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Application Letter For Work Immersion

The application letter for work immersion plays a crucial role in securing a valuable opportunity to gain practical experience in a professional setting. Crafting an impactful application letter requires careful attention to detail and an understanding of what employers seek in potential candidates. In this article, we will provide a step-by-step guide to help you write a compelling application letter for work immersion, ensuring that your strengths, motivations, and goals are effectively communicated.

Table of Contents

Addressing the Basics

Proper formatting: Begin by using a professional format, including the sender’s and recipient’s contact information, a formal salutation, and an appropriate closing.

Personalization: Address the letter directly to the concerned individual or organization, avoiding generic salutations such as “To Whom It May Concern.”

Introduction and Purpose

Opening paragraph: Start with a concise introduction, stating your name, educational background, and the purpose of the application letter.

Express genuine interest: Emphasize your enthusiasm for the work immersion opportunity and explain why you believe it aligns with your career aspirations and academic goals.

Highlighting Relevant Skills and Experiences

Relevant skills: Identify and list the skills you possess that are relevant to the work immersion program. These may include technical skills, interpersonal skills, or problem-solving abilities.

Academic achievements: Highlight your academic accomplishments that are applicable to the specific industry or field you are targeting.

Extracurricular activities: Discuss any extracurricular activities, projects, or internships that demonstrate your commitment, teamwork, and leadership abilities.

Demonstrating Motivation and Goals

Career aspirations: Clearly articulate your long-term career goals, showing how the work immersion experience will contribute to your professional development.

Motivation: Explain why you are interested in the particular organization or industry, and how the work immersion program aligns with your interests and passions.

Conclusion and Closing

Summary: Recapitulate your main points, emphasizing your suitability for the work immersion program and the value you can bring to the organization.

Gratitude and contact information: Express gratitude for the reader’s time and consideration, and provide your contact information for further correspondence.

Formal closing: Use a polite and professional closing, such as “Sincerely” or “Respectfully.”

Application Letter For Work Immersion Example #1

Dear [Recipient’s Name],

I am writing to express my strong interest in participating in the work immersion program offered by [Company/Organization Name]. As a [mention your current educational level, e.g., high school student] with a passion for [mention your field of interest or industry], I believe that this work immersion opportunity aligns perfectly with my academic goals and career aspirations.

I have always been intrigued by the [industry/field] and have actively sought ways to gain practical experience in this area. The work immersion program offered by [Company/Organization Name] is highly regarded for its commitment to providing students with hands-on learning opportunities, and I am eager to be a part of it.

Throughout my academic journey, I have developed several skills that I believe are relevant to the [industry/field]. I have a strong foundation in [mention relevant subjects or courses], which have equipped me with solid theoretical knowledge. Additionally, I have actively participated in [mention extracurricular activities, projects, or internships] that have honed my teamwork, problem-solving, and communication skills.

What sets [Company/Organization Name] apart for me is its reputation for innovation and dedication to making a positive impact in the [industry/field]. I am particularly inspired by [mention a specific project, product, or initiative] that your organization has recently undertaken, as it aligns with my personal values and interests. Participating in the work immersion program at [Company/Organization Name] would provide me with invaluable insights into the inner workings of the industry and offer an opportunity to contribute to such meaningful endeavors.

By participating in this work immersion program, I aim to gain practical experience and further develop my skills in [mention specific areas of interest]. I am confident that this experience will not only enhance my understanding of the industry but also help me make informed decisions regarding my future academic and career path.

I am excited about the possibility of joining [Company/Organization Name] for the work immersion program and would be grateful for the opportunity to contribute to your team. I have attached my resume for your consideration, which provides further details about my academic achievements and extracurricular involvements.

Thank you for considering my application. I look forward to the possibility of discussing this opportunity further and would welcome the chance to speak with you about how I can contribute to [Company/Organization Name]. Please feel free to contact me at your convenience via email at [Your Email Address] or by phone at [Your Phone Number].

Thank you for your time and consideration.

[Your Name]

Application Letter For Work Immersion Example #2

I am writing to apply for the work immersion program offered by [Company/Organization Name]. As a motivated and enthusiastic [mention your current educational level, e.g., college student] with a deep interest in [mention your field of interest or industry], I am eager to immerse myself in a professional setting and gain valuable hands-on experience.

From my research and conversations with individuals in the [industry/field], I have come to admire the excellent reputation of [Company/Organization Name] for its commitment to fostering growth and innovation. The opportunity to be exposed to the daily operations, challenges, and successes of your organization through the work immersion program greatly appeals to me.

Throughout my academic journey, I have developed a strong foundation in [mention relevant subjects or courses] and acquired knowledge in [mention specific areas of interest]. However, I believe that practical experience is crucial to supplement and enhance my theoretical understanding. The work immersion program at [Company/Organization Name] would provide me with the ideal platform to bridge the gap between theory and practice.

In addition to my academic pursuits, I have actively sought opportunities to further develop my skills and contribute to my community. I have participated in [mention relevant extracurricular activities, projects, or internships], where I have honed my abilities to collaborate effectively, solve problems creatively, and communicate ideas clearly. These experiences have instilled in me a strong work ethic, adaptability, and a passion for continuous learning.

What particularly attracts me to [Company/Organization Name] is your commitment to [mention a specific aspect or value, e.g., sustainability, social responsibility, technological advancement]. I am inspired by your dedication to making a positive impact in the [industry/field] and your track record of innovative solutions. I believe that by immersing myself in your organization, I will not only gain valuable skills and knowledge but also contribute to your mission.

Participating in the work immersion program at [Company/Organization Name] would be a transformative experience for me. I am confident that it will provide me with invaluable insights, mentorship, and networking opportunities that will shape my career trajectory. I am eager to contribute my enthusiasm, determination, and willingness to learn to the success of your organization.

Thank you for considering my application. I have attached my resume for your review, which provides further details about my academic achievements, extracurricular involvements, and skills. I would welcome the opportunity to discuss my application further and address any questions you may have. Please feel free to contact me at your convenience via email at [Your Email Address] or by phone at [Your Phone Number].

Thank you for your time and consideration. I look forward to the possibility of joining [Company/Organization Name] for the work immersion program and the chance to contribute to your team.

Application Letter For Work Immersion Example #3

I am writing to express my sincere interest in the work immersion program offered by [Company/Organization Name]. As a [mention your current educational level, e.g., university student] with a strong passion for [mention your field of interest or industry], I am eager to gain practical experience and expand my knowledge in a professional setting.

From my research and conversations with professionals in the [industry/field], I have learned that [Company/Organization Name] is widely recognized for its commitment to excellence and innovation. The opportunity to participate in your work immersion program is highly appealing to me, as it would provide a unique platform to learn from industry experts and contribute to the success of your organization.

Throughout my academic journey, I have developed a solid foundation in [mention relevant subjects or courses], which has equipped me with a comprehensive understanding of the theoretical aspects of [industry/field]. However, I am aware that real-world experience is invaluable in bridging the gap between theory and practice. By participating in the work immersion program at [Company/Organization Name], I believe I would gain firsthand exposure to industry best practices and develop skills that are essential for success in [industry/field].

In addition to my academic achievements, I have actively sought opportunities to build a well-rounded skill set. I have engaged in various extracurricular activities, such as [mention relevant projects, clubs, or organizations], where I have honed my communication, problem-solving, and teamwork abilities. These experiences have not only reinforced my passion for [industry/field] but also prepared me to tackle challenges and collaborate effectively in a professional environment.

What sets [Company/Organization Name] apart for me is its reputation for [mention a specific aspect, such as innovation, social impact, or industry leadership]. I am particularly inspired by [mention a specific project, initiative, or value] that your organization has undertaken, as it aligns with my own values and aspirations. Participating in the work immersion program at [Company/Organization Name] would allow me to contribute to your mission while gaining valuable insights into the inner workings of the industry.

By participating in the work immersion program, I aim to further develop my skills, expand my professional network, and gain a deeper understanding of the challenges and opportunities in [industry/field]. I am confident that this experience will greatly contribute to my personal and professional growth, enabling me to make informed decisions about my future career path.

I am grateful for the opportunity to apply for the work immersion program at [Company/Organization Name]. I have attached my resume, which provides more details about my academic achievements, extracurricular involvement, and skills. I would welcome the opportunity to discuss my application further and address any questions you may have. Please feel free to contact me at your convenience via email at [Your Email Address] or by phone at [Your Phone Number].

Thank you for considering my application. I look forward to the possibility of joining [Company/Organization Name] for the work immersion program and the chance to contribute to your organization’s success.

Final Thoughts

Writing an application letter for work immersion requires careful planning and attention to detail. By following the guidelines provided in this article, you can effectively showcase your qualifications, motivations, and goals in a compelling manner. Remember to tailor your letter to the specific work immersion program and organization, highlighting your relevant skills and experiences. A well-crafted application letter will significantly increase your chances of securing a valuable work immersion opportunity, setting the stage for a successful and enriching professional experience.

About Mr. Greg

Mr. Greg is an English teacher from Edinburgh, Scotland, currently based in Hong Kong. He has over 5 years teaching experience and recently completed his PGCE at the University of Essex Online. In 2013, he graduated from Edinburgh Napier University with a BEng(Hons) in Computing, with a focus on social media.

Mr. Greg’s English Cloud was created in 2020 during the pandemic, aiming to provide students and parents with resources to help facilitate their learning at home.

