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How to write an essay about Stalin’s Five Year Plans

How to write an essay on stalin’s five year plans: a comprehensive guide.

Stalin’s Five Year Plans were a series of centralized economic plans implemented in the Soviet Union from 1928 to 1932. These plans aimed to transform the Soviet Union from an agricultural society into an industrialized nation through rapid industrialization and collectivization of agriculture. The plans were characterized by ambitious production targets, strict state control, and the use of forced labor.

Writing an essay on Stalin’s Five Year Plans can be a challenging task, but with the right approach, it can be a rewarding experience. To begin with, it is important to understand the historical context in which the plans were implemented and the impact they had on the Soviet Union and its people. This requires a thorough analysis of primary and secondary sources, including government documents, speeches, and scholarly articles.

Moreover, a successful essay on Stalin’s Five Year Plans should also address the controversies and debates surrounding the plans. While some historians argue that the plans were necessary for the Soviet Union’s survival and modernization, others criticize the plans for their human cost and inefficiencies. By examining multiple perspectives and sources, a well-crafted essay can provide a nuanced understanding of this complex historical topic.

Section 2: Historical Background

Joseph Stalin was the leader of the Soviet Union from 1924 until his death in 1953. He was known for his strong leadership and his desire to modernize the Soviet Union. Stalin believed that the Soviet Union needed to catch up with the industrialized Western countries in order to protect itself from foreign threats.

In order to achieve this goal, Stalin introduced a series of Five Year Plans. These plans were designed to rapidly industrialize the Soviet Union and transform it from an agricultural society into an industrial powerhouse. The first Five Year Plan was launched in 1928 and focused on heavy industry, such as steel production and coal mining.

The Soviet Union had a long way to go to catch up with the industrialized nations of the West. The country had been devastated by World War I, the Russian Revolution, and the subsequent civil war. The economy was in shambles, and the country was facing widespread famine and poverty. Stalin’s Five Year Plans were seen as a way to modernize the country and improve the lives of its citizens.

However, the Five Year Plans were not without their drawbacks. The rapid industrialization came at a great cost to the people of the Soviet Union. Workers were forced to work long hours in dangerous conditions for low pay. Many were sent to labor camps or executed for failing to meet production quotas. The agricultural sector suffered as resources were diverted to heavy industry, leading to widespread famine and starvation.

Despite these drawbacks, the Five Year Plans were largely successful in achieving their goal of modernizing the Soviet Union. By the end of the Second World War, the Soviet Union had become a major industrial power, with a strong military and a growing economy. The legacy of Stalin’s Five Year Plans can still be seen in modern-day Russia, where heavy industry continues to play a major role in the country’s economy.

Overview of Stalin’s Five Year Plans

Stalin’s Five Year Plans were a series of centralized economic plans in the Soviet Union from 1928 to 1932. The main objective of these plans was to rapidly industrialize the country and modernize the economy. The first Five Year Plan focused on heavy industry, such as steel, coal, and machinery production, while subsequent plans emphasized the development of consumer goods and agriculture.

The Five Year Plans were implemented through a series of strict quotas and targets that were set by the government. These targets were often unrealistic and led to a number of negative consequences, including widespread famine, labor shortages, and poor working conditions. However, the plans also led to significant advancements in Soviet industry, particularly in the production of heavy machinery and steel.

The Five Year Plans were accompanied by a number of political changes, including the elimination of private enterprise and the collectivization of agriculture. These policies were often enforced through violent means, such as the forced relocation of peasants and the execution of political dissidents.

Despite the significant human cost of the Five Year Plans, they are often credited with transforming the Soviet Union from an agricultural society into an industrial powerhouse. The plans laid the groundwork for the country’s rapid industrialization during World War II and its subsequent emergence as a superpower during the Cold War.

Key Features of Stalin’s Five Year Plans

The Five Year Plans were a series of centralized economic plans in the Soviet Union, created under the leadership of Joseph Stalin. The first plan was launched in 1928 and the last one ended in 1952. These plans were designed to transform the Soviet Union from an agricultural country into an industrial powerhouse.

The key features of Stalin’s Five Year Plans are:

• Centralized Planning:  The Soviet government controlled all economic decisions, and the plans were created by a central planning agency. The government set targets for production, and factories were required to meet these targets.
• Industrialization:  The main goal of the Five Year Plans was to rapidly industrialize the Soviet Union. This was achieved through the construction of new factories, power plants, and transportation infrastructure.
• Collectivization:  The government forced farmers to give up their private land and join collective farms. This was done to increase agricultural productivity and provide a source of food for the growing urban population.
• Heavy Industry:  The Five Year Plans focused on the development of heavy industry, such as steel production and machine building. This was seen as essential for the modernization of the Soviet economy.
• Rapid Growth:  The Soviet Union experienced rapid economic growth during the Five Year Plans, with industrial production increasing by over 250% between 1928 and 1937.

Despite the successes of the Five Year Plans, there were also significant costs. The forced collectivization of agriculture led to widespread famine and the deaths of millions of people. The focus on heavy industry also meant that consumer goods were in short supply, and living standards for ordinary people were often low.

Writing the Essay: Tips and Strategies

When writing an essay about Stalin’s Five Year Plans, it is important to keep in mind the purpose of the essay. The purpose is to analyze and evaluate the effectiveness of the Five Year Plans in achieving their goals, and to provide evidence to support your arguments.

One tip for writing a successful essay is to start with a clear thesis statement. The thesis statement should clearly state your argument and provide a roadmap for the rest of the essay. It should be specific and concise, and should be supported by evidence from primary and secondary sources.

Another strategy for writing a successful essay is to organize your ideas into a logical structure. This can be done by creating an outline or a mind map, which will help you to identify the main points of your argument and how they relate to each other. You can then use this structure to guide the writing process, ensuring that each paragraph and section of the essay contributes to the overall argument.

