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Anthropology Research Topics And Writing Ideas For Students

Writing an anthropology research paper is in a lot of ways similar to writing an argumentative essay in other disciplines. Usually, the significant difference between these essays is how you support your idea. While you may use only literature to prove your point in an argumentative essay, you may need to employ textual proofs from artifacts, ethnographies, etc., in an anthropology essay.

Research in anthropology could be thrilling, particularly if you have many anthropology project ideas. Anthropology studies the evolution of human culture and therefore provides a wide range of anthropology essay topics that spill into history, biology, sociology, etc. Many anthropological research projects borrow from other social sciences. It is easy to feel that overwhelming grip on your chest if you’re unable to choose an anthropology research topic.

How to Write an Anthropology Research Paper

Guide how to write an anthropology research paper, the excellent list of 110 anthropology research paper topics, physical anthropology research paper topics, medical anthropology research paper topics, cultural anthropology research paper ideas, best cultural anthropology essay topics, biological anthropology research paper topics.

• Forensic Anthropology Research Paper Topics

Are you worried because you don’t know how to write an anthropology paper? Writing an anthropology paper could be so much fun if you can nail the basics. It is not as bad as people paint it to be, especially if you get writing help from our professional writers . With the right anthropology paper format, anthropology research topics, and anthropology research paper examples, you’re set to go!

If you’re a big fan of doing lots of things in a short time and with fewer efforts, then you’re in the right place. This guide is full of the tips and skills you need to arrange your ideas properly. It also contains anthropology paper examples, anthropology paper topics, and other life-saving tips you may need. Ready to know how to start an anthropology research paper? Let’s delve right in!

How do you get started on an anthropology research paper? Below is the most comprehensive list on the internet to get you home and dry in record time!

• Review the Assignment Guidelines
• Develop a Topic
• Outline your Paper
• Do some Library Research
• Write a Rough Draft
• Write the Paper
• Edit the Paper

We shall shortly expound on this list to help you better understand them.

• Review the Assignment Guidelines: your professor may give you some guidelines to follow. To avoid deviating from the instructor’s expectations, spend some time reviewing your assignment guidelines so that you know the exact things you need to accomplish. For example, confirm if there are any stated anthropology research methods and the likes. It is beneficial to have a writing schedule. If you have a lot of time in your hands before the submission time, spreading out the workload will help to ease some of the stress. If you’re naturally a binge writer, sit at your computer early and bleed!
• Develop a Topic:  search for some anthropology research paper ideas and choose from the vast array of anthropology research topics available. Select a topic that revolves around a guiding question. This topic should connect on a deeper level to the theme of the course. The length requirement for the paper will help you know if your topic is too big, too small, or just good enough. For a short paper, you may want to focus on a particular culture or event in the context of a broader topic. Ensure that your thesis focuses on anthropology and that it draws from anthropological theories or ideas. Now, do a quick search to confirm if there are scholarly materials available for this topic. It is easier to write a paper with some available references.
• Introduction/Abstract
• Library Research: now, start the research on your topic, preferably from course materials. A bibliography at the end of a relevant course reading is also a great way to get other related materials. Depending on the requirement of the assignment, feel free to search for other books or articles.
• Write a Rough Draft: during your research, endeavor to make proper jottings and references, which will form the rough draft of your essay. A rough draft will help you create dots that you will be able to connect later on.
• Title: Usually on a separate page and contains the abstract.
• Introduction/Abstract : A short paragraph showing the road map of your thesis.
• Body: Leverages your thesis and presenting your research in a detailed and logical structure.
• Conclusion: The conclusion is a short paragraph that summarizes your fundamental theme and substantiates your thesis.
• References: A citation of the resources you used in your paper. Follow the referencing style which your instructor chooses.
• Edit the Paper:  you may engage any of your friends to help you go through your essay. Make some final checks such as the length requirement, the format and citation style, spelling and grammatical errors, logical flow of ideas and clarity, substantial support of the claim, etc. Once you edit your paper, turn it in and accept an A+!

Without further ado, here are 110 anthropology research paper topics for free! With 18 topics each from the six main subcategories of anthropology, you can’t get it wrong!

• Eugenics — its merits and demerits in the 21st-century world.
• Human Origin: Comparing the creationist versus evolutionist views on the origin of man.
• Ancient Egypt: The preservation of their dead and underlying beliefs.
• Homo habilis: Investigating Contemporary facts supporting their past existence.
• Drowning: Clarifying the cause of drowning by examining the physical and anatomical evidence.
• Smoking and its effects on the physical appearance of humans over decades of indulgence.
• Physical labor: Exploring its long-term impact on the physical appearance of humans.
• The relationship of Kyphosis with human senescence.
• Aging in Western Culture.
• Skin color: Exploring the influence of the environment on human skin color across continents.
• Species and language: Focus on ways species evolve across the world and ways language acquisition affects and influences culture.
• Abiogenesis: Research about abiogenesis and how it affects human development
• Animal stability: How captive animals are different from those that live in the wild.
• Henry Walter: The ways Henry Walter contributed to the field of physical anthropology.
• Cephalization: The process of cephalization and what it entails.
• Genotype: The environment correlation study.
• Genetics: What does genetic hijacking mean?
• Altruism: Do people learn altruism or it is an acquired state.
• Applying the Concepts of Ethnozoology in medicine.
• Critically Assessing the fundamental posits of critical medical anthropology (CMA).
• The 2014 Ebola virus outbreak in Africa: Evaluating the success of control interventions.
• Exploring the applications of Ethnobotany in medicine.
• Nuclear disaster: A research into the life of survivors of the Chernobyl nuclear disaster of 1986.
• HIV/AIDS: The reasons for prevalent societal infamy and the way forward.
• HIV/AIDS epidemic in Europe: Exploring the roles of commercial sex workers in the spread of the disease.
• Alternative medicine in China: A comparative review of its weaknesses and possible strengths in the light of Orthodox medicine.
• HIV/AIDS in Africa: A critical assessment of extensively troubled nations and populations.
• Depression in South-East Asia: Sheer social noise or severe threat?
• Adult’s onset diabetes: Research on how diabetes is a major health issue in aboriginal populations in The U.S and Canada.
• ARV rollout: The role of the ARV rollout and campaigns in Africa.
• Sexual diversity in Africa: Research on whether sexual diversity in Africa is being taken into account to help fight against AIDS.
• Chemicals and radiation waste: How the radiation waste and chemicals in the air are affecting people.
• Mercury poisoning: The effects of Mercury poisoning in Minamata, Japan, and the measures to help put the situation under control.
• Health: The health ramifications of adapting to ecology and maladaptation.
• Health: Domestic healthcare and health culture practices
• Clinic: Clinical interactions in social organizations.
• Growth: Difference between growth and development.
• Engineering: Genetic engineering and what it entails.
• Marriage: Marriage rituals in different cultures.
• Magic: Belief in magic and the supernatural.
• Mythologies: The effects it has on modern culture.
• Anthropology: How to use anthropology as forensic science.
• Heroes: Studies of heroes in different societies.
• Education: How education differs around the world.

Cultural anthropology discusses human societies and their cultural origin, vacation, history, and development. Here is a look at cultural Anthropology topics:

• Women in Africa: The various challenging roles that women in Modern Africa play and how they handle it.
• Homelessness: How homelessness affects and influences the culture and social landscapes.
• India: Methods and measures that India is taking to deal with the issue of homelessness and measures they have put in place to deal with social landscapers.
• Political science: Highlight and discuss the link between cultural anthropology and political science.
• Superstition: Research ways that superstition affects the way of life.
• Sexual discrimination: The evolution of sexual discrimination and its effects in modern times.
• African cultures: Investigating how different religions and beliefs impact African culture.
• Northern Nigeria: How the basic religious beliefs that influence forced nuptials among the children in North Nigeria.
• Gay marriage: The background on gay marriage and how it influences the cultural and social backgrounds.
• Racism: Explain racism and its existence in modern times.
• Religious practices: Ways how religious practices and beliefs affect culture.
• Culture shock: What it is and ways that people can work through it.
• Ethnocentrism: Ways that you can use to minimize it.
• Ancestors: A view of ancestors in African culture.
• Religion: Religious practices in a particular society.
• Culture: About the Rabari culture in India
• Definition of culture
• How culture anthropology links to political science
• Alcoholism: Looking into the socio-economic and cultural history in Eastern Europe.
• Assessing the effects of radioactivity on populations affected by the nuclear disaster of 2011 in Fukushima Daiichi.
• Gay marriage: Exploring the biological aspects of same-sex weddings in North America.
• Minamata disease: A critical look into the origin, populations affected, and transgenerational impact of this disease on Japan.
• Asthma disease in Yokkaichi: A critical look into the cause, people affected, and transgenerational effect on Japan.
• Itai-Itai disease: A critical look into the cause, populations affected, and transgenerational effect on Japan.
• Nuclear bombings in Hiroshima and Nagasaki: An investigation of the transgenerational effects on the health of affected victims to this present time.
• Cocaine use in America: A critical look into the health impact on American cocaine users.
• Making Marijuana use legal in America: Possible woes and beneficial outcomes.
• Cystic fibrosis: Justifications for its preponderance in white populations in America.
• Biological Anthropology: Research on the meaning and definition of biological Anthropology and how it influences different fields.
• Paleoanthropology: Explore ways Paleoanthropology uses fossil records to draw biological anthropology compassion and conclusions regarding human evolution.
• Human social structures: Explain the development of human social structures using biological anthropology.
• Biological anthropologies: Research on some primary geographical locations where biological anthropologies used to research their work.
• Human language: Research how biological anthropology helped in the development of human language and communication.
• Body projects: The changes and the valued attributes.
• Political ecology: The Vector-borne and infectious disease.
• Clinical Interactions: What are clinical interaction and social organization?