Whatsapp: +85259609792

[email protected]

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The final phase of the Department of Education's K-12 Program, Senior High School comprises of two years, namely Grades 11 and 12, considered as an enhancement of the Philippines' Basic Education. It aims to hone globally competitive citizens, with its specialized curriculum, gearing Filipino students for further studies, employment or entrepreneurship.

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The final phase of the Department of Education's K-12 Choose, Senior High School comprises of two years, namely Grades 11 and 12, considered as an enhancement of the Philippines' Basic Education. It aims to hone total competitive citizens, with own specialized programme, gearing Filipino students for further studies, employment or entrepreneurship. Home concerning the Bulldogs

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Letter Templates

application letter sample for humss strand

If you’re a senior high school student taking up the Humanities and Social Sciences (HUMSS) strand, you may be required to submit an application letter for various purposes such as scholarship applications, internship programs, and other academic opportunities. In this guide, we’ll provide you with seven examples of application letters specifically tailored for HUMSS students.

These application letter samples can serve as helpful templates for you to edit and personalize according to your needs. We understand that writing an application letter can be challenging, but with the right format and content, you can increase your chances of getting accepted into your desired program.

Example 1: Scholarship Application

Dear [Scholarship Committee],

I am writing to express my interest in the [Name of Scholarship] for HUMSS students. As a HUMSS student, I have developed a strong passion for the arts and humanities, and I believe this scholarship would greatly assist me in pursuing my academic and professional goals.

Throughout my academic journey, I have consistently achieved good grades and participated in various extracurricular activities such as debate club and writing competitions. I am confident that with this scholarship, I can continue to excel in my studies and become a valuable asset to the HUMSS community.

Thank you for considering my application. I look forward to the opportunity to contribute to the HUMSS program and make a positive impact on society.

[Your Name]

Example 2: Internship Program Application

Dear [Internship Program Coordinator],

I am writing to apply for the [Name of Internship Program] for HUMSS students. As a HUMSS student, I am interested in exploring the intersection between the humanities and social sciences through practical experience and hands-on learning.

I believe this internship program would provide me with invaluable opportunities to develop my skills, gain industry knowledge, and network with professionals in my field of interest. I am particularly drawn to this program because of its focus on community engagement and social responsibility, which aligns with my personal values and goals.

Thank you for considering my application. I look forward to the opportunity to contribute to the success of the [Name of Internship Program] and enhance my personal and professional growth.

Example 3: College Application

Dear [College Admissions Committee],

I am writing to express my interest in the Bachelor of Arts program at [Name of College]. As a HUMSS student, I have developed a strong foundation in critical thinking, research, and communication skills, which I believe would be highly relevant and beneficial to this program.

Throughout my academic journey, I have been actively involved in various extracurricular activities such as theater productions, community service, and writing competitions. These experiences have allowed me to hone my creativity, leadership, and teamwork skills, which I believe are essential for success in college and beyond.

Thank you for considering my application. I am excited about the opportunity to contribute to the dynamic and diverse community at [Name of College] and pursue my academic and professional goals.

Example 4: Recommendation Request

Dear [Recommended Person],

I am writing to request a letter of recommendation for my scholarship application at [Name of Organization]. As a HUMSS student, I have been inspired by your guidance, mentorship, and expertise in the field of [Field of Expertise], and I believe your perspective and insights would greatly enhance my application.

Throughout my academic journey, I have learned valuable lessons from your teaching and leadership, and I am grateful for your unwavering support and encouragement. I believe that your endorsement of my skills, achievements, and potential would significantly increase my chances of success in this scholarship application.

Thank you for your time and consideration. I appreciate your willingness to support my academic and professional aspirations.

Example 5: Volunteer Program Application

Dear [Volunteer Program Coordinator],

I am writing to apply for the [Name of Volunteer Program] for HUMSS students. As a HUMSS student, I am passionate about making a positive impact on society by engaging in meaningful and purposeful volunteer work.

I believe this volunteer program would provide me with a unique opportunity to enhance my leadership, teamwork, and communication skills while contributing to the welfare of the community. I am particularly drawn to this program because of its focus on social justice and advocacy, which aligns with my personal values and goals.

Thank you for considering my application. I look forward to the opportunity to collaborate with like-minded individuals and make a difference in the lives of others.

Example 6: Research Grant Application

Dear [Research Grant Committee],

I am writing to apply for the [Name of Research Grant] for HUMSS students. As a HUMSS student, I am interested in conducting original research on topics related to the humanities and social sciences that have significant implications for society.

I believe this research grant would provide me with the necessary resources and support to pursue my research goals and make a valuable contribution to the academic community. I am particularly interested in investigating [Research Topic] because of its relevance and timeliness in today’s society.

Thank you for considering my application. I am excited about the opportunity to conduct meaningful research and generate new knowledge in my field of interest.

Tips for Writing an Application Letter for HUMSS Strand

Writing an application letter can be a daunting task, especially if you’re not familiar with the format and content required. Here are some tips to help you write an effective application letter for the HUMSS strand:

• Start with a clear and concise introduction that conveys your purpose for writing.
• Highlight your relevant skills, achievements, and experiences that demonstrate your suitability for the program or opportunity.
• Be specific and detailed in describing your goals, interests, and motivations, and how they align with the program or opportunity.
• Address the recipient in a formal and respectful manner, and use appropriate salutations and complimentary closes.
• Proofread your letter carefully for grammar, spelling, and punctuation errors, and ensure that it follows the standard format and style guidelines.

Frequently Asked Questions

1. what should i include in my application letter for humss strand.

Your application letter should include a clear and concise introduction, a brief explanation of your qualifications and achievements, and a specific statement of purpose or intent. You should also provide relevant supporting documents such as transcripts, resumes, and recommendation letters, as required.

2. How long should my application letter be?

Your application letter should be brief and to the point, and should not exceed one page in length. However, you should provide enough detail and information to convey your qualifications and suitability for the program or opportunity.

3. How should I address the recipient of my application letter?

You should address the recipient of your application letter by their appropriate title, such as “Dear Scholarship Committee,” “Dear Admissions Committee,” or “Dear Program Coordinator.” Use formal salutations such as “Dear” or “To Whom It May Concern,” depending on the situation.

4. What should I avoid including in my application letter?

You should avoid including irrelevant or unnecessary information, such as personal details or anecdotes that are not related to your application. You should also avoid using informal or casual language, and focus on presenting yourself in a professional and respectful manner.

5. Do I need to include my contact information in my application letter?

Yes, you should include your contact information such as your email address, phone number, and mailing address, so that the recipient can easily reach you if necessary. Make sure your contact information is accurate and up-to-date.

6. Can I use the same application letter for different programs or opportunities?

While you can use the same basic format and structure for different application letters, it is important to tailor your letter to the specific program or opportunity you are applying for. This means highlighting your relevant skills and experiences that match the requirements and expectations of the recipient.

Writing an application letter for the HUMSS strand can be a challenging but rewarding experience. By following the tips and examples provided in this guide, you can create a compelling and effective application letter that showcases your skills, achievements, and potential. Remember to be specific, concise, and professional in your writing, and to personalize your letter according to the requirements and expectations of the recipient.

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guided essay how revolutionary was the american revolution

American revolution: reclaiming rights and powers essay.

The American Revolution was the war between the British Crown and American colonies, which led to the formation of the independent United States. The American Revolution was an attempt to rewrite the norms of a daily life and to break away from monarchial system that guided both personal and political behavior. The beginning of the American Revolution can be traced back to the 1763 when the British Government began to reassert control over its American colonies. During this period, the British government was fighting to protect its colonies from its French and Native enemies.

As a result, British Government Pursued policies of the kind embodied in the proclamation of the 1763 and the Quebec act that gave Quebec the right to many Indian lands claimed by the American colonists to ensure future domestic tranquility (Sidney 54). Besides the Quebec act, The British Government also began to institute new taxes and enforce old ones in order to pay for its wartime expenses.

Many colonists opposed the new policies implemented by the British government as they felt that the British government was taking away their right and powers. This paper seeks to discuss the key rights and powers that the American believed were being taken way by the British Crown. The paper will also provide the evidences the colonist had to support their beliefs.

The key rights and powers that Americans believed were being taken away by the British government

While reasserting control over its American colonies in 1763, British government came up with various policies. Many Americans felt that these policies were taking way their rights and powers. The key rights and powers that the Americans believed were being taken away include the rights and powers to own land, and the right to pay taxes.

The right and power to own land

When the British government came up with the proclamation of 1763, many colonists felt that the British government was violating their fundamental rights. In regards to the proclamation of the 1763, the British government forbade settlement west of the Appalachian Mountains in an attempt to secure peace with powerful Native Americans neighbors. However, Colonists reacted to this policy in different ways. In their views, the proclamation of 1763 was the first of many imperial insults.

Many colonists believed that the Britsh Crown was taking away their key rights and powers to own land. As a matter of fact, when the British Crown came up with the proclamation of 1763, many eastern and western farmers were frustrated. Colonists felt that such actions cut off opportunities for land speculators and western farmers, many of whom were already coveting or squatting on these lands. From the vantage point of the colonialists, the British government seemed to be sacrificing the ambitions of the colonialist in favor of the Indians.