When writing the essay, it is important to use evidence to support your arguments. This can include statistics, quotes from primary sources, and analysis of secondary sources. It is also important to acknowledge and address counterarguments, as this will demonstrate that you have considered multiple perspectives and have a nuanced understanding of the topic.

Finally, it is important to proofread and edit your essay carefully. This will ensure that the essay is free from errors and is presented in a clear and concise manner. You can also ask a friend or family member to read over your essay and provide feedback, as this can help you to identify areas for improvement and refine your argument.

Sample Outline for an Essay on Stalin’s Five Year Plans

When writing an essay on Stalin’s Five Year Plans, it’s important to have a clear and well-organized outline. This will help you stay focused and ensure that your essay is coherent and easy to follow. Here is a sample outline to get you started:

I. Introduction

• Brief overview of Stalin’s Five Year Plans
• Thesis statement

II. Background Information

• Historical context and political climate in Soviet Union during the time of the Five Year Plans
• Overview of the economic conditions in the Soviet Union before the implementation of the Five Year Plans

III. Implementation of the Five Year Plans

• Overview of the first, second, and third Five Year Plans
• Details on the specific goals and targets of each plan
• Discussion on the methods used to achieve these goals, including collectivization and industrialization

IV. Impact of the Five Year Plans

• Economic outcomes of the Five Year Plans, including improvements in industrial production and agricultural output
• Social impacts of the Five Year Plans, including changes in living standards and working conditions
• Political implications of the Five Year Plans, including the consolidation of Stalin’s power and the impact on Soviet foreign policy

V. Criticisms of the Five Year Plans

• Overview of the criticisms leveled against the Five Year Plans, including their impact on the environment and human rights abuses
• Discussion on the validity of these criticisms and their impact on the legacy of the Five Year Plans

VI. Conclusion

• Restatement of thesis
• Summary of key points
• Final thoughts on the significance of the Five Year Plans in Soviet history

By following this outline, you can ensure that your essay on Stalin’s Five Year Plans is well-structured and informative. Remember to use credible sources and avoid making exaggerated or false claims. Good luck!

Stalin’s Five Year Plans were a significant milestone in the history of the Soviet Union. They were aimed at transforming the country from an agrarian society into an industrialized one. The plans were successful in achieving the desired results, but at a great cost. The human toll was immense, with millions of people dying due to famine and forced labor. The plans were also criticized for their lack of focus on consumer goods and their overemphasis on heavy industry.

Despite the criticisms, the Five Year Plans had a lasting impact on the Soviet Union. They laid the foundation for the country’s industrialization and helped it become a superpower. The plans also set the stage for the country’s involvement in World War II and its eventual victory over Nazi Germany.

Writing an essay on Stalin’s Five Year Plans requires a deep understanding of the historical context and the impact of the plans on the Soviet Union. It is important to present a balanced view of the plans, highlighting both their achievements and their shortcomings. By doing so, the essay can provide a nuanced understanding of one of the most significant events in Soviet history.

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What was the main purpose of Stalin’s 5 year plan

Joseph Stalin’s five years plan is an important way of planning economic growth over a limited period of time. The five-year plans are created with the objective of making a proper plan so that economic growth can be achieved as expected. It was fully utilised in the Soviet Union by Joseph Stalin, and later it has been adopted by many socialist states. The first five year plan in the Soviet Union started in 1928 and continued till 1932 under the leadership of Joseph Stalin. The main purpose of this first five year plan was on developing heavy industry and collectivising agriculture and at the same time it was aimed at achieving a drastic fall in consumer goods. The main purpose of Joseph Stalin under the five year plan was to convert the Soviet Union into a world power. This is to achieve by way of a massive agricultural and industrial advancement within a short period of time of five years.

Collectivisation of agriculture remained the focus area in first five year plan

Agriculture was collectivised during this period of five years with the objective of achieving bigger farms under state control. Collectivisation of agriculture means the land would no longer belong to individual peasants and it is acquired by the state. However it does not prove to be effective because it has resulted into a grain crisis and there was lack of effective participation in this collectivisation among many of the peasants. The strategies used by Stalin to ensure active participation were highly abusive and those who disobeyed were shot or sent to labour camps. Collectivisation was forced among the peasants with the objective of industrialisation of agriculture, but there was resistance identified among many of the peasants to collectivise. They were highly interested in working on their own land rather than supporting the attempt to collectivise.

Industrialisation is used as a factor to promote collectivisation

Industrialisation was an essential requirement for the collectivisation to succeed. There were requirements for tractors and agricultural machines by bigger farms, and emphasizes were made on heavy industry and rapid industrial progress. The overall infrastructure was developed at a rapid pace with new factories and towns were set up in record time. New roads and railways were built up with the objective of supporting industrialisation and ultimately collectivisation. The target set up by the government was highly ambitious and industrialization was aimed to accomplish through forced labour, terror, competition and incentives, low wages, technical training and literary programs.

Success/failure of the Stalin’s first five year plan

The overall Emphasis of the first five year plan was therefore on achieving industrialisation and collectivization through forceful measures, and Stalin has declared the success of the first five year plan by all these strategies. Such claims of success of the first five year plan were made on the basis of exceeding the production goals for heavy industry. However, in reality, the plan was considered a failure despite many actions because it failed to meet all the quotas and had a negative implication on human life. All the initiatives to achieve industrialisation were made at the cost of human life and it is the major factor that indicates the failure of the first five year plan. Joseph Stalin carried out many such five year plans after recognising the first one as a successful one.

Subsequent five year plans for Stalin to promote economic growth

The second five year plan started in the year 1933 and continued till 1937 and the focus of this five year plan was on continuing the objective of the first plan i.e. to collectivisation and industrialisation. In addition to this, the second five year plan also emphasised on stanlinist policies and they have created terrible famines that caused the death of millions of people. The third five year plan was carried out from 1938 to 1942 and it focused on the production of armaments. The fourth five year plan started from 1946 and lasted till 1953 and the main emphasis during this period was on heavy industry and military build-up. As a result of this development, the western powers got angry with the Soviet Union.