Forensic Anthropology Research Paper Ideas

• Radioactive Carbon dating: A critical assessment of the accuracy of this dating technique.
• Human Origin: Pieces of evidential support for Creationist and Evolutionist views on the origin of man.
• Assessing the accuracy of DNA evidence testing and matching on criminology.
• Neanderthals: Exploring environmental influences and migratory paths on their survival and appearance.
• Dating Techniques: A critical review of current archaeological dating techniques.
• Ancient Egypt Mummification: A critical look at the effectiveness of the methods used.
• Nuclear disaster: A research into the impact of radioactivity on life forms due to the atomic catastrophe Chernobyl in 1986.
• A critical look into recent evidence supporting the existence of Homo habilis in the past.
• Crime Scene Forensics: Recent advances in the detection of crime.
• Postmortem Changes: Investigating the primary agents responsible for biological changes in humans.
• Criminal procedure: Research a case with a confession scenario and highlight unique features of the case.
• Criminal procedure: Do your research on the criminal proceedings in a given area and what makes them effective.
• Computer forensic: Ways that the computer forensic help in preserving electronic evidence.
• Digital forensic: Research about the history and features of digital forensic.
• History: Ways that Israel presents itself as a leader in computer forensics.
• Oncology: The latest archaeological dating methods.
• DNA: How accurate is DNA evidence in the matching and testing criminology?
• Crime detention: The recent improvements of crime detection.

So here we are! Fifty juicy topics that are all eager to wear some flesh! Ready to have an A+? Let’s do it!

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Cultural anthropology - List of Essay Samples And Topic Ideas

Cultural anthropology is the study of human cultures, their development, and their variance across different communities. Essays on cultural anthropology might delve into methodologies of studying cultures, the insights it offers into human societies, or the ethical considerations inherent in anthropological work. Discussions could also explore the findings of cultural anthropology in understanding human behavior, societal norms, and the diverse ways of life across the globe. This topic invites a broad exploration of human societies and the forces that shape them. A substantial compilation of free essay instances related to Cultural Anthropology you can find at Papersowl. You can use our samples for inspiration to write your own essay, research paper, or just to explore a new topic for yourself.

George Washington Gomez: a Mexicotexan Novel – Summary

AMÉRICO PAREDES (1915-1999), the renowned Chicano folklorist who passed on at 84 years old, is broadly considered to have been at the front line of the development that saw the introduction of Chicana/o abstract and social examinations as a scholastic order during the 1970s and 1980s. He was educator emeritus at the University of Texas at Austin and the creator of various weighty works, including With a Pistol in His Hand: A Border Ballad and Its Hero (University of Texas Press, 1970), […]

The Handsomest Drowned Man in the World Magical Realism

Latin American Magical Realism Enchanted authenticity is a kind of fiction that portrays mystical or fantastical things happening in a sensible setting. It regularly takes after purposeful anecdote or tale, yet rather than send an obvious exercise or good, it leaves its understanding vague. Fantastical and powerful occasions are frequently transferred by the story's storyteller in similar tone as more practical occasions, recommending that in the realm of the story, there is no differentiation between what's genuine and what's otherworldly. […]

Influential Movements and Revolutions : the Renaissance Era

Throughout history there have been many influential movements and revolutions that have shaped the world today. In the world of art there have been some that were more memorable than others. The Renaissance Era that occurred in Europe is an example of this. Out of this new movement came a variety of skills and techniques that artist in this modern age continue to use in their own pieces. Many elements that had been absent from works prior to this period […]

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The Worlds of Christendom

Contraction, Expansion, and Division Yao Hong is a chinese women who is one of many millions who has made christianity a very rapidly growing faith in China, along with many other Asian and European countries. The earliest teachings of jesus were outside of the european region. Christian Contraction in Asia and Africa In the Early 1500 Christianity, which was a largely known European faith had become defeated, dissolved and also diminished in places like Asia and Africa because of Islam. […]

Mexican Culture – Religion, Family, Language, and Mexican Arts

"In this article, everything is important to the Mexican culture such as religion, family, language, and Mexican arts. Most of Mexico is dependent on church. About 82% of Mexicans consider themselves as catholic. Unlike other countries, parents are treated with respect. The largest event that a Mexican family celebrate is the quinceanera. A quinceanera is the celebration of a girl’s 15th birthday and is followed by a party. Mexican arts usually consist of clay pottery and colorful baskets. The style […]

Forced Marriage

The result of forced marriages has been traditionally treated with hesitation by governments, for fear of offending cultural sensitive. Many people think forced marriage and arranged marriage the same. But both are not the same . An arranged marriage is performed with the complete and free assent of both parties and is still the chosen practise for numerous individuals all over the world. Forced marriages are a result of social factors, and no major religion within the world advocates forced […]

The American Holocaust: Columbus and the Conquest of the New World

America has always been a diverse society in was such as racially, culturally, and regionally. To start off, racially, in 1492 when Christopher Columbus sailed to the new world he encountered the native American people that were living here previously to him “discovering” the new world, as stated in the reading The American Holocaust: Columbus and the Conquest of the New World (Stannard, nd). While Columbus was exploring the new world, the native people were captured and taken away from […]

Exploring Cultural Perspectives: Emic Vs. Etic Approaches

In the realm of anthropology, sociology, and related fields, two distinct perspectives provide essential tools for researchers to understand and interpret cultural phenomena: the emic and etic approaches. Though they sound similar, these terms reflect very different viewpoints, guiding researchers in their approach to studying cultures. Understanding the distinction between these two can significantly influence the depth, breadth, and integrity of cultural research. The emic approach, derived from the word "phonemic," which pertains to linguistic sounds understood by native speakers, […]

Greek and Roman Mythology Comparison

Greek and Roman folklore has existed for more than we can envision and are so different. These legends are one more perspective on world. There is a great deal in like manner between the two folklores, Even however they are from various time spans. The two of them began more than 500 years prior and still Greek and Roman folklore are altogether different from one another. Greek folklore approached 1000 years before Roman Mythology even existed and "the beginnings of […]

Swahili People Group

The people group I decided to chose was the Swahili people group. The Arabic culture has proved to have had the biggest influence in determining Swahili traditions. A major component of the Arabic culture is the Islamic religion. Islamic traditions have been adopted by the Swahili people and take part in almost every aspect of the Swahili tribe’s daily life. It affects the food they eat, the clothes they wear, and their general lifestyle. Swahili children are required to attend […]

INST 2801 Midterm Paper

Part One: One aspect of power and culture that remains prevalent in our society today from the middle ages is religion. Religion today is much more diverse than it was in the middle ages. In modern society, people groups can attend varying branches of the church or practice differing faiths in the same cities as others. Religion remains a driving force for how people make decisions about their relationships and morals, much like individuals in the middle ages did. Religion […]

Reasons why Kids Needs a Family

There are several reasons why kids needs a family. Children need supporters and someone to love them. Adopting is not about feeling an emotional void in adults it is about their lives being accepting to other parents home, but offering a stable home to unfortunate children.” -Leanne Currie McGhee there are children out there in the world who needs supporters and homes. We need good adopting parents. There are many kids that succeed because they are adopted. For example, Faith […]

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Cultural Anthropology Research Paper Suggestions

Some suggested topics for your paper:, note-- these instructions are for students taking the course during a regular semester, not the 5-week bridge module course.

• A description of key points of a culture in which you are interested (a brief ethnography)
• An in-depth look at the concept of "worldview" or the comparison of the worldviews of two societies
• Religious beliefs or practices of a particular society
• Marriage/family in a particular group or comparison between societies
• Types of economic organization/systems
• Language acquisition
• The influence of language on culture
• Views about ancestors
• The role of women in a given society
• Doing fieldwork as an anthropologist
• The importance of cultural anthropology to the missionary . . . or to the business executive . . .or to the educator . . . or to the . . .
• Ethnocentrism and some tips on how to minimize it
• The idea of cultural baggage and how to minimize it
• Culture shock : What it is and how to best work through it

These topics are given to you as idea starters. You may use one of these or some adaptation of it or you may come up with a different topic that interests you more. Leafing through any introduction to cultural anthropology book may also stimulate your thinking in terms of a topic.

Ready for some cross-cultural humor?

