cause and effect essay about early marriage

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Exploring the Consequences of Early Marriage: A Conventional Content Analysis

Javad yoosefi lebni.

1 Health Education and Health Promotion, School of Health, Iran University of Medical Sciences, Tehran, Iran

Mahnaz Solhi

2 Department of Education and Health Promotion, School of Health, Iran University of Medical Sciences, Tehran, Iran

Farbod Ebadi Fard Azar

Farideh khalajabadi farahani.

3 Department of Population & Health, National Population Studies & Comprehensive Management Institute, Tehran, Iran

Seyed Fahim Irandoost

4 Department of Community Medicine, School of Medicine,Urmia University of Medical Sciences, Urmia, Iran

Associated Data

Supplemental material, sj-docx-1-inq-10.1177_00469580231159963 for Exploring the Consequences of Early Marriage: A Conventional Content Analysis by Javad Yoosefi Lebni, Mahnaz Solhi, Farbod Ebadi Fard Azar, Farideh Khalajabadi Farahani and Seyed Fahim Irandoost in INQUIRY: The Journal of Health Care Organization, Provision, and Financing

Early marriage is one of the most important social issues for young women and can have many consequences. The present study aimed to explore the consequences of early marriage among Kurdish women in western Iran who were married under the age of 18. This qualitative study was conducted with the approach of conventional content analysis. The data were collected through semi-structured interviews with 30 women selected by purposeful sampling. Data analysis was performed using Graneheim and Lundman’s method. A total of 389 codes, 12 subcategories, 4 sub-categories, and 2 main categories were extracted from the data analysis. Negative consequences of early marriage include: 1—physical and psychological problems (high-risk pregnancy and childbirth, physical illnesses, depression, and emotional distress); 2—family problems (dissatisfaction with married life, experience of having lots of responsibility, lack of independence in family life); 3—social problems (risky social behaviors, lack of access to social and health services, social isolation, lack of access to a job, and educational opportunities); and 4—positive consequences, including receiving intra-family support, improving living conditions, and opportunities for progress and empowerment. It is possible to reduce problems and challenges after early marriage by increasing the awareness and knowledge of young women about contraceptives and providing appropriate social and health facilities, and services during pregnancy. Providing the necessary training and psychological counseling for them and their husbands on how to deal with personal problems and marital life will be effective to a great extent.

• What do we already know about this topic?
• Early marriage is associated with the following: non-use of contraceptives before the first delivery; high fertility (3 or more births); repeated pregnancy in less than three months; unwanted pregnancies; more domestic violence, including various forms of physical, emotional, and sexual violence; depression; the risk of getting sexually transmitted diseases; and preterm birth.
• How does your research contribute to the field?
• Few qualitative studies have been conducted on the consequences of early marriage in Iran and around the world. Therefore, the current research can reveal the hidden layers of this issue, and its results can be provided to site developers and planners to take action to improve the health of children who experience early marriage.
• What are your research’s implications for theory, practice, or policy?
• Early marriage brings many negative consequences for women, such as physical and mental problems and family and social challenges. Of course, in some cases, it can bring positive consequences, such as receiving support within the family, improving living conditions, and the opportunity for advancement and empowerment.

Introduction

In the last 3 decades, many national and international organizations have paid extensive attention to children’s rights. 1 One of the violations of children’s rights is early marriage, 2 which refers to marriage under the age of 18, 3 and it can have devastating consequences for both genders. However, it is regarded as an example of gender discrimination because it is more harmful to girls. 4 It is estimated that almost 5 times as many girls as boys are married under the age of 18, and about 250 million of them marry before the age of 13. 3 The rate of early marriage varies from country to country; Africa and Western Europe have the highest and lowest rates, respectively. 5 In Iran, the minimum legal age for the marriage of girls is 13, but men can marry girls under 13 with a judge’s order. 6 The prevalence of early marriage in rural areas of Iran is reported at 19.6 and in urban areas at 13.7. 7 In the first 9 months of 2016 in Iran, 13 820 cases of marriage under the age of 18 were registered. But the actual figures for early marriage appear to be higher than the official figures because many cases of early marriage occur within families and are not officially registered. 8

Early marriage in other countries occurs for reasons such as cultural beliefs, 9 social norms, 10 poverty, 11 control over girls, 12 and religion. 13 Low literacy and lack of awareness among girls and their parents, lack of decision-making power and authority of girls, gaining social prestige and support, and poverty have been identified as the most important causes of early marriage of girls in Iran. 6 , 14

There are many devastating consequences of early marriage. In a study, early marriage was significantly associated with non-use of contraceptives before the first delivery, high fertility (3 or more births), and repeated pregnancies—women becoming pregnant again within 3 months of giving birth. 15 A study on behavioral control and spousal violence toward women in Pakistan found that women who were married as children experienced more behavioral control than adult women. They also experienced more domestic violence, including various forms of physical and emotional violence. 16 Irani and Roudsari, in 2019, also showed in a review study that early marriage in girls was associated with death during childbirth, physical and sexual violence, depression, the risk of getting sexually transmitted diseases, and preterm birth. 17 A qualitative study conducted by Mardi et al in 2018 in Ardabil, Iran, showed that adolescent girls confronted experiences such as misunderstanding of sexual relations, death of dreams, and decreased independence. Also, the results of their study showed that adolescent girls could not understand life opportunities, and health care providers and policymakers needed to make adolescents aware of the negative consequences of early marriage and prevent them from doing it. 18

In Iran, few qualitative studies have been conducted on the consequences of early marriage, and none of the studies have been conducted in Kurdish regions. Since the study population is different in terms of ethnicity, language, and culture from other parts of Iran, and according to the experiences of the first author of the article, who has been conducting research on women in this area for many years, it seemed that a separate study should qualitatively examine the consequences of early marriage in this region. Therefore, the present study aimed to explore the consequences of early marriage among Kurdish women in western Iran.

Design and Participants

This qualitative study employed the conventional content analysis method. 19 Qualitative content analysis is an appropriate and coherent method for textual data analysis that is used with the aim of a better understanding of the phenomenon. In conventional content analysis, categories and subcategories are obtained directly from interviews or group discussions. 20 - 22

The study population consisted of married women who had married under the age of 18. The following criteria were used to select participants: having been married under the age of 18, being under 25 at the time of the study, residing in one of the 2 Kurdish provinces of Kermanshah or Kurdistan at the time of marriage, and willingness to participate in research.

Kermanshah and Kurdistan provinces are located in the west of Iran. These 2 provinces have many cultural and social commonalities. The people of both provinces are Kurds and speak Kurdish. Also, economically, both provinces are almost on the same level.

The purposeful sampling method was used in this study. The researchers proceeded to the study area after obtaining the ethics approval (IR.IUMS.REC.1397.1225) from the Iran University of Medical Sciences. Study participants were included based on inclusion criteria after collecting addresses from the selected health centers. Before beginning the interview sessions, the researchers explained the goals and objectives to the participants and written consent was obtained from all participants.

Data Collection

The information needed for the study was obtained through semi-structured face-to-face interviews. All interviews were conducted by a woman with a master’s degree in women’s studies who was familiar with qualitative research and semi-structured interviews. No men were present during the interviews so that the participants could quickly share their experiences with the researcher. All the interviews were recorded using a recorder, and note-taking was done during the interviews. The researcher initially chose a quiet place for the interview in coordination with the participant so that the interviews were conducted without the presence of another person, and the researcher tried to elicit the required information from the participants by creating a sincere atmosphere. First, she asked general questions. Then, after creating an empathetic atmosphere, she asked the more sensitive questions. At the beginning of each interview, in addition to stating the goals and necessity of the study, provided a brief description of their scientific resume. Then the interview started with a few questions about demographic characteristics, such as age and education, and continued with the main questions ( Table 1 ). The authors designed the interview questions and sent them to 3 participants as a test to ensure they could achieve the research objectives with the designed questions, which were approved. It then ended with short complementary questions to get the depth and breadth of the answers. The place and time of the interview were determined by the participants, mostly in places such as their homes, libraries, cultural places, parks, and other public places. The duration of the interviews varied for each participant, but the average time was 68 minutes. The interview was conducted in Kurdish and translated into Persian by the article’s first author. After data analysis, an expert translated all parts of the article into English. The first author assisted the translator, who explained any unclear parts to the translator so they could be translated better.

Interview Guide.

The researchers stopped the interviews when saturation occurred, and data saturation occurs when no new data are obtained from the interviews. 23 Conceptual saturation occurred in interview 23 when the codes were repetitive, but the researchers conducted 7 more interviews to gain greater confidence and prevent false saturation, reaching 30 people. Finally, data saturation was achieved after 30 interviews. Data collection and analysis began in July 2019 and ended on April 13, 2020.

Data Analysis

The data analysis process was performed using the 5 steps suggested by Graneheim and Lundman. 19 In the first step, the corresponding author and first author of the article listened to all the interviews that were recorded, once individually and then together. Later, they typed all the interviews in Microsoft Word. In the second step, the texts of the interviews were read several times to gain an understanding of the whole text. In the third step, the texts were read word for word, and thus, the codes were retrieved. The open codes were then categorized under more general headings. In the fourth step, the codes were categorized into categories based on their similarities and differences, and how they were related was determined. In the last step, the data were placed in the main categories, which were more abstract and more conceptual ( Table 2 ). The analysis of the data was done manually, and all the authors of the article monitored the process and expressed their views in separate meetings.

An Example of Data Analysis.

Ethical Considerations

The researchers went to the health centers of the surveyed cities and villages after receiving the ethics approval (IR.IUMS.REC.1397.1225) from the Iran University of Medical Sciences. The health centers were asked to identify women who met the study’s eligibility criteria and collect their contact information. When contacting the women, they were asked to determine the time and place of the interview. Then the researchers visited the people’s homes and invited them to participate by stating the research’s goals and necessity.

Trustworthiness

To confirm the validity and consistency of the study, the researchers used the Lincoln and Guba criteria. 24 To gain credibility in this study, the participants were selected based on who had the most diversity in terms of socioeconomic characteristics. Then the findings were given to 8 participants, and they expressed their views on the matching of the findings to their experiences of early marriage. In addition, because the researchers were natives of the study areas and had experience conducting qualitative research on Kurdish women, they could easily communicate with participants and obtain good information from them. To gain confirmability, the researchers sent the data analysis process to 4 people who were familiar with the principles of qualitative research and had experience conducting research on early marriage, and later, their supplementary feedback was used. To gain dependability, all the authors of the article participated in the process of analysis and coding, and the opinions of all members of the research team were used. Also, in order to obtain transferability, in addition to presenting many direct quotes from the participants, a detailed description of the whole research process was provided to the readers in this article ( Supplemental File 1 ). The results of the study were also given to 4 women who had similar characteristics to the participants in the project but did not participate in the study. They were asked to state whether they agreed with the research outcome and whether they had similar experiences with the participants in this study. Then they accepted the results of the study.

The study ended with the participation of 30 women, whose demographic characteristics are shown in Table 3 . After analyzing the data, 389 open codes, 14 subcategories, 4 categories, and 2 main categories were extracted, which are described below ( Table 4 ).

Demographic Characteristics of Participants.

Main Categories, Categories, Subcategories, and Codes Extracted From the Analysis of Interviews.

Negative Consequences of Early Marriage

Early marriage posed many challenges for women at various individual, family, and social levels, leading most participants to regret the marriage.

1—Physical and psychological problems

Marriage during childhood endangered women’s health and forced them to deal with additional medical and psychological issues, such as high-risk pregnancies and births, physical problems, yearning and remorse, and psychological difficulties.

High-risk pregnancies and childbirths

Most adolescent women had little awareness and knowledge about contraceptives due to the taboo of talking about sexual issues in Iran. These issues were never fully explained to adolescent women, so their knowledge was limited. Therefore, most adolescent women became pregnant accidentally, and since they had no preparation for this and had not received pregnancy knowledge in adolescence, they experienced several challenges that risked their and their child’s health.

“Honestly, I didn’t want to get pregnant, but I didn’t know how to prevent it. There was no one to guide me. I became pregnant very soon.” (Participant, 5) “I have had two abortions. Most of those who get married at a young age have such an experience.” (Participant, 14) “I really wanted to give birth naturally, but I couldn’t give birth to my baby, so I had a cesarean section.” (Participant, 28) “For the first four years of my life, I was pregnant all the time and my baby was not born alive. My body had nothing left.” (Participant, 17) “I became very weak after my child’s birth, and I had a lot of problems.” (Participant, 30)

Since adolescent women did not have the proper knowledge and skills of contraception, they usually became pregnant unwantedly soon after marriage, and because they were not physically and mentally ready for childbirth, they tackled many problems, which endangered the health of mothers and newborn children, and it may have even led to the death of both.

Having physical illnesses

Some girls who got married in childhood confronted many physical problems and got pregnant, which could affect their health and reduce their quality of life. Most of these girls who got married early were from humble families, and on the one hand, they had financial problems in preparing proper food, and on the other hand, they did not eat nutritious food due to their lack of nutrition knowledge. Therefore, they confronted many physical problems. The pressures of early pregnancy could also exacerbate the disease and physical problems.

“I had my first abortion, then I had a nosebleed two months later. I went to the doctor. They told me that my blood pressure had gone up. Every once in a while, my blood pressure rises, and it bothers me.” (Participant, 4) “I don’t know, maybe I’m wrong, but I feel like the marriage made me have a severe headache. I went to a doctor, and he said I had a migraine.” (Participant, 10) “I’m young, but every part of my body is in pain. Sometimes my backache drives me crazy.” (Participant, 18)

Girls who got married during childhood had many physical problems after the marriage that could endanger their health and lower their quality of life.

Depression and emotional distress

The experience of love and having children is one of the sweetest moments in most women’s lives, but most women who got married in childhood did not get this sweet experience since most of their marriages were traditional and without love and affection. Therefore, most adolescent women became pregnant accidentally, and since they had no preparation for this and had not received pregnancy knowledge in adolescence, they experienced several challenges that risked their and their child’s health. Also, the fact that many girls were forced to drop out of school after marriage, which made them regret that they did not continue their education in order to have a job. This lack of a job and sufficient literacy caused them to have less self-confidence. These events increased the problems and challenges of adolescent women, while they had neither the training nor the skills to cope with any of these challenges, so in some cases, these women saw no other way but to end their lives and commit the severest and most violent type of suicide attempts, i.e., self-immolation.

“I never had the childhood that I always yearned for. I always wanted to ride a bike, but they forced me to marry. “After marriage, if you ride a bike, everyone will blame you.” (Participant, 20) “When I see some of my friends getting married with love and affection, my heart breaks, and I feel very sorry that I wish I had fallen in love.” “It’s annoying that I can’t experience love anymore.” (Participant, 30) “I cry when I hear from some people that the best experiences of their lives are being married and having children because it has been the worst experience of my life.” (Participant, 3) “I regret when I thought I could enjoy my marriage and having children, but because of my early marriage, everything was ruined.” (Participant, 1) “I haven’t laughed from the bottom of my heart for a long time. I’m always sad for getting married early. I’m not in the mood for anyone. My sister tells me I’m depressed.” (Participant, 12) “I have decided several times to kill myself and get rid of this life. Once I poured oil on myself, but as soon as I lit the fire, my brother-in-law understood and did not let me kill myself.” (Participant, 12) “My self-confidence is very low. I feel worthless. I don’t like to be with others at all. When I want to talk, I mispronounce some words.” (Participant, 20)

Early marriage prevents a child from experiencing childhood and adolescence like their peers. Marriage can be marvelous experience for many people, but early marriage turns it into one of the worst events of girls’ lives. These issues could lead girls who had been married as children to face a lot of yearnings and regrets. Also, when these young women saw their successful peers who had been educated and had a job, they inevitably compared it with their lives and circumstances and have more regret. Early marriage puts a lot of pressure on women, causing them a lot of psychological harm, and because they have no skills or abilities to solve these problems, it lowers their self-confidence and increases their feelings of inferiority. As a result, it led to depression, and in the end, it could even lead to suicide.

2—Family problems

Families, in which early marriage is common are more fragile than other families due to their circumstances and face many problems and in some cases these problems can destroy the functioning of that family.

Dissatisfaction with married life

As previously mentioned, most girls who married in childhood lost the opportunity to continue their education, learn skills, and get a job, and thus, they became financially dependent on their husbands. In some cases, their husbands have abused this financial dependency, giving women less money and necessities of life, and somehow using economic or financial violence against them. Adolescent women also entered into married life without any skills or education, and in some cases, their husbands may be young and have no skills and training for married life. Consequently, women may undergo sexual violence from the beginning. And after marriage, there were some problems in their genitals, as some participants said that on the wedding night, they were bothered and hurt because they or their partner did not know how to have sex. They may also be subjected to physical and psychological violence due to their lack of marital management skills and their poor position in married life.

In some marriages, the age gap between couples was so huge that they had no understanding of each other, so in many cases, either divorce occurred, or they tolerated each other only to avoid the restrictions and problems after getting a divorce. Most women said they did not have a desired married life, which in some cases led to divorce, and if they were still in a relationship, there was an emotional separation and sexual dissatisfaction.

“I’m not financially independent. Every time I ask my husband for money, he annoys me a lot to give me money. Sometimes he forces me to stop another request for the money he gives me.” (Participant, 14) “It’s been less than two months since our marriage, my husband gave me a beating. He is very violent. He often beats me for trivial things.”(Participant, 15) “I’ve heard a lot of insults from my husband. He says a lot of ugly things to me. Sometimes he yells at me in the family gathering and says ugly things to me.” (Participant, 1) “I didn’t know much about sex in the beginning, so I didn’t know how to please my husband. My husband sometimes got angry and told me I didn’t know anything, and he would do whatever he wanted, even if I wasn’t happy.” (Participant, 8) “I was very annoyed the first night and that’s why I never enjoy sex anymore. Every time we do this, I get more annoyed. My sister, who got married early, says like me, she doesn’t enjoy it at all.” (Participant, 25) “My husband and I don’t understand each other at all. Sometimes we don’t talk for ten minutes in a week. If it weren’t for my baby, I would separate.” (Participant, 23) “I had a disagreement and argument with my husband from the very beginning of my life. He said “you don’t know anything”. Our life wasn’t good at all. We fought with each other all the time and I had to divorce him.” (Participant, 12) “My husband and I have a big age difference, so we can’t satisfy each other sexually.” (Participant, 6)

Girls who married as adolescents had lower levels of awareness, abilities, and power in adulthood, as well as an understanding of social rights, sexual dilemmas, and marriage and their spouses mistreated them. Furthermore, since they grew up in a traditional environment where discussing sex was usually frowned upon and they had not been adequately acquainted with sex in the educational system, they lacked a solid knowledge of sex and were unable to meet the needs of their husbands. They were sexually assaulted and may have suffered serious injuries. Some of the participants were forced to marry or married owing to poor social and economic situations, without love or desire, and had a significant age gap with their spouses. As a result, they had numerous troubles in life and were dissatisfied with their marriage.

Experience of having a lot of responsibility

Many wives, even though they were still children, were forced to take on various responsibilities that put a lot of pressure on them. In fact, teenage girls were forced to take on responsibilities as a wife for which they were not yet prepared. But this was not the end of the story, because they added another responsibility with their early pregnancy. If they were unlucky that in the event of the death of their husband, they had to take on the responsibility of the head of the household, and taking on all these responsibilities without receiving any training and support can endanger their health and even their future.

“When I got married, I was very young. I used to watch cartoons at my father-in-law’s house. My husband argued with me many times about this. He said, ‘Why are you behaving like this? You grew up. You mustn’t watch the cartoon.’ ”(Participant, 26) “We lived with my husband’s family. They expected me to behave like a perfect woman, but I didn’t know many things. Whenever they had guests, they would argue with me a lot, saying my behavior was wrong.” (Participant, 2) “When my husband died, I was 17 years old and had a two-month-old baby. I had to be both a father and a mother to my child while I was still a child.” (Participant, 4) “It wasn’t until a month after we got married that I realized I was pregnant. I got confused; I didn’t know what to do. I was just crying. I was a child myself. When my baby was born, I couldn’t protect her at all.” (Participant, 23) “I was a child myself, but I was expected to be both a good wife and a good mother. No one understood me.” (Participant, 29) “I feel like I didn’t have a typical adolescent experience like others. I knew I had been thrust from my childhood into the adult world. It is really difficult to adjust to married life.” (Participant No. 1)

With early marriage, children were forced to take on several different responsibilities at the same time. Each of these responsibilities had its own importance, and because they had no training for any of these roles, they were under a lot of pressure.

Lack of independence in family life

When women got married in childhood, they had very little power in their married lives because they did not know many issues related to life. Also, because they lived with the husband’s family, in many cases, they interfered in the young couple’s life under the pretext of instructing them on the issues of married life so that they made the final decision in their personal issues and decided for them what to do and what not to do. This may happen in all stages of life and is not only related to the early years of married life. Several participants stated that even after having children, the husband’s family had made the main decisions in their lives.

“My husband makes his decisions without telling me anything.” He hasn’t asked my opinion at all. (Participant, 8) “My mother-in-law makes a lot of decisions for me.” She says, “You are very young.” “You don’t have much experience.” (Participant, 4) “I can’t even wear my favourite clothes; I didn’t want to have children at all, but my husband’s family kept on me about it, so I had to do it.” (Participant, 2) “When you get married as a child, everyone likes to interfere in your life because they think you don’t understand anything about life.” (Participant, 30) “I wanted to name my daughter whatever I liked, but my husband and his family chose something else.” “They didn’t ask me if I liked this name or not.” (Participant, 18)

Girls become more vulnerable in their married lives as a result of early marriage, and they have less bargaining and negotiating power to achieve their goals. There should also be space for others to interfere, as adults think that the young bride does not have enough experience and should be trained to live, so they allow themselves to interfere in their most personal matters.

3—Social problems

In addition to individual and family problems, young women also faced problems and limitations in society that could make their living conditions more difficult.

Risky social behaviors

Since most women married in childhood out of compulsion or unawareness and it was rare for them to marry out of love and affection, they faced difficulties in married life because they were not emotionally supported in the family. Moreover, they wanted to fill this emotional void by building up emotional or even sexual relationships outside the family. Early marriage could lead to other high-risk behaviors, such as smoking and alcohol consumption. In rare cases, women resorted to alcohol and smoking to endure post-marital conditions and to reduce or alleviate their pain. Of course, sometimes, due to their young age and big age difference with their husbands, they had less power in the family, so if their husbands were addicted to drugs, they may have forced young women to use drugs.