Important questions on Stalin’s five years plan we can help         

Our professional writing experts are good at providing answers to any of the questions relating to spellings five year plan. Some of the important questions related to Stalin five years plan include:

• ‘Stalin was ruthless in his mission to implement communism in Russia through the Five-Year Plans, from 1928 to 1939.’Critically discuss this statement. Use relevant historical evidence to support your line of argument.
• The first Five-Year Plan, introduced in 1928, concentrated on the development of iron and steel, machine tools, electric power and transport. Joseph Stalin set the workers high targets. He demanded a 110% increase in coal production, 200% increase in iron production and 335% increase in electric power. Write an essay in which you discuss the impact of Stalin’s Five-Year Plans on the Soviet Union.
• Discuss the impact of Stalin’s Five-Year Plan on the people of the Soviet Union. KEY ASPECTS Introduction Stalin’s economic policy of industrialisation – make a statement linked to the question. Purges and show trials of the 1930s and the effects of Stalin’s policies on the Soviets

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History Grade 11 - Topic 1 Essay Questions

Explain to what extent Stalin succeeded in transforming Russia into a superpower by 1939.

Stalin came to power on the back of Lenin’s death in 1925, after which he instituted a range of far-reaching policy changes that would alter the course of Russian society and politics for the rest of the 20th century. The communist Soviet Union we now remember was the product of Stalin, although it can be argued that Lenin was responsible for laying the foundations of its highly authoritarian political culture. The new Russia under Stalin was supposed to radically break from the economic and social backwardness that characterised the Tsarist regime, and which Lenin had little time to achieve. In many ways, Stalin did create a completely different Russia, one almost unrecognisable from before the October revolution which overthrew the provisional government. However, whether that translated into it being a superpower is quite another thing. This paper will argue that although momentous and radical, the reforms Stalin instituted did not transform Russia into a superpower by 1939, although it did lay the framework for such a status to be attained during the post-WWII era.

Stalin rose to power as the leader of the Soviet Union by crushing his opposition in the Central Committee led by Leon Trotsky. Although we shall not detail this complicated political battle, it is important to note that the vying for power between the powerful figures was also a contestation over the ideological and policy framework which the Soviet Union should take. By the late 1920s, Stalin had emerged victorious, and went on to institute his own brand of communism in the Soviet Union. This centred on the notion of ‘Socialism in one Country’, which was ideally to build up the “industrial base and military might of the Soviet Union before exporting revolution abroad.” [1] This was in contrast to earlier pronouncements made by Lenin and Trotsky, which indicated the need to establish a worldwide ‘uninterrupted revolution’ of workers. [2] The logic here was that socialism could never survive independently outside of a socialist world order; Stalin, on the other hand, saw a national socialism – which, ironically, would be compared to Nazism – as the only way for socialism to survive. [3]

The practical effects of Stalin’s socialism in one country was the rescindment of the New Economic Policy (NEP) – which had allowed for small-scale capitalist enterprise to operate – the collectivisation of agriculture, and rapid forced industrialisation. [4] Socialism in one country forced the Soviet Union to look inwards, to create a socialist nation whose lessons and ideas could then be exported overseas. This means that, for all practical purposes, Russia was not interested in attaining any overtly ‘superpower’ status in global politics. It meant, in terms of foreign policy, of “putting the interests of the Soviet Union ahead of the interests of the international communist movement.” [5] Ideally, when Russia became powerful enough, it would then ferment for workers’ revolutions the world over.

The costs and benefits of these sweeping policy changes – which essentially closed off the Soviet Union from the outside world – are difficult to determine. On the one hand, they certainly led to large-scale industrialisation which outstripped the pace of Russia’s Western counterparts. Through the policy instrument of Five-Year Plans, which set production targets for industries and farms, Stalin was able to bring Russia up to date with modern heavy-industry production techniques and increase output exponentially. For example, cast iron production increased 439% in ten years, and coal extraction 361%. [6] Russia also went on an extensive electrification programme, called GOELRO, which increased electricity production from 1.9 billion kWh in 1913 to 48 billion kWh in 1940. [7]

However, despite the resounding success with which certain - especially heavy - industries benefitted from forced industrialisation, many other industries and rural farmers often suffered. Because of the focus on heavy industrialisation, lighter industries that catered for consumer goods were often poorly made and faced shortages. The agricultural collectivisation programme which was conducted with increased inflexibility and violence across the Russian hinterland cost the lives of millions of peasants, who died of hunger resulting from famine caused by the upheaval of forced collectivisation. Figures range from 5.6 million to 13.4 million. [8] Millions of other prosperous peasants – known as Kulaks – were sent to gulag camps in Siberia for work; Molotov suggested that between 1.3 and 1.5 kulak households (accounting for between 6 and 7 million persons) were expropriated. [9] Thus, whilst Stalin broke the back of these peasants – by 1941, 97% of agriculture was conducted in collectives, and finally there was enough food to feed the cities – the human cost remains an ever-contested aspect of this period.

What is clear about this period, is that these policies centralised the economy and political power in Russia in Stalin’s hands. The increased industrial output, and the ability for (eventual) increased agricultural production to feed the cities, allowed Russia a certain amount of confidence in its ability to conduct itself as an industrial nation. As Stalin was once quoted as saying, “We are fifty to one hundred years behind the advanced countries. We must make good this distance in ten years. Either we do it, or they crush us.” [10] Thus, one of the primary reasons for industrialisation was for the ability for Russia to protect itself. This fits in well with the overall ideological implication of Stalin’s ‘socialism in one country’, which advocated for an insular reading of socialism that would allow for ‘proper’ socialist conditions to be reached within the massive country before a worldwide socialist revolution took place.

