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Essay on Climate Change: Check Samples in 100, 250 Words

• Updated on  
• Sep 21, 2023

Writing an essay on climate change is crucial to raise awareness and advocate for action. The world is facing environmental challenges, so in a situation like this such essay topics can serve as s platform to discuss the causes, effects, and solutions to this pressing issue. They offer an opportunity to engage readers in understanding the urgency of mitigating climate change for the sake of our planet’s future.

Must Read: Essay On Environment  

This Blog Includes:

What is climate change, what are the causes of climate change, what are the effects of climate change, how to fight climate change, essay on climate change in 100 words, climate change sample essay 250 words.

Climate change is the significant variation of average weather conditions becoming, for example, warmer, wetter, or drier—over several decades or longer. It may be natural or anthropogenic. However, in recent times, it’s been in the top headlines due to escalations caused by human interference.

Obama at the First Session of COP21 rightly quoted “We are the first generation to feel the impact of climate change, and the last generation that can do something about it.”.Identifying the causes of climate change is the first step to take in our fight against climate change. Below stated are some of the causes of climate change:

• Greenhouse Gas Emissions: Mainly from burning fossil fuels (coal, oil, and natural gas) for energy and transportation.
• Deforestation: The cutting down of trees reduces the planet’s capacity to absorb carbon dioxide.
• Industrial Processes: Certain manufacturing activities release potent greenhouse gases.
• Agriculture: Livestock and rice cultivation emit methane, a potent greenhouse gas.

Climate change poses a huge risk to almost all life forms on Earth. The effects of climate change are listed below:

• Global Warming: Increased temperatures due to trapped heat from greenhouse gases.
• Melting Ice and Rising Sea Levels: Ice caps and glaciers melt, causing oceans to rise.
• Extreme Weather Events: More frequent and severe hurricanes, droughts, and wildfires.
• Ocean Acidification: Oceans absorb excess CO2, leading to more acidic waters harming marine life.
• Disrupted Ecosystems: Shifting climate patterns disrupt habitats and threaten biodiversity.
• Food and Water Scarcity: Altered weather affects crop yields and strains water resources.
• Human Health Risks: Heat-related illnesses and the spread of diseases.
• Economic Impact: Damage to infrastructure and increased disaster-related costs.
• Migration and Conflict: Climate-induced displacement and resource competition.

‘Climate change is a terrible problem, and it absolutely needs to be solved. It deserves to be a huge priority,’ says Bill Gates. The below points highlight key actions to combat climate change effectively.

• Energy Efficiency: Improve energy efficiency in all sectors.
• Protect Forests: Stop deforestation and promote reforestation.
• Sustainable Agriculture: Adopt eco-friendly farming practices.
• Advocacy: Raise awareness and advocate for climate-friendly policies.
• Innovation: Invest in green technologies and research.
• Government Policies: Enforce climate-friendly regulations and targets.
• Corporate Responsibility: Encourage sustainable business practices.
• Individual Action: Reduce personal carbon footprint and inspire others.

Climate change refers to long-term alterations in Earth’s climate patterns, primarily driven by human activities, such as burning fossil fuels and deforestation, which release greenhouse gases into the atmosphere. These gases trap heat, leading to global warming. The consequences of climate change are widespread and devastating. Rising temperatures cause polar ice caps to melt, contributing to sea level rise and threatening coastal communities. Extreme weather events, like hurricanes and wildfires, become more frequent and severe, endangering lives and livelihoods. Additionally, shifts in weather patterns can disrupt agriculture, leading to food shortages. To combat climate change, global cooperation, renewable energy adoption, and sustainable practices are crucial for a more sustainable future.

Must Read: Essay On Global Warming

Climate change represents a pressing global challenge that demands immediate attention and concerted efforts. Human activities, primarily the burning of fossil fuels and deforestation, have significantly increased the concentration of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere. This results in a greenhouse effect, trapping heat and leading to a rise in global temperatures, commonly referred to as global warming.

The consequences of climate change are far-reaching and profound. Rising sea levels threaten coastal communities, displacing millions and endangering vital infrastructure. Extreme weather events, such as hurricanes, droughts, and wildfires, have become more frequent and severe, causing devastating economic and human losses. Disrupted ecosystems affect biodiversity and the availability of vital resources, from clean water to agricultural yields.

Moreover, climate change has serious implications for food and water security. Changing weather patterns disrupt traditional farming practices and strain freshwater resources, potentially leading to conflicts over access to essential commodities.

Addressing climate change necessitates a multifaceted approach. First, countries must reduce their greenhouse gas emissions through the transition to renewable energy sources, increased energy efficiency, and reforestation efforts. International cooperation is crucial to set emission reduction targets and hold nations accountable for meeting them.

In conclusion, climate change is a global crisis with profound and immediate consequences. Urgent action is needed to mitigate its impacts and secure a sustainable future for our planet. By reducing emissions and implementing adaptation strategies, we can protect vulnerable communities, preserve ecosystems, and ensure a livable planet for future generations. The time to act is now.

Climate change refers to long-term shifts in Earth’s climate patterns, primarily driven by human activities like burning fossil fuels and deforestation.

Five key causes of climate change include excessive greenhouse gas emissions from human activities, notably burning fossil fuels and deforestation. 

We hope this blog gave you an idea about how to write and present an essay on climate change that puts forth your opinions. The skill of writing an essay comes in handy when appearing for standardized language tests. Thinking of taking one soon? Leverage Edu provides the best online test prep for the same via Leverage Live . Register today to know more!

Amisha Khushara

With a heart full of passion for writing, I pour my emotions into every piece I create. I strive to connect with readers on a personal level, infusing my work with authenticity and relatability. Writing isn't just a skill; it's my heartfelt expression to touch hearts and minds.

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Climate Change: Causes and Effects

Last updated on April 2, 2024 by ClearIAS Team

India ranks fifth globally in terms of climate change vulnerability. Due to climate change, India suffered losses of almost 37 billion dollars in 2018 (almost twice what it lost between 1998-2017).

According to MIT, 78 out of India’s 89 urban regions will experience a considerable increase in flash floods if preindustrial temperatures are increased by 2° Celsius.

Sea level rise and stronger cyclones have already been brought on by an increase in sea surface temperature.

Table of Contents

What Is Climate Change?

Climate change means a long-term shift in temperature and weather patterns that may be natural such as through variations in the solar cycle or a result of anthropogenic activities such as carbon emission.

• Since the 1800s, human activities, primarily the combustion of fossil fuels like coal, oil, and gas have been the primary cause of climate change.
• Fossil fuel combustion produces greenhouse gas emissions that serve as a blanket around the earth, trapping heat from the sun and increasing temperatures.
• Carbon dioxide and methane are two prominent greenhouse gas emissions that are contributing to climate change. These are produced, for instance, by burning coal or gasoline.
• Carbon dioxide can also be released during forest and land clearing and Methane is emitted primarily by waste landfills. Among all, the major emitters are energy, industry, transportation, buildings, agriculture, and land use.

Key Findings Related to Climate

• China is the largest emitter of carbon dioxide which comprises 30.60% of the CO2 emission worldwide. China is followed by the USA and India.
• The Earth is now about 1.1°C warmer than it was in the 1800s. The commitment made under the Paris Agreement may not be met.
• By the end of the century, the temperature might rise by as much as 4.4°C if carbon dioxide emissions continue on their current course.
• The levels of greenhouse gases rose to a new height in 2019. The amount of carbon dioxide was 148% of preindustrial levels.
• While sea ice, the Greenland ice sheet, and glaciers have decreased over the same period and permafrost temperatures have climbed, the Arctic has warmed at least twice as fast as the global average.
• Between 2020 and 2030, the world’s production of fossil fuels must drop by around 6% to maintain a 1.5°C trajectory.

Also read:  Planetary Boundaries

Causes of Climate Change

Several anthropogenic activities induce harm to the environment. A few important of them are-

Learn more from: ClearIAS Study Materials

Power Generation

• Burning fossil fuels to provide power and heat accounts for a sizable portion of world emissions. Burning coal, oil, or gas releases carbon dioxide and nitrous oxide, which are still used to produce the majority of power.
• Only a little over a quarter of the world’s electricity is generated by renewable energy sources including wind, solar, and other natural resources.

Manufacturing and Industrial goods

• The manufacturing/industrial sector is one of the leading global producers of greenhouse gas emissions.
• Emissions from manufacturing and industry are mostly the result of burning fossil fuels to create energy for the production of items like textiles, electronics, plastics, cement, iron, and steel.
• Gases are also released during mining and other industrial activities, as well as during construction.
• Some products are also manufactured from chemicals derived from fossil fuels i.e., plastic products.

Deforestation

• A per cent of the world’s greenhouse gas emissions is caused by deforestation, along with agriculture and other changes in land use.
• As per an estimation, nearly 12 million hectares of forests are burned annually. Cutting down forests to make way for farms, pastures, or for other purposes also increases emissions.
• Forests absorb carbon dioxide, hence cutting or destroying forests reduces nature’s capacity to absorb emissions.

Transportation

• Fossil fuels are typically used to power transportation machines. As a result, emissions of greenhouse gases, particularly carbon dioxide, are greatly influenced by the transportation sector.
• In addition, statistics suggest that over the next few years, energy use for transportation will rise significantly.

Food Production

• In addition to deforestation and clearing land for agriculture and grazing, digestion by cows and sheep, production and use of fertilizers and manure, and the use of energy to run farm machinery or fishing boats, typically with fossil fuels, all contribute to the production of food.

Powering Buildings

• Over half of all electricity used worldwide is consumed by residential and commercial structures.
• Energy-related carbon dioxide emissions from buildings have increased over the past few years as a result of rising energy demand for heating and cooling, rising air conditioner ownership, and increased electricity use for lighting, appliances, and connected devices.

Also read: State of Global Climate Report 2023

Effects of Climate Change

Climate change has devastating impacts on us and the environment. The major effects are-

Increase in Temperature

• The global surface temperature rises together with greenhouse gas concentrations. The most recent ten years, 2011 to 2020, have been the warmest on record.
• Higher temperatures worsen heat-related illnesses and make it more challenging to work outside. When the weather is hotter, wildfires start more easily and spread more quickly.

More Severe Storms

• In many areas, destructive storms have increased in intensity and frequency. More moisture evaporates as temperatures rise , aggravating extremely heavy rains and flooding and resulting in more severe storms.
• The warming ocean has an impact on both the intensity and frequency of tropical storms. Warm ocean surface waters are the primary source of cyclones, hurricanes, and typhoons.

Frequent Drought

• Water availability is changing due to climate change, becoming more scarce in many places. In already water-stressed areas, global warming makes water shortages worse.
• It also increases the danger of ecological and agricultural droughts, which can harm crops and make ecosystems more vulnerable.

Warming and Rising Ocean

• The ocean absorbs carbon dioxide, keeping it out of the atmosphere. However, additional carbon dioxide causes the water to become more acidic, endangering coral reefs and marine life.
• It is the property of water that it expands when becomes warmer, therefore as the ocean warms, its volume will rise. Sea levels increase as a result of ice sheet melting, endangering coastal and island communities.

Loss of Species

• Both animals on land and in the ocean are at risk from climate change. As the temperatures rise, these risks rise as well.
• The rate of extinction on the planet is 1,000 times higher now than it has ever been in recorded human history. Within the next few decades, one million species face extinction .
• Threats from climate change include invasive pests and illnesses, forest fires, and harsh weather.

Food Scarcity

• Global hunger and poor nutrition are on the rise for a variety of reasons, including climate change and an increase in extreme weather occurrences. Crops, animals, and fisheries might all be lost or become less effective.
• Marine resources that provide food for billions of people are in danger as a result of the ocean’s increasing acidity.
• Food sources from herding, hunting, and fishing have been hampered in several Arctic regions due to changes in the snow and ice cover.
• Heat stress can reduce available water and grazing areas, which can lower crop output and have an impact on cattle.

Health Hazards

• The single greatest hazard to human health is climate change. Air pollution, sickness, harsh weather, forced relocation, stress on mental health, increasing hunger and inadequate nutrition in areas where people cannot grow or get enough food are only a few of the health effects of climate change.
• 13 million individuals every year are killed by environmental conditions. Extreme weather events increase fatalities and make it challenging for healthcare systems to keep up with the growing number of diseases caused by changing weather patterns.

Read:  Climate Resilient Health Systems;   Climate Change and Health

Deepen Poverty and Displacement

• Climate change makes it easier for people to fall into and stay in poverty.
• Floods have the potential to devastate homes and livelihoods in urban slums. Outdoor jobs may be challenging to perform in the heat. Crops may be impacted by water scarcity.
• Weather-related disasters have uprooted an estimated 23.1 million people annually on average over the previous ten years (2010-2019), leaving millions more at risk of poverty.
• The majority of refugees are from countries that are least able and prepared to adjust to the effects of climate change.

Read:  Impact of climate change on Indian monsoon

Every increase in global warming matters

Numerous UN assessments were endorsed by hundreds of experts and government reviewers who concluded that keeping the increase in global temperature to 1.5°C will help us escape the worst climatic effects and maintain a habitable climate.

However, according to current national climate plans, the average global warming by the end of the century will reach about 3.2°C.

Across the world, emissions that contribute to climate change are produced, yet some countries produce significantly more than others. 3 per cent of global emissions are produced by the 100 countries with the lowest emissions.

68% of the contribution comes from the ten countries with the highest emissions. Everyone must act to combat climate change, but those who contribute most to the issue must be the countries with a larger obligation to do so first.

Read:  Black carbon emissions

Article Written By: Priti Raj

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Climate Change mitigation: practical measures to limit global warming IPCC report 2014 Working Group III

Context - TThe Fifth Assessment Report (AR5) of the IPCC was prepared by three working groups.

The third Working Group assessed climate change mitigation, defined as the human interventions that reduce greenhouse gases emissions.

• Source document: IPCC (2014)
• Summary & Details: GreenFacts
• Level 1: Highlights
• Level 2: Long Summary

How are uncertainties handled in this report?

The IPCC uses a very specific language when it comes to expressing the degree of uncertainty or agreement for each statement in the fifth assessment report. For an overview of the specific meaning of each qualifier, you can read the relevant section in our summary of the Working Group I report .

What is projected by emission scenarios?

For scenarios without mitigation efforts beyond those in place today, greenhouse gas concentrations would reach 750 to over 1300 ppm CO 2 eq by 2100 (versus 400 ppm now). Global surface temperature would increase by 2.5 to 7.8 °C over pre-industrial levels ( high confidence ).

Greenhouse gases emissions are expected to continue to grow in all sectors except agriculture, forestry and other land uses ( robust evidence, medium agreement ). By 2050, the emissions from the energy supply sector are projected to triple compared to 2010, mainly from the electricity used in buildings and industry. Emissions from transport and buildings are projected to almost double, unless improvements in energy efficiency are accelerated ( medium evidence, medium agreement ).

Scenarios limiting CO 2 eq concentrations to about 450 ppm by 2100 – necessary to limit global warming to 2°C above pre-industrial levels – require greenhouse gas emissions that are 40% to 70% lower in 2050 than in 2010, and near zero in 2100. This requires large‐scale global changes in the energy supply sector ( robust evidence, high agreement ).

Scenarios that exceed 650 ppm CO 2 eq by 2100 are unlikely to limit global warming to 2°C above pre‐industrial levels.

How can climate impact mitigations objectives best be reached?

If mitigation efforts are delayed, it would be more difficult to limit global warming to 2°C and the range of options would be more limited ( high confidence ). Infrastructure development and long-lived products can lock a society into a pathway of high greenhouse gas emissions, something that can be difficult and costly to change. This reinforces the importance of early action for ambitious mitigation ( robust evidence, high agreement ).

Since most greenhouse gases accumulate over time and mix globally, climate change can only be effectively mitigated if collective actions are taken at the global scale . International cooperation is needed to help developing and spreading environmentally sound technologies.

In order to accurately estimate the benefits of mitigation, the full range of possible impacts of climate change need to be taken into account by social, economic and ethical analyses.

What are the possible mitigation measures?

Major options needed to reach the maximum concentration objective of 450 ppm CO 2 eq include:

• Replacing coal‐fired power plants with modern, highly efficient natural gas power plants , provided that natural gas is available and that gas leaks are kept low during extraction and distribution;
• More efficient energy use, as well as tripling to nearly quadrupling the share of zero‐ and low‐carbon energy sources by the year 2050; this includes renewables, nuclear energy, fossil energy with CO 2 capture and storage (CCS), and bioenergy with CCS (BECCS).
• Reducing CO 2 emissions in all transport modes , through technical improvements, behavioural changes, as well as new infrastructure and urban redevelopment investments.