The colonialist, therefore, felt that the Crown was taking away their right to possess lands and giving them to Indians. As a result, colonists responded to the proclamation of 1763 and other new policies of the British crown through the written word. Sidney (89) reveals that the colonists wrote petitions, public letters, broadsides, and sermons. According to Sidney (90), the colonist sang songs, wrote poetries, and otherwise voiced their displeasures with the British crown and their growing desire of independence. The struggles over lands predated the revolution by more than a century, and they shaped the participation of white settlers and Native Americans during the war.

The Burden Taxes

Besides, the proclamation of 1763, the colonists also disputed the new tax policies that the British government implemented. When the crown implemented the new taxes, Americans took to the streets to protest them, and for more than a decade, they signed petitions to claim their liberties as loyal English citizens. For instance, the colonial response to the stamp act and sugar act demonstrated the power of the masses.

Many Bostonians took to the street in august 1765 to protest the new tax on stamps used for legal documents. The angry protestors destroyed the personal property of the stamp distributor for the colony and then hanged and beheaded him in effigy. The outrage spread throughout the colonies, as indebted colonists were now facing greater fees after they were taken to court.

Colonists were expressing their dissatisfaction with the tax policies because they felt that the stamp act and the sugar act violated the rights of levying taxes conferred by charter solely upon the state legislature. Tandem to this, the colonist had no direct representation in the British parliament, thus, they felt that it was unfair for them to be subject taxation without representation (Sidney 130).

In fact, Americans believed that the new tax policies demonstrated that the British government was not acting precipitately. Colonists saw that the government had no intentions to subvert colonial liberties but merely to raise revenue in the most expeditious and least burdensome manner possible.

Colonist’s dissatisfaction with the new tax system could also be witnessed four months later after the Boston riot. Many frustrated colonists engaged in similar public protest in all of the other colonies. Protestors from Carolina also demonstrated their opposition to the tax policy as well as their solidarity with protestors from Boston.

Small farmers and herders in the colonial backcountry similarly voiced their frustrations through various act of civil unrest. Because of the protests, many stamp distributors resigned forcing the British Crown to repeal the tax act (Goldfield, et al. 80). This protest had apparently made the Colonists intention clear. Obviously, they believed that the Crown was taking away their legal rights by implementing new tax laws.

The general warrants

Besides the burden tax, the British Crown had also issued a general warrant that allowed the British to search homes and seize property without specific search warrants. Many colonists felt that the British government was violating their personal rights. Therefore, they decided to oppose this act by demonstrating on the streets.

Tandem to this, the quartering of the British troops in personal homes, without the consent of the owners, was also a source of dislike towards the British Crown. From these three perspectives, one can justify that the American Revolution was fundamentally conservative as many colonists were fighting to protect the rights and powers they had.

Conclusively, According to Sidney (234), the dispute was waged over the nature of the British constitution and the rights of subject; the goals of the colonist were to reform the British Empire, not to withdraw from it. In fact, the colonists did not see themselves as revolutionaries; they saw themselves as English citizens who were only defending their rights to own properties. Therefore, in response to British action, the colonist established a continental congress in 1774 to organize their resistance effort and coordinate their policies towards the crown (Goldfield, et al. 89).

Works Cited

Goldfield, David, et al . American Journey: A History of The United States. 2nd Ed. Vol. 2 Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Publishers, 2011. Print.

Sidney, Barclay. American Revolution . Charleston, SC: BiblioLife Publishers, 2009. Print.

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IvyPanda. (2022, May 3). American Revolution: Reclaiming Rights and Powers. https://ivypanda.com/essays/the-american-revolution-essay/

"American Revolution: Reclaiming Rights and Powers." IvyPanda , 3 May 2022, ivypanda.com/essays/the-american-revolution-essay/.

IvyPanda . (2022) 'American Revolution: Reclaiming Rights and Powers'. 3 May.

IvyPanda . 2022. "American Revolution: Reclaiming Rights and Powers." May 3, 2022. https://ivypanda.com/essays/the-american-revolution-essay/.

1. IvyPanda . "American Revolution: Reclaiming Rights and Powers." May 3, 2022. https://ivypanda.com/essays/the-american-revolution-essay/.

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IvyPanda . "American Revolution: Reclaiming Rights and Powers." May 3, 2022. https://ivypanda.com/essays/the-american-revolution-essay/.

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History Resources

Revolutionary in America

By ray raphael.

Eleven years later there would be another grand moment, in the exact same chamber. With no famous portrait to consult, we conjure our own sensory images. We know it was stifling hot within that closed-up room, the windows and shutters sealed to keep the proceeding secret. We imagine the perspiration flowing as our Founding Fathers (a mostly different set this time, although we rarely take note of that) devised a Constitution to guide the fledgling nation.

These two interior scenes define a nation, a city, and a time: the United States of America, as created in Philadelphia in 1776 and 1787. We know and cherish the city for what it has given us. But what of the city itself, outside that forty-foot square chamber in the East Wing of the Pennsylvania State House?

Within this city, Independence Hall (as we now call the State House) was not the only venue to host the American Revolution. There were several others, such as:  

The Waterfront . This was the lifeblood of the city. From Philadelphia’s docks, the produce of interior regions was loaded onto oceangoing vessels, in exchange for rum, molasses, and a wide assortment of manufactured goods from Europe. To the docks came wave after wave of indentured servants, and some African slaves as well. Philadelphia was the "New York" of the time, a rich melting pot of ethnicities and nationalities that made it a truly cosmopolitan city. Since much of colonial discontent centered on issues of trade, the waterfront became a battleground of sorts. In the late 1760s, when American patriots agreed not to import British goods, artisans, who supported local manufactures, rubbed against wealthy merchants, who relied heavily on British trade. In 1773, when the East India Company tried to dump its surplus tea on the American market, patriots patrolled the shores of the river, waiting to turn the tea ships away.

Market Square . At the junction of Second Street and High (now called Market Street), an open swath of cobblestone was bordered by the Court House, the Greater Meeting House, and long rows of covered market stalls. It was here the local militiamen mustered and trained, ready to defend their city.

Workshops . During the third quarter of the eighteenth century, Philadelphia’s "mechanics," people who worked with their hands for a living, developed a will of their own. Rising in opposition to the "better sort" who controlled the provincial government, they challenged local hierarchies and British oppressions simultaneously. One group was particularly instrumental in fomenting unrest: printers. Through newspapers and broadsides, patriots preached and planned a formidable resistance movement. Early in 1776, local printers produced an inflammatory pamphlet called Common Sense , written by a recent immigrant from England, a failed stay-maker named Tom Paine.

Public houses (taverns) . In Philadelphia, as elsewhere in the colonies, men who drank together found it easier to suspend the customary patterns of deference. Raising toast after toast, they encouraged each other to take the next step on the path to rebellion. The London Coffee House (drinks there were not limited to coffee) played host to a group of radical activists who planned numerous mass meetings. At the City Tavern, the plushest of the lot, delegates to the Continental Congress dined and caucused. In taverns throughout the city, men read aloud and debated the ideas presented in Common Sense .

Carpenters’ Hall . In the early 1770s, the Philadelphia Carpenters’ Company, the oldest craft guild in America, constructed its own meeting space, a handsome structure, less ornate than the State House, that housed several important gatherings. As soon as the building was completed, Ben Franklin moved his Library Company upstairs; there, people not only read but also talked about philosophy and politics.

• On September 5, 1774, in the large meeting room downstairs, the First Continental Congress held its opening session. Members of the conservative Pennsylvania Assembly had offered to host Congress at the State House, but most delegates felt more comfortable talking about resistance in a venue not formally tied to the British Crown. While seated in personalized chairs made by local craftsmen, delegates decided to support and coordinate the resistance.
• In June of 1776, a different sort of revolution was fomented in Carpenters’ Hall. By that time, most Pennsylvanians and most Americans had come to favor independence, but the Pennsylvania Assembly instructed its delegates in the Continental Congress to oppose it. The best way to counter the Assembly, radical patriots reasoned, was to supplant it with a new governmental body, authorized by a new Constitution. And so it was that in Carpenters’ Hall, a Provincial Congress organized a separate Constitutional Convention for Pennsylvania. That summer, meeting in the West Wing of the State House, across the hall from the Continental Congress, the Convention passed the most democratic of all state constitutions. All power was vested in a single legislature, directly responsible to the people. Meetings were open to the public. All proposed bills had to be printed and disseminated, and none could be passed until the following session, after the people themselves had had a chance to debate the issue.