And in many ways, the industrial capacity generated during Stalin’s leadership up to 1939 was crucial for Russia to defend itself against Germany in 1941. Not only did allow for the production of millions of armaments and supplies crucial to the success of any armed conflict, but it also laid the groundwork for a post-war reconstruction. Because the Soviet Union boasted such impressive industrial capacity, it could rebuild after WWII much easier – and more importantly, without the help of aid from the West, especially the USA. The Marshall Plan, in which the USA loaned $15 billion to European countries to help rebuild industry and cities after their decimation during the second world war, was largely a strategic move to counter the spread of communism in Europe. [11] The spread of Russian influence into eastern Europe, on the other hand, was premised on its industrial power, which resulted in its alternative to the Marshall Plan - namely the Molotov Plan - which extended aid to socialist regimes in central and eastern Europe. [12]

The success of Russian industrialisation and agricultural collectivisation during the pre-war years allowed for the repel of German forces and the extension of Russian influence into the eastern European region. It was then that Russia became a superpower. In fact, it is only during the post-WWII war era when the notion of an international ‘superpower’ becomes widespread, when the cold war divides the world into two ideologically opposed sides – America on the one side and the Soviet Union on the other. [13] One could thus argue that the relative military strength of Russia after WWII, a result of its impressive industrial capacity – and its focus on heavy industry and agricultural production – meant that it could become a superpower. Thus, although no one would suggest that Russia was a superpower before WWII in 1939, its ability to retain its industrial strength after the war meant that it would become one. In conclusion, although Stalin did not transform Russia into a superpower by 1939, he laid the necessary groundwork for that to occur in the post-war era.

This content was originally produced for the SAHO classroom by Sebastian Moronell, Ayabulela Ntwakumba, Simone van der Colff & Thandile Xesi.

[1] "Communism - Stalinism". 2021. Encyclopedia Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/topic/communism/Stalinism#ref539199

[2] Erik Van Ree. "Socialism in One Country: A Reassessment." Studies in East European Thought 50, no. 2 (1998): 77.

[3] Kate Frey. 2020. "An Introduction to Trotsky’s Theory of Permanent Revolution". Left Voice. https://www.leftvoice.org/an-introduction-to-trotskys-theory-of-permane… .

[4] "Communism - Stalinism". 2021. Encyclopedia Britannica.

[6] John P. Hardt and Carl Modig. The Industrialization of Soviet Russia in the First Half Century. Research Analysis Corp. McLean, 1968, pg. 6.

[8] Massimo Livi-Bacci. "On the Human Costs of Collectivization in the Soviet Union." Population and Development Review (1993): 751

[9] Ibid, pg. 744.

[10] Flewers, Paul. 2021. "The Economic Policy of The Soviet By Isaac Deutscher 1948". Marxists.Org. https://www.marxists.org/archive/deutscher/1948/economic-policy.htm .

[11] "Marshall Plan". 2021. History. https://www.history.com/topics/world-war-ii/marshall-plan-1 .

[12] Morroe Berger. "How the Molotov Plan Works." The Antioch Review 8, no. 1 (1948): 18.

[13] Joseph M. Siracusa. "Reflections on the Cold War." Australasian Journal of American Studies (2009): 3.

• Berger, Morroe. "How the Molotov Plan Works." The Antioch Review 8, no. 1 (1948): 17-25.
• "Communism - Stalinism". 2021. Encyclopedia Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/topic/communism/Stalinism#ref539199 .
• Flewers, Paul. 2021. "The Economic Policy of the Soviet by Isaac Deutscher 1948". Marxists.Org. https://www.marxists.org/archive/deutscher/1948/economic-policy.htm .
• Frey, Kate. 2020. "An Introduction to Trotsky’S Theory of Permanent Revolution". Left Voice. https://www.leftvoice.org/an-introduction-to-trotskys-theory-of-permanent-revolution .
• Livi-Bacci, Massimo. "On the Human Costs of Collectivization in the Soviet Union." Population and Development Review (1993): 743-766.
• "Marshall Plan". 2021. History. https://www.history.com/topics/world-war-ii/marshall-plan-1.
• Siracusa, Joseph M. "Reflections on the Cold War." Australasian Journal of American Studies (2009): 1-16.
• Van Ree, Erik. "Socialism in One Country: A Reassessment." Studies in East European Thought 50, no. 2 (1998): 77-117.
• Hardt, John P. and Carl Modig. The Industrialization of Soviet Russia in the First Half Century. Research Analysis Corp. McLean, 1968.

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Stalin's five year plan.

Leon Trotsky , Gregory Zinoviev , Lev Kamenev and other left-wing members of the Politburo had always been in favour of the rapid industrialisation of the Soviet Union. Stalin disagreed with this view. He accused them of going against the ideas of Lenin who had declared that it was vitally important to "preserve the alliance between the workers and the peasants." When left-wing members of the Politburo advocated the building of a hydro-electric power station on the River Druiper, Stalin accused them of being 'super industrialisers' and said that it was equivalent to suggesting that a peasant buys a "gramophone instead of a cow." (1)

When Stalin accepted the need for collectivisation he also had to change his mind about industrialisation. His advisers told him that with the modernisation of farming the Soviet Union would require 250,000 tractors. In 1927 they had only 7,000. As well as tractors, there was also a need to develop the oil fields to provide the necessary petrol to drive the machines. Power stations also had to be built to supply the farms with electricity.

However, Stalin suddenly changed policy and made it clear he would use his control over the country to modernize the economy. The first Five Year Plan that was introduced in 1928, concentrated on the development of iron and steel, machine-tools, electric power and transport. Stalin set the workers high targets. He demanded a 111% increase in coal production, 200% increase in iron production and 335% increase in electric power. He justified these demands by claiming that if rapid industrialization did not take place, the Soviet Union would not be able to defend itself against an invasion from capitalist countries in the west. (2)

James William Crowl has argued there were political reasons for the introduction of the Five Year Plan: "Stalin With the defeat of Trotsky and the Left Wing in 1927, Stalin apparently began to look for a way to outmaneuver the final power bloc in the Party: the Right Wing led by Bukharin, Rykov and Tomsky. It was not by accident that the economy provided him with the issues he needed to destroy his erstwhile allies. Midway through 1927 the Politburo had initiated an ambitious economic program that included a number of expansive construction projects such as the Turkish-Siberia railroad and the Dnieper dam. Such an undertaking involved a risk since it was to be underwritten largely by the sale of grain, and the grain collection program had become increasingly unreliable during the mid-1920's." (3)