Here's an AI-generated list of research paper topics for Introduction to Cultural Anthropology:

• Cultural Practices and Beliefs: Explore a specific cultural practice or belief system, such as rituals surrounding death, marriage customs, or coming-of-age ceremonies.
• Cultural Change and Adaptation: Investigate how cultures adapt to changing environments, technologies, or socio-political systems. This could include the impact of globalization, colonialism, or modernization on indigenous cultures.
• Language and Communication: Analyze the role of language in shaping cultural identity, social interaction, and worldview. This could involve studying language diversity, language revitalization efforts, or the impact of language on thought processes.
• Cultural Heritage and Preservation: Investigate efforts to preserve cultural heritage, including museums, cultural festivals, or indigenous rights movements aimed at protecting ancestral lands and traditions.
• Ethnicity and Identity: Explore how ethnicity is constructed and experienced in different cultural contexts, including issues of race relations, ethnic conflict, or identity politics.
• Religion and Spirituality: Examine the role of religion and spirituality in shaping cultural practices, social organization, and worldview. This could involve studying religious rituals, belief systems, or religious syncretism.
• Food and Culture: Investigate the cultural significance of food, including food rituals, culinary traditions, and the symbolic meanings attached to different types of cuisine.
• Art and Expression: Analyze the role of art, music, dance, and other forms of cultural expression in shaping identity, social cohesion, and resistance movements.
• Cross-Cultural Comparisons: Compare and contrast cultural practices, beliefs, or social institutions across different societies or regions. This could involve exploring similarities and differences in family structures, economic systems, or political organization.

Remember to choose a topic that interests you and aligns with the themes and concepts covered in your course. Additionally, consider the availability of research materials and resources to support your investigation.

More for you on Cultural Anthropology

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• Ethnocentrism and monoculturalism
• Iceberg, onion, and concentric cirlces: models of culture
• What do we think we see? Light bulb illustration
• Missions and culture
• My own culture shock
• PowerPoint presentations used in class
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• Prof. Graham Jones

Departments

• Anthropology

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• Cultural Anthropology
• Social Anthropology

Learning Resource Types

Introduction to anthropology, research paper 1 - ritual ethnography.

For the first ethnographic research paper, choose a form of ritual (or expressive culture more broadly) to study anthropologically. You may want to pick a form of expressive culture you know well, or something you don’t know anything about (yet). The challenge is to identify how if creates meaning and enacts identity for people who produce and consume it. How does this form of expressive culture promote social cohesion or create social difference? Are there conflicting understandings or interpretations surrounding it?

You should collect qualitative data using one or more ethnographic methods illustrated in the class. This may involve a participant observation approach of taking part in an activity or event (or visiting a place where an activity routinely occurs) and documenting it with field notes and recordings (if permissible). It could also involve “virtual ethnography” of cultural practices online. Or it could be based on an interview or interviews. Then write a paper of approximately four pages analyzing your data. Analyze your particular case comparatively by employing concepts drawn from at least one of the course readings. You must explicitly cite at least one relevant reading. Presenting your findings in the space of four pages may require you to synthesize some of the primary data for the sake of brevity. 

You may do this project with a partner (no more than 2 people per group) for a shared grade, however the resulting paper should be slightly longer (1–2 pages), and both partners must contribute equally.

For the presentations, you should just plan to tell us—in 3 minutes or less—a bit about your particular case study and how you’re thinking about analyzing it. If you have specific questions about how to analyze your findings, please pose them in the presentation and we will try to give you immediate feedback.

If you need an extension beyond the due date to incorporate any feedback (or if you need to request an extension for any other reason), just let us know.

This paper is due during Session 13.

Student Examples

“Affirming Identity through the Ash Wednesday Ritual.” (PDF)

“Running for a Lifetime.” (PDF)

“Devotional: Anthropological Ritual Analysis.” (PDF)

“Uniforms in the Air Force.” (PDF)

Note: Student examples appear courtesy of MIT students and are anonymous unless otherwise requested.

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Flanagan, Mariah Camille (2017)  The religioscape of museums: understanding modern interactions with ancient ritual spaces .Undergraduate Thesis, University of Pittsburgh.

Merante, Monica M (2017)  A universal display? Investigating the role of Panathenaic amphorae in the British Museum . Undergraduate Thesis, University of Pittsburgh.

Deemer, Susanna (2016) Between Capitulation and Overt Action: An Ethnographic Case Study of the Chinese American Student Association at University of Pittsburgh. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Devlin, Hannah (2016)  Compositional analysis of Iroquoian pottery: determining functional relationships between contiguous sites.  Undergraduate Thesis, University of Pittsburgh.

Gallagher, Anna (2016)  The Biderbost site: exploring migration and trade on the social landscape of the Pacific Northwest. Undergraduate Thesis, University of Pittsburgh.

Hoadley, Elizabeth (2016)  Discrimination and modern Paganism: a study of religion and contemporary social climate.  Undergraduate Thesis, University of Pittsburgh.

Johnson, Rachel (2016) Households and Empire: A pXRF Study of Chimu Metal Artifacts from Cerro la Virgen. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Kerr, Jessica (2016) Mountain Dew and the Tooth Fairy: The Influence of Parent/child Relationships, Consumption Habits, and Social Image on Dental Caries in Rural Appalachia. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Kulig, Shannon (2015)  What were the elites doing? understanding Late Classic elite practices at Lower Dover, Belize. Undergraduate Thesis, University of Pittsburgh.

Kulig, Shannon (2015) Pottery at the Cayuga Site of Genoa Fort. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Ojeda, Lauren (2015) The Syndemic Nature of Mental Health in Bolivia. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Paglisotti, Taylor (2015) Gender, Sexuality, and Stigma: A Case Study of HIV/AIDS policy and discourse in Rural Tanzania. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Wasik, Kayla (2015) Understanding Activities and Purposes: An Analysis of Ground Stone from the Parker Farm and Carman Iroquoian Sites. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Bugos, Eva (2014)  “That’s what I look to her for:” a qualitative analysis of interviews from the Young Moms: Together We Can Make a Difference study.  Undergraduate Thesis, University of Pittsburgh.

Deahl, Claire (2014) A Study of Veterans Communities in Pittsburgh. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh. 

Fetterolf, Michael (2014) Healing Alzheimer’s. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Liggett, Sarah (2014) Creating an Armenian Identity: The Role of History, Imagination, and Story in the Making of ‘Armenian’. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Marler, Adrienne (2014) Illness Perceptions in Patients with Hepatobiliary Cancers. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Radomski, Julia (2014)  “Hay que cuidarse”: family planning, development, and the informal sector in Quito, Ecuador. Undergraduate Thesis, University of Pittsburgh.

Siegel, Nicole (2014) The Bathhouse and the Mikvah: The Creation of Identity. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Zhang, Zannan (2014) Functional Significance of the Human Mandibular Symphysis. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Chastain, Stephen (2013) The origin of the Mongolian steppe and its role in the adoption of domestic animals: paleoclimatology and niche construction theory. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Ferguson, Kayla (2013) The Use of English in Tamil Cinema. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Johnston, Graham (2013) Play, Boundaries, and Creative Thinking: A Ludic Perspective. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Willison, Megan (2013)  Understanding gendered activities from surface collections: an analysis of the Parker Farm and Carman Iroquoian sites.  Undergraduate Thesis, University of Pittsburgh.

Zajdel, Evan (2013)  Narrative threads: ethnographic tourism, Romani tourist tales, and fiber art.  Undergraduate Thesis, University of Pittsburgh.

Conger, Megan (2012) Considering Gendered Domains in Iroquois Archaeology: A Comparative Approach to Gendered Space in Central New York State. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.   

Fisher, Isaac (2012) Return of the Gift: Food Not Bombs and the Radical Nature of Sharing in the Society of Engineered Scarcity. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Neely, Sean (2012)  Spaces of becoming and being: the nature of shared experience in Czech society from 1918 to 1989. Undergraduate Thesis, University of Pittsburgh.

Rodriguez, Eric A. (2012)  Profitability and production in 19th century composite ships: the case study of the Austrian vessel, the Slobodna.  Undergraduate Thesis, University of Pittsburgh.

Bednar, Sarah E. (2011) Use and Perception of Teotihuacan Motifs in the Art of Piedras Negras, Tikal, and Copan. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Pallatino, Chelsea Leigh (2011)  The Evolution of La Donna: Marriage, Motherhood, and the Modern Italian Woman. Undergraduate Thesis, University of Pittsburgh.

Barca, Kathryn G. (2010) An Analysis of Iroquois Pottery Function at the Parker Farm Site (UB 643): Comparisons between Two Structures. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Cannon, Joshua Warren (2010)  Textile Production and Its Implications For Complex Social Organization.  Undergraduate Thesis, University of Pittsburgh.

Rodriguez, Erin Christine (2010)  Obsidian in Northern Ecuador: A Study of Obsidian Production and Site Function in Pambamarca.  Undergraduate Thesis, University of Pittsburgh.

Rodriguez, Erin Christine (2010) Households and Power among the Pre-Contact Iroquois. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Wicks, Emily (2010) From Use to Disuse: A Study of Pottery Found in Households and Middens at Two Cayuga Sites, Parker Farm (UB 643 and Carman (UB642). Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

MacCord, Katherine (2009)  Human Skeletal Growth: Observations from Analyses of Three Skeletal Populations.  Undergraduate Thesis, University of Pittsburgh.