Would decarbonising and CO2 storage technologies be effective mitigation tools?

The energy supply is currently largely dominated by carbon intensive fossil fuels . Decarbonising it, i.e. reducing the amount of carbon it releases, is a key requirement to stabilize emissions below 580 ppm CO 2 eq by 2100 ( robust evidence, high agreement ). However in the near-term, there may be more to be gained by increasing energy efficiency than by decarbonising energy supply.

Carbon Storage technologies currently exist, but there is a need for regulatory incentives to deploy them on a large scale. Combining bioenergy with carbon capture and storage (BECCS) can bring net negative emissions.

How can individuals contribute to the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions?

Individuals could substantially lower emissions by changing their diet, reducing food waste, and modifying consumption patterns such as mobility demand and modes, energy use in households, choice of longer‐lasting products. Such changes in behaviour may improve energy efficiency by 20 to 30 % in 2030 ( medium evidence, medium agreement ).

In developed countries, lifestyle and behavioural changes could reduce energy demand in buildings by up to 20% in the short term and by up to 50% by mid‐century.

What would be the cost of climate change mitigation?

If all countries would begin mitigation measures immediately and on the same basis, reaching concentrations of about 450ppm CO 2 eq by 2100 entails losses in global consumption of 1 to 4% in 2030, 2 to 6% in 2050, and 3 to 11% in 2100. This is quite small considering that global consumption should grow anywhere from 300% to over 900% during this century. Delaying mitigation would increase the costs.

The distribution of the costs would vary: the majority of mitigation efforts would take place in countries where future emissions are expected to be highest, as well as in sectors where key mitigation technologies are effective.

Mitigation measures entail a wide range of possible adverse side‐effects as well as co‐benefits , which have not been well quantified. For instance, the land used to plant trees as carbon sink cannot be used for human food, animal feed or bioenergy crops.

How will mitigation affect the energy industry?

• Revenues from the export of coal and oil are expected to decrease ( high confidence ). The effect on natural gas exports is more uncertain.
• Nuclear energy could make an increasing contribution to low‐carbon energy supply , but a variety of barriers and risks exist ( robust evidence, high agreement ). New technologies addressing some of these issues are being investigated and progress has been made in nuclear safety and waste disposal.
• Methane, biofuels and electricity produced from low‐carbon sources are already increasing their share in the transport sector; hydrogen fuels from low‐carbon sources are an option for the longer term.

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Our Future Is Now - A Climate Change Essay by Francesca Minicozzi, '21

Francesca Minicozzi (class of 2021) is a Writing/Biology major who plans to study medicine after graduation. She wrote this essay on climate change for WR 355/Travel Writing, which she took while studying abroad in Newcastle in spring 2020. Although the coronavirus pandemic curtailed Francesca’s time abroad, her months in Newcastle prompted her to learn more about climate change. Terre Ryan Associate Professor, Writing Department

Our Future Is Now

By Francesca Minicozzi, '21 Writing and Biology Major

 “If you don’t mind me asking, how is the United States preparing for climate change?” my flat mate, Zac, asked me back in March, when we were both still in Newcastle. He and I were accustomed to asking each other about the differences between our home countries; he came from Cambridge, while I originated in Long Island, New York. This was one of our numerous conversations about issues that impact our generation, which we usually discussed while cooking dinner in our communal kitchen. In the moment of our conversation, I did not have as strong an answer for him as I would have liked. Instead, I informed him of the few changes I had witnessed within my home state of New York.

Zac’s response was consistent with his normal, diplomatic self. “I have been following the BBC news in terms of the climate crisis for the past few years. The U.K. has been working hard to transition to renewable energy sources. Similar to the United States, here in the United Kingdom we have converted over to solar panels too. My home does not have solar panels, but a lot of our neighbors have switched to solar energy in the past few years.”

“Our two countries are similar, yet so different,” I thought. Our conversation continued as we prepared our meals, with topics ranging from climate change to the upcoming presidential election to Britain’s exit from the European Union. However, I could not shake the fact that I knew so little about a topic so crucial to my generation.

After I abruptly returned home from the United Kingdom because of the global pandemic, my conversation with my flat mate lingered in my mind. Before the coronavirus surpassed climate change headlines, I had seen the number of internet postings regarding protests to protect the planet dramatically increase. Yet the idea of our planet becoming barren and unlivable in a not-so-distant future had previously upset me to the point where a part of me refused to deal with it. After I returned from studying abroad, I decided to educate myself on the climate crisis.

My quest for climate change knowledge required a thorough understanding of the difference between “climate change” and “global warming.” Climate change is defined as “a pattern of change affecting global or regional climate,” based on “average temperature and rainfall measurements” as well as the frequency of extreme weather events. 1   These varied temperature and weather events link back to both natural incidents and human activity. 2   Likewise, the term global warming was coined “to describe climate change caused by humans.” 3   Not only that, but global warming is most recently attributed to an increase in “global average temperature,” mainly due to greenhouse gas emissions produced by humans. 4

I next questioned why the term “climate change” seemed to take over the term “global warming” in the United States. According to Frank Luntz, a leading Republican consultant, the term “global warming” functions as a rather intimidating phrase. During George W. Bush’s first presidential term, Luntz argued in favor of using the less daunting phrase “climate change” in an attempt to overcome the environmental battle amongst Democrats and Republicans. 5   Since President Bush’s term, Luntz remains just one political consultant out of many politicians who has recognized the need to address climate change. In an article from 2019, Luntz proclaimed that political parties aside, the climate crisis affects everyone. Luntz argued that politicians should steer clear of trying to communicate “the complicated science of climate change,” and instead engage voters by explaining how climate change personally impacts citizens with natural disasters such as hurricanes, tornadoes, and forest fires. 6   He even suggested that a shift away from words like “sustainability” would gear Americans towards what they really want: a “cleaner, safer, healthier” environment. 7

The idea of a cleaner and heathier environment remains easier said than done. The Paris Climate Agreement, introduced in 2015, began the United Nations’ “effort to combat global climate change.” 8   This agreement marked a global initiative to “limit global temperature increase in this century to 2 degrees Celsius above preindustrial levels,” while simultaneously “pursuing means to limit the increase to 1.5 degrees.” 9    Every country on earth has joined together in this agreement for the common purpose of saving our planet. 10   So, what could go wrong here? As much as this sounds like a compelling step in the right direction for climate change, President Donald Trump thought otherwise. In June 2017, President Trump announced the withdrawal of the United States from the Paris Agreement with his proclamation of climate change as a “’hoax’ perpetrated by China.” 11   President Trump continued to question the scientific facts behind climate change, remaining an advocate for the expansion of domestic fossil fuel production. 12   He reversed environmental policies implemented by former President Barack Obama to reduce fossil fuel use. 13

Trump’s actions against the Paris Agreement, however, fail to represent the beliefs of Americans as a whole. The majority of American citizens feel passionate about the fight against climate change. To demonstrate their support, some have gone as far as creating initiatives including America’s Pledge and We Are Still In. 14   Although the United States officially exited the Paris Agreement on November 4, 2020, this withdrawal may not survive permanently. 15   According to experts, our new president “could rejoin in as short as a month’s time.” 16   This offers a glimmer of hope.

The Paris Agreement declares that the United States will reduce greenhouse gas emission levels by 26 to 28 percent by the year 2025. 17   As a leader in greenhouse gas emissions, the United States needs to accept the climate crisis for the serious challenge that it presents and work together with other nations. The concept of working coherently with all nations remains rather tricky; however, I remain optimistic. I think we can learn from how other countries have adapted to the increased heating of our planet. During my recent study abroad experience in the United Kingdom, I was struck by Great Britain’s commitment to combating climate change.

Since the United Kingdom joined the Paris Agreement, the country targets a “net-zero” greenhouse gas emission for 2050. 18   This substantial alteration would mark an 80% reduction of greenhouse gases from 1990, if “clear, stable, and well-designed policies are implemented without interruption.” 19   In order to stay on top of reducing emissions, the United Kingdom tracks electricity and car emissions, “size of onshore and offshore wind farms,” amount of homes and “walls insulated, and boilers upgraded,” as well as the development of government policies, including grants for electric vehicles. 20   A strong grip on this data allows the United Kingdom to target necessary modifications that keep the country on track for 2050. In my brief semester in Newcastle, I took note of these significant changes. The city of Newcastle is small enough that many students and faculty are able to walk or bike to campus and nearby essential shops. However, when driving is unavoidable, the majority of the vehicles used are electric, and many British citizens place a strong emphasis on carpooling to further reduce emissions. The United Kingdom’s determination to severely reduce greenhouse emissions is ambitious and particularly admirable, especially as the United States struggles to shy away from its dependence on fossil fuels.

So how can we, as Americans, stand together to combat global climate change? Here are five adjustments Americans can make to their homes and daily routines that can dramatically make a difference:

• Stay cautious of food waste. Studies demonstrate that “Americans throw away up to 40 percent of the food they buy.” 21   By being more mindful of the foods we purchase, opting for leftovers, composting wastes, and donating surplus food to those in need, we can make an individual difference that impacts the greater good. 22   
• Insulate your home. Insulation functions as a “cost-effective and accessible” method to combat climate change. 23   Homes with modern insulation reduce energy required to heat them, leading to a reduction of emissions and an overall savings; in comparison, older homes can “lose up to 35 percent of heat through their walls.” 24   
• Switch to LED Lighting. LED stands for “light-emitting diodes,” which use “90 percent less energy than incandescent bulbs and half as much as compact fluorescents.” 25   LED lights create light without producing heat, and therefore do not waste energy. Additionally, these lights have a longer duration than other bulbs, which means they offer a continuing savings. 26  
• Choose transportation wisely. Choose to walk or bike whenever the option presents itself. If walking or biking is not an option, use an electric or hybrid vehicle which emits less harmful gases. Furthermore, reduce the number of car trips taken, and carpool with others when applicable. 
• Finally, make your voice heard. The future of our planet remains in our hands, so we might as well use our voices to our advantage. Social media serves as a great platform for this. Moreover, using social media to share helpful hints to combat climate change within your community or to promote an upcoming protest proves beneficial in the long run. If we collectively put our voices to good use, together we can advocate for change.

As many of us are stuck at home due to the COVID-19 pandemic, these suggestions are slightly easier to put into place. With numerous “stay-at-home” orders in effect, Americans have the opportunity to make significant achievements for climate change. Personally, I have taken more precautions towards the amount of food consumed within my household during this pandemic. I have been more aware of food waste, opting for leftovers when too much food remains. Additionally, I have realized how powerful my voice is as a young college student. Now is the opportunity for Americans to share how they feel about climate change. During this unprecedented time, our voice is needed now more than ever in order to make a difference.

However, on a much larger scale, the coronavirus outbreak has shed light on reducing global energy consumption. Reductions in travel, both on the roads and in the air, have triggered a drop in emission rates. In fact, the International Energy Agency predicts a 6 percent decrease in energy consumption around the globe for this year alone. 27   This drop is “equivalent to losing the entire energy demand of India.” 28   Complete lockdowns have lowered the global demand for electricity and slashed CO2 emissions. However, in New York City, the shutdown has only decreased carbon dioxide emissions by 10 percent. 29   This proves that a shift in personal behavior is simply not enough to “fix the carbon emission problem.” 30   Climate policies aimed to reduce fossil fuel production and promote clean technology will be crucial steppingstones to ameliorating climate change effects. Our current reduction of greenhouse gas emissions serves as “the sort of reduction we need every year until net-zero emissions are reached around 2050.” 31   From the start of the coronavirus pandemic, politicians came together for the common good of protecting humanity; this demonstrates that when necessary, global leaders are capable of putting humankind above the economy. 32

After researching statistics comparing the coronavirus to climate change, I thought back to the moment the virus reached pandemic status. I knew that a greater reason underlay all of this global turmoil. Our globe is in dire need of help, and the coronavirus reminds the world of what it means to work together. This pandemic marks a turning point in global efforts to slow down climate change. The methods we enact towards not only stopping the spread of the virus, but slowing down climate change, will ultimately depict how humanity will arise once this pandemic is suppressed. The future of our home planet lies in how we treat it right now. 

• “Climate Change: What Do All the Terms Mean?,” BBC News (BBC, May 1, 2019), https://www.bbc.com/news/science-environment-48057733 )
• Ibid. 
• Kate Yoder, “Frank Luntz, the GOP's Message Master, Calls for Climate Action,” Grist (Grist, July 26, 2019), https://grist.org/article/the-gops-most-famous-messaging-strategist-calls-for-climate-action
• Melissa Denchak, “Paris Climate Agreement: Everything You Need to Know,” NRDC, April 29, 2020, https://www.nrdc.org/stories/paris-climate-agreement-everything-you-need-know)
• “Donald J. Trump's Foreign Policy Positions,” Council on Foreign Relations (Council on Foreign Relations), accessed May 7, 2020, https://www.cfr.org/election2020/candidate-tracker/donald-j.-trump?gclid=CjwKCAjw4871BRAjEiwAbxXi21cneTRft_doA5if60euC6QCL7sr-Jwwv76IkgWaUTuyJNx9EzZzRBoCdjsQAvD_BwE#climate and energy )
• David Doniger, “Paris Climate Agreement Explained: Does Congress Need to Sign Off?,” NRDC, December 15, 2016, https://www.nrdc.org/experts/david-doniger/paris-climate-agreement-explained-does-congress-need-sign )
• “How the UK Is Progressing,” Committee on Climate Change, March 9, 2020, https://www.theccc.org.uk/what-is-climate-change/reducing-carbon-emissions/how-the-uk-is-progressing/)
• Ibid.  
• “Top 10 Ways You Can Fight Climate Change,” Green America, accessed May 7, 2020, https://www.greenamerica.org/your-green-life/10-ways-you-can-fight-climate-change )
• Matt McGrath, “Climate Change and Coronavirus: Five Charts about the Biggest Carbon Crash,” BBC News (BBC, May 5, 2020), https://www.bbc.com/news/amp/science-environment-52485712 )
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ENCYCLOPEDIC ENTRY

Climate change.

Climate change is a long-term shift in global or regional climate patterns. Often climate change refers specifically to the rise in global temperatures from the mid-20th century to present.

Earth Science, Climatology

Fracking tower

Fracking is a controversial form of drilling that uses high-pressure liquid to create cracks in underground shale to extract natural gas and petroleum. Carbon emissions from fossils fuels like these have been linked to global warming and climate change.

Photograph by Mark Thiessen / National Geographic

Climate is sometimes mistaken for weather. But climate is different from weather because it is measured over a long period of time, whereas weather can change from day to day, or from year to year. The climate of an area includes seasonal temperature and rainfall averages, and wind patterns. Different places have different climates. A desert, for example, is referred to as an arid climate because little water falls, as rain or snow, during the year. Other types of climate include tropical climates, which are hot and humid , and temperate climates, which have warm summers and cooler winters.

Climate change is the long-term alteration of temperature and typical weather patterns in a place. Climate change could refer to a particular location or the planet as a whole. Climate change may cause weather patterns to be less predictable. These unexpected weather patterns can make it difficult to maintain and grow crops in regions that rely on farming because expected temperature and rainfall levels can no longer be relied on. Climate change has also been connected with other damaging weather events such as more frequent and more intense hurricanes, floods, downpours, and winter storms.

In polar regions, the warming global temperatures associated with climate change have meant ice sheets and glaciers are melting at an accelerated rate from season to season. This contributes to sea levels rising in different regions of the planet. Together with expanding ocean waters due to rising temperatures, the resulting rise in sea level has begun to damage coastlines as a result of increased flooding and erosion.

The cause of current climate change is largely human activity, like burning fossil fuels , like natural gas, oil, and coal. Burning these materials releases what are called greenhouse gases into Earth’s atmosphere . There, these gases trap heat from the sun’s rays inside the atmosphere causing Earth’s average temperature to rise. This rise in the planet's temperature is called global warming. The warming of the planet impacts local and regional climates. Throughout Earth's history, climate has continually changed. When occuring naturally, this is a slow process that has taken place over hundreds and thousands of years. The human influenced climate change that is happening now is occuring at a much faster rate.

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Home / For Educators: Grades 6-12 / Climate Explained: Introductory Essays About Climate Change Topics

Climate Explained: Introductory Essays About Climate Change Topics

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Climate Explained, a part of Yale Climate Connections, is an essay collection that addresses an array of climate change questions and topics, including why it’s cold outside if global warming is real, how we know that humans are responsible for global warming, and the relationship between climate change and national security.

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Climate Change Basics: Five Facts, Ten Words

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To simplify the scientific complexity of climate change, we focus on communicating five key facts about climate change that everyone should know. 