The first Five-Year Plan did not get off to a successful start in all sectors. For example, the production of pig iron and steel increased by only 600,000 to 800,000 tons in 1929, barely surpassing the 1913-14 level. Only 3,300 tractors were produced in 1929. The output of food processing and light industry rose slowly, but in the crucial area of transportation, the railways worked especially poorly. "In June, 1930, Stalin announced sharp increases in the goals - for pig iron, from 10 million to 17 million tons by the last year of the plan; for tractors, from 55,000 to 170,000; for other agricultural machinery and trucks, an increase of more than 100 per cent." (4)

Every factory had large display boards erected that showed the output of workers. Those that failed to reach the required targets were publicity criticized and humiliated. Some workers could not cope with this pressure and absenteeism increased. This led to even more repressive measures being introduced. Records were kept of workers' lateness, absenteeism and bad workmanship. If the worker's record was poor, he was accused of trying to sabotage the Five Year Plan and if found guilty could be shot or sent to work as forced labour on the Baltic Sea Canal or the Siberian Railway. (5)

One of the most controversial aspects of the Five Year Plan was Stalin's decision to move away from the principle of equal pay. Under the rule of Lenin, for example, the leaders of the Bolshevik Party could not receive more than the wages of a skilled labourer. With the modernization of industry, Stalin argued that it was necessary to pay higher wages to certain workers in order to encourage increased output. His left-wing opponents claimed that this inequality was a betrayal of socialism and would create a new class system in the Soviet Union. Stalin had his way and during the 1930s, the gap between the wages of the labourers and the skilled workers increased. (6)

According to Bertram D. Wolfe , during this period Russia had the most highly concentrated industrial working class in Europe. "In Germany at the turn of the century, only fourteen per cent of the factories had a force of more than five hundred men; in Russia the corresponding figure was thirty-four per cent. Only eight per cent of all German workers worked in factories employing over a thousand working men each. Twenty-four per cent, nearly a quarter, of all Russian industrial workers worked in factories of that size. These giant enterprises forced the new working class into close association. There arose an insatiable hunger for organization, which the huge state machine sought in vain to direct or hold in check." (7)

Joseph Stalin now had a problem of workers wanting to increase their wages. He had a particular problem with unskilled workers who felt they were not being adequately rewarded. Stalin insisted on the need for a highly differentiated scale of material rewards for labour, designed to encourage skill and efficiency and "throughout the thirties, the differentiation of wages and salaries was pushed to extremes, incompatible with the spirit, if not the letter, of Marxism." (8)

Stalin gave instructions that concentration camps should not just be for social rehabilitation of prisoners but also for what they could contribute to the gross domestic product. This included using forced labour for the mining of gold and timber hewing. Stalin ordered Vladimir Menzhinski , the chief of the OGPU, to create a permanent organisational framework that would allow for prisoners to contribute to the success of the Five Year Plan. People sent to these camps included members of outlawed political parties, nationalists and priests. (9)

Robert Service , the author of Stalin: A Biography (2004), has pointed out: "During the First Five Year Plan the USSR underwent drastic change. Ahead lay campaigns to spread collective farms and eliminate kulaks, clerics and private traders. The political system would become harsher. Violence would be pervasive. The Russian Communist Party, OGPU and People's Commissariat would consolidate their power. Remnants of former parties would be eradicated… The Gulag, which was the network of labour camps subject to the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs (NKVD), would be expanded and would become an indispensable sector of the Soviet economy… A great influx of people from the villages would take place as factories and mines sought to fill their labour forces. Literacy schemes would be given huge state funding… Enthusiasm for the demise of political, social and cultural compromise would be cultivated. Marxism-Leninism would be intensively propagated. The change would be the work of Stalin and his associates in the Kremlin. Theirs would be the credit and theirs the blame." (10)

Eugene Lyons was an American journalist who was fairly sympathetic to the Soviet government. On 22nd November, 1930, Stalin selected him to be the first western journalist to be granted an interview. Lyons claimed that: "One cannot live in the shadow of Stalin's legend without coming under its spell. My pulse, I am sure, was high. No sooner, however, had I stepped across the threshold than diffidence and nervousness fell away. Stalin met me at the door and shook hands, smiling. There was a certain shyness in his smile and the handshake was not perfunctory. He was remarkably unlike the scowling, self-important dictator of popular imagination. His every gesture was a rebuke to the thousand little bureaucrats who had inflicted their puny greatness upon me in these Russian years.... At such close range, there was not a trace of the Napoleonic quality one sees in his self-conscious camera or oil portraits. The shaggy mustache, framing a sensual mouth and a smile nearly as full of teeth as Teddy Roosevelt's, gave his swarthy face a friendly, almost benignant look." (11)

Walter Duranty was furious when he heard that Stalin had granted Lyons this interview. He protested to the Soviet Press office that as the longest-serving Western correspondent in the country it was unfair not to give him an interview as well. A week after the interview Duranty was also granted an interview. Stalin told him that after the Russian Revolution the capitalist countries could have crushed the Bolsheviks : "But they waited too long. It is now too late." Stalin commented that the United States had no choice but to watch "socialism grow". Duranty argued that unlike Leon Trotsky Stalin was not gifted with any great intelligence, but "he had nevertheless outmaneuvered this brilliant member of the intelligentsia". He added: "Stalin has created a great Frankenstein monster, of which... he has become an integral part, made of comparatively insignificant and mediocre individuals, but whose mass desires, aims, and appetites have an enormous and irresistible power. I hope it is not true, and I devoutly hope so, but it haunts me unpleasantly. And perhaps haunts Stalin." (12)