Nichols, Teresa A (2009)  Declaring Indigenous: International Aspirations and National Land Claims Through the Lens of Anthropology.  Undergraduate Thesis, University of Pittsburgh.

Sporar, Rachael E. (2009) Bones Say It Best: Bioarchaeological Evidence for the Change European Colonialism Brought to the Indigenous Peoples of North America. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Stacy, Erin Michele (2009)  Stable Isotopic Analysis of Equid (Horse) Teeth from Mongolia.  Undergraduate Thesis, University of Pittsburgh.

Sudina, Tony (2008) The Utilitarian Characteristics of Iroquois Pottery Vessels. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Browne, Nathan C. (2007) An Architectural Analysis of Longhouse Form, Spatial Organization, and an Argument for Privatized Space in Northern Iroquoia. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Melly, Caroline M. (2007) Strategies of Non-African Development Agencies and Their Implications for Cultural Change in Nigeria.  Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Sadvari, Joshua W. (2007) Dental Pathology and Diet at the Site of Khirbat al-Mudayna (Jordan). Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Haines, Allison (2006) Assessing Osteophytosis in the Nubian Neolithic. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

O’Donnell, Kathryn (2006) Gendered Identity in Transitioning States: Women’s Reproductive Health Activism in Berlin. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Prakash, Preetam (2006) Relationships between Diet and Status at Copan, Honduras.  Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Birmingham, Katherine (2005) Retracing the Steps of Iroquois Potters: Highlighting Technical Choice in Iroquois Ceramic Studies.  Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Colatrella, Brittany (2005) From Hopelessness to Hopefulness: A personal dialogue on ending generational poverty. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Long, Autumn (2005) The Ethos of Land Ownership in a Rural West Virginia County: An Ethnographic Account.  Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Richter, Stephen (2004) Anasazi Cannibalism in the American Southwest: A Site-By-Site and Taphonomic Approach.  Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Sulosky, Carrie (2004) The Effects of Agriculture in Preceramic Peru.  Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Wiseman, Natalie (2004) Religious Syncretism in Mexico.  Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Hamm, Megan (2003) Egyptian Identity Vs. "The Harem Hootchi- kootch": Belly Dance in the Context of Colonialism and Nationalism in Egypt.  Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Michalski, Mark (2003) Anthropological Fact or Fiction: A Critical Review of the Evidence For and Against the Existence of Cannibalism in the British Navy.  Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Mueller-Heubach, Oliver Maximillian (2003) The Moravian Response to a Changing America as Seen Through Ceramics.  Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Shock, Myrtle (2003) Comparison of Lithic Debitage and Lithic Tools at Two Early Contact Period Cayuga Iroquois villages, the Parker Farm and Carman Sites.  Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Steinman, Joanna (2003) Feng Shui.  Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Strauss, Amy (2003) Greek Neolithic figurines from Thessaly.  Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Thompson, Ross (2003) Study of Arsenic in Hopi Artifacts.  Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Whitehead, Jeffrey (2003) We Owe It All to the Iroquois? Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Boswell, Jacob (2002) A Study of Changing Context: Adapting Eastern Medicine to a Western Setting. Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Persson, Ann S. (2001) A Beacon of Restoration: Archaeological Excavations at the John O'Neill Lighthouse Keeper's Residence, Havre de Grace, Maryland.  Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Unice, Lori Ann (2001) Dental Health Among the Monongahela: Foley Farm Phase II.  Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Asmussen, Heidi (1998) Toward an Understanding of Iroquois Plant Use: archaeobotanical material from the Carman Site, a Cayuga village in central New York.  Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Rockette, Bonny (1998) Huari Administrative Architecture: A Space Syntax Approach.  Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

West, Kate (1997) Faunal Analysis of the Carman Site: a Cayuga village site in central New York.  Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Norejko, Jay (1996) The Most Diverse Fauna of Plesiadapiformes (Mammalia: Primatomorpha) Ever Sampled from the Clarkforkian Land Mammal Age.  Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Kasperowski, Kris (1995) Stone Tool Manufacture at the Carman Site.  Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

Montag, Michelle (1995) Lithic Debitage Analysis of the Carman Site.  Anthropology Honors Paper, University of Pittsburgh.

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Writing a Research Report

• Last Updated: Aug 2, 2023

Research is an integral part of anthropology , serving as a means of accumulating and enriching knowledge about human societies [1] . It is essential for anthropologists to be proficient in research report writing, as the quality of a report can significantly impact the value of the research conducted [2] .

Defining the Research Problem

The first step in writing a research report is defining the research problem. This step is crucial as it sets the direction for the rest of the research process [3] . The research problem should be clearly stated, specific, and manageable within the available resources and time frame.

Table 1: Defining the Research Problem

Conducting a Literature Review

Once the research problem is defined, a comprehensive review of existing literature on the topic is carried out. The literature review provides an overview of current knowledge, helps identify gaps, and presents opportunities for the research to contribute to the anthropological discourse [4] .

Methodology

The methodology is the backbone of the research report as it dictates how data will be collected, analyzed, and interpreted. Methodological choices in anthropology commonly include participant observation, interviews, focus groups, and the use of archival resources.

• Participant Observation : Participant observation is a traditional and widely-used method in anthropological research. It involves the researcher immersing themselves in the daily life of the group being studied, providing a nuanced and intimate understanding of the culture.
• Interviews and Focus Groups : Interviews and focus groups allow for the collection of rich, qualitative data. They provide insights into participants’ thoughts, feelings, and motivations, which may not be readily apparent from observation alone.
• Use of Archival Resources : Archival resources, such as historical documents and artifacts, can offer insights into the historical context of the group being studied.

Data Analysis

Data analysis in anthropology is largely qualitative, focused on interpreting the meanings, patterns, and themes in the data collected. Common techniques include thematic analysis, discourse analysis, and grounded theory.

Writing the Research Report

The final step in the research process is writing the research report. The report should be structured clearly and logically, presenting a coherent argument supported by evidence.

Table 2: Structure of a Research Report

In conclusion, writing an anthropological research report involves a meticulous process of defining the research problem, conducting a literature review, selecting and implementing appropriate methodologies, analyzing data, and crafting a comprehensive report. The quality of the report can greatly enhance the value and impact of the research, making it a critical skill for anthropologists.

Writing an anthropology report involves conducting research on cultural, social, or biological aspects of human life. This requires an examination of scholarly articles, fieldwork observations, or interviews. The report should include an introduction, literature review, methodology, findings, and conclusion, adhering to anthropological theories and concepts. Proper citations are essential to support the findings.

It seems like “anthropology eport” might be a typo. If referring to an anthropology report, it is a document summarizing research conducted within the field of anthropology, detailing observations, methodologies, and conclusions about human cultures and behaviors.

Anthropology generally uses the American Anthropological Association (AAA) style or the Chicago Manual of Style for writing and citations. This format includes specific guidelines for citing sources, organizing content, and presenting ideas, following a clear and consistent structure that allows readers to understand the research, arguments, and conclusions in the report.

[1] Bernard, H.R. (2011). Research Methods in Anthropology: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches .

[2] Ember, C.R., & Ember, M. (2009). Anthropology . https://doi.org/10.1177/1069397110383661

[3] Punch, K.F. (2006). Developing Effective Research Proposals .

[4] Hart, C. (1998). Doing a Literature Review .

Vasundhra, an anthropologist, embarks on a captivating journey to decode the enigmatic tapestry of human society. Fueled by an insatiable curiosity, she unravels the intricacies of social phenomena, immersing herself in the lived experiences of diverse cultures. Armed with an unwavering passion for understanding the very essence of our existence, Vasundhra fearlessly navigates the labyrinth of genetic and social complexities that shape our collective identity. Her recent publication unveils the story of the Ancient DNA field, illuminating the pervasive global North-South divide. With an irresistible blend of eloquence and scientific rigor, Vasundhra effortlessly captivates audiences, transporting them to the frontiers of anthropological exploration.

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Home — Essay Samples — Arts & Culture — Cultural Anthropology

Essays on Cultural Anthropology

Cultural anthropology is a field of study that you should definitely explore. Writing an essay about cultural anthropology is a great way to delve into the importance of understanding different cultural practices and beliefs.

When it comes to choosing a topic for a cultural anthropology essay, the possibilities are endless. You can focus on a specific culture, compare different cultural practices, or explore the impact of globalization on traditional societies. Consider what aspect of cultural anthropology interests you the most and choose a topic that allows you to delve deeper into that area.

For an informative essay, you could explore topics such as the history of cultural anthropology, the methods used in studying different cultures, or the impact of cultural diversity on society.

1. "The impact of globalization on traditional cultural practices."

2. "The role of cultural relativism in promoting understanding and acceptance."

3. "The effects of colonization on indigenous cultural identities."

4. "The importance of preserving cultural heritage in the face of modernization."

5. "The influence of technology on the transmission of cultural knowledge."

In the of a cultural anthropology essay, you could summarize the key points you've made in the essay and emphasize the importance of understanding and respecting different cultures. For example, "The study of cultural anthropology reminds us of the rich diversity of human societies and the importance of preserving and celebrating that diversity."

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Cultural anthropology.

Cultural Anthropology publishes ethnographic writing informed by a wide array of theoretical perspectives, innovative in form and content, and focused on both traditional and emerging topics. It also welcomes essays concerned with ethnographic methods and research design in historical perspective, and with ways cultural analysis can address broader public audiences and interests.