State House Yard . Outside the State House, in an area originally defined by the Pennsylvania Assembly as "a public open green and walk for ever," common citizens during Revolutionary days gathered in extralegal "town meetings" to debate the issues of the day and take decisive actions. For instance:

• On October 5, 1765, several thousand citizens pressured the Stamp Act collector to forsake his duties.
• On July 30, 1768, another large crowd voiced its support for the Massachusetts Assembly, which had just been disbanded because it defied royal authority.
• On December 27, 1773, an estimated 8,000 people voiced their support for the Boston Tea Party. A ship bearing tea had just anchored downriver in the Delaware, and the people warned its captain, who had been ushered into town, that the "Committee of Tarring and Feathering" had prepared for him some "Pitch and Feathers," should he attempt to land the tea. (He chose instead to return to Britain, his cargo unloaded.)
• On June 18, 1774, several thousand people met once again at the State House Yard to endorse the idea of a Continental Congress, call for a Provincial Conference to choose delegates, and set up a Committee of Correspondence for the city of Philadelphia.
• On April 25, 1775, as soon as the news of Lexington and Concord arrived in town, nearly 8,000 men gathered and "unanimously agreed to associate [take up arms], for the purpose of defending their Property, Liberty and Lives."
• On May 20, 1776, despite a driving rain, 4,000 people decided to replace the conservative Assembly and set up a new government. (This meeting led to the gathering of delegates from across Pennsylvania in Carpenters’ Hall the following month, the Constitutional Convention in July, and finally the ultra-democratic Pennsylvania Constitution, as described above.)
• On July 8, 1776, "a great concourse of people" gathered in the State House Yard to hear the first public reading of the Declaration of Independence. After three rounds of spirited "huzzahs," some of the crowd entered the State House and tore down the King’s Arms. Come evening, under a clear, starry sky, people lit bonfires and rang bells and generally caroused about town.
• On June 21, 1783, several hundred soldiers from the Pennsylvania Line met in the yard and surrounded the State House, demanding their pay from the Continental Congress, which was meeting inside. Although British rule was over, the practice of public demonstrations for redress of grievances continued.

All this is not to diminish the importance of what happened in the East Wing of the State House in 1776 and 1787, but only to provide a wider context for those grand events.

On June 7, 1776, Richard Henry Lee of Virginia introduced a motion in Congress: "Resolved, That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved." Three weeks earlier, the Virginia Convention had called upon its congressional delegates to introduce just such a resolution, yet delegates from several other colonies still opposed independence, and some were under specific instructions from their provincial assemblies to vote against it. Rather than force the issue immediately, Congress tabled the matter till July 1.

Back home in the colonies, the people went to work. Pennsylvania’s new Provincial Convention issued instructions to vote for independence. So did several county conventions in Maryland, the colony that had been most fervently in opposition. On June 28, the Maryland Convention voted unanimously for independence. Immediately, Samuel Chase wrote triumphantly to John Adams: "See the glorious Effects of County Instructions. Our people have fire if not smothered."

On the morning of July 1, just as Congress resumed debate on Lee’s motion, Chase’s letter was delivered to Adams within the East Wing chamber. Maryland was in tow, but Pennsylvania’s delegates were still divided, some answering to the instructions of the Assembly and others to the Provincial Convention. By the next day, however, the Pennsylvania delegation had made its decision: by a vote of three-to-two, with two delegates abstaining, Pennsylvania supported independence, as did twelve of the thirteen colonies. (The delegates from New York abstained, for they had been instructed not to vote either way.)

And so it was, on July 2, 1776, a new nation was born. Two days later, Congress approved its formal Declaration of Independence. Today, we celebrate the document; back then, the fact of independence counted for more than its representation. On July 3, before the Declaration had been finalized, John Adams wrote to his wife Abigail: "The second day of July, 1776, will be the most memorable epocha in the history of America. I am apt to believe that it will be celebrated by succeeding generations as the great anniversary festival. It ought to be commemorated as the day of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty. It ought to be solemnized with pomp and parade, with shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires, and illumination, from one end of this continent to the other, from this time forward forevermore" ( The Book of Abigail and John: Selected Letters of the Adams Family, 1762–1784 [Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1975], 142).

Many teachers and students of American history have read or heard Adams’s prediction, which has proved correct in everything but the date. Less known, but more significant, is his description in the same letter of the political process that culminated in independence: "Time has been given for the whole people maturely to consider the great question of independence, and to ripen their judgment, dissipate their fears, and allure their hopes, by discussing it in newspapers and pamphlets, by debating it in assemblies, conventions, committees of safety and inspection, in town and county meetings, as well as in private conversation, so that the whole people, in every colony of the thirteen, have now adopted it as their own act."

Adams knew, and we should too, that what transpired within the Pennsylvania State House had been made possible by the revolution that was happening in many other locales and venues.

The context for the Constitutional Convention in 1787 was altogether different. The meeting then was not influenced by mass rallies at the State House Yard, thousands of conversations in taverns, or resolutions passed in meeting houses across the land. Instead, it was an inside job, the result of politicking by smart and influential men who desired a stronger government—politically, financially, diplomatically, and militarily—than the existing Articles of Confederation could deliver.

The tone was more conservative this time: there was a notable absence of grandstanding, no pledge of lives, fortunes, and sacred honor. The substance was more conservative as well: no insistence on popular control, as was evidenced in the Pennsylvania Constitution of 1776. Instead, government was placed at arm’s distance from the people, with only one-half of one of the three branches under their direct control. The "framers," as we call them, faced an abundance of troublesome issues, several of which we study at length: the power of large states versus small states, for instance, and what to do about slavery. Despite their differences, however, all delegates shared an overarching goal: to create a powerful and efficient central government, but not so powerful as to invite or enable tyranny.

On September 17, when all was said and done, the framers opened the chamber doors. One large hurdle remained: the Constitution they created had to be sold to the people. At this late point in the game, when no additional input would be accepted, the nation embarked on its second grand debate. The issue was simply whether to accept or reject the plan, a take-it or leave-it proposition. "We, the people" were asked to approve the new form of government, but the "people" did not drive the process forward, as they had done eleven years earlier.

Taking an overview of the two acts of nation-creating that transpired in Independence Hall, and calling forth as well the events in lesser-known venues, we see history at work in very different ways. Then, as now, power traveled both up and down social and political hierarchies. It flowed from inside chambers to the population at large and from the people outside to the men within. Sometimes the so-called leaders led, as we commonly assume, but at other times they received their directives from the people and had little choice but to follow. Our two most sacred documents demonstrate these opposite trajectories in the political process. The Declaration of Independence resulted from an immense outpouring of popular sentiment, with commoners driving their representatives forward. The Constitution, on the other hand, was conceived in secret behind closed doors, and then marketed to those outside.

To this day, we are trying to work out the ambiguous implications of these dissimilar events, which have come to signify both the city and the nation.

Ray Raphael is an independent scholar who has written Founding Myths: Stories That Hide Our Patriotic Past (2006), A People’s History of the American Revolution: How Common People Shaped the Fight for Independence (2001), and The First American Revolution: Before Lexington and Concord (2003).

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American Revolution

Dbq: causes of the american revolution, using evidence: nys regents style dbq.

U.S. History

American Revolution: DBQ: Causes of the American Revolution

Students will examine and evaluate primary and secondary source documents to construct an essay that analyzes the causes of the American Revolution.

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Introduction: American Revolutions

Edward G. Gray is professor of history at Florida State University. He is the author of New World Babel: Languages and Nations in Early America (1999) and The Making of John Ledyard: Empire and Ambition in the Life of an Early American Traveler (2007). He is presently writing a book about the Atlantic radical Thomas Paine and his quest to build an iron bridge.

Jane Kamensky is Harry S. Truman Professor of American Civilization and chair of the history department at Brandeis University. Her books include The Exchange Artist: A Tale of High-Flying Speculation and America’s First Banking Collapse (2008) and Governing the Tongue: The Politics of Speech in Early New England (1997). She is also the coauthor of the novel Blindspot, written jointly with Jill Lepore (2008); and of the forthcoming tenth edition of A People and a Nation (2014). She is currently at work on a book about American artists in London during the age of revolution.

• Published: 28 December 2012
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The American Revolution is a significant event in the history of the United States, yet has generated little interest among academic historians. This stems from two seemingly irreconcilable interpretations of the formation of the United States. Some view the Revolution as an intellectual event, while many social historians see it as a fundamentally popular and even populist revolt in which self-interested elites were challenged by ordinary people. This book explores what the American Revolution means at the beginning of the twenty-first century. Readers in the United States consider the histories of the war between Britain and her mainland North American colonies as origins stories. America's Revolution was Britain's American War, an episode in the entangled history of a vast and growing empire. It offers a continental perspective on the Revolution, focusing on contested North American frontiers. The book suggests a major shift in the core narrative of the Revolution, showing how the familiar tale of money and politics—taxation and representation—is joined and made more complex by stories focused on territorial sovereignty and native dispossession.

Few events in American history attract as much attention as the Revolution. Politicians routinely quote Thomas Paine, Thomas Jefferson, and Patrick Henry. Schools, museums, the press, and the public commemorate significant Revolutionary-era dates. The best-seller list seems never to be without at least one title that references America’s founding and its “fathers.”

Among academic historians, however, the Revolution has come to occupy a distinctly less prominent place than it held a generation ago. Fewer courses are framed around the subject; fewer journal articles and monographs engage it; fewer dissertations plumb its depths. There are a number of explanations for this apparent shift in interest. In recent years, for instance, students of premodern North America have moved away from questions about the origins of the United States and toward explorations of larger Atlantic or continental arenas. 1 There is another cause as well, a much older one. At least since the 1960s, and arguably long before, scholars of the period have struggled to reconcile two seemingly irreconcilable interpretations of the formation of the United States. Some insist that the Revolution is best understood as an intellectual event, driven by ideas about liberty, property, and tyranny articulated by a select group of elite founders. By contrast, many social historians see the Revolution not as the work of remote thinkers and theorists, but as a fundamentally popular and even populist revolt in which ordinary people challenged self-interested elites. For decades, a pitched battle between these two interpretive camps yielded ever-more Manichean and absolute postures. For some, as the intellectual historian Daniel Rodgers has written, the terms of scholarly debate became “reflexively dualistic: ideas versus behavior; rhetoric versus ‘the concrete realities of life’; propaganda and mystification on the one hand, the real stuff on the other.” 2 No wonder many young scholars turned toward less highly charged subject matter as they sought to enter the profession.