Why should we care about climate change?

Having different perspectives about global warming is natural, but the most important thing that anyone should know about climate change is why it matters.  

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Climate Change In India [UPSC Notes GS III]

The effect of climate change has recently been seen in some cities of India like Delhi, Hyderabad, and especially Chennai where the city was facing a water crisis and was relying on alternative water sources such as distant, unreliable public water pumps, and costly private water tankers. Therefore, the topic is important in the UPSC mains exam.

This article will abrest you with evidence of rapid climate change in India, its potential effect on the country, and how to cope with the climate change effects.  IAS Exam aspirants can find more notes for UPSC Mains General Studies topics from the links given at the end of the article.

About Climate Change in India

• India has questioned the rush at the United Nations (UN) to declare climate change an international security issue, potentially giving the Security Council the right to take action on it, and pointed out the pitfalls in the approach.
• According to India, A “mere decision of the Council” to take over enforcement of climate change action would disrupt the Paris Agreement and multilateral efforts to find solutions.
• Climate change is a global threat to security in the 21st century. We must act now to limit future risks to the planet we share and the peace we seek.

For NCERT Notes on Climate Change , aspirants can visit the linked page.

Evidence For Rapid Climate Change In India

• Global Temperature Rise: The planet’s average surface temperature has risen about 1.62 degrees Fahrenheit (0.9 degrees Celsius) since the late 19th century, a change driven largely by increased carbon dioxide and other human-made emissions into the atmosphere. Most of the warming occurred in the past 35 years, with the five warmest years on record taking place since 2010.
• Warming Oceans: The oceans have absorbed much of this increased heat, with the top 700 meters (about 2,300 feet) of ocean showing warming of more than 0.4 degrees Fahrenheit since 1969.
• Shrinking Ice Sheets: The Greenland and Antarctic ice sheets have decreased in mass. Data from NASA’s Gravity Recovery and Climate Experiment show Greenland lost an average of 286 billion tons of ice per year between 1993 and 2016, while Antarctica lost about 127 billion tons of ice per year during the same time period. The rate of Antarctica ice mass loss has tripled in the last decade.
• Glacial Retreat: Glaciers are retreating almost everywhere around the world — including in the Alps, Himalayas, Andes, Rockies, Alaska, and Africa.
• Decreased Snow Cover: Satellite observations reveal that the amount of spring snow cover in the Northern Hemisphere has decreased over the past five decades and that the snow is melting earlier.
• Sea Level Rise: Global sea level rose about 8 inches in the last century. The rate in the last two decades, however, is nearly double that of the last century and is accelerating slightly every year.
• Declining Arctic Sea Ice: Both the extent and thickness of Arctic sea ice has declined rapidly over the last several decades.
• Extreme Events: The number of record high-temperature events in the United States has been increasing, while the number of record low-temperature events has been decreasing, since 1950. The U.S. has also witnessed increasing numbers of intense rainfall events.
• Ocean Acidification: Since the beginning of the Industrial Revolution, the acidity of surface ocean waters has increased by about 30 percent. This increase is the result of humans emitting more carbon dioxide into the atmosphere and hence more being absorbed into the oceans. The amount of carbon dioxide absorbed by the upper layer of the oceans is increasing by about 2 billion tons per year.

Climate Fragility Risks in India

“A New Climate for Peace: Taking Action on Climate and Fragility Risks” , an independent report commissioned by members of the G7 , identifies seven compound climate-fragility risks that pose serious threats to the stability of states and societies in the decades ahead:

• Local resource competition: As the pressure on natural resources increases, competition can lead to instability and even violent conflict in the absence of effective dispute resolution.
• Livelihood insecurity and migration: Climate changes will increase the human insecurity of people who depend on natural resources for their livelihoods, which could push them to migrate or turn to illegal sources of income.
• Extreme weather events and disasters: Extreme weather events and disasters will exacerbate fragility challenges and can increase people’s vulnerability and grievances, especially in conflict-affected situations.
• Volatile food prices and provision: Climate change is highly likely to disrupt food production in many regions, increasing prices and market volatility, and heightening the risk of protests, rioting, and civil conflict.
• Transboundary water management: Transboundary waters are frequently a source of tension; as demand grows and climate impacts affect availability and quality, competition over water use will likely increase the pressure on existing governance structures.
• Sea-level rise and coastal degradation: Rising sea levels will threaten the viability of low-lying areas even before they are submerged, leading to social disruption, displacement, and migration, while disagreements over maritime boundaries and ocean resources may increase.
• Unintended effects of climate policies: As climate adaptation and mitigation policies are more broadly implemented, the risks of unintended negative effects—particularly in fragile contexts—will also increase.

Policy Analysis: The Need for an Integrated Agenda

The best way to diminish the threat posed by these climate-fragility risks is to mitigate climate change. However, changes to the climate are already underway, so we must take steps to manage and minimize these risks today. To break down the sectoral barriers that hamper efforts to address climate-fragility risks, we need to address key policy and institutional gaps in three areas:

• Climate change adaptation: programs help countries anticipate the adverse effects of climate change and take action to prevent, minimize, and respond to their potential impacts.
• Development and humanitarian aid programs help states and populations build their economic, governance, and social capacities and improve their resilience to shocks.
• Peace-building and conflict prevention programs address the causes and effects of fragility and conflict by reducing tensions and creating an environment for sustainable peace.

Why is climate change relevant to India?

India is among the countries most vulnerable to climate change. It has one of the highest densities of economic activity in the world, and very large numbers of poor people who rely on the natural resource base for their livelihoods, with a high dependence on rainfall. By 2020, pressure on India’s water, air, soil, and forests is expected to become the highest in the world.

One of the most significant ways that climate change will impact the lives of people in India will be through its water resources. While water sustains life, it all too often wreaks havoc through devastating floods and droughts . A changing climate will only aggravate these shocks.

Potential Effects of climate change in India

• Extreme Heat : India is already experiencing a warming climate. Unusual and unprecedented spells of hot weather are expected to occur far more frequently and cover much larger areas. Under 4°C warming, the west coast and southern India are projected to shift to new, high-temperature climatic regimes with significant impacts on agriculture.
• Changing Rainfall Patterns : A decline in monsoon rainfall since the 1950s has already been observed. A 2°C rise in the world’s average temperatures will make India’s summer monsoon highly unpredictable. At 4°C warming, an extremely wet monsoon that currently has a chance of occurring only once in 100 years is projected to occur every 10 years by the end of the century. Dry years are expected to be drier and wet years wetter.
• Droughts : Evidence indicates that parts of South Asia have become drier since the 1970s with an increase in the number of droughts. Droughts have major consequences. In 1987 and 2002-2003, droughts affected more than half of India’s crop area and led to a huge fall in crop production. Droughts are expected to be more frequent in some areas, especially in north-western India, Jharkhand, Orissa, and Chhattisgarh. Crop yields are expected to fall significantly because of extreme heat by the 2040s.
• Groundwater: Even without climate change, 15% of India’s groundwater resources are overexploited. Falling water tables can be expected to reduce further on account of increasing demand for water from a growing population, more affluent lifestyles, as well as from the services sector and industry.
• Glacier Melt : Most Himalayan glaciers have been retreating over the past century. At 2.5°C warming, melting glaciers and the loss of snow cover over the Himalayas are expected to threaten the stability and reliability of northern India’s primarily glacier-fed rivers. Alterations in the flows of the Indus, Ganges, and Brahmaputra rivers could significantly impact irrigation, affecting the amount of food that can be produced in their basins as well as the livelihoods of millions of people
• Sea level rise: With India close to the equator, the sub-continent would see much higher rises in sea levels than higher latitudes. Sea-level rise and storm surges would lead to saltwater intrusion in the coastal areas, impacting agriculture, degrading groundwater quality, contaminating drinking water, and possibly causing a rise in diarrhoea cases and cholera outbreaks, as the cholera bacterium survives longer in saline water. Kolkata and Mumbai, both densely populated cities, are particularly vulnerable to the impacts of sea-level rise, tropical cyclones , and riverine flooding.
• Apart from this food and energy security are also major concerns. Water scarcity, health hazards among the masses, and migration and political conflicts are expected to grow.

India’s response to Climate Change

• National Action Plan on Climate Change (NAPCC) : outlines existing and future policies and programs addressing climate mitigation and adaptation. The Action Plan identifies eight core “national missions” running through to 2017: Solar Energy; Enhanced Energy Efficiency; Sustainable Habitat; Water; Sustaining the Himalayan Ecosystem; Green India; Sustainable Agriculture; and Strategic Knowledge for Climate Change. Most of these missions have strong adaptation imperatives.
• National Clean Energy Fund: The Government of India created the National Clean Energy Fund (NCEF) in 2010 for financing and promoting clean energy initiatives and funding research in the area of clean energy in the country. The corpus of the fund is built by levying a cess of INR 50 (subsequently increased to INR 100 in 2014) per tonne of coal produced domestically or imported.
• Paris Agreement: Under the Paris Agreement, India has made three commitments. India’s greenhouse gas emission intensity of its GDP will be reduced by 33-35% below 2005 levels by 2030. Alongside, 40% of India’s power capacity would be based on non-fossil fuel sources. At the same time, India will create an additional ‘carbon sink’ of 2.5 to 3 billion tonnes of Co2 equivalent through additional forest and tree cover by 2030.
• International Solar Alliance: ISA was launched at the United Nations Climate Change Conference in Paris on 30 November 2015 by India and France, in the presence of Mr. Ban Ki Moon, former Secretary-General of the United Nations.
• Bharat Stage (BS) Emission Norms: Emissions from vehicles are one of the top contributors to air pollution, which led the government at the time to introduce the BS 2000 (Bharat Stage 1) vehicle emission norms from April 2000, followed by BS-II in 2005. BS-III was implemented nationwide in 2010. However, in 2016, the government decided to meet the global best practices and leapfrog to BS-VI norms by skipping BS V altogether.

All these efforts need to be implemented well to mitigate the effects of climate change.

How can India cope with climate change effects?

An ‘adaptation’ approach is the way to go. For this, a big push must be given to the interlinking of rivers and the use of GM crops . Climate action has globally been ‘mitigation-centric’ — most of the programs (such as a push for renewable energy and electric vehicles) are aimed at slowing down future global warming. ‘Mitigation’ is more important to developed countries, but for countries like India, the focus should be on ‘adaptation’, or measures are taken to cope with the inevitable effects of climate change that has already happened, such as nasty storms, floods, and droughts.

‘Adaptation’ is like protecting yourself against a punch that will land. India has also been mitigation-centric; it is time to bring focus on ‘adaptation’. And for adaptation, the time has come for two major steps.

• The first is to give a big push to a 150-year-old idea — inter-linking of rivers (ILRs). With floods and droughts likely to occur in different parts of the countries, possibly alongside each other, there is no option but to make ILR happen, and fast. Here are two components of it: the Himalayan and the Peninsular, with 14 and 16 links respectively. The idea is to build a dam on one river so that the water level rises at the head of the canal, allowing water to flow by gravity to the next river. India today has 5,100 large dams, which have walls at least 15 meters tall; ILR will require 3,000 more. The project will also involve building 15,000 km of new canals. If brought to fruition, ILR will bring 35 million hectares — over twice the size of Andhra Pradesh — of additional land into cultivation, and 34,000 MW more of hydroelectricity.
• The other adaptive measure is genetically modified crops. GM technology is a major component of ‘climate-smart agriculture’. We would need drought-resistant crops, and crops that produce more on the same patch of land so that climate-impairing ‘land use’ is minimized. India has been saying ‘no’ to GM technology. However, GM technology has been in use globally for over two decades and millions of people have been eating GM foods for years.

World Bank on Climate Change

Climate change could push more than 100 million people into extreme poverty by 2030 by disrupting agriculture and fueling the spread of malaria and other diseases, the World Bank said in a report.

These UPSC Notes on climate change in India are aligned with the UPSC Syllabus and aspirants should prepare this topic for General Studies Paper III.

Climate Change in India [UPSC Notes GS-III]:- Download PDF Here

Aspirants of the UPSC exam are advised to check other relevant topics for the Essay and GS III paper.

Aspirants can check the  UPSC Notes  page for free GS1, GS2, and GS 3 notes.

For more UPSC related preparation materials and articles, visit the links given in the table below:

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What Is Climate Change?

Climate change is a long-term change in the average weather patterns that have come to define Earth’s local, regional and global climates. These changes have a broad range of observed effects that are synonymous with the term.

Changes observed in Earth’s climate since the mid-20th century are driven by human activities, particularly fossil fuel burning, which increases heat-trapping greenhouse gas levels in Earth’s atmosphere, raising Earth’s average surface temperature. Natural processes, which have been overwhelmed by human activities, can also contribute to climate change, including internal variability (e.g., cyclical ocean patterns like El Niño, La Niña and the Pacific Decadal Oscillation) and external forcings (e.g., volcanic activity, changes in the Sun’s energy output , variations in Earth’s orbit ).

Scientists use observations from the ground, air, and space, along with computer models , to monitor and study past, present, and future climate change. Climate data records provide evidence of climate change key indicators, such as global land and ocean temperature increases; rising sea levels; ice loss at Earth’s poles and in mountain glaciers; frequency and severity changes in extreme weather such as hurricanes, heatwaves, wildfires, droughts, floods, and precipitation; and cloud and vegetation cover changes.

“Climate change” and “global warming” are often used interchangeably but have distinct meanings. Similarly, the terms "weather" and "climate" are sometimes confused, though they refer to events with broadly different spatial- and timescales.

What Is Global Warming?

Global warming is the long-term heating of Earth’s surface observed since the pre-industrial period (between 1850 and 1900) due to human activities, primarily fossil fuel burning, which increases heat-trapping greenhouse gas levels in Earth’s atmosphere. This term is not interchangeable with the term "climate change."

Since the pre-industrial period, human activities are estimated to have increased Earth’s global average temperature by about 1 degree Celsius (1.8 degrees Fahrenheit), a number that is currently increasing by more than 0.2 degrees Celsius (0.36 degrees Fahrenheit) per decade. The current warming trend is unequivocally the result of human activity since the 1950s and is proceeding at an unprecedented rate over millennia.

Weather vs. Climate

“if you don’t like the weather in new england, just wait a few minutes.” - mark twain.

Weather refers to atmospheric conditions that occur locally over short periods of time—from minutes to hours or days. Familiar examples include rain, snow, clouds, winds, floods, or thunderstorms.

Climate, on the other hand, refers to the long-term (usually at least 30 years) regional or even global average of temperature, humidity, and rainfall patterns over seasons, years, or decades.

Find Out More: A Guide to NASA’s Global Climate Change Website

This website provides a high-level overview of some of the known causes, effects and indications of global climate change:

Evidence. Brief descriptions of some of the key scientific observations that our planet is undergoing abrupt climate change.

Causes. A concise discussion of the primary climate change causes on our planet.

Effects. A look at some of the likely future effects of climate change, including U.S. regional effects.

Vital Signs. Graphs and animated time series showing real-time climate change data, including atmospheric carbon dioxide, global temperature, sea ice extent, and ice sheet volume.

Earth Minute. This fun video series explains various Earth science topics, including some climate change topics.

Other NASA Resources

Goddard Scientific Visualization Studio. An extensive collection of animated climate change and Earth science visualizations.

Sea Level Change Portal. NASA's portal for an in-depth look at the science behind sea level change.

NASA’s Earth Observatory. Satellite imagery, feature articles and scientific information about our home planet, with a focus on Earth’s climate and environmental change.

Header image is of Apusiaajik Glacier, and was taken near Kulusuk, Greenland, on Aug. 26, 2018, during NASA's Oceans Melting Greenland (OMG) field operations. Learn more here . Credit: NASA/JPL-Caltech

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Introduction, the analytical framework: linking climate change, vulnerability, and conflict, methodology: a systematic review, pathways between climate change and violent conflict in the mena region, evaluating the “pathways” framework in the mena region.

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Climate Change and Violent Conflict in the Middle East and North Africa

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Kyungmee Kim, Tània Ferré Garcia, Climate Change and Violent Conflict in the Middle East and North Africa, International Studies Review , Volume 25, Issue 4, December 2023, viad053, https://doi.org/10.1093/isr/viad053

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Previous research has demonstrated that climate change can escalate the risks for violent conflict through various pathways. Existing evidence suggests that contextual factors, such as migration and livelihood options, governance arrangements, and existing conflict dynamics, can influence the pathways through which climate change leads to conflict. This important insight leads to an inquiry to identify sets of conditions and processes that make climate-related violent conflict more likely. In this analytic essay, we conduct a systematic review of scholarly literature published during the period 1989–2022 and explore the climate-conflict pathways in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. Through the systematic review of forty-one peer-reviewed publications in English, we identify that society’s ability to cope with the changing climate and extreme weather events is influenced by a range of factors, including preceding government policies that led to the mismanagement of land and water and existing conflict dynamics in the MENA region. Empirical research to unpack the complex and diverse relationship between the climate shocks and violent conflict in the MENA region needs advancing. Several avenues for future research are highlighted such as more studies on North Africa and the Gulf region, with focus on the implications of floods and heatwaves, and exploring climate implications on non-agriculture sectors including the critical oil sector.