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Vol. 39 No. 1 (2024)

We present six original papers in this issue as well as the inaugural guest commentary.

When the Society for Cultural Anthropology selected our distributed, international editorial collective to lead Cultural Anthropology , they did so in part to support our commitment to opening channels of this crucial platform of our discipline beyond the scope of privileged, endowed higher educational institutions in the United States. As one step of this process, in this issue we provide space to the Choctaw Nation of Oklahoma to describe their work since the passage of the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) in 1990. As Deanna L. Byrd, the NAGPRA Liaison-Coordinator and Research and Outreach Program Manager of the Choctaw Nation of Oklahoma, and Ian Thompson, the Tribal Historic Preservation Officer of the Choctaw Nation of Oklahoma, writes, since that time, “Native American communities gained a measure of say in how ancestral burials are treated on federal lands. The law also established a mechanism to help Native American, Alaskan, and Native Hawaiian communities have open dialogue with institutions across the country about the return of their ancestors, funerary objects, sacred objects, and objects of cultural patrimony.” 

In dialogue with critical disability studies, Eliza Williamson zooms in the everyday practices of Bahian mothers with children diagnosed with Congenital Zika Syndrome. Mothers, she shows, assert their children’s personhood by refusing their medically diagnosed lack of futurity through what she defines as habilitative care: “a bodymind potentializing set of practices” involving a myriad of “substances, technologies and techniques understood to encourage maximum potential development of embodied abilities in young disabled children.”

Leniqueca Welcome delves into unaccounted forms of violence on and in those “who occupy the category of poor black woman in Trinidad” to develop a “capacious, relational and historically layered” approach to entangled forms of gender-based violence and life searching. In so doing, a sharp critique of the masculinist state and legacies of colonial extraction emerges.

By spending time with loggers, timber industrialists, and state technocrats across Peru’s Amazonian region of Loreto, Eduardo Romero Dianderas tracks technical maneuvers and political controversies around timber volumetric calculation. Far from a mathematical abstraction, his ethnography invites us to think that the practice of volume-making—scaling, standardizing, and accounting for timber—is a contact zone in which “power, history and bodily experience” saturate a crucial operation for global environmental governance.

Focusing on demonstrations held outside Yangon, Myanmar, in favor of a plan to build a New Yangon City, Courtney Wittekind’s article intervenes in the binaries of “truth” versus “falsity” and “genuine” versus “fake” to advance an anthropological theorization of demonstration, speculation, and spectacle.

For centuries, the Curse of Ham, the originary anti-Black myth of the Abrahamic faiths, functioned as the foundational and legitimating narrative of white supremacist ideology across the African continent. To Justin Haruyama’s disconcertment, this was also the narrative invoked by some of his Zambian informants to explain the predicament of Black people today. In his paper for this issue, Haruyama stages a conversation with Black liberation theology to suggest that these narratives articulated, however, a profound refutation of liberal egalitarianism and, from the situated premises of a transnational Zambian perspective, put forward an alternative vision for a decolonial abolitionist anthropology.

In his article, Ramy Aly interrogates the anthropology of ethics and revolution in dialogue with a phenomenological and situated account of the 2011 January Egyptian Revolution. He does it through the experiences and narratives of those that were too young to take part in street protests and political movements but for whom the revolution still takes precedent in everyday practices of self-making.

Cover and table-of-contents image by Eduardo Romero Dianderas.

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Habilitating Bodyminds, Caring for Potential: Disability Therapeutics after Zika in Bahia, Brazil

On and in their bodies: masculinist violence, criminalization, and black womanhood in trinidad, volumes: the politics of calculation in contemporary peruvian amazonia, “take our land” : fronts, fraud, and fake farmers in a city-to-come, anti-blackness and moral repair: the curse of ham, biblical kinship, and the limits of liberalism, the ordinariness of ethics and the extraordinariness of revolution: ethical selves and the egyptian january revolution at home and school, curated collections.

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Today, after about 150 years, the discipline of anthropology is as active and relevant as ever. Incorporating the ongoing advances in science and technology, students in anthropology find no lack of engaging anthropology topics for research papers. There is the challenge and need to study and protect endangered nonhuman primates, to continuously search for fossil hominid specimens and hominid-made stone artifacts, and to comprehend the many complex relationships between our biocultural species and its dynamic environment. Moreover, research in anthropology has been very instrumental in increasing human tolerance for the biological variations and cultural differences that exist within the hundreds of societies that comprise our global species. As a new research area, applied anthropology strives to be relevant in this civilized but converging world (e.g., the emergence of forensic anthropology and biomedical anthropology).

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Cultural Anthropology, Essay Example

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Introduction

Cultural anthropology relates to the study of different people and their culture, beliefs and economies.  Researchers have focused studies on both industrial and post-industrial societies. The study also embraces areas of politics and religion.  Recent studies have focused upon the political unrest in both North Africa and the Middle East.  The particular focus upon the demands of youth in these regions has had a profound impact on long held values of religion, politics, sociology and economics of the regions affected.  (Allison).

Cultural Anthropology – Influence of Youth

Youth culture has formed an important part of 20 th century anthropological research but before this time it was largely ignored.  Recent events has illustrated how modern communications like computers, cell phones, and social media sites have had a profound effect on developing youth education, awareness and forums for debate on a truly global scale.  Modernity and globalization has placed youth culture into a new sociological context as such it has increased their visibility and opinion in a modern capitalistic society.  This has resulted in the demand for increased equity and more accountability for Government actions. (Bucholtz).

The recent riots being experienced in England are a result of a disenchanted youth structure that has rallied against unemployment, lack of education and a government they feel has forsaken them in times of a severe economic downturn.  This stems beyond the social classification of hooliganism to carefully orchestrated campaigns using technology as a means to organise a sustained citizen revolt. (Mitchell).

Globalization has increased the interest in concepts of cultural anthropology.  The concepts of a more integrated and diverse set of cultures has resulted in close examination of the interaction between peoples beliefs, religions, politics and tolerances in understanding one another and ability to create international trading relationships.

Works Cited

Allison, C. Piot and A. “Cultural Anthropology & Youth.” Cultural Anthropology Vol 26 Iss 3 (2011): 1360-1548.

Bucholtz, Mary. “Youth and Cultural Practice.” Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol 31 (2002): 525-552.

Mitchell, Dan. Riots in England Are another Sign of the Looming Collapse of Europe’s Welfare States. 10 12 2010. 9 8 2011 <http://danieljmitchell.wordpress.com/2010/12/10/riots-in-england-are-another-sign-of-the-looming-collapse-of-europes-welfare-states/>.

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Culture Research Paper

This sample culture research paper features: 6400 words (approx. 22 pages), an outline, and a bibliography with 31 sources. Browse other research paper examples for more inspiration. If you need a thorough research paper written according to all the academic standards, you can always turn to our experienced writers for help. This is how your paper can get an A! Feel free to contact our writing service for professional assistance. We offer high-quality assignments for reasonable rates.

While disputes surrounding the concept of culture reflect valid ideological disagreements, they are sometimes obscured by misunderstanding; not only is the term commonly used to signify vastly different concepts, but it is also frequently defined in vague and unclear terms (if explicitly defined at all). This research paper tries to clarify the notion by tracking its usage from its earliest applications to its place in contemporary anthropological discourse. First, the concept’s origins and evolution are examined, with a special focus on its development in American anthropology. The modern notion of culture as meanings and symbols is then investigated in depth. Finally, significant criticisms of the concept and responses to those criticisms are provided.

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Get 10% off with 24start discount code, introduction, cultural relativism, culture and the individual, culture as meaning, culture as symbolic systems, the nature of symbols, the pervasiveness of symbols, methodological implications, social anthropology, postmodern anthropology.

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Culture is one of the most complicated academic concepts now in use. It is defined and implemented in numerous and frequently contradictory ways, and there are considerable disagreements within academic disciplines regarding the fundamental nature of human social life and the appropriate method for studying it. For anthropologists, culture typically refers to symbolic systems of ideas, values, and shared understandings that give meaning and comprehension to the world for a certain group of people. While these systems, which provide the foundation for such fundamental concepts as food and kinship and even influence how individuals experience time, space, and other aspects of reality, may appear to their adherents to be natural and objective, they are, in fact, variable, socially accepted models. In order to find order and significance in a world devoid of both, humans must create their own models.

Ironically, just as the anthropological idea of culture has achieved enormous traction in popular culture and fields such as law and politics, it has come under fire from within the study of anthropology. Some anthropologists assert that the concept of culture oversimplifies and stereotypically treats entire societies as isolated and homogeneous, while downplaying individuality and diversity of thought. Others argue, however, that the notion has never involved such assumptions, and that culture is merely a useful method to consider the ideas and shared understandings that enable humans to comprehend their reality.

The Evolution of the Concept of Culture

Both the literal sense of cultivation (as in “of a crop”) and the metaphorical sense of self-improvement (the “cultivation of the mind”) are derived from the Latin term cultura , from which the English word culture derives. This phrase was frequently used in 18th-century England to describe to the improvement of one’s character through the refinement of judgment, taste, and intelligence; and, by extension, to those activities believed to express and maintain this sophistication (Williams, 1983). This basic connotation underlies the most prevalent popular use of the term today, which designates a specific segment of society (such as theater and art) as cultural to the exclusion of others.