The tension between a revolution of cultural elites and one of ordinary people lingers. But in recent years, historians have identified new angles of vision that transcend that tension. With new frameworks to test and refine, scholars have returned to the Revolution that remade America, remaking the Revolution in turn. Cultural historians have begun to find meaning in language, sentiment, and the material world that transcends the elite-plebeian dichotomy. 3 Institutional historians—historians of law, of business, of the military, of government, of the household, and others—have likewise found compelling ways to capture the full social and intellectual spectrum in one revolutionary story. 4 Atlantic and imperial historians place the American founding in a broader transnational context, considering its place among a series of transformations that shaped life in the Atlantic littoral. 5 In place of a singular event, directed solely at the formation of the United States, and thus subject to monocausal explanations of its origins and results, we confront a series of complex and interlinked historical processes: the triumph of one empire over its European rivals, followed by a series of rebellions within that empire, some of which converged in the creation of a new United States.

Drawing on this new work, assembling scholars from several generations, trained in multiple disciplines, with varying national and regional specializations, the Oxford Handbook of the American Revolution seeks to capture the fullest sense of what the American Revolution means at the beginning of the twenty-first century. Methodologically pluralist, even promiscuous, this Handbook is crowded with unfamiliar as well as better-known characters, male and female, native and Anglo, “British” and “American,” leaders and ordinary people. Elites come down to earth through explorations of their material lives. “The people” wrestle with lofty ideas as well as pressing economic interests. Revolutions are waged among sometimes-reluctant patriots and often-ambivalent loyalists, with many neutrals occupying a spectrum of positions in between. The walls between the shifting sides are thin, even permeable. Many of the combatants emerge as hesitant creatures of empire rather than zealous progenitors of a nation.

Looking West, Looking East

For readers in the United States, histories of the war between Britain and her mainland North American colonies are, at their deepest level, origins stories, which is one reason so many books about the Revolution have the word birth in their titles. 6 The story of the Revolution is our book of Genesis. Taking a god’s-eye view from blockaded Boston harbor or Carpenters’ Hall in Philadelphia, we wait for the United States to emerge from dark and formless void. Dawn breaks, and a string of glorious begats follows; Washington, Hamilton, Madison, and Adams stride through our pages like gods in tricorn hats.

This view from America’s port cities may be stirring, but it is necessarily incomplete—provincial by definition. The chapters that make up this volume often look toward an emerging United States from the vantage point of the thirteen rebellious colonies. But they take a range of other views as well, facing west from London, north from the West Indies, and east from Indian country. Touching down in places as far-flung as France and Poland, Jamaica and Sierra Leone, the country of the Six Nations and Bengal, this volume returns the American Revolution to the world and the world to the American Revolution.

America’s Revolution was Britain’s American War: a series of fateful moves in the high-stakes chess game of the European great powers, and a chapter in the entangled history of a vast and growing empire. In crucial respects, London looked first to Paris and Madrid, then to Brussels, Amsterdam, and Vienna. “The history of eighteenth-century Britain was in Europe,” the English historian Brendan Simms proclaims. “Foreign policy, rather than taxation, popular unrest, religion, elections or colonial expansion, was the central political preoccupation” of the realm. 7 However difficult to govern, America—especially continental America—was something of a sideshow. The American War—like the French and Indian War before it, and King George’s War before that—was the far western front in the centuries-long battle for political and military supremacy on the European continent. In the regular course of human events, Whitehall was far more anxious about Versailles than about Virginia.

Of course, the view from London did not end in Europe, but extended east and farther south as well as west, following the sinews of power to the ragged edges of empire. As Maya Jasanoff has argued, Clive’s victory over the nawab of Bengal in 1757, not Wolfe’s victory over Montcalm’s forces at Quebec two years later, “may well have been the defining imperial battle” of the Seven Years’ War. 8 After its stunning victory in that global conflict, Britain’s territorial claims stretched from Fort Bute on the Mississippi River to Fort William at Calcutta. By 1770, the first voyage of Captain James Cook had pushed the imperial frontier all the way to Botany Bay. An empire so vast came at a steep cost. The British government struggled to govern polities as diverse as the “natives of Hindostan and those of Virginia ,” as Edmund Burke noted in the 1770s. 9 One size fit few. Efforts to reform the empire in the 1760s—through taxes and trade prohibitions—were understood by American patriots to be exceptional and punitive. In fact, they were acts of inclusion : attempts to bring the Americans into an increasingly well-fenced and carefully tended imperial fold. “For all their cocksure certainty,” Eliga Gould has written, “the British saw their actions toward the colonies as fundamentally pacific.” 10 Their purpose, at least in the eyes of imperial reformers, was to bring greater harmony to the full, vast range of British imperial possessions, and greater security to the British subjects who lived in them. The view from North America was different, and often opposed; one nation’s pacifism was another’s bellicosity. The war came, and shockingly, the Continentals won it. But many British officials understood the loss of the rebellious North American colonies less as a fatal blow than as the high price of success, an object lesson that would prove instructive in South Asia, the Antipodes, and Africa.

Britain lost only parts of America—thirteen of twenty-six colonies on the western side of the Atlantic. 11 The Union Jack continued to fly over great swaths of the North American mainland, from Halifax to the upper Mississippi. For decades, the continent simmered with tension between those who professed fealty to King George and those who declared themselves independent citizens of the American republic. In 1812, those tensions boiled over in a second Anglo-American civil war. 12

Britain also retained the islands of the West Indies, the glittering jewels in the empire’s crown. Long before the Revolution, the price fetched by Caribbean sugar dwarfed the value of all other streams of colonial tribute: tobacco, rice, and indigo from Virginia and the Carolinas; wheat and naval stores from the mid-Atlantic; lumber and salted fish from New England and the Maritime provinces. Losing the colonies from New Hampshire to Georgia was, in part, the cost of defending the Greater and Lesser Antilles—a cost the British government was willing to bear. 13

The strategic and economic importance of Jamaica, Barbados, and Britain’s other Caribbean possessions was proportional not only to the sugar they produced, but to the African men and women they consumed. The Crown’s commitment to holding the West Indies reminds us of the centrality of the Atlantic slave system to the metropolis and its colonies. What David Brion Davis decades ago labeled “the problem of slavery in the Age of Revolution” became the central moral dilemma of the age, on both sides of the Atlantic. 14 “How is it that we hear the loudest yelps for liberty among the drivers of negroes?” Samuel Johnson pondered in 1775. Slavery, not taxation, was the real tyranny, he insisted. 15 The pervasive language of liberty, along with the disruptions of wartime, energized the freedom struggle of Africans and their descendants in the New World. A vocal minority of men and women of European descent—particularly in the former colonies that depended least upon slave labor—likewise became troubled by the existence of slavery in a land where nature’s god had created all men equal. Meanwhile, invoking their rights to property, slaveholders in the plantation colonies redoubled their commitment to a system of forced labor that had once seemed natural, but now required an increasingly elaborate legal and intellectual defense.

In addition to national, imperial, and Atlantic views, many of the chapters in this Handbook offer what we might call a continental perspective on the Revolution, placing contests over the lands of the North American interior front and center. These struggles were not new in the 1770s. Britain, France, and their native allies and enemies had warred over the heart of the continent numerous times, most spectacularly in the great war for empire that concluded in 1763. So, too, indigenous Americans, settler-colonists, and speculators had skirmished over land claims in the backcountry for generations, and did so with increasing frequency after the Peace of Paris transferred control of all lands east of the Mississippi to Britain. In what Daniel Richter calls “the shared Euro-Indian transatlantic imperial world” before 1763, the balance of power in inland North America had been complex, shifting, and multisided. 16 Native leaders held many trump cards in the game. After 1763, the game grew simpler and starker. In Indian country as in the colonies, positions hardened and new lines were drawn. A new generation of indigenous prophets called for pan-Indian solidarity among the continent’s “red” men, while a new generation of settler-speculators rallied “whites” against Indians. For some Euro-Americans, anti-Indian hatred and the rejection of the British monarch came to be one and the same. The Declaration of Independence thus spoke in soaring terms of the equality of all humanity, yet also accused George III of having “endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers…merciless Indian savages.” 17

By focusing on contested North American frontiers, several of the Handbook chapters suggest a significant shift in the core narrative of the Revolution. The familiar tale of money and politics—taxation and representation—is joined and made more complex by stories focused on territorial sovereignty and native dispossession. At a treaty conference in Easton, Pennsylvania, in 1757, Teedyuscung, a leader of the eastern Delaware, summarized this facet of the conflict succinctly: “The Land is the Cause of our Differences,” he explained—“that is our being unhappily turned out of the land is the cause.” That year the Delaware won concessions by pitting the interests of the “Great King across the Water” against those of colonial governors nearer at hand. After the Seven Years’ War, room for such negotiations diminished sharply. British settlers poured into the backcountry. Teedyuscung was murdered in 1763, in an arson attack on his cabin that spread to consume twenty other buildings in the town of Wyoming, on the banks of the Susquehanna River, in Pennsylvania’s northeastern corner. Warriors from the Iroquois Confederacy were blamed for the killing, but historians now think the likelier culprits were agents of Connecticut’s Susquehanna Land Company, who less than two weeks after Teedyuscung’s death began settling the acres on which his village had stood. 18 In the years ahead, the war between natives, settlers, and rulers over their competing claims to American territory would overspread much of the continent.