Some people complained that the Soviet Union was being industrialized too fast. Isaac Deutscher quoted Stalin as saying: "No comrades... the pace must not be slackened! On the contrary, we must quicken it as much as is within our powers and possibilities. To slacken the pace would mean to lag behind; and those who lag behind are beaten.... The history of old Russia... was that she was ceaselessly beaten for her backwardness. She was beaten by the Mongol Khans, she was beaten by Turkish Beys, she was beaten by Swedish feudal lords, she was beaten by Polish-Lithuanian Pans, she was beaten by Anglo-French capitalists, she was beaten by Japanese barons, she was beaten by all - for her backwardness... We are fifty or a hundred years behind the advanced countries. we must make good this lag in years. Either we do it or they crush us." (13)

In 1932 Walter Duranty won the Pultzer Prize for his reporting of the Five Year Plan. In his acceptance speech he argued: "I went to the Baltic states viciously anti-Bolshevik. From the French standpoint the Bolsheviks had betrayed the allies to Germany, repudiated the debts, nationalized women and were enemies of the human race. I discovered that the Bolsheviks were sincere enthusiasts, trying to regenerate a people that had been shockingly misgoverned, and I decided to try to give them their fair break. I still believe they are doing the best for the Russian masses and I believe in Bolshevism - for Russia - but more and more I am convinced it is unsuitable for the United States and Western Europe. It won't spread westward unless a new war wrecks the established system." (14)

Some people argued that Duranty had been involved in a cover-up concerning the impact of the economic changes that were taking place in the Soviet Union . An official at the British Embassy reported: "A record of over-staffing, overplanning and complete incompetence at the centre; of human misery, starvation, death and disease among the peasantry... the only creatures who have any life at all in the districts visited are boars, pigs and other swine. Men, women, and children, horses and other workers are left to die in order that the Five Year Plan shall at least succeed on paper." (15)

Primary Sources

(1) joseph stalin, speech (1931).

No comrades... the pace must not be slackened! On the contrary, we must quicken it as much as is within our powers and possibilities. To slacken the pace would mean to lag behind; and those who lag behind are beaten.... The history of old Russia... was that she was ceaselessly beaten for her backwardness. She was beaten by the Mongol Khans, she was beaten by Turkish Beys, she was beaten by Swedish feudal lords, she was beaten by Polish-Lithuanian Pans, she was beaten by Anglo-French capitalists, she was beaten by Japanese barons, she was beaten by all - for her backwardness... We are fifty or a hundred years behind the advanced countries. we must make good this lag in years. Either we do it or they crush us.

(2) British Embassy report (21st June 1932)

A record of over-staffing, overplanning and complete incompetence at the centre; of human misery, starvation, death and disease among the peasantry... the only creatures who have any life at all in the districts visited are boars, pigs and other swine. Men, women, and children, horses and other workers are left to die in order that the Five Year Plan shall at least succeed on paper.

(3) Eugene Lyons , Assignment in Utopia (1937)

The period of the Five Year Plan has been christened Russia's "Iron Age" by the best-informed and least sensational of my American colleagues in Moscow, William Henry Chamberlin. I can think of no more apt description. Iron symbolizes industrial construction and mechanization. Iron symbolizes no less the ruthlessness of the process, the bayonets, prison bars, rigid discipline and unstinting force, the unyielding and unfeeling determination of those who directed the period. Russia was transformed into a crucible in which men and metals were melted down and reshaped in a cruel heat, with small regard for the human slag. It was a period that unrolled tumultuously, in a tempest of brutality. The Five Year Plan was publicized inside and outside Russia as no other economic project in modern history. Which makes it the more extraordinary that its birth was unknown and unnoticed. The Plan sneaked up on the world so silently that its advent was not discovered for some months. On the momentous October first of 1928, the initial day of the Five Year Plan, we read the papers, fretted over the lack of news and played bridge or poker as though nothing exceptional was occurring. It was the beginning of a new fiscal year, precisely like the October firsts preceding it. The "control figures" or plan for the ensuing twelve months were rather more ambitious, with new emphasis on socialization of farming through state-owned "grain factories" and voluntary collectives of small holdings. But they were not sufficiently different from other years to arrest the attention of competent observers. The fact is that the Kremlin itself was far from certain that a new era had been launched. It had not yet charted a course. Or rather, it had charted alternative courses and hesitated in which direction to move. Not until Stalin and his closest associates see fit to reveal what happened in the crucial months of that autumn will we know how close the Soviet regime came to choosing a course which would have altered the whole history of Russia and therefore of the present world. There was nothing in the figures for the fiscal year of 1929 that committed the ruling Party to a Five Year Plan of the scope eventually announced. But a feeling of tense expectancy now stretched the country's nerves taut. A sharp turn of the wheel to one side or the other was inevitable, and the population squared for the shock. Economic difficulties were piling up dangerously and the Kremlin could not steer a middle course much longer. Food lines were growing longer and more restive. The producers of food had tested their strength and tasted a measure of victory; they rebelled more boldly against feeding the urban population and the armies for rubles which could buy nothing. Millions of grumbling mouths had to be either filled with food or shut by force. A partial crop failure in southern Russia aggravated the situation. Grain collections were not going well and, as always happened under these circumstances, the collectors began to resort to strong-arm tactics. Arson and assassination flared up once more in the villages, and Red troops were said to be "pacifying" the most unruly districts with lead. Schools, clubs, government buildings, and other institutions typifying the Soviet power were burned down in dozens of places. The published details of the peasant revenge were sufficiently harrowing, and what the press reported, we all assumed, was no more than a fraction of the picture. Death penalties, with and without trials, were the government's automatic answer. But they did not suffice. Something decisive had to be done that would either placate the peasants or end their insubordination.