Investigaciones previas que han demostrado que el cambio climático puede llegar a aumentar la probabilidad del riesgo de conflictos violentos a través de diversos mecanismos. Las pruebas existentes sugieren que los factores contextuales, tales como la migración y las opciones de medios de subsistencia, los acuerdos de gobernanza y la dinámica de conflicto existente, pueden influir en las vías a través de las cuales el cambio climático conduce a los conflictos. Esta percepción motiva una investigación con el objetivo de identificar una serie de condiciones y procesos que hacen que incrementan la probabilidad de conflictos violentos relacionados con el clima. En este ensayo analítico, llevamos a cabo una revisión sistemática de la literatura académica publicada durante el período entre 1989 y 2022. El estudio explora las vías de conflicto climático en la región de Oriente Medio y el Norte de África (MENA, por sus siglas en inglés). A través de la revisión sistemática de 41 publicaciones en inglés revisadas por expertos, fenómenos meteorológicos extremos está influenciada por una serie de factores, que incluyen tanto las políticas gubernamentales precedentes que condujeron a la mala gestión de la tierra y el agua como la dinámica de conflicto existente en la región MENA. Es esencial avanzar en la investigación empírica para poder desentrañar la compleja y diversa relación existente entre las perturbaciones climáticas y los conflictos violentos en la región de Oriente Medio y el Norte de África. Destacamos varias vías de investigación futura, como la realización de un mayor número estudios sobre el norte de África y la región del Golfo, con un enfoque en las implicaciones de las inundaciones y las olas de calor, así como la exploración de las implicaciones climáticas en los sectores no agrícolas, incluido el sector petrolero, de crítica importancia.

Des travaux de recherche antérieurs ont montré que le changement climatique pouvait aggraver les risques de conflits violents de bien des façons. Les éléments probants existants indiquent que les facteurs contextuels, comme les possibilités d'immigration et de moyens de subsistance, les arrangements gouvernementaux et les dynamiques de conflit existantes, peuvent avoir une incidence sur les mécanismes par lesquels le changement climatique peut créer des conflits. Cette information importante nous pousse à chercher les ensembles de conditions et de processus qui augmentent la probabilité des conflits violents en lien avec le climat. Dans cet article analytique, nous conduisons un examen systématique de la littérature académique publiée entre 1989 et 2022 pour nous intéresser aux liens entre climat et conflits dans la région du Moyen-Orient et de l'Afrique du Nord (MENA). En examinant de façon systématique 41 publications en anglais vérifiées par des pairs, nous remarquons que la capacité d'une société à gérer l’évolution du climat et les phénomènes météorologiques extrêmes est liée à un éventail de facteurs, y compris les politiques précédentes du gouvernement qui ont engendré une mauvaise gestion des terres et de l'eau et les dynamiques de conflit existantes dans la région MENA. La recherche empirique pour décortiquer la relation complexe et plurielle entre les crises climatiques et les conflits violents dans la région MENA doit avancer. Plusieurs pistes de recherches ultérieures sont présentées, comme davantage d’études dans la région de l'Afrique du Nord et du Golfe, en se concentrant plus particulièrement sur les implications des inondations et des vagues de chaleur, et l'analyse des conséquences climatiques sur les secteurs hors agriculture, notamment le secteur décisif du pétrole.

Climate change contributes to conflict risk and undermines livelihoods and human security. The impact of climate change overburdens countries in demanding security environments and exacerbates political instability, which may lead to violent conflict. Researchers have sought to explain the relationship between climate change and violent conflict and climate change as a growing factor for security risks ( Gleditsch 2012 ; Meierding 2013 ; Sakaguchi, Varughese, and Auld 2017 ; Ide 2018 ; Van Baalen and Mobjörk 2018 ). There is a greater consensus that climate change has an impact on human security and sustaining peace ( Abrahams 2020 ; Black et al. 2022 ; Morales-Muñoz et al. 2022 ). The evidence has been gathered on the physical changes in diverse livelihood systems and human migration and the negative effects on human adaptation capacities ( IPCC 2022 ). The debate may have to move on from whether climate change has been the primary cause of a war or not ( Verhoeven 2011 ; e.g., Selby et al. 2017 ). Our understanding of what context climate change matters for conflict and security and how relevant factors play out in local contexts should be based on comprehensive and systematic research that considers various scales, time periods, and localities.

Moreover, existing evidence suggests that climate-related security risks are context specific, and there are multiple pathways by which climate change influences the onsets and patterns of armed conflict ( Brzoska and Fröhlich 2016 ; Mobjörk, Krampe, and Tarif 2020 ). The “climate insecurity pathway” framework assumes that climate change may not be the only contributor to violent conflict but also other factors leading to insecurity such as internal and international migration, livelihood options, and governance arrangements ( Van Baalen and Mobjörk 2018 ). Existing conflict dynamics and security environments can exacerbate climate-related security risks. This analytic essay contributes to the debate on how climate change affects the risk of violent conflict by conducting a systematic review of the literature directly or indirectly linking climate change of violent conflict focusing on the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), a region that has been severely impacted by both. 1 By conducting a systematic literature review, we are particularly interested in synthesizing existing evidence to better understand the climate-conflict links in the MENA region. We included forty-one peer-reviewed articles published between 1989 and 2022 in the analysis. Based on the review, we conclude that the relationship between climate change and violent conflict is predominantly indirect and diverse, highlighting the need to avoid oversimplified assumptions. Climate change’s contribution to conflict risk in the MENA region is further mediated by political economy, institutional weaknesses, elite competition, and existing socio-political relations. A careful examination of evidence is crucial for comprehensive climate security discussions in general and policy considerations for the MENA region. The following systematic review of literature showcases the linkages between climate exposure and various sources of vulnerability in the MENA region.

Climate Exposure and Social Vulnerability in the MENA Region

The MENA region is facing major security challenges from its vulnerability to climate change and violent conflict. The region is the world’s most water-stressed region, hosting thirteen of the world’s twenty most water-stressed countries, with currently over 82 percent of its terrain covered in desert ( Sieghart and Betre 2018 ). Indeed, water rationing and the limitation of water supplies are already a reality in parts of Algeria, Lebanon, Iraq, Palestine, and Jordan ( Sowers, Vengosh, and Weinthal 2011 ). Recent climate science predicts an average global warming of 1.5°C under the business-as-usual scenario, while in the MENA region, it is expected to increase up to 4°C ( Gaub and Lienard 2021 ). Furthermore, the level of mean precipitation is also expected to decrease in the region ( Zittis , et al. 2020 ). By the end of the century, about half of the MENA population could be annually exposed to super- and ultra-extreme heatwaves ( Zittis et al. 2021 ). In essence, the region is likely to become drier and experience extremely high temperatures, followed by extreme and chronic water shortages becoming more frequent.

Many countries in the MENA region are vulnerable to the effects of climate change due to their weak adaptive capacity ( Sowers et al. 2011 ; Namdar, Karami, and Keshavarz 2021 ). The adaptive capacity to climate change varies across the MENA region. While oil-exporting Gulf states have the financial resources for investments in water desalination and wastewater technologies, others suffer from a lack of financial resources and water conservation policies ( Sowers et al. 2011 ). The adverse effect of climate change on agricultural productivity is likely to affect the livelihood conditions of rural populations and may contribute to rural-to-urban migration in some cases ( Waha et al. 2017 ). Changes in precipitation and extreme weather events can reduce the region’s agriculture yields, as up to 70 percent of the crops are rain-fed ( Waha et al. 2017 ). Climate change impacts present a threat to food security in the MENA region and exacerbate the vulnerability to global food price volatility, including Egypt and Lebanon. Countries with a high level of imported grain dependency witness significant inflations in cereal prices that can be a source of political instability ( Tanchum 2021 ). Food price volatility has contributed to political stability in the past, especially during the Arab Spring, and the combined effect of reduced water discharge with the demographic trend of the youth bulge could present a challenge to the political stability of a region ( Borghesi and Ticci 2019 ).

Over the past decade, several of the world’s deadliest conflicts flared up in the MENA region, particularly in Syria, Yemen, Iraq, and Turkey ( Palik et al. 2020 ). The intractable conflict between Israel and Palestine has caused immense human suffering and disrupted regional stability. These conflicts are linked to long-running inequalities and grievances and economic and political instability, which make conflict resolution exceptionally challenging. Deterioration of the physical environment and land degradation further exacerbate risks of communal conflict and political instability in the future. Violent conflict, on the other hand, has been destructive to the adjoining environment. For instance, the effect of intense armed conflict has been significant in Syria’s already declining land and water resources ( Mohamed, Anders, and Schneider 2020 ). Environmental degradation leading to water and food insecurity has adversely affected the livelihoods of the population.

The linkages between conflict and the environment are an integral component that constitutes peace and security in the MENA region. The arid natural environment of the region and the changing climate are part of consideration when analyzing conflict in the region ( Smith and Krampe 2019 ). This article focuses on the MENA region and analyzes the role of climate-related environmental factors in violent conflict by drawing evidence from existing research. This systematic review provides an overview of conditions and processes in the climate-conflict nexus. The findings demonstrate that indirect pathways between climate change and violent conflict that are found in other regions such as East Africa, South Asia, and Southeast Asia, and West Africa are also applicable to the MENA region. In addition, downstream impacts of water development projects such as dams and irrigation projects in transboundary river basins, weaponization of water by armed groups, and the government’s mismanagement of water and land have particularly affected vulnerability to climate change in the MENA region. Climate change exacerbates water scarcity in the MENA region, which in turn can incentivize policies such as unilaterally building water storages and weaponization of water as an instrument for leverage during armed conflicts. These MENA region-specific dimensions of climate-conflict pathways appear to be influenced by the region’s internal politics, relations between neighboring countries, and conflict dynamics.

The article is organized in the following order. We present the analytical framework of a set of pathways that connects climate change and violent conflict and then an outline of the methodology for a systematic review, which includes the operationalization of the variables and the sampling strategy. This is followed by the description of the methodology for conducting a systematic review. The review of literature is organized into four categories that are specified in the analytical framework, and then a synthesized analysis is detailed. Finally, we conclude by summarizing policy and research relevant implications from the finding in the MENA regional contexts with a set of recommendations.

The climate-conflict nexus is complex. Climate change has implications for various forms of interstate and intrastate conflict, including communal violence, insurgencies, mass civil resistance campaigns, protests, and interpersonal disputes ( Hendrix et al. 2023 ). Specific contexts of environment, socio-political systems, and pre-existing conflict matter when examining the connection between climate-related environmental changes and conflict. The analytical framework is based on a premise that the relationship between climate change and conflict is mediated by social, political, and ecological vulnerability ( Daoudy 2021 ). When climate impacts contribute to social outcomes such as deteriorating livelihood conditions, migration, escalation of armed groups’ tactics, and elite capture, risks of violent conflict can increase. The following outlines four “pathways” between climate change and conflict ( Figure 1 ).

A framework of climate insecurity pathways

The deterioration of livelihood conditions is a centerpiece in linking environmental changes and violent conflict. Climate-exposed sectors such as agriculture, forestry, fishery, energy, and tourism are highly likely to suffer from economic damages from climate change ( IPCC 2022 , SPM-11). Consequently, people whose livelihoods are dependent on the natural environment are subjected to additional economic burdens due to the changing climate or climate shocks. Extreme weather events such as droughts, heatwaves, sandstorms, flooding, and long-term changes in the environment can affect the income from the aforementioned sectors ( IPCC 2022 , SPM-11). Populations with low adaptive capacity including marginalized groups are disproportionately affected and vulnerable to short-term economic damages related to climate change ( IPCC 2022 , SPM-8). Demographic changes may accelerate the deterioration of livelihood conditions. Population growth in the MENA region has been rapid from 105 million in 1960 to 486 million in 2021 ( World Bank 2022 ), which means more land and water are required for livelihoods. Climate change can worsen coastal erosion and decline tin he productivity of coastal plains in Israel and Morocco, which are important for food production. Sea-level rise has negative impacts on deltas, coastal plains, and human settlements, and tourism and industrial activities are also expected to decline due to heatwaves and worsening water shortages ( Sowers et al. 2011 ).

Existing studies focus on various socio-economic outcomes of climate and environmental changes and their implications on conflict mobilization. Agriculture, fisheries, and livestock sectors are particularly susceptible to the loss of income due to climate shocks such as prolonged droughts ( von Uexkull 2014 ; Schmidt and Pearson 2016 ). Loss of income due to the deterioration of livelihood conditions can lead individuals to seek alternative sources of livelihood, and some may turn to illicit activities, including joining non-state armed groups ( Barnett and Adger 2007 , 644; Seter 2016 , 5).

Another category of social outcomes includes changes in migration and mobility patterns. Migration is one of the climate adaptation strategies, and subsequent socioeconomic and political impacts of migration can be linked to conflict. Declining livelihood conditions can trigger rural-to-urban migration in search for alternative livelihoods ( Rüttinger et al. 2015 , 27). Long-term climate change and weather shocks may accelerate environmental degradation and declining livelihood conditions. The increased migration flow accelerates urbanization and creates instability in hosting cities with inadequate infrastructure for public services ( Balsari, Dresser, and Leaning 2020 ).

Changing migratory patterns of pastoralist or agropastoral groups, influenced by the availability of grazing land and water, can be linked to clashes with other communities ( Abroulaye et al. 2015 ; Mohammed Ali 2019 ). Violent communal clashes and livestock raiding, which have become increasingly lethal, are linked to intensified competition over scarce resources for pastoralist populations ( Detges 2014 ). For instance, farmer-herder conflicts in the Sahel region have become increasingly lethal during recent decades, especially in areas with a higher population and livestock density.

Previous research also focuses on the role of elites who have leveraged social outcomes of climate change for their benefit. Here, elite actors include traditional elites, privileged groups with economic and political power, and even armed group leaders. More frequent and intense climate-related extreme weather events can provide additional opportunities for local elites to capture resources. When climate-induced disasters such as droughts and floods cause humanitarian crises, their basic needs and post-disaster reconstruction would bring in additional resources to the disaster-hit regions, which can be exploited by local elites. Humanitarian aid delivery often needs to cooperate with local elites, whose influence over the aid provision can further strengthen the client-patronage relationship, which is a source of tension ( Uson 2017 ). Elite capture of resources, particularly land, is likely to generate strains within and between communities ( Zaman 1991 ). Local grievances over land rights can be exploited in intercommunal conflict or national conflicts ( Chavunduka and Bromley 2011 ). National elites can exploit local grievances of a population segment that are closely related to climate change. Inadequate government responses to Cyclone Bhola in 1970 led to a devastating human toll in the Bay of Bengal and contributed to the rise of the independence movement, which subsequently led to the secession of Bangladesh ( Busby 2022 , 181).

Changing environmental conditions by climate change may influence armed group tactics and behaviors. Armed groups have utilized the local grievances for a recruitment drive for the youth ( Benjaminsen and Ba 2019 ). Climate change also affects the way of wars are to be fought. In warm climates, prolonged and unpredictable rainy seasons can alter the fighting season and patterns. Due to the reduced water availability in some areas, the strategic importance of water access points and infrastructure may have become more salient. Armed groups can escalate the conflict by weaponizing water by flooding farmland and cities or depriving the population of water ( King 2015 ). Amid droughts and unreliable rainfalls, armed groups may consider water weaponization as a more effective tactic in order to influence and control communities already experiencing water scarcity.

The analytical framework of climate-conflict pathways is applied to analyze findings from existing research relevant to the MENA region. The following details a method of a systematic review of the literature.

This paper leverages from existing evidence by conducting a systematic review of existing studies. Systematic review method has been extensively employed in examining the linkage between climate change and violent conflict ( Ide 2018 ; Nordqvist and Krampe 2018 ; Van Baalen and Mobjörk 2018 ; Tarif 2022 ). Systematic reviews differ from a traditional sense of literature review in a way that it is “focused” and “systematic”; it zooms on a specific research question; and is based on pre-established sets of principles for literature selection. Systematic and focused nature of the review is helpful to “locate previous research, select relevant literature, evaluate contributions and analyses, and synthesize data” ( Denyer and Tranfield 2009 , 671). This approach is particularly useful to yield new insights and provide clarification on frequently debated issues ( Dacombe 2018 , 155). In addition, the method is a highly relevant policy tool that promotes evidence-based policymaking.