American origins stories need new settings, then, and new narratives as well. A focus on the worlds beyond what came, in the nineteenth century, to be called “the original thirteen colonies” reminds us that there was far more pluribus than unum in colonial North America, even in British North America. The struggle to craft a nation from this fluid, polyglot, bumptious multitude was protracted and violent, a bloody civil war that raged from Halifax to Havana and embroiled much of Europe from 1775 through 1782.

The Long Revolution

If the where of the Revolution has become increasingly ambiguous, the when likewise presents new challenges. Although there are some very clear turning points—the end of the Seven Years’ War (1763), the Stamp Act (1765), the fighting at Lexington and Concord (1775), the formal declaring of independence (1776), the Peace of Paris (1783), the ratification of a federal constitution (1789)—the time line for the Revolutionary era remains elusive. But one impulse seems clear: contemporary scholars are inclined to see the American Revolution less in terms of a series of discreet, momentous turning points and more in terms of the longue durée : a swath of historical time, lasting half a century or more, characterized by many of the phenomena and processes commonly attributed to a much narrower Revolutionary time line. Many of the changes scholars once made synonymous with the Revolution started much earlier, or were completed much later, or both.

Take American independence, for example. For decades before the Seven Years’ War, many imperial thinkers had argued that the combined forces of economy, geography, and demography made the eventual independence of the American colonies inevitable. Yet for even the most rebellious British colonists in the 1770s, prospect of independence seemed terrifying. As late as March 1776, John Adams called “Independency…an Hobgoblin, of so frightful Mein, that it would throw a delicate Person into Fits to look it in the Face.” 19 The congeries of men and women who mustered the courage to stare that hobgoblin down were shifting and fluid in their composition and their interests; their unity was sometimes opportunistic and often illusory.

In sum, the patriots’ “glorious cause” comprised many causes, which only sometimes intersected. The declaration in July 1776 that “these United Colonies” were and ought to be “Free and Independent States” was far more surprising than it was predestined.

For people of color, women, and white men without property, it was perhaps less surprising than disappointing. For these Americans, independence remained an abstraction for decades—and in some cases centuries—after the Revolution’s end. Relatively few of them came away from the Revolutionary years with all that republican citizenship promised. Many lacked the right to vote or to hold property; a substantial minority continued to be considered as property, human chattel in an empire for liberty, as Jefferson called it. Indeed, in some respects there seemed to be two distinct revolutions—one democratic, plural, and plebeian; the second, controlled, uniform, and elite. In many spheres of life, from law and public policy to marriage and sexuality, the new nation experienced what Rosemarie Zagarri has called a “Revolutionary backlash” in the 1780s and 1790s. 20

For the United States as a nation among nations, independence was similarly fraught. America came into being in part because it was recognized as such by powerful European states. But what exactly did this recognition mean? Did the United States in fact conclude its Revolution a free and independent member of the community of Atlantic nations? As with so many other cherished chestnuts of national memory, upon close examination this one turns out to be only partly true. The United States may have been independent of the legislative authority of Parliament or the sovereign authority of the monarch, but they were not ultimately free from the British Empire.

Perhaps the most profound indication of just how tenuous American independence was comes from the framers of the Constitution. Although they agreed on very little, one thing was clear to virtually all the participants in the laborious process of reform that began in the spring of 1787: under the Articles of Confederation, the Continental Congress would be unable to insure the security of the new American republic. Much like the small, weak states that preceded them, the United States would have to form a much stronger union. As James Madison observed, throughout history “feeble communities, independent of each other, have resorted to Union…for the common safety ag[ain]st powerful neighbors, and for the preservation of peace and justice among themselves.” 21 The very foundation of America’s federal republic, that is, was partly driven by the tenuousness of American independence.

If many scholars now approach American independence with a certain amount of caution, they insist upon similar complexity when it comes to the matter of the era’s politics and government. Here, too, contemporary historians find continuity where a generation ago historians more often tended to find rupture. To be sure, the state and federal republics the Americans created rested on a profound redistribution of political authority. Yet the shift in power from the king-in-Parliament to the people had begun well before the Revolution’s first battles. In Massachusetts, for instance, that story is a long one—beginning decades before the Revolution and culminating in the kind of direct democracy that came to be practiced there as the colony became a state. In Virginia, new patterns of popular political participation emerged in the 1760s in response to local events, and shaped the political process that ultimately led to independence. In these and other colonial locales, much that is revolutionary about the American Revolution—the transfer of governing authority from an imperial regime to the people themselves—had begun years before independence was actually declared.

When it comes to political change, exactly what can be attributed to the events that unfolded between 1775 and 1789? The question becomes even more pressing when we recognize, as Bernard Bailyn, Gordon Wood, and others began to do in the 1960s, that the ideologies and conceptual frames through which many Americans interpreted Revolutionary events had their origins in late seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century Britain. 22 From the English Civil War through the early years of the Hanoverian dynasty, Britons in the home islands plumbed the shortcomings of monarchy as thoroughly as did British subjects in the distant American colonies—indeed, more so. As the eighteenth-century Scottish philosopher David Hume observed in 1742, well before the first stirrings of revolution in America, “the mere name of King commands little respect; and to talk of a king as God’s vice regent upon earth, or to give him any of these magnificent titles which formerly dazzled mankind, would but excite laughter in any one.” Few carried such thinking to the extreme of imagining a world without kings. But for the Americans, that leap was made possible, at least in part, by a transatlantic political culture that saw monarchs as no more sacred or divinely ordained than any other element of England’s mixed constitution. 23

If the republic Americans created emerged from the fertile soil of pre-Revolutionary Anglo-American political thought, how novel was the United States? Did its creation, as Thomas Paine famously hoped, in fact “begin the world over again?” 24 For many observers, Paine included, the answer suggests historical continuity as much as revolutionary rupture. The Americans may not have created a constitutional monarchy built upon the economic foundation of overseas colonies. But they did create an empire—not a colonizing, oceanic empire like its British counterpart, but an empire nonetheless. Through war, settlement, and trade, the new nation slowly extended its territorial claims across North America. To the chagrin of many Americans, the Continental Congress and the union that replaced it only seemed to encourage this empire building. As one opponent of the Constitution warned, “It is the opinion of the ablest writers on the subject, that no extensive empire can be governed upon republican principles, and that such a government will degenerate to a despotism.” 25

In the immediate aftermath of the war, such fears were compounded by the simple fact that American empire faced an imperial arena populated by old hands. Britain, in particular, would come out of the Revolution with its imperial ambitions almost fully intact. The “American War” had little enduring impact on politics in Britain. 26 With the help of the French Revolution and America’s former friend, Edmund Burke, the British government was able to quash most reformist sentiment at home and freely pursue imperial ambitions abroad. Indeed, the British Empire may actually have emerged from the American War a stronger, more nimble entity. For a succession of American administrations, struggling to fend off British intrusions in the far West and at sea, it may at times have seemed as if the American colonies’ subordinate status as colonies had been only nominally challenged. As Eliga Gould has suggested, Britain retained in America “an informal empire, one based on the commercial supremacy of British ships and goods, on regional networks of British satellites and tributary allies, and on Britain’s ability to impose its own conceptions of international law and order on other governments and peoples.” 27 American independence remained incomplete independence for decades, if not for centuries. Novus ordo seclorum ? Yes and no.

An Ongoing Revolution

“The American Revolution was not a common event,” John Adams wrote to the Baltimore printer Hezekiah Niles in February 1818. “Its effects and consequences have been awful over a great part of the globe,” and rippled still. “But what do we mean by the American Revolution?” he asked. “Do we mean the American War?” Certainly not; “the Revolution was effected before the war commenced.” The Revolution was not won on the battlefield, or cemented in the halls of Congress. No, Adams argued, a “ radical change in the principles, opinions, sentiments, and affections of the people, was the real American Revolution. ” In place of the old hierarchical bonds that constituted British society, Americans had created new fraternal ones, linking human beings in a common polity.

Understanding this slow and subtle reformation “in the minds and hearts of the people” would be, Adams explained, the obligation of American historians. “By what means this great and important alteration in the religious, moral, political, and social character of the people of thirteen colonies, all distinct, unconnected, and independent of each other, was begun, pursued, and accomplished, it is surely interesting to humanity to investigate, and perpetuate to posterity.” Adams could imagine no better occupation for the “young gentlemen of letters in all the states, especially in the thirteen original states,” than “to undertake the laborious, but certainly interesting and amusing, task of searching and collecting all the records, pamphlets, newspapers, and even handbills which in any way contributed to change the temper and views of the people and compose them into an independent nation.” 28

At the end of Adams’s long and eventful life, fifty years to the day after the Declaration was signed, that labor had barely begun. Nearly two centuries later, ladies as well as gentlemen pursue it, in the original thirteen colonies, across the United States, and around the globe. Readers will find in this volume grounds for continued debate and discussion, as well as wide-ranging expertise and a healthy dose of good old-fashioned storytelling. Together and separately, these thirty-three chapters demonstrate that the American Revolution remains as vibrant and inviting a subject of scholarly inquiry as it was in John Adams’s day. In this Handbook and beyond, the work continues.