“My husband and I have a big age difference. We cannot understand each other at all. We also have sexual problems. “My husband cannot satisfy me much, so I sometimes have sex with other people to satisfy my sexual needs.” (Participant. 7) “I’m 22 years younger than my husband. We don’t understand each other at all. “I often go on social networks and talk with other people.” (Participant, 17) “For the first few years of my life, I just cried.” My husband is a smoker. “I started smoking; at first he disagreed, but then he didn’t say anything to me.” (Participant, 2) “In order to think less about my life and grieve less, I sometimes drink.” “We always have it in the fridge; my husband drinks a lot.” (Participant, 14)

Marriage in childhood causes many problems for girls. In some cases, these girls were drawn to risky social behaviors to get rid of these conditions or to endure them.

Lack of access to social and health services

Adolescent women needed a lot of social and health services after marriage due to the physical condition of pregnancy and the psychological pressures of married life in order to cope with the new situation. However, in the study area, there was no special service for these women, and they were left alone and helpless. This could make the process of adapting to the new life more difficult for them. Also, most married teenage women had low literacy due to early marriage and dropping out of school. In many cases, they were not able to use modern technologies, so they were not familiar with the internet. Therefore, they could not use its contents to raise their awareness and knowledge of the issues of married life.

“They do not provide us with any health services.” “Even when we become pregnant, there is no organisation to support us.” (Participant, 3) “We face many problems during and after pregnancy, but the government and other organisations do not help us at all, and sometimes we are even reprimanded in hospitals.” (Participant, 17) “When I got married, I didn’t know many things. “There was no special place for me to ask for their help and advice.” (Participant, 11) “I studied until the third grade of elementary school. I don’t know much about education. I can’t even work with new phones. “I don’t know anything about the Internet, either.” (Participant, 15) “I and all those who got married at a really young age have our own special needs, but there is no special place for us.” (Participant, 29)

Despite the many social and health needs of girls who had experienced early marriage, there was no institution or organization in society to support these girls, and no special training or privileges were provided for them. Lack of sufficient literacy and media skills and abilities was another problem for these women, which made them not even know how to find the answers to their questions.

Social isolation

According to the culture and customs of the society under study, when a woman gets married, she needs to devote all her time and attention to her family and spend less time with her friends, especially her single friends. This issue causes girls who get married early to stay away from their peers. Likewise, when they dropped out of school due to marriage and became pregnant, they had to stay home full time and raise their children. Therefore, most of these women were socially isolated, and their circle of social relationships became limited. This issue can cause many psychological and social problems for them.

“When I got married, I cut off most of my school friends.” Nobody was left. “I felt very bad.” (Participant, 6) “My husband doesn’t like me to be in a relationship with my single friends.” “I had nobody left to confide in.” (Participant, 20) “In my husband’s family, those who are married are all too old, and I cannot be intimate with single people.” That’s why I have more relationships with people who are older than me. We cannot understand each other. “I hate having to deal with people who are older than me, and we don’t understand each other.” (Participant, 17) “After marriage, I had to stay at home all the time.” My husband is the driver of a big truck. He’s been at home for at least 4-5 days. When he leaves, I have to stay home. Because he dislikes it, I go somewhere alone. (Participant, 26)

Girls who married young were cut off from their peers’ worlds and were forced to have relationships with people their older age. This made them less inclined to have relationships with others, which in turn led to more social isolation. Also, it was not culturally acceptable for married women to associate with single girls. So, girls who have early marriages will soon be separated from their peers.

Lack of access to job and educational opportunities

Most participants stated that after marriage, they were forced to drop out of school or had studied for a short time. So, they did not have the opportunity to learn a skill due to marrying early and getting busy with life and child care.

“I was 16 when I got married, and then I had to drop out of school. My husband used to say, “Why does a woman want to study!?” (Participant, 2) “I got married as a child. I didn’t know anything. Now that I want to have a job, I don’t have any skills. “I wish I hadn’t gotten married.” (Participant, 3) “I was good at tailoring.” I was learning fashion design with my aunt. She always told me that I had the best talent. But when I got married, I could continue my work only for a month. Then I knew that I was pregnant. “I got busy with child care and quit my work.” (Participant, 19)

Many children are forced to drop out of school after marriage and are forced to stay at home as housewives, having no financial independence because they are neither educated nor skilled.

Positive Consequences

Marriage in childhood is not only associated with negative consequences; in some cases, these marriages can be useful and improve the lives and health of young girls, or at least save them from the bad conditions of the paternal family.

1—Gaining support and empowerment

This category consists of the subcategories of receiving intra-family support, improving living conditions, and the opportunity for progress and empowerment.

Receiving intra-family support. Young brides enjoyed a lot of prestige in their husband’s family, receiving more attention and support due to the existing social and cultural norms of the study area. In some cases, where the bride and groom were both very young, their families, and especially the groom’s family, had a duty to fully support them. The young couples received more financial support, and in some cases, they were paid living expenses for years. Paying living expenses for a young couple can relieve them of the worries of having a job, and thus, they can continue their education. Besides, young couples may have very little sexual knowledge at the beginning, so their family members, especially the women, can provide the young bride with information about the ways of having sex, etc. Of course, providing this kind of information has decreased in recent years because, with the expansion of internet access, young couples can find the information they need. In most cases, young brides who had lived with the husband’s family for a few years received more support from his family during pregnancy and childbirth. Because most of the child-related work was done by the mother-in-law or sister-in-law. However, if the bride is not young, none of this support may be provided. Thus, such situations can be considered one of the positive consequences of early marriage for girls.

“I didn’t know anything about married life, but my sister-in-law, who had an early marriage, explained everything to me before the wedding.”(Participant, 13) “My husband and I were both very young, so my father helped us, and my husband’s family didn’t let us be under much pressure.” They said, “You’re too young; we have to take care of you.” (Participant, 16) “When I told my mother-in-law that I was pregnant, she got very happy.” She told me not to worry at all, and she would take care of my baby herself. Indeed, it was as she said. She did everything related to my baby until my baby reached 3 years old. (Participant, 9)

Young couples were supported more by their families after marriage, as early marriage was accepted by the parents in the study area.

Improving living conditions

There were a lot of demands for marriage with adolescent girls. Some of these girls, who lived in families with poor economic and social conditions, could save their lives and their families’ lives by marrying people who had better economic and social status. In some cases, this change in their economic and social status may lead to their inner satisfaction with early marriage.

“I lived in a poor family. When I got married, my situation changed a lot. I had things I couldn’t even dream of. “It’s true that my husband is 10 years older than me, but I’m very happy with my life.” (Participant, 7) “My father was an addict, and he sold drugs.” Our house was always full of addicts. My uncle was always very worried that my father’s friends would hurt me. That’s why he adopted me as his son. He supported us a lot. We have the best life now. Maybe if I hadn’t gotten married sooner, my life would have been ruined, and I would have killed myself. (Participant, 27)

In some cases, girls living in economically and socially disadvantaged families made significant changes to their lives through early marriage. The early marriage made it easier for them to achieve better conditions, so this made them happy and satisfied.

Opportunities for progress and empowerment

Some women who dropped out of school in their singlehood due to financial and social limitations were able to resume their studies after marriage with the support of their husbands and even be accepted to university. This led to their inner satisfaction. Some of the other participants were able to pursue their favorite hobbies and activities, gain skills in various fields, and have a job that was not possible for them in their single life due to their financial and social restrictions.

“Before I got married, I dropped out of school. After marriage, my husband helped me to continue my study. He was the teacher of the village. My mother-in-law helped with the housework. That’s why I spent most of my time studying. I was accepted in the entrance exam of the University of Medical Sciences. Maybe if I hadn’t gotten married, I wouldn’t have thought about studying.” (Participant, 21) “Before I got married, I really wanted to be a hairdresser, but my family didn’t allow me. After marriage, my husband took me to hairdressing courses. “Now I have a hair salon, and I am really happy with my life.” (Participant, 7) “When my first child was born, I felt very good.” I felt like I matured. I enjoyed seeing that I could take care of my kid. I did my best to take care of her in the best possible way. “When all my husband’s family members praised me, my self-confidence increased.” (Participant, 22) “My husband is a good person and helps me a lot to be someone for myself.” When I finished my sewing class and got a job, I felt good about myself. “I feel like I can do anything well.” (Participant, 21) “I enjoy seeing everyone count on me and get help and advice from me in their work, especially when my husband’s family or my family is complimenting me in front of others.” (Participant, 13)

Some of the participants grew up in families that put a lot of restrictions on them and prevented them from doing what they loved to do, but by getting married, these restrictions were removed and they pursued their favorite interests and skills, and this issue has led to the development of their talents. Some other women who were able to cope with life’s problems after marriage also felt good, which made them more satisfied.

The aim of this study was to explore the consequences of early marriage among Kurdish women in western Iran. The results showed that early marriage was associated with severe negative consequences that could jeopardize the future of women and their families. But in a substantial number of cases—nearly a quarter of participants—early marriage had positive consequences for them. It made positive differences in their lives.

Physical weakness and illness were some of the consequences of early pregnancy, which could be due to the fact that these women were married at a time when their bodies had not yet completed the growth process and they were not ready to face the stress of pregnancy and childbirth. The occurrence of physical problems among women who are early married has also been shown in previous studies. 25 In this regard, another physical consequence of early marriage was high-risk pregnancy and childbirth, which was repeatedly mentioned by women. It may also be due to incomplete pelvic growth and possibly the synchronization of pregnancy and puberty development. These consequences had also been shown in previous studies. 26 , 27 Adhikari et al also found that women who married under the age of 18 had more unwanted pregnancies than other women. 28 Adolescent women did not have any understanding of marital relations and early pregnancy after marriage. So, they got pregnant very quickly without wanting to, and neither their bodies were ready for such a pregnancy nor were they mentally ready to accept it. Thus, the process of pregnancy and childbirth was difficult and painful for them. This could endanger the health of the child and the mother, leading to multiple abortions. One of the main reasons for early pregnancy in these women was the low awareness and weak communication skills of these women and their husbands; therefore, the need for continuous instruction before and after marriage to help these couples was becoming more apparent. Marriage education and telephone counseling can be one of the strategies to help women plan for pregnancy and childbirth in order to prevent negative consequences.

Emotional and psychological problems were another consequence of early marriage, which were frequently mentioned by the participants in this study. Women who married young had different and unfavorable experiences in their lives. Since they spent most of their life periods (childhood, adolescence, etc.) experiencing being forced and without being satisfied, they had different conditions from their peers, and this led to a kind of yearning and remorse in them. Marriage in childhood also deprives many girls of the opportunity to continue their education and employment. This had led to longing and regret for them, which bothered them. In this line, challenges such as depression, suicide ideation and attempt, feelings of inferiority, and low self-confidence were other psychological problems at the individual level that were mentioned. A study conducted by Uecker found that early marriage had a negative effect on women’s mental health. 29 Research by John et al and Daraz et al also showed that women who experienced early marriage had psychological problems, such as stress, depression, and anxiety. 30 , 31 Many married women were unprepared to experience any of the realities of their lives and never received training on how to deal with them, which puts them under a lot of stress. Failure to provide a proper response can lead to suicide. In 2019, the study of Lebni et al conducted in the Kurdish regions of Iran (the study area of this study), found that forced marriage was one of the important determinants of women’s self-immolation. 32 Gage, in his study, found a significant association between early marriage and suicide attempts. 33 This is one of the issues that requires mental health intervention for couples who have early marriages.

The findings of this study indicated that women who married as children frequently experienced emotional and sexual dissatisfaction and conflict. In some cases, they stated that they were forced to continue their marital relationship, and if they had suitable conditions or received more support from their father’s family, they would no longer be willing to continue the married life. The study of Hajihasani and Sim, conducted in Iran, explored that women who had the experience of early marriage had low satisfaction with marital life. 8 Emotional divorce was another noticeable consequence of early marriage in this study, which has been less discussed in previous studies. Some women stated that they did not have a stable relationship with their husbands in their married lives and that they were only physically together and did not have any emotional interactions with each other. Tilson and Larsen also reported that early marriage could lead to divorce. 34 This can also be due to the fact that early marriages are not based on real knowledge and interest and occur mostly by force or due to irrelevant reasons such as coercion, war, economic problems, etc.

Experiencing all kinds of violence was one of the family consequences of early marriage in this study. Most previous research had shown that early marriage sets the stage for violence. 16 , 35 - 37

The experience of having lots of responsibility while they had not yet completed childhood was another family problem of early marriage. Most participants stated that they had some sort of identity conflict due to having lots of responsibilities at the same time. These women were forced to take on the responsibilities of wives while they were still children, and after having children, the responsibilities of mothers were added. Since most of these women lived with their husbands’ families, they were forced to take on more responsibility, which put a lot of pressure on them.

Lack of autonomy due to a lack of awareness and a lack of life knowledge and skills was another important consequence of early marriage in this study. The results showed that women who got married early had a weak position in family life, and many life decisions were made by their husbands or even the husband’s family. Research conducted by Mardi et al also found that women who experienced early marriage were less independent in family life. 18

In response to these problems, some of the women had high-risk behaviors, such as having relationships outside of the family, having the desire to run away from home, and having the desire for alcohol and smoking. In this study, in contrast to previous research that studied the association of early marriage with prostitution and AIDS, 38 - 40 there was no prostitution among any of the samples that could refer to the social and cultural conditions of the study area because most women in this study lived in villages or small towns where everyone knew each other and could not engage in prostitution. Of course, it should be noted that there were tendencies to run away from home and have an emotional relationship outside the family.

Lack of access to social and health services was one of the interesting findings in this study. For instance, women who experienced early marriage had the greatest need for social and health services. This may be because young women are not literate enough to use these services and may also be restricted by their husbands and unable to use them. Paul and Chouhan also reported in a study of Indian women that women who married under the age of 18 had less access to maternal health care than other women. 41

Lack of access to opportunities for education and employment was another finding of this study that led women to social isolation with early marriage, and it is consistent with previous research. 42 , 43 Most women who married as children were forced to drop out of school and had no chance of learning job skills, which in turn made them weak and fragile and led to other problems. Beattie et al considered staying in school to be a way to prevent children from marrying and falling into the trap of prostitution. 39 Therefore, strategies and interventions should be provided to complete the education and training of women who marry early.

Although the negative consequences of an early marriage outweighed the positive consequences, one of the important findings was that a quarter of the women reported positive results of early marriages, and in contrast to previous studies that showed only negative consequences, this study revealed the fact that women’s marriages in certain family contexts, such as parental addiction and poor family circumstances, had exceptionally improved women’s condition. This, however, cannot be generalized and requires further investigation when these outcomes are positive. One of the positive results was receiving more family support. Some young women said that after marriage, they were supported by their and their husband’s families in issues such as sex and marriage, finance, and childcare. These supports are rooted in a cultural belief that gives the young bride more value and dignity, and in the community under study, having a young bride is considered an advantage, so families are more supportive of their young brides. The improvement of life conditions was another desirable consequence of early marriage. This finding adds to previous research showing that early marriage under certain conditions may have positive outcomes, but in total, negative outcomes outweigh the positive ones. Providing opportunities for progress and empowerment was another new and thought-provoking finding in this study that occurred in a limited number of cases. The results showed that early marriage changed the living conditions of some women by developing their talents. In fact, with their marriages and the support of their husbands, the women who dropped out of school before marriage were able to return to school to learn and develop their favorite skills. This caused them to have high self-confidence and self-efficacy. This finding could be the basis for future research on the conditions under which a woman’s early marriage had positive consequences.

Strengths and Limitations

This research is one of the few studies that has qualitatively examined the consequences of early marriage in Iran, especially in Kurdish areas that have their own social and cultural context. So, it can provide first-hand information for policymakers, social workers, and activists in the field of children and women in order to have a proper plan to reduce the negative consequences of this phenomenon. Another strength of the present study was that the researchers were natives of the study area and had the experience of conducting several studies on women’s problems. Hence, they were well acquainted with the characteristics and social customs of that region. They obtained the women’s consent to participate in the research in a better way, and they created such an atmosphere for the interviews that the women shared their information more easily with them.

However, there were some limitations to this study. The first limitation was the lack of familiarity of the women studied with the process of qualitative research and their fear of participating in the research. The researchers could attract their attention by explaining the process of interviews and publishing results, as well as by using a woman researcher familiar with the qualitative study. The study was conducted only among women who were married under the age of 18 and were less than 25 years old at the time of the interview. So, it can be said that the results of our study mostly showed the short-term consequences of early marriage. Therefore, it is suggested that further studies be conducted among older women to reveal the long-term effects and consequences of early marriage. Besides, this study was conducted only among one of the Iranian ethnic groups (Kurds), who have a different social and cultural structure than other Iranian ethnic groups, so these results cannot be considered a complete representation of Iranian society. According to the findings, it is suggested to carry out qualitative research with the title “Exploring the long-term consequences of early marriage” and “Exploring the consequences of early marriage from the perspective of men.”

The results showed that early marriage caused many individual, family, and social problems for women that could endanger their health, but in a limited number of cases, early marriage had some positive consequences, such as receiving intra-family support, improving living conditions, and eventually creating an opportunity for progress and empowerment. Therefore, in the first stage, early marriage should be prevented, but if it happens, in order to reduce the negative effects and consequences, young men and women can be educated and provided with conditions for having a less dangerous pregnancy and childbirth. Hence, providing necessary training and psychological counseling on how to deal with personal and married life problems with appropriate health and social services is necessary.

Supplemental Material

Acknowledgments.

The authors would like to thank all the participants who patiently participated.

Authors’ Contributions: Javad Yoosefi Lebni: Methodology, Formal analysis, Investigation, Writing—original draft, Supervision. Mahnaz Solhi: Conceptualization,—review & editing. Farbod Ebadi Fard Azar: Conceptualization,—review & editing, Supervision. Farideh Khalajabadi Farahani: Methodology, Data curation, Formal analysis, Investigation, Writing—original draft, Supervision. Seyed Fahim Irandoost: Investigation, Methodology.

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding: The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Ethics Approval and Consent to Participate: The study was approved by the Ethics Committee of Iran University of Medical Sciences (Code: IR.IUMS.REC.1397.1225). Written consent was obtained from all participants. In addition, the researchers obtained written consent from the spouses of the participants who were under 18 years of age.

Supplemental Material: Supplemental material for this article is available online.

Early Marriage and Its Impact on Education Research Paper

Introduction.

Elementary education has undergone remarkable growth over the last three decades in the enrollment of the underprivileged societal groups like ethnic, cultural, linguistic, and economic minorities. Due to the rise in the enrollment of learners from the underprivileged groups, learning institutions have largely become diverse. Apparently, schools currently have been hit by a myriad of complex emerging issues and challenges. This aspect requires the relevant authorities to address the rising needs and objectives of diverse learners. This paper will examine and discuss challenges the impact of marriage on the education of children. The paper will predict and suggest what policymakers and school authorities should do in a bid to curb the negative effects emerging from this issue.

The tenacious exclusion practices by teachers, school bureaucracies, and society concerning the underachieving students’ socio-economic, cultural, and political perceptions greatly influence the learners’ capabilities (Cherubini, Hodson, Manley‐ Casimir & Muir, 2010). The assumption that schools are for boys and girls are for marriage is retrogressive; unfortunately, it persists in the contemporary society across the world. This perception largely contributes to early marriages amongst school going girls. This paper will show that early marriages influence children’s education in many ways and the practice has contributed to increased school dropouts especially amongst girls, thus creating a barrier to social justice and personal development.

Given the significant impacts that early marriage has had on education, this paper builds on the available recent research to establish the extent of early marriage and its impacts on the lives of children. This paper conducts an extensive inquiry to gather information from multi-disciplinary academic articles related to this topic. In addition, the paper incorporates the existing information to build on new and consistent knowledge. Since child development and learning adjustment is a crucial process for both girls and boys, this paper will adopt a balanced model to analyze the impacts of exposing children to early marriages at the cost of their education. According to Nguyen and Wodon (2012), demographic and health surveys indicate that girls and boys below 18 years of age are too young to be involved in marital and reproductive transitions. This tendency contributes to school dropouts or slow intellectual progress, thus lowering their education prospects substantially.

The current statistics

Table 1 below shows data on trends in the occurrence of child marriage for girls below the age of 18 years. This data indicates that child marriage is decreasing, but at a slow pace, and thus the prospect of eliminating early marriage remains elusive. The data show that different income groups influence early marriages with less developed countries recording more cases as compared to their developed counterparts.

The impact of early marriage on education

In many cases, the decision by a girl or her parents to get married at tender age is highly subject to the girl’s potential and capabilities to stand out in school. Girls, who are weak in school, have low prospects in education, and thus they presumably have very little to lose in the future; hence, they are discouraged to go on with studies as compared with girls who have high intellectual capabilities. However, studies have shown that poor performance in school is related to socio-economic, racial, linguistic, and regional disparities. These differences have an adverse effect on the personality and performance of children in school. These impacts are highly pronounced among the learners who belong to the underprivileged families (Cherubini et al., 2010). Early marriage is a major factor contributing to school drop out for female children between the ages of 9 and 17 (Finlay & Neumark, 2008). Some regions have cultural practices that constrain girls from exercising their social justice on decisions to marry. This section will explore the several challenges that affect education of children due to early marriages.

Termination of education

Some cultures gold that girls are for marriage and school should be for the boys. In the developing countries, particularly the northern part of Nigeria, girls should be in their husband’s house during their first menstrual cycle (Nguyen & Wodon, 2012). Some communities even give out girls immediately they are born. When these girls grow and learn of what the family or society expects of them, they are discouraged since nobody expects them to excel in school as opposed to their male counterparts. These cultural practices have led some societies astray by denying the young people the chance to compete in school and make their own decisions in life. When these girls join schools, there are less likely to concentrate since they see themselves as baby-making machines, thus leading to poor performance, which compels them to pull out of school voluntarily. However, girls should be given the right to make personal life choices and societies should ensure that everyone is accorded equal rights to life. On the other hand, boys gradually turn into fathers while in school. The influence of peer pressure is increasingly forcing school going boys to engage in teen sex. Some communities believe in taking responsibilities of personal own choices. Therefore, these young boys are compelled to marry at tender age when they do not have the capacity to have families (Finlay & Neumark, 2008). The pressure of sustaining marriage livelihood becomes demanding and the young boys cannot concentrate in school. They are forced to discontinue their studies and find means to feed their young families.