We have used the following set of principles for locating, selecting, and evaluating the literature. A Boolean search string containing keywords was composed with keywords from climate change and violent conflict. 2 Search words for climate-related environmental conditions include terms related to the effects of extreme weather events or long-term environmental changes on nature-based livelihoods and water and food insecurity, involuntary displacement, which are adopted from previous research done in a similar scope ( Nordqvist and Krampe 2018 ; Van Baalen and Mobjörk 2018 ; Tarif 2022 ). Several social outcomes are theorized as consequences of climate change such as internal and cross-border migration and elite exploitation of changing environmental conditions. In the paper, violent conflict is defined as the situation when one or more actors engaged in violence against hostile groups due to incompatibilities. This broad definition allows include interstate wars, terrorism to communal clashes involving violence. The definition does not include protests and non-violent actions, which are a crucial class of social phenomena leading to political instability and violence. We paid attention to this element in the analysis but excluded studies exclusively focusing on non-violent conflict (e.g., Ide et al. 2021 ). We used specific keywords relevant to conflict actors and types of conflict in the MENA region.

The Boolean search string was used in searching the abstracts of existing studies in English published during 1989–2020 from Web of Science, a major database of scholarly literature. From the search results, we read the abstracts and selected items with relevance to the relationship between climate-related environmental changes and conflict. The initial screening found 141 articles, which then were reviewed manually for their relevance to the inquiry (see the Online Appendix). In the screening process, we excluded a number of studies that focused on the impact of armed conflict on the environment and studies that did not explicitly focus on violent conflict. Similarly, studies that do not explicitly focus on climate change as in long-term climate trends, climate hazards, and weather events were excluded. Another set of articles that were removed from the list were commentaries and reviews that were not based on either qualitative or quantitative empirical material. While all the selected articles either have at least one country in the MENA region or adapt a regional focus on the MENA, the specific definition of these regions varies. In our literature review, we adhere to a specific list of countries that we recognize as part of the region. 3 After the screening, we manually searched the bibliographies of the selected articles and included eleven relevant articles. In total, forty-one articles are reviewed with a focus on a set of categories stemmed from the analytical framework for explaining the relationship between climate-related environmental change and violent conflict ( Figure 2 ).

Peer-reviewed articles reviewed

The geographical focus of the reviewed studies demonstrates that much of the scholarship focuses on Syria and Iraq. In contrast, North African countries and Gulf countries have received relatively limited attention ( Figure 3 ). The high number of research works focusing on Syria can be explained by the high profile of the contested linkage between climate change and the Syrian civil war. While media narratives have regarded Syria as a prime example of an armed conflict fuelled by climate change and several prominent public figures have publicized it as an illustration of the nexus, it is worth noting that scholarly research has presented differing perspectives on the direct causative role of climate change in conflict escalation ( Miller 2015 ; “Climate Wars - Syria” with Thomas Friedman 2017 ; VICE 2017 ).

The distribution of geographical focus of the reviewed studies

Source: a map drawn by authors.

In this section, we discuss existing explanations from previous research that connect climate-related environmental changes and violent conflict in the MENA region. The linkages between the environmental changes related to climate change and violent conflict constitute a complex chain of events (e.g., Gleditsch 1998 ). Most empirical research contributes to examine parts of the chain under specific temporal and spatial scopes, and this is one reason why it is important to consider the broader implication of each piece of evidence, which then can contribute to the better understanding of the climate-conflict pathways as a larger phenomenon. For clarity and focus, we organized a set of findings from previous studies under four pre-determined analytical categories: worsening livelihood conditions, migration and mobility, armed groups, and elite exploitation. As explained earlier, these categories are not mutually exclusive; rather, explanations under different categories are interlinked and can mutually reinforce each other in different stages of mobilization and conflict.

Direct Link between Climate Change and Violent Conflict

Scholars have examined whether climate impacts such as warmer temperatures and precipitation anomalies are statistically correlated to violent conflict, and several studies have focused on specific countries within the MENA region ( Feizi, Janatabadi, and Torshizi 2019 ; Döring 2020 ; Helman and Zaitchik 2020 ; Helman, Zaitchik, and Funk 2020 ; Sofuoglu and Ay 2020 ; Linke and Ruether 2021 ). Findings from existing research on the direct impact of climate-related factors on violent conflict and political instability suggest that the relationship is not always linear and varied in specific country contexts ( Helman and Zaitchik 2020 ; Helman et al. 2020 ). Water scarcity, for instance, is not only associated with increased communal conflict but also cooperation ( Döring 2020 ). Warming did not unitarily increase or decrease conflict risk—warmer temperatures increased risks of violence in Africa but decreased in the Middle East, and warming did not have a linear effect but had a greater effect on conflict risk in warmer regions ( Helman et al. 2020 ). Increased temperatures and rainfall anomalies are positively associated with political instability in the MENA region ( Helman and Zaitchik 2020 ; Sofuoglu and Ay 2020 ). These findings caution against generalized or simplistic assumptions about the relationship between climate change and violent conflict.

Studies have found an insignificant relationship between water scarcity and violent conflict. Precipitation levels and droughts do not have a direct impact on communal violence in a model including the Middle East and Africa ( Döring 2020 ). The same study also found that communal conflict is more likely to occur in areas with lower rainfalls and limited groundwater availability. Groundwater is less affected by short-term droughts, but prolonged droughts and unsustainable extraction can lead to groundwater shortages, which is the case in northern Syria ( Kelley et al. 2015 ) and Yemen ( Weiss 2015 ). Rainfall variability does not seem to have significantly affected the intensity of civil war violence during the 2011–2019 Syrian civil war ( Linke and Ruether 2021 ). The discussion on climate change’s impact on armed group tactics and behavior is followed in the later part of the paper.

Droughts and water scarcity seem to be a source of social disputes and non-violent conflict ( Feizi et al. 2019 ; Bijani et al. 2020 ; Ide et al. 2021 ). Whether the tension over water scarcity escalates to non-violent conflict or not seems to be contingent on the pre-existing negative socio-political relationships between groups and the types of political systems ( Ide et al. 2021 ). In Iran, irregular rainfalls and water scarcity at the local level are linked to interpersonal conflict and communal tensions and can degrade state legitimacy and contribute to political instability ( Feizi et al. 2019 ; Bijani et al. 2020 ).

Evidence from existing studies on the direct climate-conflict link also alludes to the need to further explore the mechanisms between physical environmental changes and social outcomes. Both large- N and small- N studies can contribute to the understanding of the underlying mechanisms or indirect pathways connecting climate change and conflict. The following sections discuss livelihoods, migration, inadequate management, and armed group behaviors as the pathways between climate-related environmental changes and violent conflict.

Deteriorating Livelihood Conditions

Several studies evaluating the worsening livelihood mechanism in the MENA region focus on the relationship between droughts’ impacts on agriculture and conflict. Severe and frequent droughts due to climate change may affect the region’s food security and livelihoods. In the MENA countries, agriculture, fisheries, and livestock accounts for roughly 15 percent of the total population’s livelihood ( World Bank 2023 ). Agriculture dependency is one of the best predictors of violent conflict ( von Uexkull et al. 2016 ). Indeed, evidence from a study focusing on the MENA region and Africa shows a consistent result that conflict risk is higher in areas where the population depends on agriculture for their livelihoods ( Helman and Zaitchik 2020 ).

Droughts’ impact on agriculture is an important area of research in the implications of the changing climate on the deterioration of livelihood conditions. During the last three decades, droughts in the MENA region have become more frequent and severe. Three out of four most severe multi-year droughts in the Fertile Crescent region referring to parts of Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, Israel, Jordan, and Egypt occurred during 1990–2015 ( Kelley et al. 2015 , 3243). The sub-region has historically witnessed periodic droughts; therefore, their agricultural systems are to a degree adaptive to drought conditions and low rainfalls. More frequent and intensifying droughts and drying conditions may jeopardize the population’s adaptive capacity, leading to far-reaching and consequential disruptions in societies. In particular, the 2007–2008 drought severely affected the agricultural production in the Fertile Crescent region. Annual wheat production in Iraq during 2008–2009 declined by 35 percent ( Selby 2019 , 264). Jordan and the West Bank in Palestine also experienced a reduction in agricultural production after the 2007–2008 drought ( Feitelson and Tubi 2017 ). However, none of these countries experienced the same extent of “shock” as in Syria, whose effects some refer to as the “collapse” of the agricultural sector. The 2007–2008 drought is considered “the worst drought in the instrumental record, causing widespread crop failure” and decimation of livestock populations in northeast Syria ( Kelley et al. 2015 , 3241).

A dozen of the reviewed authors have probed the linkage between the 2007 and 2008 multi-year droughts and their impacts on agricultural and livestock production and the Syrian conflict using quantitative and qualitative methods ( De Châtel 2014 ; Gleick 2014 ; Kelley et al. 2015 ; Eklund and Thompson 2017 ; Selby et al. 2017 ; Ide 2018 ; Karnieli et al. 2019 ; Ash and Obradovich 2020 ; Daoudy 2020a , 2021 ; Eklund et al. 2022 ). These reviewed research works have disagreed on what extent the drought’s contribution to the sharp decline in agricultural production and rural livelihood in Syria. Kelley et al. (2015 ) is one of the major empirical studies that argues for the linkage between the multi-year drought and the political instability, which argument is similar to Gleick (2014 ). Other studies have refuted the causal linkage between the drought and the Syrian civil war, but their core reasons for arguing against it have varied.

Several authors point out that the impact of climate shocks on livelihoods is mediated by water governance decisions. This argument downplays the role of climate change as the main driver of livelihood deterioration rather than a contributing factor. Despite being affected by similar rainfall deficits during 2007–2008, farmers in northern Syria generally experienced far worse consequences in productivity compared to northwest Iraq and southeast Turkey ( Eklund and Thompson 2017 ). Turkey’s substantial investment in water infrastructure and placing policies for better management during the 1990s and 2000s seem to have reduced their vulnerability to droughts ( Kelley et al. 2015 ; Eklund and Thompson 2017 ). On the contrary, the Syrian regime’s agricultural expansion policy, unsustainable groundwater use, and economic policy have exacerbated the population’s drought vulnerability. Agricultural expansion schemes in Syria more than doubled the irrigated area from 650,000 ha in 1985 to 1.4 million ha in 2005, driven by “a vision of development through agrarian modernization” ( Selby 2019 , 268). The policy overlooked physical limitations of groundwater resources by over-extracting water from aquifers at a rate of 300 percent or more than the basin’s yield and depleting aquifers prior to the 2007–2008 drought ( Selby 2019 , 266). Groundwater depletion in the region has a major effect on drought vulnerability because groundwater is an important source of water during low rainfall years ( Kelley et al. 2015 ).

Weiss (2015 ) makes a similar observation in Yemen, indicating that governance issues are mainly responsible for groundwater depletion in the country rather than climate-related environmental changes. Factors related to agrarian political economy and governance capacities further affect the vulnerability. The government’s capacity to deal with environmental changes and their impact on local economies and livelihoods is pointed out to be a key mediating factor in the linkage between climate change and violent conflict. The issues related to mismanagement and elite exploitation of climate change are further discussed in the later section of the article.

A few studies found differing climate impacts based on gender and ethnicity. Vulnerability to climate change varies between communities and countries, and intersectional identities of the affected people such as gender, age, and ethnicity influence their capacity to adapt to climate change and resilience ( Thomas et al. 2019 ). Evidence from Iran shows how women are forced to carry the “double burden” of doing off-farm work activities such as weeding or thinning cotton for minimal wages, in addition to the regular household and on-farm tasks ( Keshavarz, Karami, and Vanclay 2013 ). In Syria, the mechanization of agriculture has led to a significant loss of rural employment and disproportionately affected women ( Selby 2019 , 267). The disproportionate effect on women is related to structural gender inequality restricting women’s economic opportunities and wealth accumulation ( Selby 2019 ). This finding aligns with previous literature linking gender and climate change indicating that women are often worse affected by climate impacts due to restrictive norms and rights ( Denton 2002 ). In Israel, pastoralists are often disadvantaged due to the Israeli state’s resource allocation policies prioritizing farmers. In the northern Negev region, the state’s land appropriation disproportionately affected agri-pastoralist Bedouin tribes during the early 1900s. This has led to higher vulnerability of the Bedouins during droughts ( Tubi and Feitelson 2016 ). A similar pattern of marginalization is found in Hasakah, a region in northern Syria, where the state turned open range lands into farmlands ( Selby 2019 ). The findings on differing vulnerability and impacts on livelihoods are based on a handful of studies, and intersectional approaches are generally absent in most studies reviewed in the analytic essay.

Changes in Migration and Mobility Patterns

Migration represents a critical adaptation strategy for populations affected by climate-induced environmental changes. Existing research examines various linkages between climate-induced environmental changes and migration in the MENA region. The main discussions are related to the contribution of climate shocks in internal and international migration and migration as a source of political instability and conflict. Existing evidence in the reviewed studies does not fully confirm that climate shocks and changing climate conditions are the primary drivers of internal or international migration. The link between displacement and violent conflict seems to be contested as well.

One of the predominant narratives links climate, migration, and insecurity theorizes worsening of livelihood conditions due to climate change has led to distressed migration of rural population to urban or peri-urban areas, which can contribute to greater political instability ( Gleick 2014 ; Kelley et al. 2015 ; Feitelson and Tubi 2017 ; Ash and Obradovich 2020 ). This argument gained prominence after out-migration from drought-affected regions in northern Syria in 2008 and the agricultural sector collapse in 2010 preceded the 2011 uprising.

Several studies focus on empirically examining the migration patterns after the 2007–2008 droughts in the Levant ( De Châtel 2014 ; Gleick 2014 ; Kelley et al. 2015 ; Ash and Obradovich 2020 ). There seems to be a wide-ranging estimation of the scale of internal migration in Syria during this time ( Ide 2018 ). While acknowledging the multiple factors contributing to migration, researchers have debated on the number of displaced people in northern Syria and Iraq amid the 2007–2008 drought. While Gleick (2014 , 334) and  Kelley et al . ( 2015 , 3241–2) estimate ∼1.5 million people to be internally displaced, others suggest 40–60,000 households or ∼ 300,000 displaced people ( Selby et al. 2017 , 254). Several methods are employed in estimating drought-induced migration. For instance, Ash and Obradovich (2020 ) used nightlight intensity as a proxy measure for population change, which seemed to detect the changes in population in drought-affected regions. Satellite imagery can be analyzed for measuring agricultural land use, which can be a proxy indicator for out-migration ( Eklund et al. 2022 ). Others relied on official statistics and survey data, which are based on a combination of census, fieldwork, and expert assessment (e.g., OCHA 2009 ). Nightlight intensity and satellite imagery are effective measurements of population changes, but remote sensing data provide little context about who moved, to where, and why. Fieldwork-based studies such as De Châtel (2014 ) provide insights into the socio-economic circumstances of migrants and their political orientation. A UN rapid assessment report is based on various UN-led field reports and assessments during 2006–2008 and supplies valuable on-the-ground information including changing migration patterns, children’s school enrollment, and water availability ( OCHA 2009 ). The evidence indicates that migration after the drought was indeed significant, although we cannot exactly say the scale of it. The question is whether these migrants play a role in the subsequent uprising and civil war.

Critics of this narrative argue that the Syrian uprising emerged due to political discontent, economic recession, youth unemployment, discrimination, and injustice, not because of the mass climate migrants ( De Châtel 2014 ; Selby et al. 2017 ; Daoudy 2020a ). Eklund et al. (2022 ) suggest migration triggered by the 2007–2008 droughts did not play a significant role in the uprising because migrants were likely to have returned as early as 2010 based on the satellite images showing full recovery of agricultural activities in drought-affected areas ( Eklund et al. 2022 ). Rural-to-urban migration in the MENA region is rather influenced by pre-existing socio-economic conditions and political decisions. For example, in Syria, the introduction of neoliberal agrarian policies by the government generated a significant degree of insecurity in the rural populations and prompted rural-to-urban migration ( De Châtel 2014 ; Selby 2019 ). And region’s demographic trend has a much greater and long-lasting impact on the pressure in urban areas. For instance, the urban population in Syria is estimated to have grown from 8.9 million in 2002 to 13.8 million in 2010, and most migrants lived in informal settlements with poor infrastructure and no jobs ( Kelley et al. 2015 ).