The anthropological idea of culture entered the English language via a less direct route, first going through German as the philosophical concept kultur . Kultur was also derived from the concept of cultivation, but shortly thereafter began to evolve in opposition to the French term civilisation as the philosophical traditions of the two countries came into conflict. Civilization was associated with the French Enlightenment and the notion that civilization evolved from a primitive state characterized by ignorance and barbarism toward universal ideals in science, secularism, and rational thought. The “national character” of a people has come to be symbolized by the term Kultur , which has come to represent local and personal notions such as religion and tradition. In 1871, British anthropologist Edward Tylor blended parts of both notions to define culture as “that complex whole that includes knowledge, belief, art, law, morals, custom, and any other skills and practices acquired by man as a member of society” (as cited in Kroeber & Kluckhohn, 1952, p. 81). This is largely regarded as the first formal anthropological definition of the term, as it introduced the concept of culture as a taught, shared, and inclusive framework that encompasses practically every aspect of human social life.

Although Edward Tylor’s definition was innovative, it missed a crucial part of the original German notion that would later become a central aspect of the anthropological concept of culture. Tylor was a cultural evolutionist; he believed that, given sufficient time and favorable conditions, societies evolved toward increasingly superior forms. Consequently, he viewed 19th-century England to be the apex of human civilisation and all other societies (particularly those outside of Western Europe and North America) to be less evolved and fundamentally inferior. Franz Boas, a German-American scientist often considered as the creator of cultural anthropology, was one of the first to challenge the evolutionist perspective. Boas considered the concepts of cultural evolutionism to be unscientific, and he contested the fundamental premise that the prevalence of identical activities across nations inevitably indicates their shared evolutionary origin. He presented counterexamples in which substantially identical cultural institutions arose in various contexts for notably distinct reasons. Boas (1940/1995), using a historical and comparative methodology, contended that society did not follow a linear progression toward a single ideal form, but rather moved in many ways in response to fluid historical conditions.

Importantly, Boas maintained that individuals experience reality differently depending on the cultural context in which they are nurtured; he stated that “the seeing eye is the organ of tradition” (1940/1995). This resulted in the conclusion that a community’s ideals and practices could only be comprehended in relation to how its members experienced and envisioned their reality (1889). Boas reasoned that if cultural patterns of perception and evaluation were the result of socialization, then their adherence must be based on emotions and unconscious attachment rather than rational or practical evaluations of their value or efficacy. Therefore, he decided that any attempt to rank or compare the customs of other communities would be absurd.

Cultural evolutionists erred by considering their own culturally developed concepts and perceptions to be universally applicable and uniquely valid. Boas used the analysis of voice sounds as an example of why this is a dangerous activity. A person inexperienced with the sounds employed in a specific language will frequently perceive those sounds differently than a native speaker, for example, by failing to distinguish between two sounds that are functionally equivalent in his or her own language. The Japanese language, for instance, does not differentiate between the English /r/ and /1/ sounds, and unless exposed to English at a young age, native Japanese speakers tend to wrongly regard those sounds as identical. This tendency led to an unpleasant (though hilarious) incident in which early cultural evolutionists misunderstood the speech sounds of an indigenous American language and deemed it inferior due to what they erroneously perceived to be the absence of a stable phonemic system.

According to Edward Sapir and Benjamin Lee Whorf’s “linguistic relativity hypothesis,” the principle of relativism extends to linguistic meaning systems. Sapir and Whorf believed that the language a person speaks affects not only their ability to communicate, but also how they perceive what would otherwise appear to be fundamental components of reality. Thus, Sapir concluded that learning a language is equivalent to learning the “world.” Whorf drew on his expertise as a fire teacher to demonstrate how the connotation of a word like empty could cause individuals to behave irresponsibly around spent gasoline drums containing hazardous fumes. Subsequent research in this subject has revealed language implications on aspects such as color vision and spatial orientation, as well as on moral reasoning and other types of decision making. Whorf observed that the majority of linguistic categories are “covert,” or existing below conscious awareness; anthropologists Alfred Kroeber and Clyde Kluckhohn (1952) concluded that all cultural knowledge consists of both conscious and unconscious categories that “screen and distort” one’s conception of reality.

Although language analysis may provide the clearest example of relativism in action, the idea appears to apply to a wide variety of cultural phenomena. Not only do views, attitudes, and values vary significantly from one society to the next, but comparative study has demonstrated that people of different cultural groups can also have diverse emotional and physiological responses to stimuli. Many Americans, for instance, would feel disgust and possibly even nausea at the mere prospect of consuming live grubs. However, in many other communities, insects are regarded tasty, whilst the intake of onions and mushrooms is deemed repulsive.

As a result of this relativistic aspect, the concept of culture has been challenged for what is viewed as its role in undermining efforts to construct objective and universally binding principles for moral human action. Moreover, if it is illegitimate to compare distinct beliefs and behaviors, and if everything from nausea to the essence of existence is experienced via the lens of culture, then it becomes extremely challenging to argue in favor of objective, universal moral truth. However, as other theorists have argued, this does not necessarily imply that moral ideas are impossible. It simply means that in order for normative assertions to make meaning, they must be based on commonly held beliefs about the world. As with differing conceptions of the nature and significance of reality, the fact that conceptions of moral truth are unavoidably local and specific does not imply that they are irrational, invalid, or untenable.

An important question in anthropology is whether culture reflects its own level of analysis or whether it can be explained in terms of the thoughts and behaviors of individuals. Alfred Kroeber (1917), an eminent anthropologist and the first of Franz Boas’s several PhD students, believed that it was only a matter of time before culture established a “second level” once it was identified as a “distinctive product of men living in societies.” Kroeber referred to this tier as the superorganic . According to this perspective, the conduct of individuals combines to form a system governed by its own set of rules. In light of the fact that cultural phenomena are emergent aspects of this system, they demand their own degree of explanation. Thus, Kroeber claimed, anthropologists need not be concerned with individuals when dealing with culture; in fact, disregarding individuals could result in more comprehensive analysis.

Edward Sapir (1917), a student of Boas and one of the founders of linguistic anthropology, criticized the superorganic as reflecting “a social determinism amounting to religion.” Sapir argued that the idea regarded culture too much like a thing or a concrete entity, as opposed to an abstract concept, and allowed little room for individuals to behave according to their own free will. Sapir was also critical of the influential theories of Ruth Benedict (1934), an additional student of Boas who pushed the concept of civilizations as highly interwoven, “personality-laden” wholes. Benedict famously stated in a survey of three indigenous people from Melanesia and North America that each might be characterized by a certain personality type (the Dobu of Papua New Guinea, for example, were defined as “paranoid schizophrenic”). Famously, Sapir told his pupils that a culture cannot be “paranoid” in response to this attempt to apply psychological words to characterize entire cultures.

Sapir’s own thesis, outlined in a 1924 essay titled “Culture, Genuine and False,” viewed culture as the peculiar attitudes and methods of living that gave a people their unique position in the world. According to Sapir, a “genuine” culture is a harmonic, balanced, and healthy “spiritual organism.” Nonetheless, while this did necessitate a substantial degree of integration, a genuine culture was not merely “efficient”; that is, humans could not exist as simple gears in a machine. According to Sapir, culture and the individual are inseparable, as culture cannot sustain itself without individuals as “nuclei” and individuals cannot generate culture from nothing. Sapir’s solution and attempt to reconcile the contradictions he perceived in Benedict and others were fundamentally humanistic: The individual discovers a “mastery”—a profession that expresses his or her distinct particular skill while also being congruent with the will and desires of the other community members. Sapir was cautious to note, however, that the terms “culture” and “individual” could only be identified from an anthropologist’s perspective, as the individual himself could not cognitively detect such a distinction. The more humanistic aspects of Sapir’s theory were never widely accepted, but his thoughts on the relationship between culture and the individual foreshadowed numerous critiques present in “postmodern” anthropological theory (see “Criticisms of the Culture Concept”)

The Contemporary Concept: Culture as Meanings and Symbols

Later, some referred to Edward Tylor’s 1871 definition of culture as the “everything-is-culture” definition, as it encompassed not just knowledge, belief, and values, but also customs and conduct, as well as the miscellaneous category “other capabilities.” In the early 20th century, Franz Boas and his pupils gave the notion a more scientific appearance and included the key element of cultural relativism. The belief in the power of sorcery, for example, was culture, as was the ritual dance performed by the sorcerer and possibly even the artifacts made for the rite. Margaret Mead, a student of Boas and one of the most renowned cultural anthropologists in history, utilized a concept of culture that relied on the notion of a “complex of behavior.”

As part of a landmark work on the notion of culture, Kroeber and Kluckhohn (1952) were among the first to advocate excluding conduct from the concept of culture. Their conclusion was founded on the realization that human cognition and behavior is also influenced by causes other than culture. The issue with treating a specific conduct as part of culture was that it implied that the behavior belonged to or was a unique product of culture, while neglecting the important psychological, social, biological, and material components that also influence action. As with the other components, culture could not incorporate behavior because, as Kroeber and Kluckhohn pointed out, culture itself was a “pattern or design” abstracted from observable behavior — something that gave behavior meaning.