Isolating girls

When girls marry while in school, they are separated from their peers in school and it takes time to adjust to the new environment with their husbands. This isolation affects the girls’ concentration in schools emotionally and psychologically, thus leading to undesired results. Married girls in most cases find themselves missing classes to cater for family issues and they are forced to do catch up studies. The pressure intensifies, thus forcing them to quit or fail in their studies (Finlay & Neumark, 2008). This aspect affects their social life since they cannot interact with their educated peers. The girls become dependent on their husbands, thus compromising their socio-economic opportunities and power. In case the early married school-age girls become widowed, they have nobody to support their education and with little options to raise their families.

Low quality of education

Studies have shown a close link between early marriage and the quality of education (Finlay & Neumark, 2008). The mainstream perception that learners should marry after completion of their education process creates identity crises and the actual perception of social selves hinders these girls from socializing or conducting discussions in classrooms. For instance, when teachers have to discuss topics relating to early marriages, they might be forced to overlook some important details pertaining the topic mainly to avoid what might look as discussing the married members of the class. Therefore, they do not address the pertinent points surrounding the issue, and thus the quality of education is compromised. The entire class might be misled on some crucial issues regarding early marriage, which might affect their future lives.

Poverty and marriage

Financial stability exerts a substantial impact on a child’s learning and school attendance, and this influence contributes to girls’ early marriage in many ways. The learning institutions incorporate learners from wide social orientations. Children from poor backgrounds are affected psychologically and they end up losing concentration on studies, which leads to poor performance. The teacher-student relationship also plays a significant role. For instance, teachers who label such students as slow learners might encourage them to pull out of school. Parents decide to let their girls marry and reduce the financial burden that come with education. Marital status becomes an influential predictor of school attendance for the married girls. Most girls feel ashamed whilst interacting with fellow students who see them as wives rather than students. The divided attention forces the young girls to pull out or terminate their studies at lower levels (Koppelman & Goodhart, 2011). This aspect undermines the girls’ potential to explore their capabilities and become independent in the future. In addition, early poverty and neglect among young learners gradually develop to adolescence learning disorders. Developmental cognitive studies indicate that early brain development forms the basis of intellectual progress and learning (Egbo, 2009). Therefore, when girls get married while in school, they are further interrupted, and thus they get an excuse to drop out of school. The poverty cycle continues, thus leading to low social status. This aspect does not only affect the young girls, but also the economic growth of a country.

Economic factors

Poor societal value for girls leads to early marriage, but this notion varies across different cultures. In many societies, women are considered as incompetent in the workplace, hence unproductive as opposed to men. Such societies hold that girls create a financial burden, and thus their parents let them be married in a bid to ease such monetary encumbrances. Sometimes, girls get married early to offset their parents’ debts. These girls find it difficult to continue with studies while in marriage, and thus they opt to exit school. Most probably, children of illiterate mothers will have low incentives to go further in education, which projects the poverty cycle to other generations (Finlay & Neumark, 2008).

Teen pregnancy and school exit

Undoubtedly, teen pregnancy has a strong link to school exit for young girls (Cherubini et al., 2010). Girls, who continue learning after getting married, find themselves at the risk of terminating their education once they get pregnant. Given the nature of classroom experiences through interactions and participation, the girls find life unbearable, and thus they decide to drop out and concentrate with marital life.

Gender inequality

In most cases, girls are highly affected by early marriages since they have limited educational opportunities, thus reducing their employment chances and the power to compete with their male counterparts. Victims of early marriage in school are likely to experience gender-based violence and discrimination by fellow students or even teachers (Cherubini et al., 2010). Unfortunately, the few girls who manage to go through the education system while in marriage come out of school hoping to compete in the workforce, but the male-dominated societies have little concern about their skills. They are seen as family house helps, and thus they are denied job opportunities based on their gender. The idea that girls should be married and boys should be educated gives the boys a green light to go pursue their dreams even after they marry. When boys get married, they do not receive backlash from the school fraternity. This aspect builds them psychologically as the support coming from their wives is sufficient for them to further their education unlike girls who find themselves in similar situations.

Change of location and backgrounds

Early marriage means the relocation and adaptation to new environments, maybe across the country or even the continent. These changes imply cultural diversities and integration to new lifestyles in marriage and new environments of learning. The class environment in most cases differs in many ways and it calls for high concentration to catch up, which is insurmountable for married girls. The current state of education faces challenges to uphold equity and tolerance for diverse cultures in school (Egbo, 2009). Due to linguistic disparities, it is hard for girls to adapt to new school environments, while at the same time keeping up with family matters. This pressure compels them to exit school or end up graduating with poor results.

Recommendations

Early marriage among schoolchildren is a violation of human rights and intrusion to personal life as many decisions are made for them by their parents. Therefore, policymakers need to address cultural values that should be improved to protect girls from exploitation on gender-based inequalities. Law enforcers should encourage the affected people particularly the girls to report cases when they feel that their rights are being undermined. Education should be used as an option to alleviate early marriage by creating support systems for the girls’ education and deal with other disparities in learning institutions (Cherubini et al., 2010). Women empowerment should be advocated to ensure a balance in the distribution of education opportunities for everyone.

Despite the significant improvement in the school enrollment of children from all divisions of the society, great disparities exist in terms of gender and the gap intensifies with girls being the most affected particularly by early marriage. Studies have shown that school drop out and low qualities of education are negatively affecting girls that are trapped in early marriages (Koppelman & Goodhart, 2011). Higher learning institutions report a huge gap in gender distribution, by showing that male students dominate these institutions. This aspect implies that many girls end up exiting education institutions at lower stages when they cannot handle both marital issues and education. Therefore, policymakers and the governments should realize that learning institutions and classrooms currently comprise diverse student populations with varying life experiences. Therefore, policymakers should reorient learning institutions coupled with advocating comprehensive and inclusive system to alleviate any form of disparities. Advocacy should be carried out to reduce the prevalence of early marriage by empowering the less privileged sections of the society and ensure that societies develop the culture of learning for all individuals regardless of their gender.

Cherubini, L., Hodson, J., Manley‐ Casimir, M., & Muir, C. (2010). Closing the Gap’ at the Peril of Widening the Void: Implications of the Ontario Ministry of Education’s Policy for Aboriginal Education. Canadian Journal of Education 33 (2), 329 ‐ 355.

Egbo, B. (2009). Teaching for Diversity in Canadian Schools . Toronto, Canada: Pearson Canada Inc.

Finlay, K., & Neumark, D. (2008). Is marriage always good for children? Evidence from families affected by incarceration . Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research.

Koppelman, L., & Goodhart, R. (2011). Understanding human differences: Multicultural education for a diverse America . Boston, MA: Pearson/Allyn & Bacon.

Nguyen, M., & Wodon, Q. (2012). Child Marriage and Education: A Major Challenge. Journal Economics Bulletin , 32 (1), 398-411.

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The Effects of Early Marriage

Negative impacts, possible interventions.

The marriage institution joins two adults in a social bond and offers them opportunities to gratify their psychological and physical needs. However, for teenagers, before eighteen years of age, getting married presents an enormous struggle and lost opportunities. Having families results in young girls working extremely hard, sometimes doing odd jobs, to earn a living. This is attributable to such girls being unqualified for most jobs as they did not get the opportunity to obtain quality education. The link between early marriage and educational opportunities, mainly for girls, is so strong that increased awareness should be encouraged in developing countries. To eradicate early marriages, there is a need for the government, activists, nongovernmental organizations, and other concerned groups to assist challenge and repeal traditional and biased perceptions on discriminatory access to education.

The marriage institution connects two adults, for example, a man and a woman, in a social relationship and offers them opportunities to satisfy their psychological and physical desires, as it is generally acceptable. In almost all societies across the globe, the institution of marriage has the mandate of validating the sexual relationship involving the adults that have decided to engage in it. Nevertheless, getting married in adolescence, before eighteen years of age, presents an immense struggle and lost opportunities. In many developing countries across the globe, there is a tendency of many girls between the ages of eight and sixteen years, being married, mainly forcefully, to older men (Delprato et al., 2017). In such communities, young girls are often treated as the property of earning wealth by their parents in terms of dowry. In early marriages, adolescents experience extreme difficulties exacerbated by their lack of education, psychological adversity, and insufficient social skills to mention a few.

Since the commencement of civilization, humankind realizes the significance of marital custom and it is considered as one of the main societal components. Marriage, in practical terms, is a social agreement between adults such as a male and female where out of one’s volition each is responsible to the other for mutual benefit. Therefore, in human life, marriage is regarded as an important and joyful institution. However, early marriage customs are a cause for alarm. Presently, child or adolescent marriage as a crucial human rights catastrophe is among the critical developing issues of concern globally. As a harmful traditional practice and norm, child marriage because of an initial and compelled alliance has had enfeebling effects on many adolescents, especially girls. The practice is harmful and greatly undermines the girl child and all that which may be of her best interest (Velotti et al., 2016). For families with lesser education as well as poor backgrounds, child marriage occurs at a high rate.

One of the greatest losses for a girl when married young is education. The inability to acquire education fully as with other children results in multiple travails to the girl. Opportunities for a girl to develop individually are limited once she is withdrawn from a learning institution and engaged in marriage to have children. After childbirth, most girls express the desire to re-embark on their studies and further their education (Herliana et al., 2018). However, most learning institutions refuse to take in a married or parenting girl. Having families means that young girls work excessively, sometimes doing odd jobs, to earn a living. This is because such adolescents are not qualified for most jobs as they did not get the chance to acquire quality education.

Although the psychological and social impacts of early marriage differ, the greatest consequence is the withdrawal of the adolescent from formal education. In some communities, the moment a girl attains the age of about ten to fourteen years, her parents have already planned a wedding for her and force her to drop out of school to become someone’s wife and have children (Santelli et al., 2019). Nevertheless, at the age of fourteen years, a girl is not mature and has not even fully attained basic education. The lack of educational opportunities, insufficient social proficiencies, and the psychological adversity attributable to early marriages result in poor livelihood for the innocent adolescent.

The connection between early marriage and educational opportunities, particularly for girls, is so strong that increased awareness should be promoted in many countries across the globe. In many underdeveloped and developing nations, it is hard for adolescent girls to continue schooling since numerous marriage opportunities are being floated to their parents, who, in most cases, get lured by the highest bidder. Consequently, early marriages have decreased the possibility of adolescent girls completing the high school level of education (Rukhadze, 2018). Conversely, maintaining adolescents in school has been identified as the best approach to delaying early marriages and increasing the likelihood of future success.

The greatest effects concerning economic outlays are fertility and an increase in population. Early marriages make adolescents bear children while they are still young and increases their probability of having many children in their lifetime. This decreases the possibility of their new households catering to the arising needs successfully hence resulting in poverty for them and their offspring. The elimination of early marriage will attract immense welfare gains through the prevention of overpopulation and breaking the cycle of poverty. Low-income and underprivileged conditions are the major factors behind early marriages since many families in rural areas in some countries have exceptionally large families. Many children have made poor parents unable to cater to their educational requirements, and this results in the perception of early marriages as opportunities that decrease the financial burden (Santelli et al., 2019). In worse cases, many such parents plan marriages between their adolescent girls and creditors as a means of settling debts. The notion that early marriages will resolve the poverty issue of their parents often becomes a way of worsening it.

Early marriages do not only divest adolescents of their educational opportunities but also make them suffer emotional adversity. In most communities that uphold early marriages, from birth, girls are continually taught to believe that their only roles in life are getting married, giving birth, and looking after children. Being forced into early marriages, and to someone that they do not love, usually leads to unhappiness in the relationship and life at large (Rukhadze, 2018). Such emotions often worsen over time and result in an abusive marriage riddled with violence or even murder. In some instances, when the girl finds that they cannot cope with abuse from their husbands any longer, they chose to either commit suicide or leave with the children. Going back to their families increases the financial burden and passes on the sequence of poverty to the children.

There is a high likelihood that an adolescent who enters in marriage will be from communities where educating girls is not as esteemed as in the case of boys. The girls who are forcefully married and their parents are in most cases illiterate and have minimal or no awareness of her rights. On the contrary, ensuring that girls attain at least secondary school education increases their likelihood of access to employment and offers them the capability to support themselves and their offspring. To prevent or eliminate early marriages, there is a need for the government, activists, non-governmental agencies, and other interested parties to assist challenge and overturn traditional and prejudiced perceptions on inequitable access to education (Santelli et al., 2019). Therefore, campaigns and sensitization should be intensified to increase awareness in rural areas, particularly in underdeveloped and developing countries. Such practices will enlighten not only parents who have adolescent children but also the next generation hence eliminating the perception that early marriages may be beneficial in any way. Moreover, apart from increased awareness of the evils of early marriages, there is a need to educate parents on possible income-generating endeavors that can assist them to take care of their families effectively.

The prevention of early marriages will ensure that adolescents attain the highest possible level of education, become healthy and wealthy, reinvest part of their proceeds into their families, and contribute to the economic development of their countries. One additional year of high school education for adolescents improves their possible future earnings by about 14%, and this increases with the educational level achieved (Tai et al., 2019). Parents who encourage early marriages should be enlightened to understand that in countries where the education of adolescents, including girls, is treasured, they become productive members of society, and there are low or no instances of early marriages. Another way to simultaneously tackle early marriages and enhance economic advancement is the provision of monetary incentives to poor families to support the educational needs of children and keep them in school. Moreover, there is a need to teach the adolescents who have become victims of early marriages the necessary skills that will help them to become financially literate, for instance, entrepreneurial proficiencies, budget making, and saving practices.

Sufficient awareness and support should be given to adolescents and families at a high risk of early marriages while the young victims could be assisted through enrollment in youth workforce development programs when returning them to formal education is impossible or futile. Over time, parents have come to appreciate the fact that early marriages are detrimental to the future success of their children (Santelli et al., 2019). Many interested groups and activists have called for the enforcement of laws that will make the legal age of marriage to be at least eighteen years as a means of saving adolescents’ future and creating a world full of opportunities devoid of gender discrimination.

In many developing nations around the world, there is an inclination of many adolescent girls being married, mainly forcefully, to older men. In such communities, young girls are usually treated as the property of earning resources by their parents in terms of dowry. In early marriages, adolescents experience immense difficulties aggravated by their lack of education, psychological problems, and inadequate social skills to mention a few. Ensuring that adolescents remain in school is the best approach to avoiding early marriages and increasing the possibility of future success. The eradication of early marriage will attract vast welfare benefits through the prevention of overpopulation and breaking the sequence of poverty.

Delprato, M., Akyeampong, K., & Dunne, M. (2017). Intergenerational education effects of early marriage in Sub-Saharan Africa . World Development , 91 , 173-192. Web.

Herliana, B. R., Utami, N. W. A., & Kurniati, D. P. Y. (2018). Early marriage practices and the health impacts on female adolescent health in Central Lombok: A qualitative study . Public Health and Preventive Medicine Archive , 6 (1), 61-67. Web.

Rukhadze, M. (2018). Early marriage as a barrier to the career and educational opportunity for the youth in Georgia . Journal of Advanced Research in Social Sciences , 1 (1), 28-32. Web.

Santelli, J. S., Spindler, E., Moore, E., & McGovern, T. (2019). Criminalizing sexuality or preventing child marriage: legal interventions and girls’ empowerment . The Lancet Child & Adolescent Health , 3 (4), 206-208. Web.

Tai, T. O., Yi, C. C., & Liu, C. H. (2019). Early marriage in Taiwan: Evidence from panel data . Journal of Family Issues , 40 (14), 1989-2014. Web.

Velotti, P., Balzarotti, S., Tagliabue, S., English, T., Zavattini, G. C., & Gross, J. J. (2016). Emotional suppression in early marriage: Actor, partner, and similarity effects on marital quality . Journal of Social and Personal Relationships , 33 (3), 277-302. Web.

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• Published: 14 February 2022

The health consequences of child marriage: a systematic review of the evidence

• Suiqiong Fan 1 &
• Alissa Koski 1 , 2  

BMC Public Health volume  22 , Article number:  309 ( 2022 ) Cite this article

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Child marriage, defined as marriage before 18 years of age, is a violation of human rights and a marker of gender inequality. Growing attention to this issue on the global development agenda also reflects concerns that it may negatively impact health. We conducted a systematic review to synthesize existing research on the consequences of child marriage on health and to assess the risk of bias in this body of literature.

Methods and findings

We searched databases focused on biomedicine and global health for studies that estimated the effect of marrying before the age of 18 on any physical or mental health outcome or health behaviour. We identified 58 eligible articles, nearly all of which relied on cross-sectional data sources from sub-Saharan Africa or South Asia. The most studied health outcomes were indicators of fertility and fertility control, maternal health care, and intimate partner violence. All studies were at serious to critical risk of bias. Research consistently found that women who marry before the age of 18 begin having children at earlier ages and give birth to a larger number of children when compared to those who marry at 18 or later, but whether these outcomes were desired was not considered. Across studies, women who married as children were also consistently less likely to give birth in health care facilities or with assistance from skilled providers. Studies also uniformly concluded that child marriage increases the likelihood of experiencing physical violence from an intimate partner. However, research in many other domains, including use of contraception, unwanted pregnancy, and sexual violence came to divergent conclusions and challenge some common narratives regarding child marriage.

Conclusions

There are many reasons to be concerned about child marriage. However, evidence that child marriage causes the health outcomes described in this review is severely limited. There is more heterogeneity in the results of these studies than is often recognized. For these reasons, greater caution is warranted when discussing the potential impact of child marriage on health. We provide suggestions for avoiding common biases and improving the strength of the evidence on this subject.

Trial registration

The protocol of this systematic review was registered with PROSPERO (CRD42020182652) in May 2020.

Peer Review reports

Introduction

Marriage before the age of 18, often referred to as child marriage, is a violation of human rights that hinders educational attainment and literacy and may increase the likelihood of living in poverty in adulthood [ 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 ]. Girls are far more likely to marry than boys, and these consequences contribute to existing gender gaps in educational outcomes in some settings [ 6 , 7 ]. The United Nations Sustainable Development Goals list child marriage as an indicator of gender inequality and call for an end to the practice by the year 2030 [ 8 ]. Child marriage remains ongoing throughout much of the world despite intensifying efforts to eliminate it [ 9 ].

In addition to its consequences on education, growing attention to child marriage as a global development issue also seems to reflect increasing consideration of its potential impacts on population health. Multinational organizations including the World Bank, the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) include the potential for harmful consequences on health among the foremost concerns regarding this practice [ 2 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 ]. These organizations highlight relationships between child marriage and early childbearing [ 11 , 12 , 13 ], obstetric complications [ 12 , 13 ], violence [ 2 , 12 ], and sexually transmitted infections [ 12 ], among other adverse outcomes.

We undertook this systematic review to synthesize the results of existing research regarding the impact of child marriage on the health of persons who marry before the age of 18. We evaluated the range of health outcomes that have been studied and the geographic distribution of those studies. We also assessed the risk of bias in individual studies and the likelihood that their results reflect causal relationships.

We searched three databases for literature on the relationship between child marriage and health: MEDLINE, Embase, and Ovid Global Health. These databases were chosen because they focus on biomedicine and human health. We aimed to include as broad a range of health outcomes as possible and focusing our search within these databases allowed us to avoid defining specific health outcomes within our search terms. Instead, we searched for studies of child marriage within these databases. This approach made our search terms more concise and the range of outcomes more inclusive. Specific search terms used for each database are included in Supplementary File 1 . We registered our protocol with PROSPERO (CRD42020182652) in May 2020 and conducted our database searches shortly afterward.

We also searched Google Scholar to identify relevant grey literature. Haddaway et al. [ 14 ] found that the majority of grey literature tends to appear within the first 200 citations returned by Google Scholar and recommend focusing on the first 200-300 records. We followed this recommendation and evaluated the first 300 records returned, as sorted by relevance. Search terms used in Google Scholar are also included in Supplementary File 1 . We reviewed the bibliographies of all included studies in an effort to identify any relevant citations not picked up through searches of the databases described above. The search strategy was developed with assistance from a research librarian at McGill University.

Citations returned from searches of all four databases were imported into EndNote X9 and duplicate citations removed [ 15 ]. We transferred all unique citations into Rayyan to facilitate the review process [ 16 ]. A single reviewer (SF) examined the title and abstract of each unique citation for eligibility according to pre-defined criteria specified in the registered protocol. Articles were brought forward for full-text review if they described etiologic studies that used quantitative methods to estimate the effect of child marriage on one or more health outcomes. We defined child marriage as formal or informal union prior to the age of 18. If the title and abstract did not specify the age thresholds used to define child marriage, they were brought forward for full-text review. For example, abstracts that referred to the effect of adolescent or teen marriage without explicitly stating how those exposures were defined were brought forward. Eligible health outcomes included physical or mental health disorders or symptoms of those disorders, as well as health behaviours. Eligible health behaviours included actions like smoking or dietary habits as well as health care seeking, such as prenatal care. We restricted our review to studies in which outcomes were measured at the individual level and to those that measured the effect of child marriage on the individuals married; studies that examined the effect of age at marriage on the offspring of the persons who married were excluded. Studies written in English, French or Chinese were eligible for inclusion.

We excluded studies that used solely qualitative methods and quantitative studies that relied exclusively on hypothesis testing to indicate differences between groups. For example, studies that used chi-squared tests to indicate whether the distribution of some characteristic differed between persons married before the age of 18 and those married at older ages were excluded, even if the authors seemed to interpret their results as causal, because such testing does not result in a comparative effect measure (e.g., a risk difference or an odds ratio) and does not account for potential biases. We also excluded studies in which persons who married before the age of 18 were incorporated into a larger aggregate age category, making the effect of child marriage unidentifiable. For example, comparisons of outcomes among persons who married between 15 and 19 years of age with those who married between 20 and 24 years of age were not eligible for inclusion. Conference presentations and abstracts were also excluded.

Both authors read the full text of each article brought forward from the title and abstract review and independently judged their eligibility according to the inclusion and exclusion criteria described above. Discrepancies were resolved through discussion. The following information was extracted from each included study: authors, title, year of publication, the language of publication, country/region in which the study was conducted, study design, study population, sample size, data sources, statistical methods, outcomes, and results.