The narratives on climate change and migration in the MENA region in existing literature reflect how countries perceive climate-induced migration as a source of conflict and insecurity. Jordan, for instance, fears the influx of migration from the MENA region, mostly Palestine, Iraq, and Syria, would worsen the country’s water scarcity and thus security ( Weinthal, Zawahri, and Sowers 2015 ). Fears of “climate refugees” from Africa have shaped Israel’s discriminatory discourses and practices against African refugees and Bedouin communities inside the country ( Weinthal et al. 2015 ). Media reports have suggested that climate shocks in the MENA regions, where asylum seekers and irregular migrants originated from, have affected their decision to migrate ( O'Hagan 2015 ). More than 2.2 million migrants without legal permits have amassed at EU external borders during 2009–2017, and most migrants during this period were from the MENA region ( Cottier and Salehyan 2021 , 2).

Findings from existing research refute the idea of climate shocks would trigger refugee flows from the MENA region. Climate shocks and precipitation deficits are not linked to the increase of out-migration from the MENA region to Europe ( Abel et al. 2019 ; Cottier and Salehyan 2021 ). Severe droughts and drier weather conditions in the MENA region are associated with the reduced migration flow to Europe, which is contradictory from the popular media narrative about “climate refugees” ( Cottier and Salehyan 2021 ). This finding alone suggests that migration can be an “investment,” because the extra income generated from additional rain reduces financial barriers to emigrating ( Cottier and Salehyan 2021 , 6). The correlation between rainfall variability and asylum-seeking flows has been found during 2010–2012 when the Arab Spring swept a dozen MENA countries but not during other periods between 2006 and 2015 ( Abel et al. 2019 ). This finding demonstrates that the impact of climate change on generating asylum-seeking flows seems to be conditional on the origin country’s political stability.

Armed Group’s Tactical Considerations

Existing research specifically focusing on how climate change affects armed groups’ tactics is sparse in the MENA region (exception of Linke and Ruether 2021 ), but several research works demonstrate that armed groups may escalate their tactics due to the increased environmental stress on water and agricultural land. Changing climate conditions and weather shocks adversely affect water availability for agriculture. This trend underscores the notion that the strategic importance of controlling water and water infrastructure could emerge as an effective instrument for exerting pressure to local populations in times of armed conflicts. Previous research supplies evidence on how water is weaponized by armed groups, which is a case of escalation of tactics ( Grech-Madin 2020 ). Water weaponization is defined as the “intentional or unintentional damage or destruction of (sensitive) components of the water infrastructure like dams, treatment plants, pumping stations, piping and canal systems, sewage plants, reservoirs, wells, etc” ( von Lossow 2016 , 84).

Water has been used as both a target and a weapon by state and non-state actors. Existing studies focus on how non-state armed groups and government militaries have strategically attacked or captured water and other environmental infrastructure ( King 2015 ; von Lossow 2016 ; Sowers, Weinthal, and Zawahri 2017 ; Gleick 2019 ; Daoudy 2020b ). Water scarcity in the region is an incentivizing factor for government troops and armed groups to use water to incur damage to the local population. Attacks on water pipes, sanitation and desalination plants, water treatment, pumping and distribution facilities, and dams have occurred in Syria, Libya, and Yemen during civil wars. Targeting of water infrastructure also occurs in protracted conflict situations such as the Israel and Palestine conflict when Israel was accused of attacking wells in Gaza City ( von Lossow 2016 , 84). Particular attention has been drawn to rebel groups’ ability to use water for strategic but as well psychological terrorism ( King 2015 ).

The weaponization of water is not limited to targeting water infrastructure during wartime. Increasing water scarcity and the importance of water access influence the strategic calculation by armed groups on when and where they would deploy violence ( King 2015 ). Non-state armed groups such as the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq are known to have fought over the control of water infrastructure in the Euphrates and Tigris Rivers as part of their expansion strategy ( von Lossow 2016 ). Armed groups fight more intensely during the growing season, which is linked to tax revenue from agricultural harvest and control of the population who rely on farming ( Linke and Ruether 2021 , 116).

Armed groups can also use water as a tool of governance. By providing water and electricity to the local population, the Islamic State achieved ideological credibility as well as legitimacy over the local population, which was a core component of the IS claim of statehood ( King 2015 ; von Lossow 2016 ). Supplying water is a crucial governance function, so armed groups can obstruct water infrastructure to damage the conflict party’s control and legitimacy.

Elite Exploitation

Previous research demonstrates how elite exploitation is linked to protests and violent conflict by focusing on corruption, elite capture of disaster relief, and elite bias in the MENA region. Political patronage and ethnic, tribal, and religious networks for political mobilization shape elite behavior in the region. Political patronage is not unique to the MENA region, but clientelism explains the viability of political networks of some political elites in the MENA region who maintained power through providing resources and preferential treatment in return for votes, loyalty, and compliance ( Herb 1999 ; Haddad 2012 ). Social fabrics of the MENA are woven with diverse ethnic, tribal, and religious groups, and these minorities have also been part of political cleavage structures ( Belge and Karakoç 2015 ). Political mobilization along ethnic, tribal, and religious lines has been effective in the contexts when these identities are contested ( Yiftachel 1996 ). In the following, three main findings from existing research are outlined.

Climate change may increase opportunities for elites to appropriate humanitarian aid for their benefit, and elite exploitation can worsen the conflict risk amid climate-induced disasters and environmental scarcities. The risk of politicization of humanitarian and development aid has been extensively studied ( Doocy and Lyles 2018 ; Alqatabry and Butcher 2020 ). In situations of climate-induced disasters, local and central elites can have a significant influence on the planning and distribution of humanitarian aid. Political elites can be biased in their relationship with local elites, and this elite bias can have implications for local-level politics ( Brosché and Elfversson 2012 ). After the 2007–2008 drought in Syria, the Assad government directed the UN-led relief efforts to almost entirely focus on the Arab district of Al-Shaddadi, although the Kurdish communities were equally or worse affected ( Selby 2019 , 270). Unequal aid distribution can increase intercommunal tensions during droughts. State intervention can reduce the risk of conflict amid climate-related natural disasters. Tubi and Feitelson (2016 ) demonstrate how proactive relief provisions during droughts have reduced communal violence between Bedouin herders and Jewish farmers in Israel. The findings from Tubi and Feitelson (2016 ) confirm that the state’s capacity to adapt and absorb shocks remains essential for the inhabitants’ perceived marginal benefits and the opportunity cost of conflict ( Post et al. 2016 ).

Powerful elites compete over acquiring land and water resources from weak and vulnerable groups. Mismanagement and corruption in the public sector are other factors that affect the population’s access to water and basic services, which are simultaneously hampered by climate change ( Kim and Swain 2017 ). In Yemen, most communal conflict occurs over water and land when tribal elites compete with one another ( Weiss 2015 ). In southern Iraq, a large volume of water is illegally diverted for commercial farms owned by elites, which worsens water scarcity ( Mason 2022 ). Donor-funded projects for repairing Basra’s aging water infrastructure after the 2003 invasion, worth 2 billion USD over nearly two decades, were succumbed to widespread corruption ( Mason 2022 ). Bureaucratic procedures endow opportunities for officials to extort bribes such as well-licensing in Syria and water development project licensing in Lebanon ( De Châtel 2014 ; Mason and Khawlie 2016 ). In Syria, the government’s requirement to annually renew well licences was an opportunity for security personnel and local officials to collect bribes ( De Châtel 2014 , 12). Protestors in Dara’a, Syria initially demanded to end corruption in the water sector ( De Châtel 2014 ). In Iraq, the epidemic of corruption in the water sector endowed youth and urban poor grievances against the state, which led to widespread protests ( Human Rights Watch 2019 ).

Although the MENA region is a climate change hotspot, governance failures, and mismanagement account for declining water access ( Mason and Khawlie 2016 ; Selby et al. 2017 ; Daoudy 2021 ). Elites in the MENA region have leveraged climate change to explain some of the governance failures in the water and agriculture sectors. The Syrian state and security apparatus have exploited the narratives around climate change by portraying Syria as a “naturally water-scarce” country, although the reality on the ground shows a man-made water crisis due to corruption and inefficient management by the government authorities ( De Châtel 2014 , 9). Similarly, the Lebanese government blamed climate change for the reduction of water flow in the Hasbani Basin, while civil society representatives accused the government of “systematically neglecting their concerns” about water access ( Mason and Khawlie 2016 , 1352–3).

Tensions over transboundary water sharing may continue to rise in the MENA region ( Bulloch and Darwish 1993 ; Amery 2002 ). The Euphrates River and Tigris River are important water sources for Turkey, Iraq, Syria, and Iran, and Turkey controls the water flow through the investment in the Southeastern Anatolia Project consisting of twenty-two large reservoirs and nineteen hydroelectric power stations on the upper tributaries of the Euphrates and Tigris Rivers. Karnieli et al. (2019 ) argue that Turkey’s transboundary investment and dam filling to be the primary driver of 2007–2008 droughts in Syria instead of climate change. This might be inconsequential because Turkey released additional water to Syria during the drought (see Kibaroglu and Scheumann 2011 , 297). As long as the downstream countries, Syria, Iraq, and Iran, see their domestic water problems to be attributed to the upstream dams in Turkey (e.g., Al-Muqdadi et al. 2016 ), transboundary rivers can be a source of interstate tension—although it is unlikely to develop into a full-scale armed conflict ( Bencala and Dabelko 2008 ). The impact of climate change in transboundary water governance is still an under-researched area that deserves more attention. Another area that can be a subject for further research is a growing sub-national competition over water such as brewing tension within Iraq due to the Kurdish Regional Government’s dam building plans ( Tinti 2023 ).

Existing evidence demonstrates that climate impacts, particularly droughts and drying trends, contribute to armed conflict in various ways. This section weighs in on the findings from the analysis to evaluate the overall framework of pathways to climate insecurity in the MENA region. The synthesis of findings highlights consensus and disagreement in existing studies and identifies the areas for further research.

Water scarcity in the MENA region is apparent at multiple scales, from domestic to transboundary, and has various implications for social vulnerability and political stability. The region’s water insecurity is as much driven by governance challenges as climatic and environmental trends. Severe droughts in the Levant during 2007–2009 appear to have led to the decline in agricultural production in the affected areas, but the drought vulnerability is mediated by groundwater availability, the viability of irrigation systems, and the capacity of water infrastructure ( Kelley et al. 2015 ). Decades of mismanagement of water resources and institutional failings undermine adaptive capacities in the region, demonstrated in examples from Lebanon, Yemen, Syria, and Iraq ( Weiss 2015 ; Mason and Khawlie 2016 ; Selby 2019 ; Mason 2022 ).

The depletion of groundwater in parts of the MENA region is largely attributed to the government’s unsustainable agricultural and water policies. Groundwater offers an important source of reserve during droughts, and the unsustainable use of groundwater adversely affects farmers’ drought vulnerability. Government subsidies on fuels encouraged farmers to install diesel pumps to use groundwater for irrigation, without consideration for sustainability in Yemen and Syria ( Weiss 2015 ; Selby 2019 ). These governments’ agricultural and economic policies resulted in farmers growing more water-intensive crops such as cotton and citrus fruits, which accelerated groundwater depletion. Political elites used fuel subsidies to ensure support from farmers at the expense of the environment. These unsustainable water and agricultural policies are not technical “mismanagement” but embedded in a much larger political context and ideology ( Daoudy 2021 , 13). Considering political factors in climate vulnerability is an important aspect to understand the climate-conflict nexus in the MENA region.

This analytic essay also looks into the important debate about the contribution of droughts in the Syrian uprising and subsequent civil war. Fourteen out of thirty-nine existing studies focus on the Syrian conflict and examine various linkages between the conflict and climate-related environmental factors. The popular narrative portrays the Syrian civil war as a climate conflict that is triggered by climate-induced agricultural collapse resulting in mass displacement ( Gleick 2014 ; Werrell, Femia, and Sternberg 2015 ). Research refutes this narrative by contesting the empirical foundations. Drought-displaced people in urban or peri-urban areas did not participate in street protests ( De Châtel 2014 ), and a significant proportion of the displaced returned to northern Syria before the revolution began ( Eklund and Thompson 2017 ; Eklund et al. 2022 ). Reviewing the literature demonstrates that attributing the onset of the Syrian civil war solely to climate change lacks empirical substantiation. Nevertheless, climate-related environmental changes, such as falling groundwater levels, have significant impact on natural resources and livelihoods, which can consequently undermine human and environment security.

Internal migration is more prominent than international migration in the research focusing on climate-induced mobility in the MENA region. This is similar to other studies with different regional focus (e.g., Burrows and Kinney 2016 ). The disruption of the rural livelihoods appears to be a strong push factor in Syria, which can be worsened by droughts ( Fröhlich 2016 ). Data on migration seem to be a challenge in unpacking this complex phenomenon. It is challenging to disentangle environmental changes from economic drivers in migration decision-making. Satellite-based data provide reasonable proxy measures for in- and out-migration in locations (e.g., Ash and Obradovich 2020 ), but they do not offer insights on who moved from where to where and why. More studies incorporating qualitative data are needed to further the understanding of climate-induced internal migration.

There is clear evidence that armed groups have escalated their tactics by weaponizing water in the MENA region. Several studies demonstrate how armed groups escalate their tactics by weaponizing water. Such a wartime trend indicates a heightened risk for civilians and long-term consequences by destructing key water infrastructures. This finding is highly policy relevant for strengthening and enforcing international laws for civilian protection during armed conflict (see Grech-Madin 2021 ). In relation to the armed group’s tactics, more research is needed to unpack the role of climate-related environmental factors in the armed group’s recruitment and tactical decisions.

The findings on differing vulnerability and gendered impacts on livelihoods are based on a handful of studies, and intersectional approaches are generally absent in most studies reviewed in the analytic essay. How climate shocks have varying impacts on people based on their gender, age, livelihoods, ethnicity, and combinations of these identities is missing. If marginalization and grievances are key processes of climate-induced conflict, how climate change affects different segments of the population differently needs better understanding.

The relationship between climate change and violent conflict is primarily indirect and varied, cautioning against generalized assumptions. How climate change influences the risk of violent conflict in the MENA region is mediated by political economy, institutional shortcomings, and elite competition. The risk of violent conflict is contingent on pre-existing negative socio-political relationships, types of political systems, and different climate vulnerabilities of various social groups. Gendered climate vulnerabilities need better understanding for establishing the linkage between climate vulnerability and insecurity. Carefully examining existing evidence is important for both over general climate security discussions as well as for the policy discussions on the MENA region, which has remained a focal point of scholarly and policy debates concerning climate security ( Daoudy, Sowers, and Weinthal 2022 , 7).

Disentangling specific climate impacts is also crucial for enhancing government’s climate adaptation and disaster mitigation policies in the MENA region. Civil society representatives from the MENA region have been concerned that states and political elites blame climate change to legitimize inequalities and to devoid accountability ( Selby et al. 2017 ; Kausch 2022 ). As existing research demonstrated, water and food insecurity in the region is driven by a lack of state capacity to properly manage natural resources and the integrity of public institutions in the MENA region.

Future research should pay attention to other types of climate hazards, including floods, heatwaves, and dust storms. Existing research primarily focuses on droughts and precipitation deficits, failing to account for heatwaves and flooding, which also are common in the MENA region. Floods are understudied despite their severe humanitarian impact. For instance, heavy flooding forced more than 84,000 people to displacement in Yemen, 13,000 people in Iran, and 5,000 people in northern Iraq in 2021 ( IDMC 2023 ). How flooding affects livelihood conditions and social vulnerability would be considerably different from droughts. Studies from other regions suggest floods are not associated with communal violence ( Petrova 2022 ). Ultra-heatwaves are likely to worsen without substantial government interventions ( Zittis et al. 2021 ), and their impact on oil exploitation, tourism, and urban areas demands more research. Oil and tourism industries are economic backbones of several MENA countries, and adverse impact on these sectors is likely lead to ripple effects on the society. A decrease in oil production due to extreme heatwaves and dust storms will affect public service provisions by the governments, which can be a source of instability as previous research points out (e.g., Mason 2022 ).

Future research should look at non-violent conflicts, especially protests linked to climate change in the MENA region. There is already a substantial debate on the role of food security in political stability, such as in the Arab Spring ( Werrell and Femia 2013 ; Schilling et al. 2020 ). And few studies focus on under what conditions droughts and floods can lead to non-violent conflicts such as political unrest and protests ( Ide, Kristensen, and Bartusevičius 2021 ; Ide et al. 2021 ). Youth climate activists in the region have demanded their respective governments to take proactive climate actions ( Altaeb 2022 ). Climate change is becoming a politically salient topic, and the MENA region’s civil society has voiced its concerns about the inaction and growing uncertainty about the future. How the region’s climate activism interacts with politics appears to be an important area for future research.

