has not drafted younger men, to avoid hollowing out an already small generation of men in their 20s, the result of a demographic crisis stretching back more than a century .

Most recently, Kyiv passed a law requiring all men of military age to ensure that the government had current details about their address and health status. Ukraine’s Defense Ministry said this week that about 700,000 people had updated their details on an online platform.

Ukraine’s urgent need for additional troops has become particularly apparent since Russian forces opened a new front in the northeast of the country two weeks ago, near the city of Kharkiv. The offensive by Moscow has stretched Ukrainian forces and compelled them to redeploy units from other hot spots of the front line, weakening their defenses there.

Gen. Oleksandr Syrsky, Ukraine’s commander in chief, said on Friday that Russian forces were trying to break through Ukrainian defenses in the southeastern Donetsk region.

Visiting Kharkiv on Friday, Mr. Zelensky also highlighted in a social media post the difficult situation in Vovchansk, a small town near the Russian border that Moscow’s troops have been attacking for the past two weeks, targeting it with heavy bombs and engaging in street fighting. Russian forces have captured about half of the town , according to Ukrainian officials.

This week, a court in the western city of Khmelnytsky said that it had freed more than 50 prisoners under the law allowing for the recruitment of inmates. It said that most of the prisoners who had applied for conditional release to join the military were young men convicted of theft, and that many had relatives and friends who had died in the war, motivating them to join the fight.

The move to recruit prisoners has drawn little criticism from the Ukrainian public, with many civilians and lawmakers saying that convicts have a duty to defend their country like any other citizen. They have also said that joining the military to fight against Russia is a chance for redemption.

“I believe that people who have not committed serious crimes, if they serve in special units, perhaps even on the front line, whether they dig trenches or build fortifications, why not,” Pavlo Litovkin, 31, a resident of Kyiv, said in an interview last week. “We should not imitate Russia’s methods of warfare, but we should manage our resources effectively.”

Roman Kostenko, the chairman of the defense and intelligence committee in Ukraine’s Parliament, told Ukrainian television this week that the law “gives an opportunity to these people who committed crimes to go and help during the war, to prove that they can also be worthy members of society together with the boys who are now defending our country.”

Russia has committed tens of thousands of convicts to the war, enlisting them in special units called “Storm Z” that have been sent on bloody assaults with little regard for casualties. That has helped Moscow gain the upper hand on the battlefield by sheer force of numbers, capturing towns and cities such as Bakhmut , Avdiivka and Marinka in the east.

It remains unclear how Ukraine’s military will use its new recruits. The authorities said the prisoners would also be integrated into special units and that they would not be released until the end of the war.

But whether enough prisoners will join the army to significantly bolster its numbers and change the situation on the battlefield remains to be seen.

The court in Khmelnytsky said in a statement that a large number of prisoners “do not want to be released on parole” under the law. Mr. Maliuska said he expected many to wait and see what happened with the first wave of inmates joining the army.

They want to know “what is the quality of the training, whether the new soldiers and ex-inmates are satisfied, whether they’re treated properly,” Mr. Maliuska said. “That will be key.”

Daria Mitiuk and Anastasia Kuznietsova contributed reporting.

Constant Méheut reports on the war in Ukraine, including battlefield developments, attacks on civilian centers and how the war is affecting its people. More about Constant Méheut