Risk of bias assessment

We assessed the risk of bias within each included study using the Risk Of Bias In Non-randomised Studies - of Interventions (ROBINS-I) tool developed by members of the Cochrane Bias Methods Group and the Cochrane Non-Randomised Studies Methods Group [ 17 ]. ROBINS-I is designed to evaluate the risk of bias in non-randomized studies by considering how closely the study’s design and methods approximate an ideal randomized trial. To illustrate, in a hypothetical cluster-randomized trial to estimate the causal effect of child marriage on a specified health outcome, the treatment or intervention would be marriage before the age of 18 years. All children in a specific area (a region, a state, a community, etc.) would be randomized at a very young age to one of two treatment groups: those randomized to the intervention would marry at some point prior to their 18th birthdays (a = 1), while those randomized to the control group would marry on their 18th birthday or any later age (a = 0). All children would then be followed up over a period of time sufficient to observe the specified outcome of interest. In the ideal randomized trial, all persons would adhere to their assigned treatment (i.e., remain married) and would remain in the study until follow-up was complete. After the follow-up period, the probability of the outcome among those assigned to a = 1 would be compared with the same probability among those assigned to a = 0. Under these conditions, we could expect that there would be no differences between those children who married before the age of 18 and those who married afterward aside from age at marriage. As a result, if the probability of the outcome among those randomly assigned to marry as children differed from the probability among those randomly assigned to marry after their 18th birthdays, one could interpret that difference as the causal effect of child marriage [ 18 ].

Of course, a randomized trial like this would be unethical and could never actually be conducted. Researchers interested in the effects of child marriage on health must rely on non-randomized study designs to estimate the causal effect of interest. Without the benefit of randomization, it becomes challenging to identify the causal effect of child marriage because those who marry as children are different from those who marry at later ages in many ways. For example, girls who marry before the age of 18 come from poorer households and from communities with greater gender inequality, on average, compared to those who marry at later ages. These differences are likely to affect their health through causal pathways other than age at marriage, such as the experience of violence or limited ability to access education or health care. This means that a naïve comparison of health outcomes between those who marry as children and those who marry as adults is likely to mix up the consequences of age at marriage with the consequences of childhood poverty and gender inequality.

The ROBINS-I tool requires assessors to carefully consider the potential for multiple sources of bias including confounding, inappropriate selection of participants into the study (i.e., selection bias), mishandling of missing data, and problems with the measurement of exposures and outcomes (i.e., information bias). The potential for bias in each domain is assessed through a series of signaling questions and a summary judgement of low, moderate, serious, or critical risk of bias is then made within each domain. A cross-domain judgement of the risk of bias for the entire study is made based on the risk within each individual domain. Both authors independently assessed the risk of bias in each included study. Disagreements in any single domain or across domains were resolved by discussion.

We identified a set of variables likely to confound estimates of the effect of child marriage on a wide range of health outcomes in advance to facilitate assessment of bias in this domain. These variables and their relationships to child marriage and health, broadly defined, are illustrated in the simplified Directed Acyclic Graph (DAG) in Fig.  1 . The prevalence of child marriage has fallen over time in many countries, which means that the likelihood of marrying before the age of 18 differs across birth cohorts [ 6 , 19 ]. As discussed above, childhood socioeconomic conditions and gender inequality may lead to child marriage. They may also influence health later in life through a variety of causal pathways. We also considered spousal characteristics a source of confounding because the presence of an available spouse may drive child marriage. For example, a potential husband willing to pay a bride price for a young wife may motivate a family to marry a girl child. The same characteristics of the spouse that may motivate the marriage, such as his age, wealth, and attitudes regarding gender equity, may influence the married child’s health later in life through mechanisms like controlling behaviour. In studies that use pooled data from across multiple regions or countries, it is also important to control for confounding by country/regional-level variables that affect both the probability of child marriage and health. The DAG also illustrates our assumption that the effects of child marriage on health are often mediated through educational attainment and socioeconomic conditions after marriage.

Directed acyclic graph illustrating assumed causal relationships between child marriage and a wide range of health outcomes

We synthesized results narratively. Included studies considered a wide range of health outcomes, as intended given our search strategy. We found it most intuitive and pragmatic to synthesize results within broad outcome categories, such as the effects of child marriage on contraceptive use, on maternal health care, and on mental health. These categories emerged from the data and were not pre-specified. Meta-analyses were not conducted because the studies examined a wide range of health outcomes that were measured in different ways. The serious risk of bias in all included studies, discussed below, also made quantitative synthesis inappropriate.

Our search strategy returned a total of 2767 unique records from MEDLINE, Embase, Ovid Global Health and Google Scholar, as shown in Fig.  2 . After title and abstracting screening, the full text of 126 articles was reviewed. Fifty-six of these studies met our inclusion criteria and two additional eligible studies were identified through citation tracking, for a total of 58 included articles.

PRISMA flow diagram illustrating the process used to identify eligible studies

Selected characteristics of all 58 studies included in our review are presented in Table  1 . These studies were published between 1989 and 2020 but the vast majority ( n  = 55, 95%) were published in 2010 or later and more than half ( n  = 31, 53%) were published between 2016 and 2020, which reflects the relatively recent rise of child marriage on global health and development agendas. Included studies were based in 70 countries across the globe, as illustrated in Fig.  3 . Nearly all studies, 57 of 58, were based in low- and middle-income countries according to World Bank classifications [ 20 ]; the single exception was a study based in the United States [ 21 ]. The geographic distribution of studies included in our review was heavily focused in South Asia ( n  = 30, 52%) and Sub-Saharan Africa ( n  = 27, 47%), which is perhaps unsurprising given that countries in these regions have some of the highest rates of child marriage in the world [ 9 ]. However, more than half of the studies included in our review were based in just three countries: India ( n  = 13), Bangladesh ( n  = 8) and Ethiopia ( n  = 11). Studies from regions other than South Asia or Sub-Saharan Africa were nearly all included in a handful of studies that analyzed survey data from multiple countries simultaneously [ 22 , 23 , 24 ].

Nearly all included studies, 55 of 58 (95%), were based on the analysis of cross-sectional survey data. More than half ( n  = 34, 59%) relied on data from a single source, the Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS), or their precursor, the World Fertility Surveys (WFS).

Geographic distribution of included studies

Bias assessment

All studies included in our review were determined to be at serious or critical risk of bias based on assessment using ROBINS-I. The summary risk of bias assessment for each study is listed in Table  1 ; risk of bias within each ROBINS-I domain in each study is detailed in Supplementary File 2 . Confounding was the most prevalent concern. Every study was deemed to be at serious to critical risk of bias in this domain, most often because of failure to account for important sources of confounding and inappropriate adjustment for variables affected by age at marriage that are on the causal pathway. Cross-sectional surveys like the DHS often do not collect information necessary to control for confounding. Failure to control for major sources of confounding like childhood poverty and gender inequality may result in overestimation of the harmful effects of child marriage. The second common source of bias was adjustment for variables measured after marriage that are likely on the causal pathway between age at marriage and the health outcomes being studied. To illustrate, the authors of many studies included in this review acknowledged that age at marriage may dictate how long a girl stays in school and that her educational attainment may subsequently influence a wide range of health outcomes. Unfortunately, they then adjusted for educational attainment in regression analyses. This will very likely result in biased estimates because educational attainment was measured after marriage and is more likely to be a mediator than a confounder (Fig.  1 ) [ 79 , 80 ]. Adjusting for it may remove some of the effect of child marriage on health and lead to underestimates of effect. Given that these two issues may bias results in different directions, predicting the net direction of confounding within studies is challenging. Other sources of bias also affected many of the studies in this review, including selection and measurement biases. Few authors discussed the potential influence of bias on their estimates or their conclusions.

The health consequences of child marriage

Studies included in our review estimated the effect of child marriage on a variety of health outcomes. The most common outcomes were measures of reproductive health, such as fertility and fertility control, maternal health care utilization, intimate partner violence, mental health, and nutritional status. The following paragraphs synthesize the literature in each of these categories. In light of the serious risk of bias in all included studies, we interpreted these results with a high degree of caution. We assessed the direction of effect measures, meaning whether the study found that child marriage increased or decreased the probability of experiencing the outcome, and the consistency of directionality across studies within each outcome category. We also assessed the precision of effect measures by evaluating the width of confidence intervals surrounding those measures. We did not interpret the magnitude of the effect estimates from individual studies due to the risk of bias.

The effect of child marriage on the number and timing of births

Eleven studies estimated the effect of child marriage on the number of children born, though this outcome was not consistently measured. Some studies estimated the effect of child marriage on the odds of having given birth to any children [ 34 , 50 , 63 ], the odds of having three or more children [ 24 , 46 , 50 , 63 , 75 ], four or more children [ 34 ], five or more children [ 37 , 69 ], or a continuous measure of the total number of children ever born [ 24 , 25 , 30 , 46 , 54 ]. The age ranges of the people included in these studies also differed, leading to variation in the time frame over which these births could have occurred. Child marriage was correlated with higher fertility in nearly all studies regardless of how the outcome was defined. The only exception was a study from Ethiopia that found no effect [ 30 ]. Ten of these studies focused on fertility exclusively among women. Misunas et al. [ 24 ] focused on men and came to similar conclusions: child marriage increased the odds that men aged 20-29 had fathered three or more children and increased the average number of children fathered by the ages of 40-49 [ 24 ].

A second commonly examined outcome was the likelihood of giving birth within the first year of marriage. Four studies based on data from South Asia [ 39 , 46 , 50 , 63 ] and one study based on pooled data from multiple countries in Africa [ 75 ] examined this outcome. Three of these studies [ 46 , 50 , 75 ] reported that marriage before the age of 18 decreased the odds of giving birth within the first year of marriage. The remaining two [ 39 , 63 ] did not find any evidence of a relationship between child marriage and this outcome.

We also identified five studies that estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood of giving birth before a specified age, often referred to as early, teen, or adolescent pregnancy [ 23 , 26 , 31 , 32 , 34 ]. Three of these studies found that child marriage increased the odds of giving birth before the age of 20 [ 26 , 31 , 32 ], the other two reported that child marriage increased the odds of giving birth before the age of 18 [ 23 , 34 ]. Two studies also estimated the effect of child marriage on mean age at first birth and found that those who married before the age of 18 gave birth for the first time at younger ages, on average, than those who married at older ages [ 32 , 46 ].

Collectively, this evidence indicates that women who marry as children often begin having children of their own at earlier ages when compared to their peers who marry after their 18th birthdays, and that they tend to have a larger number of children over their lifetimes. This is not surprising, given that marriage changes sexual behavior in ways that increase the risk of pregnancy. Essentially, girls who marry at earlier ages spend a longer time at risk of pregnancy than those who marry later.

The effect of child marriage on birth intervals

The World Health Organization recommends an interval of at least 24 months between a live birth and a subsequent pregnancy to reduce the risk of poor maternal health outcomes [ 81 ]. Five studies included in our review estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood of repeated childbirths in less than two years [ 39 , 50 , 62 , 63 , 75 ]. All five used samples of women between the ages of 20 and 24 who were included in DHS. A sixth study based on a small cross-sectional sample of women aged 15-49 from Ethiopia estimated the effect on repeated childbirth in less than three years [ 27 ]. These studies came to different conclusions. Two studies by the same author reported that child marriage increased the odds of repeated childbirth within two years in India [ 62 , 63 ] but another study based on the same data source found that women who married as children were less likely to have two births within a two-year period than those who married at older ages [ 39 ]. There were also differences in the results of research from Pakistan: one study reported that child marriage made it more likely that women would have two births within two years [ 50 ] while another found no evidence that child marriage influenced this outcome [ 39 ]. Child marriage protected against short birth intervals in Nepal [ 39 ] and in an analysis of data from 34 African countries [ 75 ]. There was no evidence that child marriage influence the likelihood of short birth intervals in Bangladesh [ 39 ].

These results, which range from harmful to protective effects, indicate that child marriage is not clearly or consistently correlated with short birth intervals.

Child marriage, unwanted or mistimed pregnancy, and pregnancy termination

Seven studies estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood of experiencing a mistimed or unwanted pregnancy [ 39 , 46 , 47 , 50 , 62 , 63 , 75 ]. All seven were based on analyses of DHS data. The DHS typically asks women whether pregnancies were wanted at the time they occurred, wanted later (i.e., mistimed), or not wanted. Interestingly, six of the seven studies that examined this outcome reduced these categorical responses into a binary measure: women were categorized as having an unwanted pregnancy if they reported that they had a mistimed pregnancy or if they became pregnant when they did not want any more children [ 39 , 46 , 50 , 62 , 63 , 75 ]. The rationale for doing this was not explained in any of the studies. The remaining study [ 47 ] only categorized instances in which a woman became pregnant at a time when she did not want any more children as unwanted.

Estimates of the effect of child marriage on this outcome are mixed. A study from 34 countries in Africa reported that child marriage protected against mistimed/unwanted pregnancies [ 75 ]. Studies from India, Pakistan, and Nepal concluded that child marriage increased the odds of experiencing mistimed/unwanted pregnancy [ 39 , 50 ]. Three studies from Bangladesh came to different conclusions. One found no relationship between child marriage and this outcome [ 39 ] while another reported that child marriage increased the odds of mistimed/unwanted pregnancy [ 46 ]. The third used a different definition of the outcome and found that marriage before the age of 15 was positively associated with unwanted pregnancy (mistimed pregnancies were treated as wanted) but no evidence that marriage between the ages of 15 and 17 affected the likelihood of unwanted pregnancy [ 47 ].

Three of these studies also estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood of experiencing two or more mistimed or unwanted pregnancies [ 39 , 62 , 63 ]. Godha et al. reported a large effect of child marriage on having multiple mistimed/unwanted pregnancies in India, Bangladesh, and Pakistan but results were inconclusive in Nepal [ 39 ]. Two studies by the same author reported that child marriage increased the odds of having multiple mistimed/unwanted pregnancies in India [ 62 , 63 ].

We identified eight studies of the effect of child marriage on pregnancy outcomes [ 39 , 47 , 48 , 50 , 57 , 63 , 66 , 75 ]. Six of these relied on the DHS, which typically asks female respondents, “Have you ever had a pregnancy that miscarried, was aborted, or ended in a stillbirth?” [ 82 ]. The wording of this question makes it impossible to examine these outcomes separately. As a result, most studies based on the DHS used a composite outcome that grouped these three events despite differences in their intendedness. Five studies based on the DHS concluded that child marriage increased the odds of having a pregnancy end in either miscarriage, abortion, or stillbirth [ 39 , 48 , 50 , 63 , 75 ]. Exceptionally, the 2007 Bangladesh DHS asked a yes or no question regarding whether a woman had ever terminated a pregnancy. Using responses to this question, Kamal reported that marriage before the age of 15 was correlated with higher odds of termination but no evidence that marriage between 15 and 17 years of age influenced this outcome [ 47 ].

Two studies from India used other cross-sectional data sources and defined their outcomes differently. Santhya et al. used a combined outcome of miscarriage and stillbirth and found that child marriage increased the likelihood of experiencing either of these birth outcomes. [ 66 ]. Paul considered stillbirth and miscarriage separately. Marriage before the age of 15 increased the odds of stillbirth and miscarriage, but marriage between the ages of 15-17 was no less risky in this regard than marriage at 18 or later [ 57 ].

Child marriage and contraceptive use

Fifteen of the studies included in our review estimated the effect of child marriage on various aspects of contraceptive use [ 23 , 24 , 32 , 39 , 40 , 41 , 43 , 46 , 53 , 56 , 62 , 63 , 65 , 66 , 75 ]. All were based on cross-sectional data and thirteen used data from the DHS.

Of these fifteen studies, eight estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood that women were using contraception at the time the surveys were conducted [ 32 , 39 , 40 , 46 , 53 , 62 , 63 , 65 ]. As with other outcomes, results were mixed. Child marriage reportedly increased the likelihood of using modern contraception in India and Bangladesh [ 39 ]. Results from Pakistan and Nepal indicate that the same may be true in those countries but the estimates were imprecise [ 39 ]. A second study from Nepal concluded that child marriage led to lower odds of using modern contraception [ 65 ]. The two studies from Nepal used different samples of women, which may partially explain the differences in their results. A study based on pooled data from 18 African countries found that child marriage was correlated with a lower likelihood of using modern contraception [ 53 ]. However, results varied markedly between countries and across geographic regions; in some, child marriage appeared to increase the likelihood of using modern contraception [ 53 ]. In Ghana, de Groot et al. found that child marriage was not correlated with the odds of using any form of contraception or with the use of modern contraceptives [ 32 ].

Two other studies investigated the effect of child marriage on the use of any method of contraception, including those not classified as modern [ 40 , 46 ]. Marriage prior to the age of 15 led to lower odds of contraceptive use in Rwanda, but there was no indication that those who married between 15 and 17 years of age were any more or less likely to use contraception than those who married at older ages [ 40 ]. In Bangladesh, women who married as children were more likely to be using some form of contraception at the time of the survey than those who married at the age of 18 or older [ 46 ]. In yet another iteration of this outcome, Yaya [ 75 ] reported that women who married as children were more likely to have ever used modern contraception. A single study estimated the effect of child marriage among men on the likelihood that they were using modern contraception [ 24 ]. In five of ten countries studied, child marriage was not related to modern contraceptive use. In two (Honduras and Nepal), child marriage seemed to slightly increase the odds of contraceptive use, but it decreased the likelihood in Madagascar [ 24 ].

A second outcome that has received particular focus is whether a woman used contraception before her first pregnancy. All four studies that examined the effect of child marriage on this outcome were based on data from South Asia [ 39 , 56 , 63 , 66 ] and concluded that marrying as a child decreased the likelihood that a woman used contraception prior to her first pregnancy [ 39 , 56 , 63 , 66 ]. The authors of these studies frequently interpreted their results as an indicator of uncontrolled fertility that may place girls and their children at risk of poor health outcomes [ 39 , 56 , 63 ]. However, this relationship is more challenging to interpret because the outcome variables used did not capture whether pregnancies were desired shortly after marriage or the outcomes of those pregnancies.

Four studies estimated the impact of child marriage on the likelihood that a woman had an unmet need for contraception [ 23 , 32 , 41 , 43 ]. This outcome was conceptually defined as a woman who is sexually active but not using contraception and who reports a desire to delay the next birth (a need for spacing), have no more births (a need for limiting), or a combination of the two. Once again, conclusions differ between studies. Using pooled DHS data from 47 countries, Kidman and Heymann found that marrying as a child increased the likelihood that women had an unmet need for contraception to either space or limit births [ 23 ]. An analysis of DHS data from Ethiopia found that women who married as children were less likely to have an unmet need for spacing and less likely to have an unmet need for limiting births compared to women who married at older ages [ 41 ]. In Zambia, child marriage was correlated with a greater unmet need for spacing and for limiting [ 43 ]. In Ghana, de Groot et al. found that child marriage was not correlated with an unmet need for limiting [ 32 ]. These studies all used different samples, which may partially explain the differences in their results.

Child marriage and use of maternal health care

Nine of the studies included in our review estimated the effect of child marriage on the use of health care during pregnancy, at the time of delivery, and during the post-partum period, which we collectively refer to as maternal health care [ 33 , 39 , 49 , 53 , 58 , 62 , 66 , 67 , 74 ].

Studies of prenatal care defined their outcomes as the receipt of at least one prenatal checkup [ 49 , 62 ], the receipt of four or more prenatal checkups [ 49 , 58 , 67 ], or a count of the total number of prenatal checkups received [ 39 , 53 ]. Once again, results within countries come to different conclusions. In Nepal, one study found that women who married as children were less likely to receive four or more prenatal checkups [ 67 ] while another found no evidence that child marriage influenced this outcome [ 39 ]. A study from India found no indication that child marriage affected prenatal care [ 39 ] but two others concluded that child marriage decreased the likelihood of receiving at least one checkup and of receiving at least four checkups [ 58 , 62 ]. In one study from Pakistan, women who married as children were less likely to receive any prenatal care than those who married at older ages, but there was no difference in the likelihood of receiving four or more checkups [ 49 ]. A separate study from the same country reported that child marriage had no effect on the number of prenatal care checkups [ 39 ]. The effect of child marriage on the number of prenatal care visits varied between geographic regions in Africa. In some, child marriage appeared correlated with a decrease the number of visits while in others there was no effect [ 53 ].

Compared to other outcomes, the results of studies that estimated the impact of child marriage on the likelihood of delivering in a health care facility were remarkably consistent. Across geographic locations, all seven studies that examined this outcome concluded that child marriage reduced the likelihood of delivery in a health care facility [ 39 , 49 , 53 , 58 , 66 , 67 , 74 ]. Six of the same studies also found that women who married as children were less likely to have a skilled health care provider present during delivery [ 39 , 49 , 53 , 58 , 67 , 74 ].

Only two studies considered post-natal care [ 58 , 67 ]. One reported that child marriage led to lower likelihood of a post-natal checkup within 42 days of delivery in India [ 66 ] while the other found a lower likelihood of a checkup within 24 h of delivery in Nepal [ 75 ].

Child marriage and intimate partner violence

Sixteen studies estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood of experiencing intimate partner violence [ 22 , 23 , 29 , 35 , 38 , 42 , 51 , 53 , 55 , 60 , 62 , 64 , 66 , 70 , 71 , 77 ]. Fifteen of these studies were based on cross-sectional data [ 22 , 23 , 29 , 35 , 38 , 42 , 51 , 53 , 55 , 60 , 62 , 64 , 66 , 70 , 71 ] and eight (50%) were based on the DHS [ 22 , 23 , 51 , 53 , 60 , 62 , 64 , 70 ]. The DHS measures intimate partner violence by asking female respondents a series of questions regarding their experience of specific acts. For example, physical violence is assessed by asking women whether they have been slapped, kicked, or pushed, among other actions. Sexual violence is assessed by asking whether the respondent’s husband has forced her to have sex or perform sex acts when she did not want to. Emotional violence is measured by asking whether her spouse has humiliated or threatened her [ 83 ]. Studies based on data from sources other than the DHS tended to use the same or very similar questions to measure the experience of violence.