The narrative about climate change and conflict in the MENA region is shaped by both scientific projections but also a “long history of colonial and postcolonial scholarship invoking environmental determinism as an explanation for underdevelopment” ( Daoudy et al. 2022 , 7). This calls for more “open” and critical approaches in researching the climate-conflict nexus in the region. The evidence from existing studies shows that current water and food insecurity in the MENA region are outcomes of domestic politics and institutional shortcomings rather than past climate change. This highlights the importance of governance reforms for enhancing adaptative capacity in the region ( Sowers et al. 2011 ). Improved understanding of how vulnerability to climate change interacts with political systems, institutions, and social relations can inform policy development. This enhanced understanding can equip relevant stakeholders to more effectively anticipate, prevent, and respond to the intricate web of risks entwining climate change and violent conflict, while concurrently enhancing resilience-building efforts.

We adopt SIPRI’s definition of the MENA region, which includes Bahrain, Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Turkey, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), North Yemen (–1990), South Yemen (–1990) and Yemen; (NA) Algeria, Libya, Morocco, and Tunisia. See “Regional coverage,” See SIPRI databases at https://www.sipri.org/databases/regional-coverage .

The search string was the following: AB=((climat* OR "climat* change" OR "climat* variability" OR rainfall OR precipitation OR drought OR "water scarcity" OR "land degradation" OR weather OR disaster OR temperature OR warming OR "sea level rise" OR desertification OR famine OR “soil erosion” OR flood*) AND (conflict OR jihad* OR armed OR insurgen* OR rebel* OR terror* OR violen* OR war) AND ("middle east*" OR “north africa*” OR MENA OR algeria OR bahrain OR egypt OR iran OR Iraq OR israel OR jordan OR kuwait OR lebanon OR libya OR morocco OR oman OR palestin* OR qatar OR “saudi arabia” OR syria OR tunisia OR “united arab emirates” OR yemen OR “western sahara”)).

Here, we use SIPRI’s definition of the MENA region, which includes Bahrain, Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Turkey, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), North Yemen (–1990), South Yemen (–1990) and Yemen; (NA) Algeria, Libya, Morocco, and Tunisia.

Author’s note : This work is supported by funding from the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs as part of SIPRI’s Climate Change and Security Project and the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs for SIPRI’s Climate-Related Security and Development Risks Project. We would like to thank two anonymous reviewers for their constructive feedback for improving the manuscript. We are indebted to Florian Krampe, Farah Hegazi, and Kheira Tarif for their helpful comments throughout the writing process.

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New to Climate Change?

Wind energy.

Wind energy is a form of renewable energy , typically powered by the movement of wind across enormous fan-shaped structures called wind turbines. Once built, these turbines create no climate-warming greenhouse gas emissions , making this a “carbon-free” energy source that can provide electricity without making climate change worse. Wind energy is the third-largest source of carbon-free electricity in the world (after hydropower and nuclear ) 1 and the second-fastest-growing (after solar ). 2

Cheap, clean energy

The major reason for wind energy’s success is that it’s cheap. In fact, the International Energy Agency estimates that an onshore wind farm built today will make electricity at a lower average cost than any other form of new-built energy. 3   We can thank recent advances in wind turbine technology, and economies of scale from its rapid growth, for this ultra-cheap energy. 4 Wind turbines aren’t “pushed” like sails catching the wind: they actually work more like airplane wings, with blades shaped so that wind flows unequally fast above and below them. This creates an area of high pressure on one side and low pressure on the other, which “lifts” the blades toward the low-pressure area and makes them turn, powering a generator that makes electricity.   Over the past 40 years, turbine blades have become longer and lighter, letting them turn faster with less wind. Modern turbines also pivot automatically to catch the wind at the best angle. These and other advances have led the price of wind energy to fall almost 95% since 1980. 5   Wind energy is also remarkably clean, even compared to other types of carbon-free energy like solar and hydropower. Building new wind turbines does create some greenhouse gas emissions—from making the steel for their towers and fiberglass for their blades, and mining the rarer minerals sometimes used in their generators. But even factoring that in, a wind turbine creates only around a quarter of the greenhouse gas emissions of a solar panel for every kilowatt of electricity, and only a little over 1% the greenhouse gas emissions of a coal-fired power plant. 6   And future innovations could make wind energy even cheaper and cleaner. Researchers are experimenting with new materials and construction techniques, as well as designs very different from the familiar “horizontal axis turbine” with its three blades rotating like a pinwheel. “Vertical axis turbines” spin instead like a carousel, while “airborne wind energy” looks more like a kite or plane tethered to a generator on the ground­.

Wind power in the larger energy system

Wind energy is “variable”: how much electricity it produces depends on how much wind is blowing. In any energy system that relies partly on wind, other energy sources have to be ramped up when winds are low. Energy storage (saving some energy for later when wind turbines are over-producing) and long-distance transmission (moving electricity from places with lots of wind to places with lots of demand) can help the energy system rely more heavily on wind power around the clock.   Wind energy also needs wide stretches of open space. The average wind turbine in the U.S. is around 300 feet tall, and its blades span a circle over 400 feet wide—longer than a football field. 7 These turbines are spaced far apart, sometimes by half a mile or more, so they won’t compete for wind. If you include the entire area of a wind farm in its land footprint, wind farms can take up tens of thousands of acres and make less electricity per acre than any other energy source except bioenergy . 8   However, if you only include the land directly affected by the footprint of each turbine, wind power consumes much less land. Wind energy is unique in how easily it can share land with other uses. In the U.S., around 90% of wind turbines are built on cropland or rangeland for grazing animals, most of it actively used. 9 In this sense, wind energy “takes up” hardly any land at all.   Wind turbines can also be built offshore, sharing space with fishing and shipping. Offshore wind is more expensive than onshore wind, but it takes advantage of stronger, more consistent wind to provide reliable electricity, and is less visible to people living nearby. 10 For built-up coastal regions like the northeastern U.S., where energy demand is high and open land is scarce, offshore wind may be the best way to make clean, renewable energy at a large scale.

Published May 22, 2023.

1 International Energy Agency: Electricity . (Updated February 16, 2023.)

2 International Energy Agency: Renewables 2021: Executive Summary .

3 International Energy Agency: Projected Costs of Generating Electricity 2020 .

4 Wiser, Ryan, et al . " Expert elicitation survey predicts 37% to 49% declines in wind energy costs by 2050 ." Nature Energy 6, 2021, doi:10.1038/s41560-021-00810-z.

5 U.S. Department of Energy Office of Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy: " U.S. Department of Energy's Wind Energy Technologies Office—Lasting Impressions ." January 2021.

6 Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change: "Climate Change 2014: Mitigation of Climate Change. Contribution of Working Group III to the Fifth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change ." Annex III: Technology-Specific Cost and Performance Parameters . 2014.

7 U.S. Department of Energy Office of Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy: " Wind Turbines: The Bigger, the Better ." August 16, 2022.

8 Lovering, Jessica, et al. " Land-use intensity of electricity production and tomorrow's energy landscape ." PLoS One 17(7), July 2022, doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0270155.

9 U.S. Department of Agriculture: " Wind Energy Land Distribution in the United States of America ." July 2017.

10 U.S. Department of the Interior Bureau of Ocean Energy Management: Renewable Energy on the Outer Continental Shelf . Accessed May 22, 2023.

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India: Climate Change - Indian Law And Judiciary

'Do not harm the environment; Do not harm the water and flora; Earth is my mother, I am her son; May the waters remain fresh, do not harm the waters... Tranquility be to the atmosphere, to the earth, to the waters, to the crops and to the vegetation'

This Vedic wisdom manifests a philosophy of law and human governance based upon the idea of peaceful co-existence of the community. Welfare of each element of our eco-system is the welfare of each member of the community and ultimately, survival of each of us and of the earth is dependent upon it.

What is Climate?

Climate is the pattern of variation in temperature, humidity, atmospheric pressure, wind, precipitation, atmospheric particle count and other meteorological variables in a given region over long periods. A region's climate is generated by the climate system, which has five components: atmosphere, hydrosphere, cryosphere, lithosphere and biosphere. The climate of a location is affected by its latitude, terrain, and altitude as well as nearby water bodies and their currents.

What is Climate Change?

Climate Change is normally known as the variation in global and regional climates over time. It reflects changes in the variability or average state of the atmosphere over time scales ranging from decades to millions of years.

The earth's climate is dynamic and always changing through a natural cycle. What the world is more worried about today is that the changes that are occurring today have been speeded up. These changes may be caused by natural processes, for example continental rift, volcanoes, ocean currents, the earth's tilt, and comets and meteorites, as also those which are based on human activities or created by man. It is now well documented that in global warming happening today, human activities contribute maximum to its causes.

Climate Change presents to society as a whole a wide range of threats, and a narrower range of opportunity, on the political, economic and social level. It also poses questions and challenges for the law. These legal questions and challenges are relevant not just to the lawyers; but it affects all members of a society, whether as policy makers, business people, and campaigners of all hues or individual citizens.

Global Warming

Change in climate and global warming is one of the most serious challenges mankind has faced having its implications even on realization of the human rights. Even United Nations Human Right Council once observed, " Climate change poses immediate and far reaching threat to people and communities around the world and has implications for the full enjoyment of human rights ".

Global warming is primarily a problem of excessive carbon dioxide in the atmosphere – atmosphere which acts as a blanket, trapping heat and warming the planet. As we burn fossil fuels like coal, oil and natural gas for energy or cut down and burn forests to create pastures and plantations, carbon accumulates and overloads our atmosphere. Certain waste management and agricultural practices also aggravate the problem by releasing other potent global warming gases such as methane emitted from landfill and other waste dumps, during the process of oil drilling, coal mining and also from leaking gas pipe lines, and nitrous oxide emitted from fertilizer applications and leguminous plants such as beans and pulses.

Global warming is already under way with consequences that we face today as also shall tomorrow. Evidence of changes to the Earth's physical, chemical and biological processes is now evident on everybody. The climate change increases the risk of injury, illness, deaths from the resulting heat waves, wild fires, intense storms and flood; the global food production is at risk; the availability of the precious water commodity, its access and even its quality is threatened; we are experiencing shift in season cycle and the extreme wet or extreme dry weather; land ice is shrinking which causes sea level to rise, endangering coastal communities and the ground water supply, making the ocean more acidic and thus threatening even the sea life; loss of natural habitat of the animals is resulting into making the species extinct; we have been experiencing droughts to floods; and the temperature, whether of ocean, water or ground is rising. The minimum temperature in Antarctica is recently reported to be above 00 Celcius and maximum at about 9.20 Celcius. In short, the impact of global warming is on every sphere of life. Considering the huge impact of climate change on mankind, the United Nation referred the year 2009 as the 'Year of Climate Change '.

India and Climate Change

India is one of the most vulnerable countries to climate change. About half of India's population is dependent upon agriculture or other climate sensitive sectors. About 12% of India is flood prone while 16% is drought prone.

India is now the third largest emitter of greenhouse gases in the world after China and the United States. India has almost tripled its annual emission between 1990 and 2009 from less than 600 metric tons to more than 1700 metric tons. India's annual emissions of carbon oxide are projected to further increase almost 2.5 times between 2008 to 2035.

The net greenhouse gas emissions from India with land use, land use change and forestry in 2007 were 1727.71 million tonnes of carbon dioxide. While the energy sector constituted 8% of the net carbon dioxide emissions, industry sector, agriculture and waste sector constituted 22%, 17% and 3% respectively of the net carbon oxide emission.

Thus, climate change and energy are now a focus of local, state and national attention around the world. Though India earlier emphasized that it being a developing country with historically low per capita emission rate, it is not responsible for past greenhouse gas emissions, however, India has now become a key player in international negotiations and has begun implementing a diverse portfolio of policies, nationally and within individual states, to improve energy efficiency, develop clean sources of energy and prepare for the impacts of climate change.

Causes of environmental degradation

The underlying causes of environmental degradation in India takes within its fold various social economic and institutional factors. While the social factors include excessive population, poverty, and unchecked urbanization, the economic factors include market failures or the non-existent or poorly functioning markets for environmental goods and services, and the unprecedented growth in all sectors of the economy including transport, industries, port and harbour activities etc. without any corresponding measures to check the resultant environmental degradation. Various institutional factors like lack of awareness and poor infrastructure make implementation of most of the laws relating to environment, extremely difficult and ineffective.

Environmental Laws and Policies

Even before India's independence in the year 1947, several environmental legislations existed, but the real impetus for bringing about a well-developed framework came only after the UN Conference on the Human Environment (Stockholm, 1972). Under the influence of this declaration, the National Council for Environmental Policy and Planning within the Department of Science and Technology was set up in 1972. This Council later evolved into a full-fledged Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF) in 1985 which today is the apex administrative body in the country for regulating and ensuring environmental protection. After the Stockholm Conference, in 1976, constitutional sanction was given to environmental concerns through the 42nd Amendment, which incorporated them into the Directive Principles of State Policy and Fundamental Rights and Duties.

Then, what approach should India adopt in formulating policy responses to climate change, both domestically and internationally? In recent years, there has been a vibrant debate on this question. Though India already has several substantive laws for prevention and/or regulation of any activity that may cause climate change, including:

• Shore Nuisance (Bombay and Kolaba) Act, 1853
• The Indian Penal Code, 1860
• The Indian Easements Act, 1882
• The Fisheries Act, 1897
• The Factories Act, 1897
• The Bengal Smoke Nuisance Act, 1905
• The Bombay Smoke Nuisance Act, 1912
• The Elephant's Preservation Act, 1879
• Wild Birds and Animals Protection Act, 1912.
• Setting up of National Council for Environmental Policy and Planning was set up in 1972 which was later evolved into Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF) in 1985.
• Policy Statement for Abatement of Pollution and the National Conservation Strategy and Policy Statement on Environment and Development brought out by the MoEF in 1992
• EAP (Environmental Action Programme) was formulated in 1993 with the objective of improving environmental services and integrating environmental considerations into development programmes.
• National Environment Policy, 2006
• Water (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1974
• Water (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Cess Act, 1977
• Air (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1981
• Atomic Energy Act of 1982
• Motor Vehicles Act ,1988
• The Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972
• The Forest (Conservation) Act, 1980
• Environment (Protection) Act, 1986 (EPA)
• The National Environment Appellate Authority Act, 1997
• Public Liability Insurance Act (PLIA), 1991
• National Environment Tribunal Act, 1995
• Environment Impact Assessment (EIA) Notifications,

however, a specific guiding national strategy that addresses India's development concerns and mitigation and adaptation challenges was also important. This was the frame work that was laid out in the 'National Action Plan on Climate Change (NAPCC), Prime Minister's Council for Climate Change, Government of India (2008)' and its subsidiary Eight Missions:

• National Solar Mission (started in 2010);
• National Mission for Enhanced Energy Efficiency (approved in 2009);
• National Mission on Sustainable Habitat (approved in 2011);
• National Water Mission;
• National Mission for Sustaining the Himalayan Ecosystem (approved in 2014);
• National Mission for a Green India (approved in 2014);
• National Mission for Sustainable Agriculture (approved in 2010); and
• National Mission on Strategic Knowledge for Climate Change.

The Eight Missions listed above are expected to advance India's development and define its approach to climate mitigation and adaption while satisfying the principles of the National Action Plan on Climate Change.

Besides the aforestated legislations, rules and policies, there are several other plans and incentives by the governments for energy conservation and to mitigate impact of climate change.

Each State is now also in the process of developing State Action Plans on climate change with recommendations on how mitigation and adaptation can be main-streamed into development policy. Individual ministries and agencies have also developed their respective mission documents and policies for addressing climate change. It is hoped that the National Climate Change Strategy reported to be in the making shall be soon ready for its implementation.

Environment and Indian Constitution

The Indian Constitution is one of the few in the world that contains specific provisions on the environment. The Directive Principles of State Policy and the Fundamental Duties chapters explicitly enunciate the national commitment to protect and improve the environment. Three constitutional provisions bear directly on environmental matters.

• First and foremost, Article 21 states: "No person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty except according to procedure established by law." In Subhash Kumar v. State of Bihar , A.I.R 1991 SC 420, and Virendra Gaur v. State of Haryana , (1995) 2 SCC 577, the Supreme Court recognized several liberties that are implied by Article 21, including the right to a healthy environment. The State High courts have followed the Supreme Court's lead, and virtually all now recognize an environmental dimension to Article 21.
• Second, Article 48A requires that "the State shall endeavor to protect and improve the environment and to safeguard the forests and wild life of the country."
• Third, Article 51A establishes that "it shall be the duty of every citizen of India to protect and improve the natural environment including forests, lakes, rivers, and wild life and to have compassion for living creatures."