However, this concept does not imply that culture is identical to politics, economics, or any other aspect of human social life. Due to the fact that culture is not conduct but rather the beliefs and ideas that give behavior meaning, culture is a vital component of practically every area of social-scientific investigation. Even behaviors that look on the surface to be solely economic or political in nature, for example, are incomprehensible without a grasp of the specific cultural forms that make the contexts in which they occur reasonable and meaningful (see Sewell, 2005).

The contemporary concept of culture, then, focuses not only on behavior and artifacts as such, but also on what that behavior means and what those artifacts symbolize. For David Schneider (1868), an American anthropologist who helped found the approach known as “symbolic anthropology,” this meant that even behavioral norms should be excluded from cultural analysis. Schneider defined culture as a set of “definitions, premises, postulates, presumptions, propositions, and perceptions about the nature of the universe and man’s place in it” (p. 202), explaining that while “norms tell the actor how to play the scene, culture tells the actor how the scene is set and what it all means” (p. 203).

The importance placed on meaning in the modern concept of culture—not only for the anthropologist attempting to understand social life, but for the individual who lives it—is perhaps best accounted for in the writings of Clifford Geertz, whose influential ideas helped to redefine the discipline of anthropology in the late 20th century. Geertz (1973a) observed that humans are “unfinished animals,” set apart not just by our ability to learn, but by the astounding amount that we must learn in order to be able to function at the most basic level. Geertz attributed this to the fact that cultural evolution and biological evolution overlapped by millions of years in the phylogenetic development of the species, such that the human brain became utterly dependent on inherited systems of meaning. While our biological “hardware” might furnish us with basic capabilities, we must be socialized into specific social systems in order to use them. We cannot, for instance, simply speak; we must learn to speak English or Japanese or some other highly particular linguistic form. This accounts for the high degree of variability seen across human societies. As Geertz put it, “We all begin with the natural equipment to live a thousand kinds of life but end having lived only one” (p. 45), since the gap between what biology dictates and what we need to know in order to survive can only be filled with highly particular cultural forms. Without culture, then, humans would not revert to some basic and primary hunter-gatherer form, but would instead be “monstrosities” unable to accomplish even the simplest tasks (1973a, p. 49).

A central feature of the contemporary concept of culture is the emphasis placed on symbols. More than just providing the means to express and transmit cultural knowledge from person to person and generation to generation, symbols are seen as essential to the building of that knowledge in the first place. Anthropologists now tend to regard culture itself as a collection of symbolic systems, where the construction of cultural models and concepts relies on the unique properties of symbolic representation.

According to David Schneider (1968), a symbol is “anything that stands for something else.” The idea is that this “something else,” called the symbol’s referent, is not logically deducible from any characteristic of the symbol itself, but is associated with it purely on the basis of an agreement made by a social group. The word dog, for instance, really has nothing to do with the actual thing that speakers of English call a dog, but the connection is made because a group (the speakers of English) has agreed that a particular symbol (the word dog ) will stand for a particular referent (the domesticated descendants of the Asian red wolf). At first glance, this might seem unremarkable. But as Clifford Geertz (1973a) pointed out, while there are many instances in nature of “patterns for processes”—such as when a duckling learns a set of behaviors by imprinting on his mother, or when DNA issues “instructions” on how to build certain tissues—the capacity to represent objects and occurrences as they are is exceedingly rare, and probably unique to humans. Symbolic representation allows the users of symbolic systems to make reference to and reflect on things that are not actually present at the time, converting them into ideas that can be analyzed, manipulated, and combined with other such concepts in the medium of abstract thought.

Furthermore, symbolic reference involves much more than merely matching a word or other symbol to its counterpart in the “real world” of objects. In a famous example, Edward Sapir illustrated that when someone uses the word house in the general sense, they do not think of any one house, but of any and all houses that have ever existed or could possibly exist, as well as the set of collective beliefs, attitudes, and judgments associated with that class of objects. This is what is called a concept. Conceptual thought opens the door to the imaginative and productive capacities of the mind, allowing humans to do such extraordinary things as wonder about our place in the world, reflect on things that could have happened, but didn’t, and then lie about all of it. Closely related to the ability to lie is the ability to form conceptions of things pregnant with collective attitudes and value judgments that far exceed the natural or objective characteristics of the referents themselves. As French sociologist Émile Durkheim (1912/1995) emphasized in his landmark treatise on religion, symbols allow groups to focus their collective mental energy on concretized representations of social phenomena and give tangible expression to bundles of emotions and attitudes that might otherwise remain ineffable. As anthropologist Marshall Sahlins (1976) phrased it: “Men begin as men . . . precisely when they experience the world as a concept (symbolically)” (p. 142). It is for this reason that symbols are seen as the building blocks of culture.

Language is the most highly developed symbolic system, and the most common form in which cultural meanings are expressed. As the foremost means of “cutting up” the world into sensible and meaningful categories, language is virtually impossible to distinguish from culture, and it’s not surprising that the idiosyncrasies of its particular forms can have a powerful impact on how its speakers perceive reality (see earlier section, “Cultural Relativism”). But words are far from the only type of symbols used by humans. Clifford Geertz (1973b) regarded any “object, act, event, quality, or relation” as a potential symbol, and as it turns out, human social life is replete with organized systems of them. Geertz held up religion as a prototypical example, where acts, artifacts, relationships, and even people serve to symbolize the abstract concept of the supernatural and the beliefs and values associated with it (1973b). Religion also offers examples of what Roy D’Andrade (1984) would later call the directive and evocative functions of symbolic systems, as it serves to guide and motivate action by, as Geertz (1973b) put it, forming an idea of what the world is like and “clothing” that idea in such an “aura of factuality” as to make it seem self-evident.

Symbolic systems can become so engrained in a community’s understanding of the world that they become difficult to spot. Kinship systems, for instance, appeared for a very long time (even to anthropologists) to be deeply rooted in biology. But David Schneider (1968) argued that there is nothing about shared ancestry or genetic relatedness that necessarily leads to a recognition of the rights, duties, and responsibilities associated with cultural systems of kinship. Numerous kin classifications, in fact, ignore that criterion completely. Schneider concluded that biological relatedness is a symbol just like any other, arbitrarily designated to denote shared identity and mutual responsibility among social groups.

The Constitutive Power of Culture

The very act of perceiving an object or event in the world as being a type of something (e.g., perceiving a certain creature as a dog, the clasping of hands as a prayer, or the meeting of lips as a kiss ) entails the symbolic interpretation and generalization of a specific, concrete event. Because symbols represent concepts rather than just things as they exist in the world, almost everything humans perceive is at least partially constituted by collective representations and interpretation. But the power of culture is such that, in many cases, symbols do not attach to any referent at all, and instead actually create the objects or events to which they refer. Philosopher John Searle (1969) referred to this as the capacity to enact constitutive rules. In statements like “when a player crosses the goal line, he scores a touchdown” or “the candidate who receives the plurality of votes in the general election becomes president,” constitutive rules actually create the categories of touchdown and president. Societies are built upon intricate systems of these constitutive rules, which generally take the form “ x counts as y in context c. ” While usually thought of by the members of the community as natural or even commonsensical, these rules are entirely a matter of social agreement. The idea that one owns a house or car or any other piece of property, for instance, is based on the collective belief that transferring something called “money” to an institution called a “bank” entitles one to special rights over some material thing. Most often, others will not even question those rights. But when someone does seek to violate the agreement through force, such as by stealing a car or invading a home, it is understood that people in uniforms with guns will (hopefully) show up to stop them. Those uniformed enforcers of social consensus will only do so, however, insofar as they agree to obey the orders of an imaginary chain of authority that runs all the way to the president of the United States, whose power comes not from any physical or mental capacity of his, but from the collective agreement that he is to have such authority. Thus, personal property—like civil government or American football—relies on a complex, ordered hierarchy of constitutive rules and social facts that have no basis in material reality.

These institutions reflect a more basic property of symbolic representation: The meaning of cultural units tends to be layered upon many other orders of meaning. Something as simple as reading this sentence, for instance, plays upon such varied levels of conventional meaning as the denotation of speech sounds by individual letters, the definitions of words and groups of words, the grammatical rules that operate at the sentence level, and matters of tone and style conveyed by the structure of the paper as a whole.

The centrality of meanings and symbols in contemporary concepts of culture poses challenges for the study of social life. To begin with, there really is no such thing as a symbol per se, although almost anything can function as one. Symbolism is not an inherent quality of any word or sign, but rather a product of interpretation and consensus. Nor is the meaning of a symbol rigidly determined even by the force of collective agreement. As a number of theorists have argued, the interpretation of symbols relies on complex and often emotionally charged processes in the mind of the interpreter, which it must call upon a broad range of preexisting schemas, scripts, and tacit understandings in order to make any sense at all. Consider the following short description of a sequence of events: “Roger went to the restaurant/The waiter was unfriendly/Roger left a small tip.” In their work on artificial intelligence, Schank and Abelson (1977) showed how little sense such a sequence makes without detailed prior knowledge of what normally happens at a restaurant, what is expected of a waiter, and what is communicated in the complex practice of tipping.