(4) James William Crowl , Angels in Stalin's Paradise (1982)

With the defeat of Trotsky and the Left Wing in 1927, Stalin apparently began to look for a way to outmaneuver the final power bloc in the Party: the Right Wing led by Bukharin, Rykov and Tomsky. It was not by accident that the economy provided him with the issues he needed to destroy his erstwhile allies. Midway through 1927 the Politburo had initiated an ambitious economic program that included a number of expansive construction projects such as the Turkish-Siberia railroad and the Dnieper dam. Such an undertaking involved a risk since it was to be underwritten largely by the sale of grain, and the grain collection program had become increasingly unreliable during the mid-1920's. The yearly crises stemmed in part from insufficient supplies of consumer goods, but they were even more the result of the low price the government offered for grain. As a result of that price, peasants turned over to the state only the grain they were required to deliver through the procurement quotas, and they sold the rest through Nepmen on the private market where the price was substantially higher. Yet, in order to raise the additional revenue needed for the industrial program in 1927, the state dropped its price for grain still lower and cracked down on the private market in an effort to force the peasants to sell their grain to the state at the lower price. The peasants responded, however, by feeding their grain to their cattle, turning it into alcohol, or hoarding it in expectation of higher prices. By late 1927, grain collections fell off more sharply than in earlier years, and the regime faced a crisis. Signs of disagreement over the response to the crisis appeared as early as October 1927. Stalin and his henchmen sounded the need for anti-kulak measures, while Bukharin and his allies worried aloud about the lagging collections but insisted on the need for caution in finding a solution. Unity was maintained at the Fifteenth Party Congress in December, however, as even the Politburo rightists agreed that action was needed to convince the peasants to relinquish their supplies. Thus the Congress that vanquished Trotsky fairly bristled with leftist declarations. A heavier, graduated procurement tax was issued that hit directly at the kulaks and promised to bring the state additional grain. In addition, a land act rescinded the right to hire labor and lease land that had been granted to peasants in 1925 and 1926, and kulaks were deprived of their voting rights in order to curtail their power in the village soviets. The Congress encouraged collectivization as well, although it stressed that it should be a gradual and voluntary process. Because of such measures, the Fifteenth Congress is often cited as marking the end of the N.E.P, era. In the weeks following the Congress, Bukharin, Rykov and Tomsky apparently again supported Stalin in the attempt to compel the peasants to turn over their grain. Stalin was given control of the effort, and he singled out West Siberia for his personal attention since the harvest there had been excellent and the peasants were believed to be holding back substantial grain supplies. Though the Politburo still issued reassuring reports claiming that the Party had not broken with past agricultural policy, the Soviet press wrote about the grain "front" as if a military campaign had begun. Violence was widespread as officials tried to ferret out the grain, and Alec Nove claims that for some time thereafter such arbitrary and violent grain seizures were referred to as the "Urals-Siberian" method, after Stalin's tactics of early 1928. Though grain collections lagged and even the new procurement quotas fell short in January and February, by March the grain seizures were successfully at last in bringing the state the needed grain. Until February and March of 1928, when the confrontation with the peasants reached a highpoint, it appears that Bukharin reluctantly agreed that temporary measures against grain-hoarding were necessary. The violence of the campaign was repulsive to the Politburo Right, however, and jolted it into an awareness of the deep division that had been developing in the Party since the fall of 1927. As a result, the two Politburo factions clashed repeatedly in the late winter, and Stalin found it necessary to publicly repudiate the "Urals-Siberian" methods at times over the next few months. Nevertheless Stalin had apparently committed himself to a radical economic stance by the late winter of 1927-1928, if only as a means of striking at his foes, and the power struggle had begun again in earnest.

(5) Eugene Lyons , Assignment in Utopia (1937)

Was the first Five Year Plan a "success"? For whom and for what? Certainly not for the socialist dream, which had been emptied of human meaning in the process, reduced to a mechanical formula of the state as a super-trust and the population as its helpless serfs. Certainly not for the individual worker, whose trade union had been absorbed by the state-employer, who was terrorized by medieval decrees, who had lost even the illusion of a share in regulating his own life. Certainly not for the revolutionary movement of the world, which was splintered, harassed by the growing strength of fascism, weaker and less hopeful than at the launching of the Plan. Certainly not for the human spirit, mired and outraged by sadistic cruelties on a scale new in modern history, shamed by meekness and sycophancy and systematized hypocrisy. If industrialization were an end in itself, unrelated to larger human ends, the U.S.S.R. had an astounding amount of physical property to show for its sacrifices. Chimneys had begun to dominate horizons once notable for their church domes. Scores of mammoth new enterprises were erected. A quarter of a million prisoners -a larger number of slaves than the Pharaohs mobilized to build their pyramids, than Peter the Great mobilized to build his new capital-hacked a canal between the White and the Baltic Seas; a hundred thousand survivors of this "success" were digging another canal just outside Moscow as the second Plan got under way. The country possessed 3 blast furnaces and 63 open hearth furnaces that had not existed in 1928, a network of power stations with a capacity four times greater than pre-war Russia had, twice as many oil pipe lines as in 1928. Hundreds of machines and tools formerly imported or unknown in Russia were being manufactured at home and large sections of mining were mechanized for the first time. The foundations were laid for a new industrial empire in the Urals and eastern Siberia, the impregnable heart of the country. Two-thirds of the peasantry and four-fifths of the plowed land were "socialized"-that is, owned and managed by the state-employer as it owned and managed factories and workers. The defensive ability of the country, in a military sense, had been vastly increased, with new mechanical bases for its war industries. Measured merely for bulk, the Plan achieved much, though it fell far short of the original goals. On the qualitative side, the picture is much less impressive. Here, we find reflected the low caliber of the human material through which the Plan was necessarily translated from paper to life. Overhead costs were greater all along the line than expected.

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(1) Isaac Deutscher , Stalin: A Political Biography (1949) pages 320-321

(2) john simkin , stalin (1987) page 50, (3) james william crowl , angels in stalin's paradise (1982) pages 88-89, (4) roy a. medvedev , let history judge: the origins and consequences of stalinism (1971) page 103, (5) robert service , stalin: a biography (2004) page 264, (6) john simkin , stalin (1987) page 52, (7) bertram d. wolfe , three who made a revolution (1948) page 197, (8) isaac deutscher , stalin: a political biography (1949) page 337, (9) edvard radzinsky , stalin (1996) pages 234-235, (10) robert service , stalin: a biography (2004) page 264, (11) eugene lyons , assignment in utopia (1937) pages 383-389, (12) walter duranty , new york times (18th january, 1931), (13) isaac deutscher , the listener (8th july 1948), (14) walter duranty , speech reported in the new york times (3rd may, 1932), (15) british embassy report (21st june 1932).