Though these latter two provisions have traditionally been incapable of enforcement through the exercise of writ jurisdiction, courts have increasingly relied upon them for support in resolving environmental controversies.

Role of Judiciary

Indian environmental law has seen considerable development in the last over three decades. Most of the principles under which environmental law works in India today were assembled over the last over three decades. A predominant share of essence of the existing law relating to the environment has developed through careful judicial thinking in the Supreme Court and the High Courts. In the process of adjudication on the environmental matters, the Supreme Court has actually come up with the new pattern of "judge-driven implementation" of environmental administration in India. The court has played a pivotal role in interpreting those laws and has successfully isolated specific environmental law principles upon the interpretation of Indian statutes and the Constitution, combined with a liberal view towards ensuring social justice and the protection of human rights. So, when one analyses the Indian environmental law's development path, one will surely have to keep in mind the concept of judicial law making.

The orders and directions of the Supreme Court cover a wide range of areas whether it be air, water, solid waste or hazardous waste. The field covered is very vast such as – vehicular pollution, pollution by industries, depletion of forests, illegal felling of trees, dumping of hazardous waste, pollution of rivers, illegal mining etc. The list is unending. The Supreme Court has passed orders for closure of polluting industries and environmentally harmful aqua-farms, mandated cleaner fuel for vehicles, stopped illegal mining activity, and protected forests and architectural treasures like Taj Mahal .

Some of the judgments wherein various principles relating to environment law were judicially recognised are worth mentioning:

• In MC Mehta v. UOI, WP (C) 13029/1985, the Hon'ble Supreme Court in its order dated 24-10-2018, decided that no motor vehicle conforming to the emission standard BS-IV shall be sold or registered in the entire country with effect from 01.04.2020, and the same shall be substituted by BS-VI compliant vehicles. Certain orders were also passed in therein with respect to imposing ban on diesel vehicles to curb the air pollution.
• In MC Mehta v. UOI , AIR 1987 SC 1086 ( Oleum Gas Leak case ) , the Supreme Court formulated an indigenous jurisprudence of Absolute Liability in compensating the victims of pollution caused by hazardous and inherently dangerous industries.
• In M.C. Mehta vs. Union of India , AIR 1988 SCR (2) 538, wherein the issue of pollution of the Ganga river by the hazardous industries located on its banks was highlighted, the Hon'ble Supreme Court ordered the closure of a number of polluting tanneries near Kanpur.
• The Hon'ble Supreme Court in the case of TN Godavarman Thirumulpad vs. Union of India and Ors. , W.P.(C) No. 202 of 1995, dealing with the issue of livelihood of forest dwellers in the Nilgiri region of Tamil Nadu being affected by the destruction of forests, passed a series of directions.
• Ganesh Wood Products v. State of Himachal Pradesh , AIR 1996 SC 149 – this judgment expanded the definition of forest to its ordinary dictionary meaning, and imposed a ban on all non-forest activities on forest land without prior approval of the Central Government and directions were given to constitute Expert Committee in each State to identify forests and for movement and disposal of timber, and for constitution of a High Power Committee to deal with forest.
• MC Mehta v. Kamal Nath , (1996) 1 SCC 38 is a case where there was an attempt to divert the flow of a river for augmenting facilities in a motel. The Supreme Court interfered by recognizing the Public Trust Doctrine and held that the State and its instrumentalities as trustees have a duty to protect and preserve natural resources such as rivers, lakes, forests, open spaces and other common property resources.
• MI Builders Pvt. Ltd. V. Radhey Shyam Sahu , AIR 1996 SC 2468 , wherein also the Hon'ble Supreme Court applied Public Trust Doctrine and asked a city development authority to dismantle an underground market built beneath a garden of historical importance.
• In Vellore Citizens Welfare Forum v. UOI , AIR 1996 SC 2718, the Supreme Court adopted the Precautionary Principle to check pollution of underground water caused by the leather industries in Tamil Nadu. The Hon'ble Court also opined the precautionary principle and the Polluter Pays Principle are part of the environmental law of the country.
• In Indian council for Enviro-Legal Action v. UOI , AIR 1996 SC 1446, the Supreme Court reiterated and applied the principle to restore the environment of a village whose ecology had been destroyed by the sludge left out by the trial run of the industries permitted to produce the 'H' acid.
• In State of Himachal Pradesh v. Ganesh Wood Products , AIR 1996 SC 149, the Supreme Court invalidated forest-based industry, recognizing the Principle of Inter-Generational Equity as being central to the conservation of forest resources and sustainable development.
• The Hon'ble Supreme Court also noted in Indian Council for Enviro-Legal Action v. Union of India (CRZ Notification case) , (1996) 5 SCC 281 that the Principle of Sustainable Development would be violated if there were a substantial adverse ecological effect caused by industry.
• The Principle of Sustainable Development was also recognized by the Supreme Court of India in the M.C. Mehta v. Union of India (Taj Trapezium case) , AIR 1997 SC 734.
• In Enkay Plastics Pvt. Ltd. Vs. Union of India (UOI) and Ors ., 2000(56) DRJ 828, the Delhi High Court upheld the order of closure of certain units which were manufacturing Urea Formaldehyde Powder in thickly populated residential areas and held that the direction to close down such industries cannot be treated as violative of Article 19 of the Constitution as it is in the larger public interest to prevent any danger to the health and life of the public at large.
• Amongst others, the Delhi High Court has also directed for preservation of ancient monuments of historical importance, restoration of water bodies in and around Delhi and in maintaining the forest ridge area in Delhi which are the lungs of the city.

What can we all do when we know and understand that climate change is a complex bio-physical phenomenon with profound implications for human civilizations and life on the planet? As a country, accustomed to natural climatic variability, there is always a tendency to think that we have seen it all before and there is nothing new. But present-day climate change is different. It is now well accepted that human beings have interfered with basic natural cycles, such as energy and water cycles, which have kept our planet in equilibrium for millennia. Carbon dioxide levels are now at their highest in six lacs fifty thousand years. It is projected that at present rates of increase of emissions, the world is heading to a 40 Celsius rise by the end of the century, which may not only spell doom for wild wife and sea creatures but also significant stress on everything from human health to livelihood security and economic development. In other words, our life, our very existence may be at stake.

There is much that can be done. Addressing climate change means small, medium and big actions. We can act in the full range of roles that we occupy – as workers, students, consumers, investors, educators, entrepreneurs and as citizens. And we can act in all of our spheres of influence – our homes, schools, work places and in public life. We can all work to get out the message that climate change is real, it is happening and we need to take action now to address it.

Remember, we are more than just consumers. Our leaders need regular reminding from us as citizens that we will support any courageous action on climate change to avert risk into opportunity.

Think and act now, tomorrow may be too late.

We may conclude seeking forgiveness from Mother Earth,

" Whatever I dig from thee, O Earth, may that have quick recovery again. O purifier, may we not injure thy vitals or thy heart" .

Author's views are personal only.

( Mr. Achal Gupta is an Advocate and a qualified Chartered Accountant. He is currently a Senior Associate in the Dispute Resolution Practice at L&L Partners Law Offices, New Delhi).

The content of this article is intended to provide a general guide to the subject matter. Specialist advice should be sought about your specific circumstances.

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Guest Essay

The Nobel Winner Who Liked to Collaborate With His Adversaries

By Cass R. Sunstein

Mr. Sunstein is a law professor at Harvard and an author of “Noise,” with Daniel Kahneman and Olivier Sibony.

Our all-American belief that money really does buy happiness is roughly correct for about 85 percent of us. We know this thanks to the latest and perhaps final work of Daniel Kahneman, the Nobel Prize winner who insisted on the value of working with those with whom we disagree.

Professor Kahneman, who died last week at the age of 90, is best known for his pathbreaking explorations of human judgment and decision making and of how people deviate from perfect rationality. He should also be remembered for a living and working philosophy that has never been more relevant: his enthusiasm for collaborating with his intellectual adversaries. This enthusiasm was deeply personal. He experienced real joy working with others to discover the truth, even if he learned that he was wrong (something that often delighted him).

Back to that finding, published last year , that for a strong majority of us, more is better when it comes to money. In 2010, Professor Kahneman and the Princeton economist Angus Deaton (also a Nobel Prize winner) published a highly influential essay that found that, on average, higher-income groups show higher levels of happiness — but only to a point. Beyond a threshold at or below $90,000, Professor Kahneman and Professor Deaton found, there is no further progress in average happiness as income increases.

Eleven years later, Matthew Killingsworth, a senior fellow at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, found exactly the opposite : People with higher income reported higher levels of average happiness. Period. The more money people have, the happier they are likely to be.

What gives? You could imagine some furious exchange in which Professor Kahneman and Professor Deaton made sharp objections to Dr. Killingsworth’s paper, to which Dr. Killingsworth answered equally sharply, leaving readers confused and exhausted.

Professor Kahneman saw such a dynamic as “angry science,” which he described as a “nasty world of critiques, replies and rejoinders” and “as a contest, where the aim is to embarrass.” As Professor Kahneman put it, those who live in that nasty world offer “a summary caricature of the target position, refute the weakest argument in that caricature and declare the total destruction of the adversary’s position.” In his account, angry science is “a demeaning experience.” That dynamic might sound familiar, particularly in our politics.

Instead, Professor Kahneman favored an alternative that he termed “adversarial collaboration.” When people who disagree work together to test a hypothesis, they are involved in a common endeavor. They are trying not to win but to figure out what’s true. They might even become friends.

In that spirit, Professor Kahneman, well into his 80s, asked Dr. Killingsworth to collaborate, with the help of a friendly arbiter, Prof. Barbara Mellers, an influential and widely admired psychologist. Their task was to look closely at Dr. Killingsworth’s data to see whether he had analyzed it properly and to understand what, if anything, had been missed by Professor Kahneman and Professor Deaton.

Their central conclusion was simple. Dr. Killingsworth missed a threshold effect in his data that affected only one group: the least happy 15 percent. For these largely unhappy people, average happiness does grow with rising income, up to a level of around $100,000, but it stops growing after that. For a majority of us, by contrast, average happiness keeps growing with increases in income.

Both sides were partly right and partly wrong. Their adversarial collaboration showed that the real story is more interesting and more complicated than anyone saw individually.

Professor Kahneman engaged in a number of adversarial collaborations, with varying degrees of success. His first (and funniest) try was with his wife, the distinguished psychologist Anne Treisman. Their disagreement never did get resolved. (Dr. Treisman died in 2018.) Both of them were able to explain away the results of their experiments — a tribute to what he called “the stubborn persistence of challenged beliefs.” Still, adversarial collaborations sometimes produce both agreement and truth, and he said that “a common feature of all my experiences has been that the adversaries ended up on friendlier terms than they started.”

Professor Kahneman meant both to encourage better science and to strengthen the better angels of our nature. In academic life, adversarial collaborations hold great value . We could easily imagine a situation in which adversaries routinely collaborated to see if they could resolve disputes about the health effects of air pollutants, the consequences of increases in the minimum wage, the harms of climate change or the deterrent effects of the death penalty.

And the idea can be understood more broadly. In fact, the U.S. Constitution should be seen as an effort to create the conditions for adversarial collaboration. Before the founding, it was often thought that republics could work only if people were relatively homogeneous — if they were broadly in agreement with one another. Objecting to the proposed Constitution, the pseudonymous antifederalist Brutus emphasized this point: “In a republic, the manners, sentiments and interests of the people should be similar. If this be not the case, there will be a constant clashing of opinions, and the representatives of one part will be continually striving against those of the other.”

Those who favored the Constitution thought that Brutus had it exactly backward. In their view, the constant clashing of opinions was something not to fear but to welcome, at least if people collaborate — if they act as if they are engaged in a common endeavor. Sounding a lot like Professor Kahneman, Alexander Hamilton put it this way : “The differences of opinion, and the jarrings of parties” in the legislative department of the government “often promote deliberation and circumspection and serve to check excesses in the majority.”

Angry science is paralleled by angry democracy, a “nasty world of critiques, replies and rejoinders,” whose “aim is to embarrass,” Professor Kahneman said. That’s especially true, of course, in the midst of political campaigns, when the whole point is to win.

Still, the idea of adversarial collaboration has never been more important. Within organizations of all kinds — including corporations, nonprofits, think tanks and government agencies — sustained efforts should be made to lower the volume by isolating the points of disagreement and specifying tests to establish what’s right. Asking how a disagreement might actually be resolved tends to turn enemies, focused on winning and losing, into teammates, focused on truth.

As usual, Professor Kahneman was right. We could use a lot more of that.

Cass R. Sunstein is a law professor at Harvard and an author of “Noise,” with Daniel Kahneman and Olivier Sibony.

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips . And here’s our email: [email protected] .

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• Deforestation Essay for Students in English

Essay on Deforestation

Deforestation is a removal or clearing of trees and forest which is converted into use for human, like for agricultural use, making houses, for commercial purpose and other development. About 31% of earth’s land surface is covered by forest, just over 4 billion hectares area and about 71.22 million hectares area of India’s total land is covered by forest. Deforestation is more extreme in the tropical and subtropical forests. These areas are converted into economical uses. The total area of tropical rain forest on Earth is about 16 million square kilometres but because of deforestation, only 6.2 square kilometres are left. According to the Global Forest Resources Assessment 2020, the global rate of net forest loss in 2010-2020 was 7 million hectares per year.

Causes of Deforestation

The primary reason for deforestation is agricultural. According to FAQ, agriculture leads to around 80% of deforest. For the survival of the livelihood, the farmer cut trees of the forest and use that land for the purpose of cultivation. Due to the increasing population, the demand of food product is also increasing, because of this large amount of land is needed for the cultivation of crops hence farmers are bounded to cut down the forest to grow crops on that land.

Apart from this, the demand for paper, match-sticks, furniture, etc. are also increasing. Therefore the wood-based industries needs a substantial amount of wood supply to make this product. Paper plays an important role in everyone life. The paper is thrown away every year like to make accounts for approximately 640 million trees. That’s why it is said that we always have to recycle paper. Wood is used as fuel, many people cut trees and burn them for the purpose to make food. Wood is also used as coal. In every house, there is a wooden door, window and many more things. These things create a very large demand for wood which results in the cause of deforestation.

Further, to gain access to these places, the construction of roads is undertaken. Trees are again cut to build roads. The expansion of cities is also responsible for the cutting of trees, this expansion of cities is directly responsible for the growing population, people of these places need houses, roads and other facilities so that they cut trees for their livelihood.

Many industries in petrochemicals release their waste into rivers, which result in soil erosion and make it unfit to grow plants and trees on these places. The oil and coal mining requires a large amount of forest land. The waste that comes out from mining pollutes the environment and affects other species.

Another reason is forest fire. Thousands of trees every year lost by a forest fire. The reason for forest fire is the hot temperature of that place and milder winter. On many places, the fire is caused because of human’s irresponsibilities. Fires, either caused by human or by nature, results in a massive amount of loss of forest covers.

We all know that the population of the world is increasing rapidly, which is also a reason behind deforestation. People cut down trees and on that place they make houses.

Effect of Deforestation

Forest are the lungs of our planet. Trees take carbon dioxide and release oxygen which is responsible for our living. Trees also provide shed to soil because of which soil remain moist. Trees also release water vapours, that’s why climate remains humid but due to the process of deforestation the climate becomes drier and hotter which make ecology difficult that leads to climate change. Also, this factor is mainly responsible for the forest fire.

Animal and plants which form flora and fauna across the world have to suffer due to the deforestation. Various animal species are lost, they loos their habitat and forced to move to a new location. It is very difficult for them to adopt new habitats. The cutting of trees is responsible for soil erosion. The fertile soil is held in place by intricate root structures of many layers of trees. Without trees, erosion often occurs and sweeps the land into nearby rivers. With the cutting of trees the soil is directly exposed to the sun which dries them dry. Deforestation is mainly responsible for floods, loss of biodiversity, food ecosystem, wildlife extinction and habitat loss.

FAQs on Deforestation Essay for Students in English

Question 1:- How Deforestation is Responsible for Land Degradation?

Answer:-Trees provide shed to soil because of which soil remain humid. Also, the fertile soil is held in place by intricate root structures of many layers of trees. When the trees are cut down then the soil becomes loose and also there is no shed for soil which results in soil erosion. So, we concluded that trees prevent soil erosion and thus land degradation.

Question 2:- What are the Causes of Deforestation?

Answer:- There are several reasons for deforestation like agriculture, logging, cattle ranching, for making furniture from wood, constriction of roads and forest fire.

Question 3:- Where is the Largest Rainforest Located in the World?

Answer:- The largest rainforest is the Amazon Basin in South America.