Physical violence was the most frequently examined outcome but was measured over different time frames across studies. Some estimated the likelihood of ever having experienced physical violence from a husband or partner while others considered only the year prior to the survey. Still, others focused on the 3 months prior to the survey [ 35 ], the 9 months between survey waves [ 77 ], or during pregnancy [ 38 ]. Regardless of the time period during which violence was measured, the conclusions of these studies were fairly consistent: nearly all reported that marrying as a child increased the likelihood of experiencing physical violence [ 22 , 38 , 51 , 55 , 60 , 64 , 66 , 71 , 77 ]. A study from Ethiopia found no indication that child marriage had an effect on this outcome but it considered a relatively short time period of 3 months [ 35 ].

Estimates of the effect of child marriage on the experience of sexual violence were much less consistent. Two studies from India came to conflicting conclusions. Raj et al. found that child marriage did not increase the likelihood of experiencing sexual violence at any point or in the year prior to the 2005-06 National Family Health Survey [ 64 ]. However, a study by Santhya et al. based on survey data collected from five Indian states between 2006 and 2008 found that child marriage did increase the likelihood of ever experiencing sexual violence [ 66 ]. Studies from Bangladesh and Ghana reported that women who married as children were no more or less likely to experience sexual violence than those who married at later ages [ 60 , 71 ]. Two studies that pooled DHS data across multiple countries also found mixed results [ 22 , 53 ]. Olamijuwon used data from 18 African countries and found that child marriage increased the odds of experiencing sexual violence in Central, East, and Southern Africa, but there was no evidence of a statistical relationship in West Africa [ 53 ]. Kidman used DHS data from 34 countries across the globe and reported that child marriage seemed to increase the odds of experiencing sexual violence in the year prior to the surveys in all included geographic regions except Europe and Central Asia [ 22 ]. Erulkar found that women who married as children in Ethiopia were more likely to report that their first sexual experience was forced [ 35 ].

Only two studies, one from Pakistan and one from Ghana, considered emotional violence as a stand-alone outcome. Both concluded the child marriage led to an increase in the likelihood of ever experiencing emotional violence from an intimate partner [ 51 , 71 ].

Five studies considered only combined outcomes that mixed indicators of physical and sexual violence [ 62 , 70 ], or physical, sexual, and emotional violence [ 23 , 29 , 42 ]. All of these found that child marriage was associated with increased reporting of these composite measures of violence, but some results were sensitive to the sample used and were inconsistent across locations [ 70 ]. Hong Le et al. considered whether child marriage affected the likelihood of violence among boys but was underpowered to detect any effect [ 42 ].

Child marriage and mental health

Five of the studies included in our review estimated the effect of child marriage on various aspects of mental health. These studies relied on cross-sectional data collected from Ghana, Iran, Ethiopia, Niger and the United States [ 21 , 32 , 36 , 44 , 45 ]. Women in the United States who married before the age of 18 were more likely to report experiencing a wide range of mood, anxiety, and other psychiatric disorders in adulthood when compared to those who married at later ages [ 21 ]. The authors of a small study from a single county in Iran found that women who married as children reported more depressive symptoms than those who married at the age of 18 or older [ 36 ]. John, Edmeades, and Murithi examined the relationship between child marriage and multiple domains of psychological well-being in Niger and Ethiopia [ 44 ]. The authors found that marriage before the age of 16 was correlated with poorer overall psychological well-being, but no evidence that marriage between the ages of 16 and 17 was associated with poorer outcomes when compared to women who married at the age of 18 or later [ 44 ]. In Ghana, child marriage seemed to protect against measures of stress. The Ghanaian study also found no indication of differences in levels of social support between women who married before the age of 18 and those who married after their 18th birthdays, though these odds ratio estimates were very imprecise [ 32 ].

Child marriage and nutritional status

Six studies included in our review estimated the effect of child marriage on indicators of nutritional status [ 28 , 34 , 52 , 61 , 76 , 78 ]. Four focused exclusively on pregnant women. Two studies from Ethiopia examined the relationship between child marriage and mid-upper arm circumference (MUAC) [ 52 , 76 ]. One reported that pregnant women who married before the age of 18 were more likely to have an MUAC less than 22 cm, often interpreted as a marker of undernutrition [ 84 , 85 ], compared to those who married later on [ 52 ]. The other found that marrying before the age of 15 increased the likelihood of MUAC <22 cm but no evidence that marrying between the ages of 15 and 17 affected this outcome [ 76 ]. A third study from Ethiopia reported that child marriage led to an increase in the prevalence of Vitamin A deficiency among pregnant or recently post-partum women [ 28 ].

Two other studies focused on women who were not pregnant and used body mass index (BMI) as the indicator of nutritional status [ 34 , 78 ]. Their results diverge. Yusuf et al. found that women in Nigeria who married as children were more likely to have a BMI less than 18.5, frequently interpreted as underweight among adults. However, in a study of 35 African countries, Efevbera et al. reported that child marriage was protective against being underweight (BMI<18.5) [ 44 ]. Interestingly, the authors of these studies offered plausible explanations for effects in either direction. Efevbera et al. hypothesize that girls who marry as children may gain access to more plentiful food at an earlier age and that repeated pregnancies during adolescence might result in greater weight gain relative to those who marry at later ages [ 34 ]. In contrast, Nigatu et al. note that repeat pregnancies in quick succession may have a detrimental impact on cumulative nutritional status [ 52 ]. This suggests that the mechanisms through which age at marriage may affect subsequent nutritional status have not been thoroughly considered.

Other health consequences of child marriage

A few of the studies included in our review examined outcomes other than those discussed above. We note them briefly here. A case-control study from India reported that women diagnosed with cervical cancer were more likely to have been married before the age of 18 [ 72 ]. A large, pooled analysis of DHS data from 47 countries reported that child marriage was associated with symptoms of sexually transmitted infections [ 23 ]. A small, cross-sectional study from a single Indian state found no evidence that child marriage led to an increase in the odds of obstetric fistula [ 68 ]. A third study from India examined the effect of child marriage on the odds of experiencing at least one complication during pregnancy, delivery, or within two months after delivery [ 57 ]. Marriage before the age of 15 seemed to increase the likelihood of pregnancy complications, but there was no evidence of an effect for marriage between 15 and 17 years. Child marriage was not associated with delivery complications, but was associated with postnatal complications [ 57 ]. A study from Ghana found no indication that child marriage influenced the likelihood of self-reported poor health, of being ill in the two weeks prior to the survey, or of having a health insurance card but did report that child marriage increased the odds of having difficulty with activities of daily living, such as bending or walking [ 32 ].

Our systematic review synthesized research on the health consequences of marrying before the age of 18. Studies almost uniformly found that women who married before the age of 18 began having children of their own at earlier ages and gave birth to more children over the course of their reproductive lives when compared to those who married at the age of 18 or later. Whether these outcomes, considered alone, are harmful to health is not clear. Though there are many reasons to be concerned about adolescent childbearing, none of the studies of the effect of child marriage on the timing of births considered whether those pregnancies were planned or desired or whether they resulted in obstetric complications or maternal morbidity or mortality [ 23 , 26 , 31 , 32 , 34 , 39 , 46 , 50 , 63 , 75 ]. Similarly, having multiple births, especially at short intervals, may increase the risk of obstetric complications and subsequent morbidity or mortality. However, studies that compared the number of children born to women who married before the age of 18 with the number born to those who married at later ages also did not measure whether those pregnancies were planned or whether they led to harm [ 24 , 25 , 30 , 34 , 37 , 46 , 50 , 54 , 63 , 69 , 75 ]. Rather, studies seemed to assume that these are negative outcomes without directly measuring intentions or harms.

A separate set of studies that estimated the effect of child marriage on the experience of mistimed or unwanted pregnancies came to divergent conclusions: some found that child marriage increased the likelihood of these outcomes but others found that child marriage protected against them or had no effect. Studies of whether child marriage affected the likelihood of obstetric complications, miscarriage or stillbirth did not consider maternal age when those events occurred [ 39 , 47 , 48 , 50 , 57 , 63 , 66 , 75 ]. Moreover, the fact that child marriage corresponds with a larger number of pregnancies means that girls who married prior to the age of 18 had more opportunities to experience these events compared to those who married later; this was not discussed in any of the studies we identified.

The results of studies in other outcome domains are very mixed and challenge some common narratives regarding child marriage. To illustrate, studies included in this review came to conflicting conclusions regarding whether child marriage increases or decreases the use of modern contraception, the likelihood of giving birth within the first year of marriage, and the likelihood of repeated childbirth within two years. Conclusions regarding mistimed and unwanted pregnancies were also mixed, as noted above. Collectively, these results suggest that child marriage is not uniformly characterized by an inability to control the number or timing of births and suggests that a more cautious approach to discussions of agency within these marriages is warranted, at least regarding fertility and fertility control.

Across studies, women who married as children were less likely to give birth in a health care facility or with assistance from a skilled health care provider. These findings raise concerns about access to emergency obstetric care and subsequent birth outcomes for both mother and child. However, we found only one study that estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood of complications during pregnancy, delivery, and the postpartum period [ 57 ] and consideration of the consequences for the infants born was beyond the scope of this review. This statistical relationship could be confounded by lack of access due to geographic distance. Child marriage is more common in rural areas, where health care facilities and skilled health care providers may be more spread out. It may also be a function of gender inequality, which may manifest as an inability to seek care without permission. Future research should consider the potential for confounding by these and other variables and investigate whether place modifies this relationship.

Child marriage could plausibly affect many aspects of maternal and reproductive health through complex causal pathways. However, most of the studies included in our review did not discuss causal mechanisms in detail, which may have hindered their ability to identify and account for various sources of bias. More thorough consideration and discussion of these mechanisms would strengthen the theoretical underpinnings of this body of literature and help mitigate biases. For example, use of Directed Acyclic Graphs to illustrate assumed causal relationships would help to clarify the causal pathways being studied and identify sources of bias [ 86 ].

The effects of child marriage among boys have been almost entirely overlooked. Only 2 of the 58 studies included in this review considered boys or men and one of them was underpowered to generate informative estimates [ 42 ]. This intense focus on child marriage among girls reflects the gendered nature of the practice. However, a substantial proportion of boys also marry before the age of 18 in some countries [ 7 , 24 ] and further inquiry into the health consequences among boys is warranted.

The geographic distribution of research on child marriage and health is highly skewed. The focus on South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa may be justified since these regions have some of the highest rates of child marriage in the world. However, it is unclear why just three countries, India, Bangladesh, and Ethiopia, have received such focused attention while other countries in these regions have received very little. Child marriage is certainly ongoing in many other regions of the world that have received little or no research attention, including high-income countries [ 9 , 87 , 88 ].

The geographic distribution of these studies and the range of outcomes considered is clearly reflective of heavy reliance on the DHS. The DHS is appealing because it collects information on age at marriage that is comparable across settings and over time, data are readily accessible and of high quality, and samples are typically nationally representative. However, defaulting to this data source may also have restricted the range of outcomes studied. The DHS focuses primarily on reproductive health and our review included many studies of the effect of child marriage on fertility, contraceptive use, and intimate partner violence. Far less attention has been paid to other potential harms of child marriage that are not included in the surveys, such as indicators of mental health. Importantly, the DHS does not collect information on some of the strongest confounders of many relationships between child marriage and health, including childhood socioeconomic conditions and measures of gender equality. Other data sources will be necessary to increase the geographic scope of this body of research and to overcome some of the limitations inherent in the use of cross-sectional data to estimate causal effects.

All studies included in our review were at serious to critical risk of bias. Quantification of the net magnitude of different biases on the results of each study would have made the project untenable. Considering pervasive bias, we avoided interpreting the magnitude of reported estimates from individual studies and instead took only the directionality of the estimates at face value. This allowed us to assess the (in)consistency of conclusions within domains of health. However, it is entirely possible that bias could lead to a reversal of effects, i.e., estimating a positive effect when the true effect is negative or vice versa. The bias in these studies means that it is unclear whether any of the relationships described are causal.

Nearly all studies included in our review relied on cross-sectional data. There are severe limitations to using cross-sectional research designs to estimate causal effects, and more rigorous designs are needed to further our understanding of the consequences of child marriage. Quasi-experimental designs that more effectively mitigate confounding would strengthen this body of literature and have already been used to study the effect of child marriage on educational attainment and literacy. For example, Field and Ambrus and Sunder used age at menarche as an instrumental variable to study the effect of child marriage on these outcomes [ 3 , 4 ]. Encouragement trials that randomly assign exposure to interventions meant to prevent child marriage could also be used to estimate the effects of child marriage on health outcomes, though such trials are more resource intensive to conduct [ 89 ]. However, given that the DHS and other cross-sectional data sources will likely continue to be used to investigate these relationships, the use of quantitative bias analyses to examine how sensitive estimates are to various sources of bias would be an improvement [ 90 ].

There are several limitations to this systematic review. First, to capture as wide a range of health outcomes as possible, we searched databases focused on human health and biomedicine. Relevant studies from other academic disciplines such as economics and sociology may have been missed using this approach. Second, our search was conducted in English and all included studies were published in English. Eligible studies published in other languages may have been missed, which could influence our conclusions regarding the geographic distribution of research. Finally, as noted in the introduction, child marriage may have consequences beyond the domain of health. We focused our systematic review on the health consequences of child marriage in response to growing rhetoric regarding child marriage as a population health concern. Rigorous systematic reviews of the effect of child marriage on educational and economic outcomes would be a valuable addition to the literature.

Availability of data and materials

The PROSPERO protocol and the data extraction form are publicly available through the Open Science Foundation at https://osf.io/32mu7/ .

Abbreviations

Body Mass Index

Cross-Sectional

Directed Acyclic Graph

Demographic and Health Surveys

Mid-Upper Arm Circumference

Risk Of Bias In Non-randomised Studies - of Interventions tool

Socio-Economic Status

United Nations Population Fund

United Nations Children’s Fund

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We thank Genevieve Gore at the McGill University Library for her assistance in developing the search terms used in this review.

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Fan, S., Koski, A. The health consequences of child marriage: a systematic review of the evidence. BMC Public Health 22 , 309 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-022-12707-x

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The Effects Of Early Marriage (Cause and effect essay)

Essay by jay2starz ,  University, Bachelor's ,  A+ , May 2004

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The Effects of Early Marriage

In the poem, "Betrothal in B Minor," it implies that marriage is a war and a struggle in life. Getting married before the age of eighteen would be a huge struggle for the girl. In many countries, young girls between the ages of seven and fifteen are often married to older men by the force of their families. During this marriage, girls face extreme hardships including the lack of education, emotional adversity, and poor social skills.

The emotional and social effects of early marriage are varied, but one of the most common outcomes is the withdrawal of girls from formal education. When a girl reaches the age around ten, her parents have already arranged a wedding for her and have taken her out of school to prepare the girl to be wed and to have children. At the age of ten a girl is not fully matured, nor is she well educated.

Education is one of the largest losses to a girl if she is married young. Not having a full education like other children brings many hardships to the girl. Taking a girl away from school to marry and to have children limits her opportunities to develop as an individual. After getting married and having a child, a lot of times the girl will want to go back to school to further her education, but most schools will refuse to take in a girl if she is married or has a child. These girls that now have a family at a young age, have to work to earn a living, but since they are denied an education, they are not qualified for most jobs that are available around them.

Not only does a girl lose her education, but she also experiences an emotional adversity. From the point of birth, girls are made to think that their only job in life is to get married and to have children. Being forced to marry someone can often create unhappiness in both the male and female. If they are unhappy with each other then the relationship can turn in to an abusive relationship, causing things to become worse. Sometimes a girl can not take the abuse any more from her husband so she ends up committing suicide or running away with her children. More often the girl will runaway and find a distant relative to live with. When a girl runs away from her husband it brings shame upon the family and the family cuts the girl off from their lives. This leaves the girl alone even more than before.

Girls that marry young are often alienated from society, leaving them alone in life with no friends. A girl's social status is very low compared to a male's social status because girls were never looked upon as something great. Girls always had to work harder and received less food than the males. When a girl became ill, it was much harder for her to receive an immunization whereas a male gets sick and he receives an immunization almost immediately. These girls only have their husband and their children in their lives. A lot of times the husband is very abusive and is not a friend to the girl. Many girls die young from these premature relationships. Getting pregnant at a young age is also a problem for the girl because her body has not fully matured. Pregnancy is the leading cause of mortality in fifteen to nineteen year old girls worldwide.

The lack of education, poor social skills, and the emotional adversity are all effects of early marriage that lead to a poor life for an innocent child. In current years families have realized that young marriages are not good for children. Many interest groups have tried to make new laws in countries so that the legal age to marry is eighteen in order to save lives and create a better world for females.

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Consider trying to reduce the number of time the word 'girl' appears. Checking a thesaurus could help you find various ways to communicate the meaning without repeating too often. Also, there are several instances of mixed tense, (present, future) and person (second, first, third) which should be avoided. Pick a single tense and person to work with throughout. Not a bad effort though. Keep trying and keep writing! Bill

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Early marriage and women’s empowerment: the case of child-brides in Amhara National Regional State, Ethiopia

• Mikyas Abera 1 ,
• Ansha Nega 2 ,
• Yifokire Tefera 2 &
• Abebaw Addis Gelagay 3  

BMC International Health and Human Rights volume  20 , Article number:  30 ( 2020 ) Cite this article

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Women, especially those who marry as children, experience various forms and degrees of exclusion and discrimination. Early marriage is a harmful traditional practice that continues to affect millions around the world. Though it has declined over the years, it is still pervasive in developing countries. In Ethiopia, Amhara National Regional State (or alternatively Amhara region) hosts the largest share of child-brides in the country. This study aimed at assessing the effects of early marriage on its survivors’ life conditions – specifically, empowerment and household decision-making – in western Amhara.

This study employed community-based cross-sectional study design. It adopted mixed method approach – survey, in-depth interview and focus group discussion (FGD) – to collect, analyse and interpret data on early marriage and its effects on household decision-making processes. The survey covered 1278 randomly selected respondents, and 14FGDs and 6 in-depth interviews were conducted. Statistical procedures – frequency distribution, Chi-square, logistic regression – were used to test, compare and establish associations between survey results on women empowerment for two groups of married women based on age at first marriage i.e., below 18 and at/after 18. Narratives and analytical descriptions were integrated to substantiate and/or explain observed quantitative results, or generate contextual themes.

This study reported that women married at/after 18 were more involved in household decision-making processes than child-brides. Child-brides were more likely to experience various forms of spousal abuse and violence in married life. The study results illustrated how individual-level changes, mainly driven by age at first marriage, interplay with structural factors to define the changing status and roles of married women in the household and community.

Age at first marriage significantly affected empowerment at household level, and women benefited significantly from delaying marriage. Increase in age did not automatically and unilaterally empowered women in marriage, however, since age entails a cultural definition of one’s position in society and its institutions. We recommend further research to focus on the nexus between the household and the social-structural forms that manifest at individual and community levels, and draw insights to promote women’s wellbeing and emancipation.

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Early marriage is any marriage entered into before one reaches the legal age of 18 [ 1 , 2 , 3 ]. Though both boys and girls could marry early, the norm in many countries around the world is that more girls than boys marry young and someone older [ 3 ]. In Mauritania and Nigeria, for instance, “more than half of married girls aged 15-19 have husbands who are 10 or more years older than they are” [ 3 ].

Resilient and interlinked socioeconomic and normative factors (e.g. poverty, illiteracy, traditionalism, patriarchy, etc.) undermine women’s status, capabilities and choices, and ensure early marriage continues unabated in many developing countries [ 4 ]. As a harmful traditional practice, though it is more common in developing than developed countries, there are substantial variations between and within regions of the world and countries [ 3 , 5 , 6 , 7 ]. For instance, half of the world’s child-brides live in South Asia; and, while early marriage is still most common in Sub-Saharan Africa, between them, these two regions host the 10 countries with the highest rates of early marriage [ 3 , 5 , 8 ].

By early 2000s, 59% of Ethiopian girls were marrying before 18 [ 9 ]. Footnote 1 As in the rest of Sub-Saharan Africa, early marriage in Ethiopia is gendered with only 9% of men aged 25–49 been married by 18 [ 10 , 11 ]. Its effects are diverse and wide-ranging [ 3 , 4 ]. In its onset, early marriage effectively ends childhood by limiting its victims’ opportunities for schooling, skills acquisition, personal development and even mobility. It also increases the risks of early onset of sex, adolescent pregnancy and childbearing, etc. [ 12 , 13 ] whose negative outcomes are amplified by girls’ undeveloped physique and lack of or inadequate knowledge on healthy sexual and reproductive behaviours. Cumulatively, these effects of early marriage undermine girls’ and young women’s health, psychosocial wellbeing and overall quality of life [ 14 , 15 , 16 ].

Early marriage is not only a serious public health issue. It also exacerbates domestic violence [ 17 ] and undermines women’s status and decision-making powers [ 18 , 19 ]. It increases women’s risk of intimate partner sexual violence, for it is built on spousal age gap, power imbalance, social isolation and lack of female autonomy. Globally, some 30% of girls (aged 15–19) experience violence by partners [ 20 ]. Bangladeshi women married during their adolescence, for instance, are subject to increased domestic violence and loss of autonomy, which, nonetheless, improved with their educational attainment [ 21 ]. Child-brides, specifically, are twice as likely as adult-brides to experience domestic violence [ 22 ]. This is partly because child-brides are more likely to be uneducated, poor and adherents to traditional gender norms [ 3 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 ].

Child-brides are mostly isolated with restricted mobility and limited opportunities for independent living. Those who had been going to school would be coerced to discontinue when they marry, and those who have not been to school, the hope to do so dies on their wedding day. In Tach-Gaynt Woreda of Amhara region, for instance, 69% of young women marry early. Between 2009 and 2014, females represented 61% primary school dropouts in the Woreda; and, 34% of female school dropouts mentioned early marriage as the main reason. If child-brides want to start/continue schooling, a rare approval must come from husbands and/or families. In rural communities of Ethiopia, including Amhara region, the ‘good wife’ is primarily pictured in terms of what she accomplishes at home and for the husband, children and the elderly in the family and kinship.