Stalin: Breaker of Nations

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• 20th Century

What Were Stalin’s Five Year Plans?

Celeste Neill

20 jun 2023.

On 1 October 1928 Joseph Stalin’s Soviet Russia launched the first Five Year Plan, a series of revolutionary economic reforms which transformed Russia from a peasant society into a power capable of resisting the might of Hitler’s Germany.

Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin had died in 1924, and in the ensuing power struggle the Georgian Joseph Stalin came to the fore as the General Secretary and the de facto leader of Soviet Russia. 

What was Stalin’s Five Year Plan?

Between 1928 and 1932, Stalin’s Five Year Plan was targeted at collectivizing agriculture and developing heavy industry. This was the first of four so-called plans, which took place in 1928-32, 1933-37, 1938-42 and 1946-53.

After a period of relative economic liberalism Stalin decided that a wholesale restructuring of the economy was needed, claiming that unless the Soviets caught up with the capitalist western powers they would be destroyed.

Stalin famously stated: ”We are fifty or a hundred years behind the advanced countries. We must make up this gap in ten years. Either we do it or they will crush us.”

The requisition of grains from wealthy peasants (kulaks) during the forced collectivization in Timashyovsky District, Kuban Soviet Union. 1933. Image credit: Public Domain, via Wikimedia Commons

Image Credit: Credited to U. Druzhelubov. The date of death is impossible to determine therefore PMA is not known., Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons

Mechanisation and collectivisation

Stalin’s first Five Year Plan involved the mechanisation and collectivisation of agriculture in a bid to make it more efficient. It also involved the opening of huge new industrial centres in previously uninhabited areas rich in natural resources, such as Magnitogorsk, built near huge iron and steel reserves east of the Ural Mountains.

Economic activity was pushed in the direction of heavy industries, which lead to a 350 percent increase in output, in a bid to prepare Russia for an industrialised war . The first Five Year Plan also had a revolutionary effect on society, as millions left the farms to pursue new lives in the cities.

The human cost

Despite these successes, Stalin’s Five Year Plan was not an unqualified success. In addition to mechanisation and collectivisation, key features of the first Five Year Plan included the disastrous impact it had on human lives. Aside from the terrible conditions in the new factories, where unskilled workers had little idea of how to operate machines, the collectivisation of agriculture was ruinous.

Political prisoners eating lunch in the Minlag ‘special camp’ coal mine. In ‘special camps’ prisoners had to wear prison garb with personal numbers. Image credit: Public Domain, via Wikimedia Commons

Image Credit: Kauno IX forto muziejus / Kaunas 9th Fort Museum, Public Domain, via Wikimedia Commons

Millions died in the subsequent famine and peasant disturbances. An entire social class of wealthier peasants – the Kulaks, who had accumulated more land, livestock, or wealth than their fellow peasants — were accused of sabotaging the progress of the Plan. Consequently they were either massacred or imprisoned in Gulags , which were forced labour camps, so that the state could exploit their land for collectivisation.

As many of the deaths were in non-Russian areas such as Ukraine, the Five Year Plan created lasting divisions between Russians and non-Russians.

The policies also played a role in causing the Holodomor, a mass famine in the Ukraine, and Soviet inactivity in response to the catastrophe has lead to a recent re-categorisation of events as a genocide against the Ukrainian people.

World War Two

In World War Two , the tensions caused by the first Five Year Plan proved consequential. Ukrainians, for example, who were subject to its disastrous effects were more willing to collaborate with the Nazis against the USSR.

The first Five Year Plan actually lasted 4 years, as it supposedly met all of its objectives earlier than expected. On the other hand, this can be ascribed to Russian propaganda efforts. Nevertheless, the first plan and those that followed, which continued the general objectives of the first while also emphasising the production of military hardware , were critical in preparing Russia for an industrialised war.

It seems unlikely that Russia could have resisted Nazi invasion without the immense industrialisation program that had been undertaken in the years prior. However, the vast cost in human life of the Five Year Plans and the invasion of Russia itself remain a dark stain on the history of the 20th century.

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Stalin's Five-year plan 8 Pages 1888 Words

             Joseph Stalin, leader of Russia (1928-1953), created a Five-Year Plan that included methods and goals which were detrimental to Russian agriculture in 1928. Stalin wanted to transform individual farms into large collective farms because he saw that the government was losing money to private traders. This required that the majority of farmers would have to work and live together on large state-run farms. Through these farms Stalin hoped to increase agricultural productivity, to create grain reserves for Russia, and to free many peasants for industrial work in the cities. In order to begin collectivization Stalin had about 5 million wealthier peasants, or kulaks, deported and/or killed and their equipment and livestock sent to collective farms. Many of the remaining peasants were forced into collective farms to work where they faced disease, starvation, and death. The effects of Stalin's collectivization resulted in mass disruption of agricultural productivity and incalculable human losses.              The decision to collectivize the farming sector had its origins in the grain crisis of 1928. Private traders offered better grain prices than the government did . "It was calculated that the prices of agricultural products in private trade, which in 1927-1928 exceeded the official prices by about 40 per cent, were almost double the official prices in the following year" . Due to the increase in private trade, the government began providing bread cards to workers only . Stalin realized a new system had to be devised in order to protect the governments' interests.              One problem that was suppose to be solved through the Five-Year Plan was the methods of farming. Only two methods of farming were recognized in the Plan, the state farms and the co-operative farms. The state farm, also known as solkhozes, "contained the state-employed peasants, whose produce was directly destined for the State" . The co-operative farms, otherwise known as...

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