1. For examples of oceanic and hemispheric perspectives on the history of the Americas during the Revolutionary era see J. H. Elliott , Empires of the Atlantic World: Britain and Spain in America, 1492–1830 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), pt. 3 ; Kären Wigen et al. , “ Forum : Oceans of History,” American Historical Review 111, no. 3 (June 2006): 717–780 ; Eliga H. Gould , “Entangled Histories, Entangled Worlds: The English-Speaking Atlantic as a Spanish Periphery,” American Historical Review 112, no. 3 (2007): 764–786 ; and David Armitage , “Three Concepts of Atlantic History,” in The British Atlantic World, 1500–1800, ed. David Armitage and Michael J. Braddick (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 11–27 . The continental perspective is well represented in Alan Taylor , American Colonies: The Settling of North America (New York: Viking/Penguin, 2001), esp. pt. 3 ; and Daniel K. Richter , Before the Revolution: America’s Ancient Pasts (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011) .

2. Daniel T. Rodgers , “Republicanism: The Career of a Concept,” Journal of American History 79, no. 1 (June 1992): 25 . For evidence that little changed in the ensuing decade and a half see Thomas Slaughter , “Plus Ça Change…,” Reviews in American History 34, no. 3 (September 2007): 291–506 ; and Staunton Lynd et al. , “ Forum: Economics and American Independence,” William and Mary Quarterly , 3rd ser., vol. 68, no. 4 (October 2011): 597–656 .

3. For an exploration of recent developments in eighteenth-century American cultural history see Michael Meranze , “Culture and Governance: Reflections on the Cultural History of Eighteenth-Century British America,” William and Mary Quarterly , 3rd ser., vol. 65, no. 4 (October 2008): 713–744 .

4. Important implications of this return to institutional history are explored in William J. Novak , “The Myth of the ‘Weak’ American State,” American Historical Review 113, no. 3 (June 2008): 752–772 .

5. See, for examples, Eliga H. Gould and Peter Onuf , eds., Empire and Nation: The American Revolution in the Atlantic World (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005) ; David Armitage , The Declaration of Independence: A Global History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007) ; Wim Klooster , Revolutions in the Atlantic World: A Comparative History (New York: NYU Press, 2009) ; and David Armitage and Sanjay Subrahmanyam , eds., The Age of Revolutions in a Global Context (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010) .

6. The classic example is Edmund S. Morgan , The Birth of the Republic (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956) ; but see also, more recently, works as different in their interpretations of the Revolution as Gordon S. Wood , The Idea of America: Reflections on the Birth of the United States (New York: Penguin, 2011) ; and Gary B. Nash , The Unknown American Revolution: The Unruly Birth of Democracy and the Struggle to Create America (New York: Viking/Penguin, 2005) . Many other titles contain the word “origins,” including, famously, Bernard Bailyn , The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1967) ; and, more recently and ideologically opposed, Woody Holton , Unruly Americans and the Origins of the Constitution (New York: Hill & Wang, 2007) .

7. Brendan Simms , Three Victories and a Defeat: The Rise and Fall of the First British Empire, 1714–1783 (New York: Basic Books, 2009) , 1. See also H. T. Dickinson , ed., Britain and the American Revolution (New York: Longman, 1998) ; and Stephen Conway , The British Isles and the War of American Independence (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000) .

8. Maya Jasanoff , Edge of Empire: Lives, Culture, and Conquest in the East, 1750–1850 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2005), 20 .

9. Burke quoted in P. J. Marshall , The Making and Unmaking of Empires: Britain, India, and America c. 1750–1783 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 204 .

10. Eliga H. Gould, “Fears of War, Fantasies of Peace: British Politics and the Coming of the American Revolution,” in Gould and Onuf, Empire and Nation , 19–35, quotation at 20; see also Gould , The Persistence of Empire: British Political Culture in the Age of the American Revolution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000) ; and Jack P. Greene , The Constitutional Origins of the American Revolution (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011) .

11. Andrew Jackson O’Shaughnessy , An Empire Divided: The American Revolution and the British Caribbean (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000) .

12. Alan Taylor , The Civil War of 1812 : American Citizens, British Subjects, Irish Rebels, and Indian Allies (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2010) ; Maya Jasanoff , Liberty’s Exiles: American Loyalists in the Revolutionary World (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2011) .

O’Shaughnessy, Empire Divided ; and David Geggus, “The Caribbean in the Age of Revolution,” in Armitage and Subrahmanyam, Age of Revolution , 83–100.

14. David Brion Davis , The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution, 1770–1823 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1975) . See also Christopher Leslie Brown , Moral Capital: The Foundations of British Abolitionism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006) . The classic statement of the vexed relationship between slavery and freedom in American history remains Edmund S. Morgan , American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (New York: W. W. Norton, 1975) .

15.   Samuel Johnson , Taxation No Tyranny; An Answer to the Resolutions and Address of the American Congress (London: printed for T. Cadell, 1775), 89 .

16. Daniel K. Richter , Facing East from Indian Country: A Native History of North America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001), 188 .

17. Peter Silver , Our Savage Neighbors: How Indian War Transformed Early America (New York: W. W. Norton, 2007) ; and Nancy Shoemaker , A Strange Likeness: Becoming Red and White in Eighteenth-Century North America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004) . See also Colin G. Calloway , The Scratch of a Pen: 1763 and the Transformation of North America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006) .

18. Teedyuscung quoted in E. B. O’Callaghan , ed., Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New-York: Procured in Holland, England, and France , vol. 7 (Albany, NY: Weed, Parsons and Co., Printers, 1856), 300–301 . On his death see Anthony F. C. Wallace , King of the Delawares: Teedyuscung, 1700–1763 (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1990), esp. 258–263 .

19. John Adams to Horatio Gates, Philadelphia, 23 March 1776, in Letters of Delegates to Congress, 1774–1789 , 26 vols. (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1976–2000), ed. Paul H. Smith , vol. 3, 429–432 . See also Benjamin H. Irvin, “Independence before and during the Revolution,” chapter 8, this volume.

20. Rosemarie Zagarri , Revolutionary Backlash: Women and Politics in the Early American Republic (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007) .

21. “Preface to the Debates in the Convention,” in James Madison , Notes of Debates in the Federal Convention of 1787 Reported by James Madison (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1966), 3 . See also Max M. Edling, “A More Perfect Union: The Framing and Ratification of the Constitution,” chapter 21, this volume.

22. Bailyn, Ideological Origins ; Gordon S. Wood , The Creation of the American Republic, 1776–1787 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1969) ; and Jack P. Greene , ed., The Reinterpretation of the American Revolution, 1763–1789 (New York: Harper & Row, 1968) .

23. Quoted in Hannah Arendt , On Revolution (1963; paperback ed., New York: Viking, 1965), 113 .

24. Common Sense , in Thomas Paine: Collected Writings, ed. Eric Foner (New York: Library of America, 1995), 52 .

25. James Winthrop , “The Agrippa Letters,” letter 4, December 3, 1787, excerpted in Colonies to Nation, 1763–1789: A Documentary History of the American Revolution , ed. Jack P. Greene (New York: W. W. Norton, 1975), 560 .

Dickinson, Britain and the American Revolution , esp. 20–22.

Eliga H. Gould, “The Empire That Britain Kept,” chapter 25, this volume.

Adams to Hezekiah Niles, February 13, 1818, in Works of John Adams , ed. Charles Francis Adams (1856), 10:282–283, emphasis in original. Available in the Online Library of Liberty, at http://oll.libertyfund.org/?option=com_staticxt&staticfile=show.php%3Ftitle=2127&chapter=193604&layout=html&Itemid=27 .

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• The American Revolution in One Lesson

The American Revolution is the defining event in our history.

Every american ought to understand the four constructive achievements of the american revolution. , these achievements and their consequences for our nation and the world should be taught in every school in our country., our independence.

The American Revolutionaries gave us our national independence and committed the new nation to the ideal of personal independence. Our nation’s founding document—the Declaration of Independence—asserted our independence from Great Britain and claimed for the new nation a “separate and equal station” among “the powers of the earth.” The Declaration of Independence went beyond that to explain that the purpose of the new nation was to secure the “unalienable Rights” of individuals, including “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” The American Revolutionaries gave us more than an independent nation state. They defined personal independence as well, and asserted that it was the role of government to protect it.

We won our independence in a Revolutionary War. The war last for nearly eight years—the longest war in our history until the interminable foreign conflicts of recent times—and it touched every part of the new nation, from the future state of Maine to the future state of Florida and west to the banks of the Mississippi River. More Americans were killed, wounded or died of disease as a direct result of the Revolutionary War, as a proportion of the population, than in any war in our history except our Civil War (in which the casualties on both sides must be counted). Our Revolutionary War was the first successful colonial war for independence of modern times and has inspired independence movements all over the world.

To win the war, the revolutionaries had to meet enormous challenges. The colonists who took up arms in 1775 were wholly unprepared for a war against a great power. They had no army, no navy, no capacity to produce arms in any quantity, and no financial resources with which to acquire them. The British had the largest and most powerful navy in the world, a professional army and the resources to carry on a war to suppress the rebellion. Their only serious liabilities were the difficulties involved in conducting a war to restore royal authority over a widely dispersed people thousands of miles away, with the threat that their European enemies would take advantage of the situation and attack them while they were doing it. The American Revolutionaries prevailed in their war for independence by outlasting the British, turning British liabilities into American advantages, making the war too costly for the British to continue, and persuading the French to risk supporting them.