Against the backdrop of mounting calls for legal and policy changes, Ethiopia introduced provisions [ 10 ] to redress gender inequalities and discrimination in its most recent Constitution (1995; Article 35:3) [ 27 ]; it has also revised its Family (2000) and Penal (2005) Codes to, among other things, raise the age of legal consent for women to 18 (from 15). Ethiopia’s latest Education and Training Policy [ 28 ] introduced provisions to reorient societal attitude towards and valuation of women in education, training and development. More profoundly, and partly due to international pressure, in 2013, Ethiopia spelled out its commitment to eradicate early marriage by 2025 in the National Strategy and Action Plan on Harmful Traditional Practices against Women [ 29 ]. These and other relevant documents informed governmental and nongovernmental interventions to remove barriers, including early marriage, to young women’s personal advancement and empowerment, and taking effect at individual, institutional, national and cultural levels.

Accordingly, age at first marriage has been increasing over the years in Ethiopia [ 9 ]; nonetheless, its reported scale and rate are suspect for two main reasons. First, the Ethiopian Demographic and Health Survey (EDHS) defines age at first marriage as the age at which partners begin living together under one roof [ 29 ], despite the fact that many early marriages in Ethiopia allow spouses to start living together only a few years later as in the cases of promissory or child marriages [ 4 ]. Second, systematic underreporting or omission is a high possibility, which would lower the magnitude of early marriage among girls than boys as the latter commonly delay marriage. Criminal prosecution under the Revised Family Code (Article 7) could also induce underreporting or deliberate omission of early marriages.

Though there needs to be caution in interpreting statistics on early marriage in Ethiopia, it has been amply documented that Ethiopian women’s low social status explains their limited rights and odds to assume duties, roles and authority on equal terms as their male counterparts [ 9 , 30 ]. Early marriage, one manifestation of this violence, is intimately linked with gender, poverty and illiteracy in rural Ethiopia [ 30 ]. Rural women tend to marry younger than those in urban areas, while patriarchy and the feminization of poverty, illiteracy and low educational attainment play crucial role in perpetuating the imbalance [ 9 , 30 ].

There are studies that document strong association between early marriage and poverty. UNICEF reports that one in three girls in low- to middle-income countries will marry before 18 [ 3 , 31 ]. Nonetheless, though many see a strong link between poverty and early marriage, the correlation is never monotonic. Family riches are not guarantee to avoid early marriage. With growing population and land shortages, girls from better-off families who stand to inherit valuable resources have become easy targets for sustained solicitations by those who desire to ‘marry-into’ wealth. Conversely, poor families generally resort to early marriage as a strategy to reduce economic vulnerability. In both scenarios, however, early marriage is seen as a mechanism to strengthen ties between families, evade the risk of daughters engage in premarital sex (and lose their virginity and/or become pregnant) or pass the culturally defined ‘desirable age’ for marriage (and become unmarriable).

The sociocultural consequences of becoming pregnant outside wedlock are harsh as they go against deep-rooted cultural norms that tie girls’ chastity and sexual purity before marriage to their family honor as well as their marriageability. Most parents fear delaying marriage makes sexual encounters imminent – consented or otherwise – that disgraces the family and tarnishes girls’ reputation and, subsequently, marriage prospects.

Within Ethiopia, girls in some regional states are more likely to marry early; and, Amhara region has the highest prevalence of early marriage with 50% of girls marrying at 15, and 80% marrying at 18 [ 32 , 33 ]. In 2014, 74% of women [ 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 ] in the region married before 18, significantly higher than the national average of 41% [ 2 ]. To put this in perspective, “a girl born in [Amhara region] is three times as likely as the girl born in Addis Ababa to marry early” [ 3 ].

Reports on improving inter-generational age at first marriage at national level puts the persistently high prevalence of early marriage in Amhara region in a curious light [ 34 ]. In the region, early marriage is deeply entrenched in religious and cultural norms where sex before marriage is a blow to a girl’s marriageability, for her worth lies in her sexual purity, her future role as a devout wife and mother, and her commitment to family honor [ 35 ]. Hence, despite proactive laws, institutional structures and project interventions, early marriage grew adept and continues to affect the lives of many under different guises.

Due to its myriad nature [ 36 , 37 ], on the other hand, eradicating early marriage requires simultaneously addressing its various dimensions and promoting girls’ empowerment through education, institutional support structures and community development programs. Informed by a mixed-methods approach, thus, this study aimed at informing such types of interventions at national and regional levels by identifying its association with women’s empowerment at three Zones (North Gondar, South Gondar and West Gojjam) of Amhara region – the regional State with “one the world’s highest rates of child marriage” (and the highest in Ethiopia) where “most unions take place without girls consent” [ 38 ]. The effects of early marriage go beyond the child-brides and their children, for they severely undermine national and global progress on a variety of Sustainable Development Goals, i.e., Agenda-2030. In light of this, this interdisciplinary study, falls within the current research priority agenda of promoting evidence-based policymaking and interventions [ 39 ] to mitigate early marriage as a resilient sociocultural problem – both from a human rights standpoint and meeting the Sustainable Development Goals targets.

Theoretically, systems theory, with its roots in Ludwig von Bertalanffy’s general systems theory, informs this study [ 40 , 41 , 42 ]. General systems theory argues that all entities – physical, biological, chemical, social, etc. – are complex, structured and dynamic systems, and they constitute sub-systems or units that interact with one another as well as the external environment. His theory advanced remarkably over the years with applications in biology [ 43 , 44 , 45 ], economics [ 46 , 47 , 48 ], psychiatry [ 49 , 50 ] and sociology [ 51 , 52 , 53 , 54 ], among others.

In the field of family studies, systems theory has been used to study family or marriage as an interactional system, whereby patterns in members’ behaviors reflect interdependencies and communications amongst each other and with their normative environment, primarily – rather than their idiosyncrasies. As such, it brings at least two advantages to the current study: firstly, it allows us to understand the norms that structure families, marital relations, individual choices and decisions; secondly, it helps us unravel the tensions between agency and structure i.e., how changes at individual, family and cultural levels feed on each other to make family or marriage a dynamic interactional system capable of recalibrating its functions, communications, etc. vis-à-vis subsystems other systems in its sociocultural milieu [ 55 , 56 ].

Using systems theory, hence, this study explores the effects of early marriage on child-brides interactional outcomes of a series of factors, including individuals’ personal convictions, the function of marriage (for instance, marriage in traditional societies is primarily a cultural arrangement that decent groups use to cement desirable alliances), normative definitions of sex, sexuality, etc. In other words, this study will treat early marriage as part of a broader, normative system where decisions or actions cannot be random but aim to create, maintain or re-create a state of equilibrium. Consensus, conflict, abuse or violence in a family, as Stratus puts it, can viewed as, primarily, products of the system than individual pathology [ 55 ]. Factors that perpetuate any of these scenarios in a family are embedded within the very fabric of the culture and norm that structure the family institution and relations among members i.e., individuals cannot randomly opt out of the norms of the system patterns without suffering consequences for their indiscretions or violations.

Description of the study area

The Amhara region is one of the 10 regional states and 2 city administrations that make-up the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. Footnote 2 The region has an estimated population of 21.13million, with 90.85% residing in rural areas. Agriculture is the mainstay of residents in rural areas, with tourism, services and commerce creating the majority of jobs for urbanites. In 2013, Net Enrolment Rate at primary level was 93%, with gender parity at 0.95 [ 57 ]. The national adult literacy rate was 41.5% in 2012 [ 58 ].

This study covered 7 administrative districts – five Woredas and two cities – located in three Zones – North Gondar, Footnote 3 South Gondar, West Gojjam – of northwestern Amhara region i.e., Chilga (Code.01), Gondar Zuria (Code.02), Libo-Kemkim (Code.05), Derra (Code.06) and Yèlma-èna-Dénsa (Code.07) Woredas , and cities of Gondar (Code.03) and Bahir Dar (Code.04). These districts are of varying sizes and they are subdivided into Kebeles – smallest administrative unit in the Ethiopian federal structure. The fieldwork was conducted between January and April 2017.

Study population

This study covered all women who had had their first marriage within 10-years prior to the fieldwork, irrespective of their current marital status, in western Amhara region. The 10-years timeline provided a reasonably representative group of married women who would furnish sufficient data to assess changes in the incidence, prevalence and multifaceted effects of early marriage on their life conditions.

Study design

This study employed a mixed method approach involving quantitative and qualitative methods. A cross-sectional study design with descriptive and analytical components enabled a comparative assessment of the effects of early marriage on women’s empowerment in the domestic sphere. Theoretically, system theory informs the discussion, analysis and interpretation of data i.e., by taking into account both individual (e.g., age) and ecological (e.g., cultural value, public policy) factors as they interact and affect actors’ behaviors (in this case, interpersonal interactions and decision-making) at household level.

Methods of the study

Survey, focus group discussions (FGDs) and in-depth interviews generated relevant data on married women. A representative sample of 1278 married women were surveyed to gathered data on the prevalence and outcomes of early marriage in western Amhara region. Qualitative methods – FGD and in-depth interview – were used to assess married women’s experiences, community perceptions and values on (early) marriage, appropriate age of marriage, and impact of early marriage and community change-actors, among others. Critical desk-review of relevant documents generated perspectives and insights to triangulate the results of primary data.

Sample size

Survey sample size was calculated using a single population formula, by assuming the proportion of early marriage in Ethiopia among married women whose age less than 24-years at 41% [ 2 ], with 95% confidence level and 4% margin of error: 581 . But after considering design effect for two-stage cluster sampling (*2) and non-response rate (*10%), the final survey sample size was determined at 1278 (=581*2 + (581*.10)).

To collect qualitative data, 2 types of FGDs were conducted in each of the 7 districts with, on average, 8 discussants: FGD 1 , with child-brides – a mixed length of age at first marriage i.e., 1–5 years and 6–10 years, and their residential place i.e., rural or urban; and, FGD 2 , with representatives of community leaders, elders, law enforcement officers, parents, school directors and governmental and non-governmental organizations working on children and girls. In total, 14 FGDs were conducted.

Sampling procedure

Probability and purposive sampling techniques were used, respectively, for survey, and FGD and in-depth interview. Firstly, 7 districts – 5 Woredas (Chilga, Gondar Zuria, Derra, Libo-Kemkim and Yèlma-èna-Dénsa) and 2 cities (Gondar and Bahir Dar) – of Amhara region were identified, for they host community intervention projects intended to curb early marriage. Secondly, 4 Kebeles from each district were selected and the sampling procedure accounted for differences among districts in their residential pattern (urban vs. rural) and availability of community intervention projects (beneficiaries vs. non-beneficiaries). Specifically, the sampling procedure followed a 3:1 urban: rural ratio for the two cities, and the reverse for the 5 Woredas . Finally, the 1278 survey sample was distributed to each Kebele based on its population size and the number of women in reproductive age (ages, 15-49). Using Kebele residents’ rosters as sampling frame, a random – and proportionate – sample of households were selected for the survey from each Kebele .

Data collection tools and procedure

All data collection tools (enumerator-administered questionnaire, and FGD and in-depth interview guides) were initially designed in English. They were translated into Amharic, and then back to English – forward-and-backward translation – to ensure their validity and consistency. The questionnaire was pilot-tested at Teda Kebele of North Gondar Zone, a Kebele excluded from the survey, to check for its validity, reliability and consistency. The pilot improved the questionnaire’s completeness, appropriateness, conciseness and relevance as well as the feasibility of the fieldwork.

Twenty-eight females were employed as survey enumerators from World Vision–Ethiopia’s roster of data collectors that documents trained, experienced, locally-resourceful youth for possible recruitment as enumerators, interviewers, guides, etc. in research projects. These enumerators and local guides underwent 2-days intensive training on research methods, data collection tools, interviewing skills, etc. including running mock-interview sessions. After the training, they administrated survey questionnaires by travelling from household to household. They, before asking survey questions, were required to explain the objective of the study, requested for informed consent to participate in the study and checked respondents’ profile for eligibility i.e., women married within 10 years during the fieldwork.

Two types of FGDs, 14 in total, were conducted: FGD 1 involved child-brides who were identified and invited by enumerators during the survey; and, discussants for FGD 2 were identified based on their knowledge of the problem of early marriage in the study area and approached via administrative channels. Finally, 6 in-depth interviews were conducted with child-brides, chosen purposively as their experiences vividly illustrate the effects of early marriage on women’s empowerment.

After inquiring about preferences and confirming with participants, FGDs and in-depth interviews were conducted in facilities and spaces convenient to all such as offices of World Vision–Ethiopia, Gender and Legal Affairs, and Youth Centers. These facilities and spaces were assessed beforehand for their cleanliness, calm, safety and accessibility as well as falling outside non-participants’ earshot and possible intrusions. On average, FGDs and in-depth interviews took, respectively, 60 and 40 min to complete. Authors conducted FGDs and interviewed child-brides.

Data management and analysis

For the survey, all filled and returned questionnaires were checked for completeness and consistency of responses. Once survey data collection was finalized, 3 experienced data encoders entered questionnaire data into Epi-Info and later transferred to SPSS [ 20 ] as data-sets for cleaning, organization and analysis. Descriptive and inferential statistics were employed to determine, among others: the prevalence of early marriage; the incidences and magnitude of bad outcomes of early marriage on women’s decision-making; and, community’s perception on early marriage and appropriate age of marriage. Binary logistic regression models were used determine the likely occurrence of different forms of disempowerment in two groups of women i.e., those married before 18 and those married at/after 18. A p -value of 0.05 was used as a cut-off point to determine statistical significance.

Regarding FGDs and in-depth interviews, all sessions, with the consent of participants, were digitally recorded. Audio-files were later transcribed, post-coded and categorized under core thematic areas. Thematic content analysis provided insights into the nature, community perception and drivers of early marriage and changes. Analytical descriptions and quotes from FGDs and in-depth interviews were used to triangulate, contextualize or explain survey results. Narrated texts, graphs and tables were used to present results according to the nature of the information derived.

In quoting directly from FGDs and in-depth interviews, codes were used to refer to the method, source and location (districts). Accordingly, FGD-R01, for instance, refers to an FGD conducted with representatives of relevant stakeholders (i.e., R) in Chilga Woreda of North Gondar Zone (i.e., 01). Similarly, Interview-S07 refers to an interview conducted with child-brides (i.e., S) in Yèlma-èna-Dénsa Woreda of West Gojjam Zone (i.e., 07).

Ethical considerations

Data for this article are taken from a larger study the authors conducted on behalf of E 4 Y Project , a project run by World Vision-Ethiopia and cleared for appropriate ethical standards at national and regional levels. On behalf of the authors, World Vision–Ethiopia supplied official letters to the respective regional and district administration offices and provide support and facilitation as required.

During the fieldwork, study participants and/or parents/legal guardians (when participants were under the age of 18) were informed about the study objectives and the scope of their involvement beforehand. Verbal consent was obtained from participants or parents/guardians prior to commencing survey, interviews or FGDs. Privacy and confidentiality were granted and maintained during the survey, discussions or interviews. Confidentiality of digital recordings and transcribed data were strictly protected and this was explained to all participants. During FGDs and in-depth interviews, special attention was given to when asking sensitive questions based on local contexts. Participants’ concerns and questions were addressed before they provided individual, informed consents. There was no financial incentive offered to study participants. Nonetheless, participants who had to travel from distant Kebeles for study’s purpose were provided with transport allowance.

The preliminary findings of the study were presented and validated in a national validation workshop held at Bahir Dar city (Ethiopia) and in attendance were representatives of the community (including study participants) and relevant governmental and non-governmental organizations working on early marriage. Workshop participants reflected on the process and results of the study. The authors addressed the comments and questions raised during the workshop, and they revised the study report submitted to World Vision-Ethiopia.

The results and findings of the study are organized and presented in two sub-sections: (a) the prevalence of early marriage; and (b) early marriage and household decision-making in Amhara region. Let us start with the prevalence of early marriage and its variation among districts of the region.

The prevalence of early marriage in Amhara region

The survey covered 1278 married-women respondents, while 112 [ 6 ] participants took part in 14 FGDs (interviews). Of the 1278 respondents, 444 (34.7%) were married before the age of 18 Fig.  1 . Nonetheless, as Fig.  2 reports, there was variation in the prevalence rate of early marriage among districts in the study area: Derra (54.5%) and Yèlma-èna-Dénsa (49.7%) Woredas registered the highest, and the cities of Gondar (16.7%) and Bahir Dar (25.1%) the lowest rates of early marriage. With the regional prevalence rate of 32%, the results indicated that urbanization is inversely related to the prevalence rate of early marriage.

Prevalence of early marriage in Western Amhara, Ethiopia (Survey, 2017)

Comparatively, early marriage was high among Orthodox Christians (38.8%) and rural residents (40.6%). Regarding schooling, the proportion of child-brides increased from ‘no formal schooling’ (48.3%) to ‘primary level’ (52.6%), before it declined at junior (39.7%) and senior (28%) high-school levels. These results underlined rural residents and primary grades as potent entry points for any effective intervention, for 53% of primary graders and 41% of rural residents ended up marrying before 18.

Respondents’ age at first marriage ranged from 5 to 35 (M = 18.75; SD = 3.44); and, the lowest ages to start living with spouses and make sexual debut among respondents were, respectively, 9 (M = 18.93; SD = 3.25) and 10 (M = 18.80; SD = 3.11).

Among respondents primarily engaged in farming, on the other hand, 67.1% experienced early marriage, which is not unexpected since the prevalence of early marriage is high in rural areas where agriculture is the main employer of labor. Similarly, 39.3% those who produce and sell local alcoholic beverages were married before 18 (Fig. 2 ). These and the results presented above indicate that early marriage has pertinent impacts on and associations with young women’s education, economic development and wellbeing.

Prevalence and profile of early marriage in Amhara National Regional State, Ethiopia (Survey, 2017)

Early marriage and household decision-making in Amhara region

In this section, the effects of early marriage on young women’s empowerment at household decision-making processes are presented under five sections: early marriage, marital interactions and dysfunctions; early marriage and spouse abuse; early marriage and household management; early marriage, social interactions and procreation; and early marriage and healthcare.

Early marriage, marital relations and dysfunction

As Table  1 shows, respondents’ current living arrangement with first husband – which, though imperfectly, serves as a proxy to history of family dysfunction – significantly varies by their age at first marriage (χ 2  = 34.296; α = .001). Family dysfunction refers to processes that undermine the intactness of the family institution and members’ ability to procreate, socialize children and support each other in life. These processes include, among others, conflict, abuse, role-strain, apathy, separation, divorce and desertion. In this study, when respondents did not share households with their first husbands at the time of the survey, it was taken to imply some form of family dysfunction i.e., conflict, abuse, separation, divorce, etc. Specifically, while 82.4% of the respondents married at/after 18 were living with their first husbands, only 68.2% of those married before 18 did. In other words, grim by-products of marriage such as separation, divorce, desertion (and possible remarriage) seems to be forced on women who had their first marriage before 18 – the legal age of consent under the Ethiopian Civil Code.

To put it in context, a logit model predicts girls married before 18 are more than twice as likely (= e 0.137 ) as women married at/after 18 not to be with their first husband (Logit: χ 2  = 31.431; α = .001; Wald = 31.388; ß  = .770; Constant = 772 ) . Significantly more respondents married before 18 also dissolved their first marriage and remarried (42 (9.5%)) than those married at/after 18 (21 (2.5%)). Specifically, girls married before 18 are twice as likely as women married at/after 18 to dissolve their first marriage, and either establish a new one or become widow or single (χ 2  = 45.380; α = .001). For FGD participants at Libo Kemkim, these experiences tend to make the lives of child-brides grimmer:

Most of them [child-brides] would not have strong foundation to build their marriage on and end up being divorcees. After divorce, they migrate to urban areas and, due to lack of opportunities for education or employment, become street children or, worse, prostitutes. They are ghastly populating this cruel occupation. Many also migrate to Arab countries as divorce implies loss of livelihood [FGD_R06].

Mostly in rural communities of western Amhara region, underage girls enter into marriage without a personal, informed choice. For marriage generally is the result of the decision of parents and/or close kin, and it is culturally desirable for girls to marry men much older than themselves. But as they drop out of school and become child-mothers, several child-brides resented their husbands, parents and others who brokered and/or enabled the loss of their childhood:

It is a challenge to raise a child and taking care of household chores while still being a child! If I were to give birth now, I will be physically mature to take care of my duties effectively. I would have more time for myself too. I think marrying and giving birth as children have stunted our development … We do not lead a decent living and we do not cloth or clean up well. This is the result of our parents’ decision to marry us early …. [Moreover,] our children did not get the best we could have provided in care and protection. For lack of knowledge, we neglected them and this would not have happened if we married after we matured well enough. We do not clean them as required. Despite all this, we managed to see them grow. We do not want to see them grow repeating what we passed through, though. We want them to go to school, mature physically and mentally, enjoy life before they assume the responsibility of running a household the way we did/do [FGD_S05].

Early marriage and spouse abuse

Higher rates of first marriage dissolution, separation or desertion were not the only outcomes more likely associated with early marriage in the study population. Child-brides who remained married to their first husbands were highly vulnerable to spousal abuse and violence. Chi-square test of association (χ 2  = 11.311; α = .01), for instance, found that child-brides were more likely to experience spousal verbal abuse (46.9%) than women married at/after 18 (36.9%). Specifically, women married at/after 18 are 33% (= e 0.119 ) less likely to experience spousal verbal abuse than child-brides (Logit: χ 2  = 11.247; α = .001; Wald = 11.261; ß  = -.440; Constant = .797 ) . In a patriarchal society where both women and men accept some type of spousal abuse as a normality in marriage, the results show that delaying marriage until or past 18 was associated with small but statistically significant decline in spousal verbal abuse (Table 2 ).

Similarly, compared to those married at/after the legal age of 18, child-brides were also more likely to experience spousal beating (χ 2  = 8.090; α = .01) and non-consensual sex or marital rape (χ 2  = 36.903; α = .001) by their first husbands compared to woman married at/after 18. Specifically, women married at/after 18 were 38% (= e 0.171 ) and 58% (= e 0.145 ) less likely to experience spousal beating (Logit: χ 2  = 7.845; α = .01; Wald = 7.986; ß  = -.483; Constant = .694 ) spousal non-consensual sex (Logit: χ 2  = 35.520; α = .001; Wald = 35.712; ß  = -.866; Constant = .808 ) , respectively, as compared to child-brides.

Early marriage and household management

Child-brides were also more subservient/subordinate to their husbands in the administration of family possession and/or money (χ 2  = 21.428; α = .001). While 45% of child-brides reported the main responsibility to administer family possessions and/or money rested in the husband, less than one-in-three women married at/after 18 reported similar scenarios. Furthermore, the percentage of respondents who share the responsibility of administering family resources with their husbands increased from 51.6 to 65% among those married before and at/after 18 respectively.

Similarly, child-brides’ decision-making roles in major family transactions and activities e.g., buy or sell land, livestock, groceries, children’s clothing, etc. were significantly lower than women married as adults (χ 2  = 33.702; α = .001).

As a norm, Ethiopian women have the responsibility of taking care of family members including children, the elderly, etc. As Table  3 shows, decisions on how and when married women dispense with this role disproportionately involves husbands. Only 14 and 19% of respondents married before and at/after 18, respectively, were the main decision makers on buying groceries (χ 2  = 14.608; α = .01); and, 2 and 3% of those married before and at/after 18, respectively, had made decisions on purchasing children’s clothing (χ 2  = 10.799; α = .02). On a related note, collaborative decision-making on both issues and respondent age-categories improved at the expense of husbands’ share. Nonetheless, married women had better decision-making powers in purchasing groceries (17%) than children’s clothing (3%).

Early marriage, social interactions and procreation

As Table  4 depicts, women married at/after 18 were more likely to visit their families as per their own terms (6.8% vs. 3.2%) or in consultation with their husbands (69.4% vs. 59.9%) than succumbing to husbands’ unilateral decision (10.0% vs. 18.7%) as compared to child-brides (χ 2  = 31.830; α = .001). But, for both group of women, the decision to visit families is more likely to be shared than unilateral – save for some variation for husband’s share.

The (non) use of contraceptives is another indicator of women’s decision-making power at household level, and the results in Table 4 underline that husbands retained disproportionate power in deciding whether or not wives will use contraceptives (χ 2  = 17.781; α = .001) or when they can have a child (χ 2  = 21.231; α = .001) when wives’ age at first marriage was below 18. The majority of married women in both groups made shared decisions together with their husbands on both issues; but, percentage differentials between the two groups show that those married at/after 18 negotiated decisions on when to have a child (66.8% vs. 54.8%), or use contraceptives (79.5% vs. 68.6%) more often than child-brides. Note here also that those who marry at/after 18 (84%) are more likely than those who marry before 18 (79%) to have ever used contraceptives.

Early marriage and healthcare

With regard to receiving medical care (Table  5 ), statistically significant difference existed on who made decisions when wives fell ill (χ 2  = 10.734; α = .02): most decisions were shared (55.7%) or made unilaterally by husbands (24.7%). Between the two groups, women married at/after 18 were almost twice as likely as child-brides to decide on their own to seek or receive medical services when they fell ill. On the other hand, there was no statistically significant difference between spouses on who made the decision to seek medical treatment when children were the once who fell ill. Parental decision-making powers did not differ much when it was the child’s, rather than the mother’s, wellbeing at stake.

There is no statistically significant difference on who decides on place of child delivery (Table 5 ) – i.e., whether at home or health stations – (χ 2  = 5.070; α = .17). When it comes to mothers’ availing antenatal care (ANC), nonetheless, women married at/after 18 were more likely to decide together with their husbands (48.7% vs. 44.7%), or on their own (11.4% vs. 9.0%), than accept husbands’ unilateral decision (2.4% vs. 5.4%) as compared to child-brides (χ 2  = 11.573; α = .009). This is, however, assuming both group of women have comparable – availability and accessibility – reproductive health facilities and services, gender-mix of health professionals (husbands prefer women health professionals to deliver their babies), etc.

Similarly, on how decisions on children’s immunization/vaccination were made at household level, there was weak statistical difference between the married women depending on their ages at first marriage. But observed differences show that child-brides were twice more likely to accept husbands’ unilateral decisions (3.8% vs. 2.0%), or less likely to share the role with their husbands (33.8% vs. 39.6%), as compared to women married at/after 18. However, cautious interpretation of this result must take into account the weak statistical association between age at first marriage and decision making on children’s immunization/vaccination (χ 2  = 7.035; α = .071).

Building on the survey results, this section explores further – using narratives and discourses generated through FGDs and in-depth interviews – the main findings on the effects of early marriage on women’s empowerment in western Amhara region. The discussion is embedded within systems theory and follows similar structure of presentation as the results section.

The survey results showed that one-third of married-women in western Amhara region were affected by early marriage; and, they experience various forms of marital and family disorganizations i.e., divorce, separation, martial abuse, etc. They mostly marry older men and soon afterwards drop out of school. Education is generally ‘unthinkable’ for child-brides, FGD participants at Libo Kemkim explain:

The immediate result of early marriage is dropping out of school, if they were [still] in school at the time of marriage. Husbands want their wives to quit schooling [and become stay-at-home wives] too. If child-brides stay in school, they become persistent truants or repeat grades. More than half of them repeat grades. They do not get the necessary support they need to stay in school and be successful. They are also very much depressed and isolated from the school community and their classmates (FGD_R06).

But as child-brides get older, many grew aware of their missed opportunities due to a life imposed on them. While their age-mates be and act as they are supposed to i.e., children, they toil and serve the will of an outmoded tradition. A 16 years old child-bride in Derra Woreda laments,

I loved going to school and did well too …. But when I reached Grade-7, my mother started complaining why I wanted to continue going to school instead of getting married. She used to name girls in my neighbourhood who married younger than I was at the time …. Now, I’m jealous of my former classmates who still go to school and progress through grades …. I sometimes cry alone (Interview_S 1 05).

Child-brides become more and more isolated and restricted to the household as years go by. A child-bride who married at 15 and dropped out of school at 6th grade says, “I don’t see my friends frequently. They visit during weekends, since they have school during weekdays. This makes me sad and angry. Seeing them going to school with books and in uniforms, I feel sad and I want to cry” (Interview_S 2 05).

Child-brides were also more likely to experience early sexual debut and pregnancy – and probably suffer from medical complications. Childbirth effectively ends their childhood as they become child-mothers: “My brothers used to tease me about the way I carried my son around. I did not know how to do it right. But they supported me a lot in raising him” (Interview_S07).

As the survey results revealed, child-brides were more likely to sustain verbal abuse (47%) than martial rape (28%) or beating (16%) by first husbands than adult-brides. These incidents remain mostly unreported to authorities, unless they result in serious injuries – and even these may be kept as a family matter and dealt with discretely. For they are taken for granted aspects of married life or a trait of masculinity as the experience of a child-bride who married a 22-year-old man when she was 15 attests. When asked if her husband ever verbally or physical abused her, she replies, with a dismissive chuckle in her voice, “Isn’t he a man?! Of course, he swears and insults me when things are not in order at home” (Interview_S 2 05).

As patriarchal culture normalizes spouse abuse and violence, men tend to regularly use it to settle disagreements with and/or assert their authority over their wives. Mostly against child-brides, due to age gap, husbands may feel justified, or even required, to use force to ensure conformity to patriarchal norms of marital relations. In fact, survey results underlined the importance of age at first marriage whereby such scenarios are significantly reduced among women married at/after 18 – their delayed marriage gave them the time and maturity to influence the mate selection process and martial relations.

Child-brides, compared to women married at/after 18, were also consistently powerless in making or negotiating decisions with their husbands on important household matters. At best, they shared decision-making powers with their husbands, which, considering their broad definition of ‘shared’ decision-making process, may not tell us much about their real-live experiences. Furthermore, their roles in household decision-making processes varied by the activity under consideration. For instance, they were better involved when the decision is about buying groceries than children’s clothing. This is not contrary to the prevailing patriarchal norms, however, as groceries are ‘must-have’ but children’s clothing could be optional depending on other priorities, and it is on such matters that men retain the authority.

On the other hand, child-brides and adult-brides were not different regarding decisions on when and how often they visited their families. But there is more to the process than what meets the eye; and, it is related to parental approval of the union – from initiation to formation and maintenance – which puts the husband at ease when it comes to his wife visiting her parents/families. In other words, it only implies the husband temporarily transferring the locus of control from his house to her parents’. Furthermore, marriage involves the transference of rights between domestic groups, and there is always a scope for a wife to visit and contribute labour or services to her parents/family in such occasions as childbirth, pre- and post-natal care, weddings, death, etc. Footnote 4 A husband cannot refuse his wife these socially sanctioned visits and roles without risking ridicule and contempt. But he can negotiate the length of her family visit, which exemplifies one of the few contexts where some level of negotiation (and empowering scenario) is built into marriage norms for married women.

The role of child-brides in decisions on conceiving, spacing and number of children, however, paints the usual picture of disempowerment, and it is primarily related to the cultural value that children have in the study community. As a norm, early marriage is actually marriage between families with procreation i.e., generational continuity in its core. In western Amhara, children are also seen as blessings, making the use of contraceptives immoral, sinful and threat to the foundation of traditional marriage. In the eyes of the community, children make a family complete; and oftentimes, contraceptive use is discouraged especially among young brides, which explains why this study found fewer child-brides ever using contraceptives. Hence, if and when husbands resist the use of contraceptives, they have the cultural leverage to back it up. However, those who married at/after 18 were better placed to negotiate the terms as their marriage was most likely shaped by their preference – with varying levels of parental and family involvement, of course.

Child-brides responded to these scenarios differently. Some resigned and accepted their fate, while others, like the child-bride at Bahir Dar city, revolted: “My mother married me off to a 22-years-old man when I was only 10. I moved to his parents’ house. My in-laws were very old and I had to take care of them. I did everything around the house as well …. It was killing me. One morning, I just got up and left, and came to Bahir Dar” (Interview_S04).

Parents and families almost unilaterally and ubiquitously arrange early marriage – and they draw on cultural values to justify their decisive roles. But, with early marriage being illegal, they must proceed discretely not to alert authorities – legal departments, police, the courts, education officers, teachers, etc. – and, primarily, the girl-child herself or her friends. A legal officer at Addis Zemen Woreda (South Gondar) explains:

As people become aware of the legal repercussions, many [parents] are also getting creative to evade the law and marry-off children. Now, they use social events like Mahèber , Zèkèr or birthdays as covers. This has made modern day early marriage practices largely clandestine and illusive. Detecting or reporting it is becoming difficult (FGD_R06).

With ramped-up campaigns against early marriage, girls and young women are becoming self-aware of its illegality of early marriage and their rights to education. Self-assertive girls have learned to evade this yoking institution by refusing their parents’ wishes or, when that does not work, threatening to contact authorities. This explains why many child-brides were kept in the dark about such arrangements, making their first encounter with their husbands-to-be disillusioning: “My father arranged everything. He told me who I will marry and where I will live afterwards. I never knew the person before and the first time I saw him was when we went for medical Footnote 5 …. They said he was 20 at the time but he looked much older to me” (Interview_S 1 05).

Child-brides may accept their parents’ decisions to marry early for various reasons: to fulfil a terminally-ill parents’ wish to see their children forming a family; to escape poverty or help parents benefit from bride-wealth ( tèlosh ); to enable a family forge desirable alliance with a respected family through marriage; etc. But growing older brings opportunities of self-awareness and maturity for most child-brides. Their exposure to the world outside induces changes in their views, attitudes and behaviours – changes that test their resolve to continue respecting parents’ life-changing decisions. Husbands and parents usually treat this change as a sign of moral corruption and respond with corrective measures, abuse or violence. This explains why most child-brides are more prone to various forms of family disorganization, abuse or disempowerment compared to adult-brides.

There is a common thread in these discussions i.e., age. In Ethiopia, as in most other societies, 18 is more than just a number. It is the age of legal emancipation, which comes with the right to decide on one’s own or give independent consent to contractual agreements including marriage. However, most communities in the study area – bar for the two cities of Gondar and Bahir Dar – define girls’ readiness for marriage well below 18 – with stark contradiction to the Family Law. The Law may see the child in a girl below 18. But for people around her, she could be at ‘the right age’ to become, or start her journey to become, a good-wife and/or a good-mother.

As future household heads, on the other hand, boys are allowed to grow older, develop their life-skills, and become experienced and mature. They enjoy greater scope for experimentation and financial independence before venturing to form family. Conversely, since early childhood, girls are taught to regard marriage, family and motherhood as the good-woman’s virtues. As soon as girls’ physical development ‘catch the eye,’ the norm is for her parents to identify a suitable marriage plan. This scenario is intimately related to the gendered socialization of boys and girls in patriarchal societies like Ethiopia. A secondary school principal at Yèlma-èna-Dénsa Woreda concurs:

The [rural] community sees boys and girls differently. It marries girls early as protection from risks [such as rape, abduction or adolescent pregnancy as they traverse great lengths to and from school]. Moreover, parents do not have faith in girls to be successful in education and lead a decent life on their own as boys. They think marriage is the best way for girls to have a fruitful adult life. For boys, parents usual wait for them to reach their potential in education, or learn to stand on their feet. This, however, does not happen for [most] girls (FGD_R07).

Whether parents arrange marriage for their daughters depends on a unique definition of ‘an appropriate mate,’ FGD participants at Chilga Woreda add:

What parents and the community take into account during arranging early marriage [for a girl] is whether the groom-to-be can provide for her. They don’t consider its bad health or other effects in her life …. [As a norm,] Parents [could also agree] to give their daughter’s hands in marriage if they are convinced that a boy [or his family] is economically well and promise to let her continue her education …. But this promise rarely materializes [FGD_R01].

But to ensure a child-bride keeps a good home, she is preferred (i.e., arranged) to marry someone older with the means to provide for her and the cultural wisdom to make important decisions on household and broader matters. The arrangement works well for boys who postpone marriage till they acquire the means to provide for a family and administer its affairs.

Consequently, in a patriarchal arrangement where power lies in the hands of men and the husbands are usually older, child-brides remain structurally fixed to subservient position in their own marriages and houses. With largely ineffective systems to prevent early marriage or ensure child-brides’ safety and rights in an unlawful arrangement, husbands can easily draw on the patriarchal culture to impose their decisions, whereby consulting or involving wives becomes an indulgence they do well without. Even with changes that undermine patriarchal rules on marital relations, as Kolb and Straus argue, “individuals socialized to operate in one system of family organization may have difficulty [in] operating under new standards” [ 59 ].

Conclusions

Informed by systems theory and using a mixed methods approach, this study compared child- and adult-brides in western Amhara region to assess their roles in household decision-making processes. It reported that child-brides are more likely to experience family and marital disorganizations – they had higher rates of both divorce and remarriage. They were also more likely to suffer from various types of abuse and violence while committed to subordinate roles in most household decision-making processes.

Systems theory teaches us that marital relations and household decision-making processes reflect the idiosyncrasies of members, the functional prerequisite of the household unit and the wider cultural milieu. As the study results revealed, women married at latter ages were able to influence household decision-making processes in ways that recognize their preferences and wellbeing. Age is not just a biological factor as it entails cultural definition of one’s scope of involvement and influence in household as well as wider sociocultural, economic and political affairs of the community. The interactions between individual and community factors seem to create better negotiation powers for women married as adults than those married as children.

Using systems theory, the discussion of results underlined the relevance of unravelling the interactions between individual, institutional and community factors to understand and/or change the power dynamics between spouses at household level. Furthermore, its findings imply that sectoral interventions will struggle to bring much-sought after emancipation of women in patriarchal institution and culture and abolish early marriage. The alignment between the study findings and the premises of system theory illustrate why child-brides faced resistance from their husbands, families and communities to be involved in household decision-making processes. There were reports about married women sustaining spousal abuse for wanting to have a say on what happens in the household. There were also women who did not want to do so since that was not how they were brought up and saw husbands’ unilateral decision-making powers as something natural.

In sum, the study results reveal that with increasing age comes physical, social and emotional maturity, and delaying marriage improved married women’s empowerment in household decision-making processes. But this change did not unfold unilaterally and in simple correlation with women’s age at first marriage since it bore the imprints of individual, institutional and cultural factors. There were instances of neglect, resistance or abuse as individuals, institutions and norms adjust to and accommodate women’s preferences and wills in marital relations and household management. We conclude by stating the obvious: if women do not have much decision-making power at the domestic sphere, which is traditionally defined as their domain, how would the gap be in the public sphere, which is traditionally out of their reach or influence? The authors believe this is one of the areas that further research could productively explore.

Following the political unrest of 2018, the North Gondar Zone has been subdivided into three zones with their own administrative structures – North, Central and West zones – in 2019. But this study was conducted in 2017 – before the restructuring – and covered Kebeles in the then North Gondar Zone.

Availability of data and materials

The datasets used and/or analysed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

Countries with higher prevalence of early marriage are Niger (82%), Bangladesh (75%), Chad (73%), Yemen (64%), Mali (63%), Nepal (63%), Mozambique (59%) and Ethiopia (57%)

The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia had 9 regional states (Tigray, Afar, Amhara, Oromia, Somali, Benishangul-Gumuz, Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples, Gambela, and Harari) and 2 city administrations (Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa) until 2020. Currently, the Sidama region had broken-off with SNNP and has been recognized as a separate region, making the number of regional states 10.

Many Africans and Latin Americans practice a tradition for new moms called la cuarentena, a Hispanic word that to refer to a period of approximately 6 weeks, during which new mothers abstain from sex and solely dedicate their time and energy to breastfeeding and taking care of themselves and the baby. Members of the family participate to cook, clean and take care of other children, if there are any. What is different in the Ethiopian case is that pregnant women generally return to their parents’ house and stay there receiving all pre- and post-natal care by their family members. The length of the stay covers a week or days before birth and until the baby is baptized, for Christian folks.

Medical assessment of couples’ health status – mainly HIV/AIDS – is becoming increasingly a requirement to legalize marriage in Ethiopia.

Abbreviations

Central Statistical Authority (Ethiopia)

Demographic and Health Survey (Ethiopia)

Engaged, Educated, Empowered Ethiopian Youth

Focus Group Discussion

International Center for Research on Women

Ministry of Education (Ethiopia)

Ministry of Women, Children and Youth Affairs (Ethiopia)

Standard Deviation

Statistical Package for Social Sciences

Transitional Government of Ethiopia

United Nations Fund for Population (Activities)

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund

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Acknowledgments

We would like to acknowledge the WV-E for providing the funding for the research based on which this manuscript is developed. Its staff were more than collaborative in providing editorial assistance and logistics support whenever required. We thank survey respondents, FGD participants and in-depth interviewees for taking their time and providing relevant information which enabled us to understand the nature of relations between early marriage and women empowerment in the study area. Last but not least, we are grateful for University of Gondar, where three of us had been working for over a decade at the time of the study, to enable and support our multidisciplinary research team.

We, the authors, would like to express our preference to be searchable through our own individual PubMed records and we include out names, institutional affiliation and country information as follows:

• Mikyas Abera, PhD. Assistant Professor, University of Gondar, Ethiopia

• Ansha Nega, Mrs. Assistant Professor, Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia

• Yifokire Tefera, Mr. Assistant Professor, Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia

• Abebaw Addis Gelagay, Mr. Assistant Professor, University of Gondar, Ethiopia

Funding for the research was provided by World Vision Ethiopia, whose staff provided editorial and logistics support during the data collection, analyses and write-up phases.

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School of Public Health, Addis Ababa University, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

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Contributions

MAN. MAN’s contributions to this manuscript involve collaboratively designing, conducting and coordinating the field research; checking for quality survey data entry; transcribing qualitative data; generate themes from qualitative data; running statistical analyses on SPSS and interpreting results; producing the first draft of this manuscript for comment and refinement by research team members. AN. AN’s contributions to this manuscript involve collaboratively designing and conducting the field research; transcribing qualitative data; running statistical analyses and interpreting results; and, enriching the first draft of the manuscript immensely with descriptive and illustrative additions. YT. YT’s contributions to this manuscript involve collaboratively designing and conducting the field research; transcribing qualitative data; running statistical analyses and interpreting results; and, enriching the first draft of the manuscript immensely with descriptive and illustrative additions. AAG. AAG’s contributions to this manuscript involve collaboratively designing and conducting the field research; transcribing qualitative data; running statistical analyses and interpreting results; and, enriching the first draft of the manuscript immensely with descriptive and illustrative additions as well as editorials. All authors have read and approved the final manuscript.

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1. Mikyas Abera . Dr. Mikyas Abera, PhD, is an Assistant Professor at the University of Gondar (UoG), Gondar (Ethiopia). He studied Sociology and Social Administration (BA; Addis Ababa University: 2003), Sociology (MA; Delhi School of Economics: 2007), and Sociology of Education (PhD; Addis Ababa University: 2015). His research interests are education, gender, rehabilitation, social inequality and science and technology. He helped UoG to launch undergraduate, graduate and postgraduate programs in Sociology between 2003 and 2017. He currently teaches and supervises students both at graduate and postgraduate levels, and engages in several research and community engagement projects.

2. Ansha Nega . Mrs. Nega, MSc, is Assistant Professor of Public Health at School of Public Health, Addis Ababa University (Ethiopia). She studied Occupational Health and Safety (BSc; University of Gondar) and Ergonomics (MSc; Loughborough University). Mrs. Nega worked for more than 13 years at UoG with varied responsibilities including teaching, research and community works. She has served as the Director for Community Based Rehabilitation program at University of Gondar; lead and co-lead various collaborative researches on disability, child labor, occupational safety, rehabilitation, and early marriage, among others. Currently, she is faculty at Addis Ababa University.

3. Yifokire Tefera . Mr. Yifokire Tefera, PhD Candidate at Addis Ababa University and adjunct staff and Assistant Professor of Public Health at UoG. Environmental Health Science (BSc; Jimma University, Ethiopia); Occupational Health and Safety (MSc; Loughborough University, UK). Mr. Tefera has served UoG for over 14 years under different capacities: teaching faculty, researcher, administrator and community worker. He has extensive experience in leading and/or coordinating collaborative international and national research projects. His research and community work interests lie on public health child labor, decent work, disability and development. Currently, Mr. Tefera pursues his PhD in Occupational Health and Safety at AAU, collaborative program between AAU and Bergen University, Norway.

4. Abebaw Addis Gelagay . Mr. Abebaw Addis Gelagay is an Assistant Professor of Reproductive and Child Health at UoG and have been serving University of Gondar since 2014 with roles in teaching, research, management and community work. He studied Nursing (Diploma; Addis Ababa University), Public Health (BSc; UoG), and MPH in Reproductive and Child Health (MPH; UoG). He has extensive experience in leading and/or coordinating collaborative international and national research projects. His research and community work interests lie, mainly, on general, reproductive and child health. Currently, Mr. Addis serves as Chair of Department of Reproductive Health, Institute of Public Health, UoG.