Our Republic

The American Revolutionaries gave us our republic. At a time when many nations describe themselves as republics, the transcendent importance of the creation of the American republic is not widely appreciated. It should be. Before the American Revolution, nearly everyone on Earth was the subject of a king, emperor, czar, hereditary chief or some other ruler who claimed to rule by hereditary right or divine will. Their people were subjects, legally bound in varying ways to obey their will. Governments everywhere, with few and transient exceptions, existed to advance the interests of the sovereign, which were regarded as synonymous with the interests of the state and of society.

The American Revolutionaries utterly rejected this form of government, the purpose it served and the social organization that supported it. Having committed themselves to liberty, equality and natural and civil rights, they based their governments on the will of the people rather than hereditary privilege or the monarchists’ self-serving view of divine will. They insisted that the purpose of government was not to advance the interests of princes and kings, but rather to advance the interests of ordinary people. The purpose of government was to advance the res publica —public matters—rather than the interests of a monarch or an aristocracy. The people of a republic are citizens, not subjects. They are ruled, not by other people, but by laws. Those laws, in turn, rest on constitutions—above all the Federal Constitution, ratified by the people themselves. Those constitutions define the mechanisms for making and implementing laws and imposing limits on the powers of government.

The United States was the first great republic of modern times and has been, through 250 years, the most successful republic in history. Contemporary critics of the American Revolution predicted that the new American republic would soon collapse and that a monarch or a dictator would succeed to power. The endurance of the American republic has been an example and an inspiration to people all over the world.

Our National Identity

The American Revolution created our national identity. Before the Revolution, the rebellious colonies had no common identity. They owed allegiance to the British government, and their institutions were mostly British. English was the dominant language and the majority were Protestant Christians. The colonies were otherwise remarkably diverse. While most were of British origins, the colonists came from a variety of European countries. Africans and the descendants of Africans, mostly enslaved, made up a large part of the population of the southern colonies and lived in every colony to the the north. American Indians—divided themselves by language and culture—lived in every colony, both in close proximity to colonists and on the colonial periphery. Each of the colonies had its own peculiar history. The colonies were further divided into economic regions that often interacted more with Britain and other parts of the Atlantic world than they did with one another.

The American Revolution replaced attachment to Britain and the king with attachment to personal independence, republicanism and the new national institutions that evolved under the pressure of events between the outbreak of war in 1775 and the inauguration of Thomas Jefferson—the first peaceful transition of federal authority from one party to another—in 1801. The Revolution provided the citizens of the new nation with a shared history—of battles won and hardships endured. It elevated shared heroes—George Washington above all, but also Benjamin Franklin, Francis Marion, Nathanael Greene, Lafayette, John Paul Jones and others. It celebrated great events—the battles of Lexington and Concord and Bunker Hill, the crossing of the Delaware, the desperate victories at Trenton and Princeton, the heroic defense of the southern backcountry, and the allied victory at Yorktown.

The American Revolution elevated ideas and the state papers in which they were given the force of law—the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution and the Bill of Rights—as cultural icons. It made noble phrases—Patrick Henry’s “Give me liberty or give me death,” Nathan Hale’s “I regret that I have but one life to give for my country,” and John Paul Jones’ “I have not yet begun to fight”—into national credos. And the Revolution gave us symbols of shared national identity: the image of Washington, the flag, the eagle and others. The Revolution is the source of important parts of our national folklore and the inspiration for works of art—including John Trumbull’s Battle of Bunker Hill and Emanuel Leutze’s Washington Crossing the Delaware —and literature—including Henry Wadsworth Longfellow’s Ride of Paul Revere and Ralph Waldo Emerson’s Concord Hymn, with its stirring opening stanza:

By the rude bridge that arched the flood, Their flag to April’s breeze unfurled, Here once the embattled farmers stood, And fired the shot heard round the world.

Our Highest Ideals

The American Revolutionaries dedicated the new nation they had created to ideals of liberty, equality, natural and civil rights and responsible citizenship. Our national history has been shaped and, in many respects, defined, by debates about the meaning and application of these ideals and their extension to men and women long denied their benefits. The Revolutionaries were far from perfect, but they articulated ideals that have motivated successive generations to work to achieve a more perfect union. Their ideals are the standards by which we have measured our progress.

Ideas have consequences. Americans adopted the language of universal liberty, equality and natural rights to provide an intellectual basis for their resistance to British authority. Having embraced ideas that made sense of their rebellion, they were compelled by the logic of their own arguments to consider the consequences of the ideas to which they had appealed. If all men were created equal and a government derives its just authority from the consent of the governed, the traditional arguments for limiting the right to vote to men of property became hard to justify. The ideals of the Revolution undermined the arguments generations of colonists had used to justify the enslavement of Africans and their African-American descendants. They encouraged women to demand the legal rights afforded men, including the right to vote. And, in our time, the universal claims of our Revolutionary ideals have inspired—and been employed to justify—efforts to spread those ideals to other countries.

The last 250 years of our history are incomprehensible without reference to our Revolutionary ideals. Those ideals framed the national debate over the future of slavery and inspired Lincoln’s great formulation of the crisis of the Union: “Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth, upon this continent, a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.” The movement for women’s equality drew inspiration from the Revolution in the same way, and is incomprehensible without an appreciation of our Revolutionary ideals. The women who led the movement for women’s suffrage—from the Seneca Falls Convention of 1848, where delegates adopted a “Declaration of Sentiments” modeled on the Declaration of Independence, to the young protesters who stood at the feet of Lafayette’s statue across from the White House in 1917 to demand the historic rights and liberties the American Revolution had secured for men—saw their movement as a fulfillment of our Revolutionary ideals. They were heirs to the American Revolution, the greatest movement in favor of human freedom in the history of the world, which has not yet concluded and is far from reaching its full potential.

If you share our concern about ensuring that all Americans understand and appreciate the constructive achievements of the American Revolution and honor its veterans, we invite you to join our movement. Sign up for news and notices from the American Revolution Institute. It costs nothing to express your commitment to thoughtful, responsible, balanced, non-partisan history education.

We encourage all teachers and school administrators to read why the american revolution matters , our basic statement about the importance of the american revolution. it outlines what every american should understand about the central event in american history. it will take you less than five minutes to read—and a few seconds to send the link to colleagues so they can read it, too., why the american revolution matters makes an ideal reading assignment for secondary school courses on american history or civics and can be used as the basis for a classroom discussion on the continuing importance of the american revolution. in a history or civics course, this can be the most important discussion of the school year..

Summary. Read a brief overview of the historical period, or longer summaries of major events. Brief Overview. Overview. The French and Indian War: 1754–1763. The Sugar and Stamp Acts: 1763–1766. The Boston Massacre and Tea Party: 1767–1774. The Revolution Begins: 1772–1775. American Society in Revolt: 1776–1777.

American Revolution Essay : American Revolution is also known as United States War of Independence. This American Revolutionary War started in 1775 and ended in the year 1783 and was between Great Britain and North America. In this revolutionary war, Great Britain’s 13 of North American colonies were given political independence. Local militiamen clashed with the […]

The American Revolution was rendered revolutionary in part by its proponents’ fierce desire to prove Locke right by demonstrating the human capacity for self-government. In his Second Treatise ...

Exclusively available on IvyPanda. The American Revolution was the war between the British Crown and American colonies, which led to the formation of the independent United States. The American Revolution was an attempt to rewrite the norms of a daily life and to break away from monarchial system that guided both personal and political behavior.

Teacher Guide for Guided DBQ: Causes of the American Revolution . Students will examine and evaluate primary and secondary source documents to construct an essay that analyzes the causes of the American Revolution . Preview Resource Add a Copy of Resource to my Google Drive.

A Plan of the City and Environs of Philadelphia, by William Faden, London, 1777 (Gilder Lehrman Collection) Philadelphia in those days was the commercial and cultural hub of the British colonies. During the boom stimulated by the French and Indian War, it had surpassed Boston as North America’s largest city.

Guided DBQ: Causes of the American Revolution . Culminating in the bold move of the American Colonies declaring independence in 1776, the American Revolution was not only a war, but a revolution of ideas around governance that had been evolving for many years. Why were the American colonists driven to declare war on the British Empire? Previous.

For readers in the United States, histories of the war between Britain and her mainland North American colonies are, at their deepest level, origins stories, which is one reason so many books about the Revolution have the word birth in their titles. 6 The story of the Revolution is our book of Genesis. Taking a god’s-eye view from blockaded ...

Although Britain won the war, the debts incurred during the war led to tension between the British government and the American colonies. March 1765 – The Stamp Act. 1767-1770 – The Townshend Act. In 1767 British Parliament again attempted to tax the colonies by passing the Townshend Acts. March 5, 1770 – The Boston Massacre.

Our Revolutionary War was the first successful colonial war for independence of modern times and has inspired independence movements all over the world. To win the war, the revolutionaries had to meet enormous challenges. The colonists who took up arms in 1775 were wholly unprepared for a war against a great power.

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The final phase of the Department the Education's K-12 Program, Senior High School comprises of two years, namely Grades 11 press 12, considered as an enhancement of aforementioned Philippines' Basic Professional. It aims on hone globally competitive citizens, on its professional curriculum, gearing Filipino students by further studies, employment or entrepreneurship.

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