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Ethical approval for the research was attained at the level of the E 4 Y (Engaged, Educated, Empowered Ethiopian Youth) project – a project implemented by World Vision–Ethiopia in various regional States of Ethiopia. In addition, the study proposal, tools, funding source, etc. were submitted to and approved by the Institute of Public Health’s Institutional Review Board (IRB) of the University of Gondar, Ethiopia to meet scientific and ethical standards. The IRB cleared the study not to have any health, social, personal harm to participants, their communities and the environment. Study participants as well as parents and/or legal guardians – for those under the legal age of 18 – were requested to provide verbal or signed consent for participation beforehand. The IRB approved oral consent for parents and/or legal guardians as well as participants considering many reside in remote villages with very low literacy level. However, whenever possible, written consent was collected from study participants and such was approved.

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Abera, M., Nega, A., Tefera, Y. et al. Early marriage and women’s empowerment: the case of child-brides in Amhara National Regional State, Ethiopia. BMC Int Health Hum Rights 20 , 30 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12914-020-00249-5

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• Early marriage and its devastating effects

A blog post on the harm child marriage is inflicting on girls

Taking a child for early marriage when she is still young may lead to lack of health, lack of care, unwanted pregnancies and she might be overburdened with domestic work.

Lack of health

When a girl is taken for early marriage, she may not know how to keep her children, herself and not even the home clean and healthy. You may find the mother busy with cooking and the children are disposing waste which may cause sickness and diseases later on, for example cholera, diarrhoea and typhoid because of dirty water.

Lack of care

When you take your child for early marriage, she may be irresponsible. She may not be able to handle her home or even to speak to the people of the community. It will be a problem because she is fearing due to the lack of care.

Unwanted pregnancies

When you take your child for early marriage, she will become pregnant and later on and she may give birth through surgery or she may die in the process of giving birth which is not good. Some parents are taking their child for early marriage for reducing poverty at home and in the community, but you won’t reduce unwanted pregnancies by doing so.

Overburdened with domestic work

Overburdening children with domestic work are not good because it may later on affect the children or the child and they will feel some pain on the body such as chest pain and back pain. Carrying heavy things might harm their bodies.

My advice to our parents: Parents, avoid early marriage May Modong, 15 years old.

The COVID-19 has made it worse with increased rates of unwanted pregnancies and high crime rates.

During this pandemic, many girls have become pregnant because they know that this year is a wasted year- no need for them to go back to school. But no, it is not the way to your future because education is the only way to your future

This pandemic has made some children to join some groups in the areas, other are now thieves, some are drinking alcohol and smoking cigarette which may later on affect the body and even lead to death.

My advice to our parents:

Parents, avoid early marriage

Parents, don’t overburden children with a lot of domestic work

My advice to the children

We children should not refuse to go to school because education is the key to our future because when you educate a girl you educate the whole nation and reduce gender-based violence many girls and women in this country are facing.

Thank you and may God bless UNICEF and Every one of us in Jesus’ name. Amen.

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The Economics of Early Marriage: Causes, Consequences, and Policy Solutions

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There is growing consensus among researchers, policymakers, and other stakeholders that the practice of female early marriage has adverse consequences for the women who experience them, their families, and the wider population. While it is evident that the practice of female early marriage is entwined with longstanding customs and traditions, there is also good reason to believe that economic factors are important drivers behind current behavior and underpin a range of solutions being explored by policymakers. This chapter provides an economic perspective on the issue. It examines the literature for theories and evidence relating to the economic causes and consequences of female early marriage and the efficacy of alternative policies, and highlights current knowledge gaps.

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Acknowledgment

Responsible Section Editor: M Niaz Asadullah.

The article has benefitted from valuable comments of the editor and anonymous referees. There is no conflict of interest.

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Wahhaj, Z. (2022). The Economics of Early Marriage: Causes, Consequences, and Policy Solutions. In: Zimmermann, K.F. (eds) Handbook of Labor, Human Resources and Population Economics. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-57365-6_67-1

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Early marriage: Causes, effects, problems, how early is too early?

There are many nations and tribes worldwide for whom early marriage is a long-lasting tradition preserved throughout the centuries. It may sound terrifying, but early marriages are still popular in remote areas, and most people still practice them.

What are the causes and effects of early marriage? The immature individuals, who get married, are not always stable enough to cope with the difficulties that come with marriage. What makes people get married early, and what are the consequences?

What is early marriage?

Early marriage, often known as child marriage, is a partnership between two persons while one or both parties are under 18.

What are the causes of early marriage?

What are the consequences of early marriage ? What makes people reject their own wishes and start relationships as a couple? Here are some of the major causes of early marriages in many societies.

A kind of disobedience

What is enmeshment in a relationship and how does one deal with it?

It is up to the youth to be influenced by modern tendencies and a desire to be like a young celebrity who has married recently. Moreover, these people feel like Romeo and Juliet, who found one love for their entire life. They escape and get married secretly, breaking the prohibitions.

Lack of sexual education and unexpected pregnancy

Young people are not always educated enough on sexual relationships and methods to avoid unplanned pregnancies.

Most countries prohibit abortions. Furthermore, they bear criminal liability under the law. To prevent legal responsibility and punishment, young people are obliged to get married, even if one of the "participants" is considered too young.

Early marriage as a tribute to ancestors

Keeping traditions preserved is one of the primary tasks in many African countries . For example, they contract a marriage due to the customs inherent to their ancestors.

It is one of the causes which affect the lives of young girls. Their parents "sell" them into marriage to cope with debts and escape their miserable state.

How is courting different from regular dating? Find out now

Protection of the family's honour

Giving their daughter into marriage at a very early age means purity; parents keep their dignity and honour. Parents may also get their children engaged in building strong relationships between clans or powerful families.

What are the effects of early marriage in our society?

In most cases, early marriages are not good for both sides of the relationship. However, the main negative influence falls on the young girls married off at tender ages. Below are some of the major problems of child marriage.

Lack of education

In most cultures, the primary "function" of a girl or a woman is to give birth to children and run the house. Such a necessary feature as education is thought to be unnecessary for them. The girls are detached from educational establishments and are obliged to be good wives. They are forbidden to have even the slightest idea to continue studying.

The most popular types of family

Great refusal

Even if a woman is finally allowed to continue her formal education, she often faces another difficulty – a refusal to be accepted back. The only answer to her "Why?" is that she is already a wife and a mother of a child she should take care of.

Being in a trap

As a result, these girls find themselves being in a trap: on the one hand, they have to work to earn a living, but from another hand – a lack of education and necessary skills doesn't provide enough opportunities for well-paid jobs. That's why their life turns into a "circle of survival" with no beginning and no end.

Easy to contract diseases

Children who are married off are also more likely to get s*xually transmitted illnesses like HIV. Most of them are quite young and have little understanding about STIs and unexpected pregnancy, as well as how to protect themselves from such infections.

Top 5 causes of the current religious crisis in Nigeria and possible solutions

Emotional adversity

From early years, families force their children to do something that contradicts their wishes and aims. The young "brides" are not given a choice and are involved in relationships without a feeling of love.

As a result, the emotional state of girls becomes slightly unstable. She is not mature enough mentally to cope with all the difficulties and questions in her mind.

They find only two ways out – commit su*cide or run away with the kids from their husbands to some distant relatives. This leads to social renunciation and shame put on her family. Moreover, they still stay face-to-face with their difficulties with no help.

Physical immaturity and health issues

It has been proved that the female body is formed only by 18 years to reproduce the offspring. An unformed body cannot provide the fetus with proper conditions and normal development. Moreover, one observes the highest mortality rate among newborns and women in families with early marriage.

Top 9 examples of gender inequality in the society and their causes

No friends and loneliness

After marriage, many young girls get separated from society (especially if she moves into a new place of residence) and focus on their families and household duties.

No social support and proper medical care

The rights and needs of women are thought to be of almost no importance if compared to men's. They do not get enough medical care services, social support, and improved working conditions.

Young and physically productive

In developing countries, the problem of early marriage is followed by higher productivity. The younger a girl is, the more children she can give birth to. Also, in some tribal communities, it is a tradition to have many children.

Furthermore, some of these social structures give preference to boys as to the continuers of the family. As a result, a couple produces more children to "reach the goal". Possessing too many children is the key cause of "overpopulation" worldwide.

Unhealthy marriage practices in Nigeria

High level of poverty

Young people breed more children. Social conditions do not provide well-paid jobs. As a result, parents do not have enough money to make their children educated. No education means low-paid positions or no job at all. The more unemployed people, the higher the poverty level is observed within a country.

What are the best solutions to end early marriages?

Girls are particularly impacted by child marriage because it frequently results from pervasive gender inequity. Below are some solutions to help us end these early marriages in our communities.

• Provide financial assistance and incentives to girls and their families.
• Educate and mobilise parents and people of the community.
• Improve girls' access to a good education.
• Put in place community mobilisation campaigns.
• Encourage the passage of favourable legislation and policies.
• Increase the effectiveness of poverty-reduction efforts.
• Provide financial incentives for postponing marriage.
• Combating discrimination and fostering gender equality.
• Provide a safe and non-exploitative source of income.

10 benefits of early marriage for ladies and men

How old are the children involved in child marriages?

Most children who marry young are younger, with most occurring between the ages of 13 and 17. Girls can be given away at the age of nine when parents are under intense pressure to marry off their daughters.

Are boys ever married off while still children?

Boys can also be married off as children; however, girls are the majority of the time. In rare cases, you will find boys being married at a younger age.

What is the difference between child marriage, early marriage and forced marriage?

A union where one or both partners are under the age of 18 are referred to as a child or early marriage. A forced marriage is one in which either one or both partners do not offer their complete and free permission regardless of age.

Marriage is a serious step that should be done voluntary and carefully planned. There should be no other reason than love and a desire to live with a beloved person for the rest of your life. Forced and early marriage is still a global problem across many countries, cultures, religions and ethnicities. It is fueled by social norms, insecurity, poverty, gender inequity, and poverty and has disastrous repercussions everywhere.

Causes of early marriage in Africa

READ ALSO: Yoruba introduction ceremony list and other interesting details

Legit.ng recently published an article with information about Yoruba introduction ceremony and other fascinating details. A Yoruba introduction ceremony is the first official meeting between the bride and groom's families.

A Yoruba introduction list is an essential part of this ceremony. It contains items/gifts shared by the groom and groom's family. Any family who wants their son or daughter to marry a Yoruba, regardless of tribe, nationality, or race, should fulfil this traditional condition.

Source: Legit.ng

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Composing A Cause And Effect Essay About Early Marriage Disadvantages

Early marriages seem to be a trend these days. There are so many rushing off to tie the knot. They get engaged in their teens and then they're at the altar before they're old enough to drink. Some people call them foolish and others are highly supportive. Everyone has a different opinion on the matter, it just depends on who you talk to.

It might sound difficult to write a cause and effect essay on this particular subject, but you should be able to find research to help you through it. First, make a list. If you can think of advantages as well as disadvantages, write them down. It's okay to use your own opinion sometimes, but you do have to base essays on factual information, so the next step is to do the research.

Look up the statistics. Why are people doing this? What are the possible reasons? What causes them to make this kind of decision? Does their upbringing have anything to do with it? Is it out of loneliness, desperation or rebellion, or are all the young love-birds truly in love? Whatever facts or examples you can find, you should keep track of them. There will probably be as many people supporting it as those opposing it.

Your essays should consist of an introduction, at least three main points, and a conclusion. You have to explain the effects by connecting them to the causes. Don't try to overcomplicate things, just choose three points to focus on. If you focus on too much, then your paper will become confusing. Use the information that you found, and make sure that it supports your thesis.

Don't forget to choose a side. Your thesis statement is exactly that. You can choose to agree with early marriage or not to, and your essay should be centred around your point and made up of factual data that supports that point. You should make at least three strong arguments, but be careful how you word things – you don't want to offend anyone. You just have to state the facts and how they support your statement.

Your introduction should give readers an idea of what you will cover in your essay, and your conclusion should summarize the information. You may include your own views about the subject in your conclusion and bring up whatever ideas and solution you might have to the issue.

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WriteWork Essays & Writing Guides for Students Worried about plagiarism? Read this. Login | Help Essay Topics Writing Guides GO Worried about plagiarism? Get ideas & start writing References & research topics How to outline your essay Improve writing and grades Close Social Science Essays (16‚876) The Effects Of Early Marriage ( Cause and effect essay ) Essay by jay2starz‚ University‚ Bachelor ’s‚ A+‚ May 2004 download word file‚ 3 pages ( 3 KB ) 4 1 reviews Downloaded 28228

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THE EFFECT OF EARLY MARRIAGE TOWARDS GIRLS Marriage is found in all cultures. However‚ the word ‘ Early Marriage ’ brings a whole different meaning to us. Early marriage is marriage at young age. According to GirlsNotBrides (2011)‚ each year‚ about 10 million girls around the globe become child brides. Whether this phenomenon happens with the consent of the girl herself or not is another different story. For sure‚ their lives will never be the same again. These cases usually happens in developing

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Effects of Early Marriage

Significance of the Study‚ Scope and Limitations of the Study and Definition of Terms. Introduction Marriage is considered as one of the greatest part of a couple’s life. Things that shall be cherish and treasure by a wedded partners. Considering the new‚ civilized and liberated nation‚ it was well known in this country that early marriage is considered as a controversial subject matter. Early marriage affects the person involved in it in many psychological and social ways. There were possibilities

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Early marriage Early   marriage  can lead to some negative  effects . Firstly‚ it restricts the freedom of individual. When people get married‚ they have to spend most of their time on taking care of their own family‚ therefore‚ all their hobbies have to be changed. Besides‚ they have to cope up with other problems such as buying a house‚ furniture and making money to support themselves as well as their chilren. As a result‚ they have no time to enjoy the pleasure of teenage life. Secondly‚ getting

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Tomas III-Bs-Social Work Research 1 The Effects of Early Marriage to the Educational Attainment of Children in Sta Ines West‚ Sta. Ignacia‚ Tarlac CHAPTER 1 THE PROBLEM AND ITS BACKGROUND INTRODUCTION Child marriage is defined by the World Health Organization (2005) as the period between 15 and 19 years of age when girls contract a permanent sexual relationship. At a global and national level‚ there has been growing concern about girl-child marriage age (The Family Life Movement of Zambia

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the effects of early marriage

When my parents mentioned marriage I had no idea what marriage even meant‚” says Kamla‚ a young woman in Hazaribag‚ in the Indian state of Jharkhand. They married her off‚ she says‚ when she was 12 or 13. More than half the girls in Jharkhand are married before they turn 18‚ making it the state with the third-highest rate of early marriage in India‚ which -- though the practice has been illegal there for a century -- is home to the largest number of early marriages in the world.  “Gaon mein aisa

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CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE The review of the literature for this study focuses on the effects of early marriage to the young people. The main problem about early marriage focuses on financial ones. Young couple is just depressed by their low income. Lack of proper education‚ inexperience &amp; youth do not help the young to receive a large payment for the jobs they do. Some young people decide to get married even without any sources to existing. Usually young couple with low income

Blogging and Inspiring People * Beranda * About  Me * Guest Book * Publication * ------------------------------------------------- Top of Form Bottom of Form Beranda &gt; special education &gt; Young people’s views on early marriage and education‚ northern Nigeria* Young people’s views on early marriage and education‚ northern Nigeria* November 12‚ 2009 depuguh Tinggalkan komentar Go to comments Danladi Mamman ** Early marriage is more common in the northern parts of Nigeria

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BACKGBROUND OF THE STUDY. Marriage is found in all cultures. It is a process by which individuals select their life partners. It is an old institution which regulates the term upon which male and female reproduce according to well defined and acceptable social norms. This project undertaken would study one aspect of marriage ‚ which is seen as a social problem in contemporary Nigerian society: namely early marriage . The study will try to find out its probable causes and effects with particular reference

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Why does early and forced marriage happen? The causes of early and forced marriage are complex‚ interrelated and dependent on individual circumstances and context. But the practice is driven by these main factors: gender inequality – women and girls often occupy a lower status in societies as a result of social and cultural traditions‚ attitudes‚ beliefs that deny them their rights and stifle their ability to play an equal role in their homes and communities poverty – in families on a low

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Benjamin Markovits is the author of a trilogy of novels about Lord Byron, “Imposture,” “A Quiet Adjustment” and “Childish Loves.”

• April 19, 2024

This week is the 200th anniversary of Lord Byron’s death. The most famous poet of his age (an odd phrase now) died fighting for Greek independence in the marshes of Missolonghi. “Who would write, who had anything better to do?” he once said. There was a strange contest over his body and memory: The lungs and larynx remained in Greece but friends carried the rest back to England, where huge crowds followed the funeral procession. A month after his death, his former editor burned his memoirs, worried they would damage the reputation of a superstar read around the world.

Does anyone read Byron now? He’s one of those unusual figures who have become better known for the lives they led than the books they wrote. Even some of his fans admire the letters more than the poems. It isn’t totally clear what it means to say that Byron is your favorite poet. Of the so-called Big Six Romantics, he’s the hardest to place. The hikers and the introverts read Wordsworth, the hippies love Blake, Keats is for the purists, Shelley for the political dreamers … and Byron? In spite of his fame, he lacks brand recognition. That’s partly because, halfway through his career, he decided to change the brand. “If I am sincere with myself,” he once wrote, “(but I fear one lies more to one’s self than to any one else), every page should confute, refute and utterly abjure its predecessor.”

All of which makes him a complicated sell. Academics trying to revive his reputation sometimes claim him as the anti-Romantic, a satirist who made fun of the movement’s clichés. Which is true. But he also wrote wonderful love poems, including two of his best-known lyrics, “ She Walks in Beauty ” and “ So We’ll Go No More a Roving .” Both are cleareyed about their own sentimentality, but more sad than satirical.

There are other ways of reclaiming him: as the first celebrity writer, as an early adopter of autofiction, for his sexual fluidity. He fell in love with both men and women, and slept with almost everybody, including his half sister, Augusta — which explains why his old editor, John Murray, decided to burn the memoirs.

Writers usually get famous because they touch a chord, and then keep playing it. And even if, as their work matures, they find ways to deepen the tone, it’s still recognizable; readers know what to expect from the product. And Byron touched a chord very young. His breakthrough poem — another odd phrase — was published when he was 24. “Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage,” about a moody young nobleman who travels through war-torn Europe chased by some secret sorrow, made him a household name. Fan mail flowed in; women offered themselves in assignations. (Philip Roth joked in “The Ghost Writer” that for an author to get laid in New York you need only publish a couplet.) “Childe Harold” eventually stretched to four volumes.

Movie versions of Byron’s life tend to take the Childe Harold angle, presenting him as the beautiful young nobleman and exaggerating his Gothic or camp tendencies. He’s been played by Rupert Everett and Hugh Grant. You can find those elements in his writing, too, especially in the early verse, but then a few things changed. He got married, and the marriage went badly; he left England in 1816 and didn’t return; his fame hardened, and as it hardened, he began to realize that it didn’t really fit him.

People who met Byron for the first time expected him to be someone he wasn’t. This bugged him, not just as a human being but as a writer. He asked his friend Tom Moore to tell a well-known literary critic “that I was not, and, indeed, am not even now , the misanthropical and gloomy gentleman he takes me for, but a facetious companion, well to do with those with whom I am intimate, and as loquacious and laughing as if I were a much cleverer fellow.”

Byron was writing this from Venice after his separation from his wife. It was in many ways an unhappy couple of years. Still recovering from the trauma of his marriage, he overindulged himself, sexually and otherwise. The beautiful young nobleman was growing middle-aged. “Lord Byron could not have been more than 30,” one visitor remarked, “but he looked 40. His face had become pale, bloated and sallow. He had grown very fat, his shoulders broad and round, and the knuckles of his hands were lost in fat.” Some of Byron’s reputation for scandalous living dates to his stay in Venice. But he also made another literary breakthrough, finishing one long poem, “ Beppo ,” and starting his masterpiece, written “in the same style and manner” — “ Don Juan .”

“Don Juan” would occupy him for the rest of his short life. It cost him his relationship with Murray, who disapproved of the new tone in Byron’s writing. “You have so many ‘ divine ’ poems,” Byron told him. “Is it nothing to have written a Human one?” Around the time that Shelley was writing “ To a Skylark ” (“Hail to thee, blithe Spirit!”) and Keats was working on “ Ode to a Nightingale ” (“Thou wast not born for death, immortal Bird!”), Byron in “Beppo” was advising visitors who come to Venice for the Carnival to bring ketchup or soy with them, because Venetians give up sauce for Lent. But he was making a broader point, too. Poetical truths, about birds, about nature, don’t always rank high on the list of what matters. Poets should spend more time talking about things like money and food.

Part of what his early success taught him was to be suspicious of it, which meant being suspicious of writers — of the ways they lie to themselves and their readers. Keats, for example, was guilty of “a sort of mental masturbation,” Byron said. “I don’t mean that he is indecent but viciously soliciting his own ideas into a state which is neither poetry nor anything else.” The work of Leigh Hunt was “disfigured only by a strange style. His answer was that his style was a system … and, when a man talks of system, his case is hopeless.” Experience, Byron believed, was the real source of literary value. “Could any man have written it,” he said of “Don Juan,” “who has not lived in the world?”

But experience relies on the honesty of the writer, and honesty, as Byron knew, is not a simple virtue. His own style became increasingly hard to pin down and hard to imitate — there is nobody who writes quite like him. Sometimes he lays on the devices pretty thick (“He rushed into the field, and, foremost fighting, fell”), the way you might scatter salt over a meal to add all-purpose flavor. But he can also write poetry that is unabashedly prosy: “There might be one more motive, which makes two.” What he’s particularly good at is achieving vividness without metaphor or adjective: “I have imbibed such a love for money that I keep some Sequins in a drawer to count, & cry over them once a week.” This is classic Byron, self-mocking and sincere at the same time.

The overall effect is like someone pitching knuckle balls. He seems to be just tossing lines at you, almost carelessly or without effort, but they’re always moving unpredictably, and when you try to do it yourself, you realize how hard it is to throw without spin. Two centuries later, this still seems a talent worth celebrating.

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