For Clifford Geertz (1973c), the ambiguity and polysemy of the subject matter of anthropology meant that cultures could not be explained, but instead could only be interpreted through a process he called “thick description.” To truly grasp the meaning and significance of a belief or action, Geertz argued, one must first acquire a comprehensive understanding of the social and cultural context in which it occurs. Drawing on literary theory, Geertz suggested that culture must be “read” like a text—a text that, from the anthropologist’s point of view, is “foreign and faded,” full of abbreviations, omissions, and contradictions, and written not by anyone’s pen but by sporadic instances of socially meaningful behavior.

Critiques of the Culture Concept

While culture has long been the central object of inquiry in American anthropology (hence the term cultural anthropology ), scholars in the British social-anthropological tradition have historically been skeptical of culture, and have instead framed their investigations around the concept of society . In social anthropology, society refers to a complex web of social relationships and systematized patterns of behaviors and ideologies known as institutions (e.g., the military, primitive magic, the nuclear family, or the National Football League). Social anthropologists compare institutions across different societies in order to ascertain their “function.” They are particularly interested in “latent” functions: those consequences of institutionalized behavior of which the actors are unaware, but which nevertheless work to motivate the very existence of the institution. The functionalist approach rests on the assumption that particular types of institutions, such as kinship or government, are motivated by the same basic factors and oriented toward the same basic ends in all human societies in which they are present. Underneath their superficial differences, the various cultural manifestations of these institutions are seen as essentially similar, like species belonging to the same genus.

As concepts, culture and society are not necessarily incompatible, and have been viewed by some as closely related and even complementary. But for several generations of social anthropologists, culture was something of a taboo term. A. R. Radcliffe-Browne, one of the discipline’s founders, insisted that the concept of culture erroneously treated abstract ideas as real and concrete, and was too broad a concept to be useful in the study of social life. He claimed that society, on the other hand, was the proper object of anthropology, since societies were bounded and concrete, and social structure was embodied in directly observable social behavior. Eventually, however, social anthropologists recognized that no attempt to study social relationships could be successful without consideration of the cultural beliefs and values associated with them. Oxford anthropologist John Beattie (1964) identified this as the primary reason that Radcliffe-Browne’s limited conception of social anthropology as “comparative sociology” never fully caught on: The behavior of people in society cannot be understood without reference to what social relationships mean to those who participate in them.

Still, a number of social anthropologists remain reluctant to refer to the semiotic dimension of social life as culture. Adam Kuper (1999) argued that it is more legitimate to analyze religious beliefs, arts, and other institutions as separate domains than as “bound together in a single bundle labeled culture” (p. 245). But as William Sewell (2005) observed, and as Ruth Benedict (1934) noted before him, basic beliefs and symbolic representations of the world tend to cut across the lines that sociologists would use to carve up the social sphere, reaching across institutions, linguistic communities, age-groups, and even religions to span entire societies. This suggests that any attempt to approach such beliefs as though they were miscellaneous qualities of separate institutions risks completely missing the presence of a single, pervasive cultural theme. The more or less unquestioned belief in the sanctity of human life in modern society, for instance, affects almost every conceivable institution, from industrial development and urban planning to the cultivation of food and medicinal testing. To effectively treat such an idea as a product of any one institution would thus be a significant analytical mistake.

In recent years, some of the strongest criticisms of the culture concept have come from within the discipline of cultural anthropology itself. Adherents of a loosely defined movement known as “postmodern anthropology” (also variably referred to as postcultural, poststructural, and reflexive anthropology) have questioned the very usefulness and validity of culture as an abstract concept. Often associated with a 1986 collection of essays edited by James Clifford and George Marcus called Writing Culture, the movement can be viewed an extension of the theories of Clifford Geertz—particularly his use of literary theory and his emphasis on the importance of context. Michael Silverstein (2005) identified the “symbols and meaning-ism” that Geertz helped usher in as the point at which anthropology became a hermeneutic and interpretive project rather than an observational science. But for those affiliated with the Writing Culture movement, Geertz stopped short of the inevitable conclusion of his argument—that the description or “interpretation” of a culture is as much a reflection of the point of view of the anthropologist as it is of the culture itself. From this perspective, the anthropologist does not simply record facts about others’ ways of life; instead, she actually creates (or at least coconstructs) the culture as she describes it. This is obviously very troubling for the credibility of anthropological knowledge, and it becomes especially problematic when, as was traditionally the case, the anthropologist is a member of a dominant society granted unilateral authority to depict the beliefs and practices of a subjugated population. Critics point to this unequal power dynamic as at least partially to blame for misguided attempts to capture complex realities using false dichotomies like “savage vs. civilized,” “rational vs. irrational,” or “individualist vs. collectivist.”

This “reflexive” critique is linked to an older, more basic criticism in anthropology, suggesting that culture is a tool for the preservation of existing systems of power and oppression. Proponents of this view argue that by ascribing too much importance to tradition, the concept of culture legitimates the domination and mistreatment of traditionally powerless segments of societies. A frequently cited example is the disadvantaged place that women are perceived as occupying in traditionally patriarchal societies. Others have argued, however, that the perception of inequality and discrimination in other cultures is prone to error, since it often fails to take into account the subtle cultural mechanisms that redistribute power and shape social relationships. And while there certainly are cases where the idea of culture is misused to justify atrocities, this does not explain why the concept should be rejected as an analytical tool.

Another dimension of the postmodern critique takes specific aim at the practice of referring to a culture or to cultures in the plural. Some feel that this use—which is often traced, somewhat controversially, to the theories of Ruth Benedict and Margaret Mead—oversimplifies and stereotypes other societies, erroneously treating entire communities as uniform, isolated, and unchanging while downplaying diversity and internal disagreement. This implication is ever more frequently seen in popular usage, where terms like Japanese culture imply a universally shared, unquestioned, and totaling “way of life.” And while integration is not necessarily synonymous with cultural determinism, Benedict (1934), for her part, did little to dispel that interpretation in asserting that the individual “is the little creature of his culture. . . . Its habits are his habits, its beliefs his beliefs” (pp. 2–3). In response, critics like Clifford and Marcus (1986) stressed the importance of individual agency and “resistance” to cultural norms, pointing out that cultures are not bounded, homogeneous, or “pure.” Instead, culture is contested, contradictory, and only loosely integrated, constantly subject to change both from within and without. Postmodernists note that cultures have always been hybridized and permeable, but that this has become increasingly so in recent decades in the face of globalization and capitalist expansion. As Clifford and Marcus (1986) observed, difference is now routinely found next door and familiarity at the end of the earth, suggesting that received notions of culture are not only mistaken, but also irrelevant.

Others maintain, however, that the concept of culture has never implied uniformity, and that no serious anthropologist ever viewed individuals as mindless automatons totally controlled by a self-contained and unchanging cultural system. They argue that culture has always been an abstraction; that is, culture does not represent a “thing” that exists in the world as such, but is instead separated by way of observation and logical inference from the context of real-world actions and utterances in which it is embedded. Alfred Kroeber (1952) defended the practice of speaking of cultures in the plural on this basis, anticipating contemporary critiques in pointing out that one could speak at the same time of a Tokyo or a Japanese or an East Asian culture without implying that any of them represented a homogeneous or totalizing way of life. More recently, Marshall Sahlins (1999) has asserted that the concept of culture critiqued by postmodern anthropologists is a myth. Sahlins does argue that cultural communities can have boundaries, but that these boundaries, rather than being barriers to the flow of people, goods, or ideas, represent conscious designations of identity and inclusion made by the members of the community themselves.

Regarding the uniformity and homogeneity of cultural knowledge, anthropologist Richard Shweder (2003) has argued that culture never implied the passive acceptance of received beliefs and practices or the absence of dispute or debate. Shweder points out that every culture has experts and novices, but that such unequal distribution of knowledge does not mean that anyone is more or less a member of that culture. As one of the chief proponents of the resurgent interdisciplinary field of “cultural psychology,” Shweder has helped demonstrate that basic psychological processes such as selfhood and emotion, rather than being products of deep structural similarity, are rooted in culturally specific modes of understanding (Shweder & Bourne, 1984). Such findings have provided some of the driving force behind the growing influence of the concept of culture in the field of social psychology (e.g., Markus & Kitayama, 1991; et al).

Whether prior theories or particular uses of the term carried misguided implications or not, anthropologists continue to recognize culture as an indispensible consideration in the analysis of human social life. As theorists from nearly every area of study surveyed in this research paper have agreed, shared cultural knowledge is absolutely essential for individuals to function in a way that is recognizably human (see Geertz, 1973a, 1973b, 1973c; Whorf, 1956; Beattie, 1964; Clifford & Marcus, 1986; Sewell, 2005; Sahlins, 1976). Clifford Geertz referred to a gap that exists between our species’ innate biological predispositions and what humans must know in order to survive and function— a gap that could only be filled with highly particular systems of beliefs, values, and representations expressed and transmitted through symbols.

Even those most critical of the concept tend to recognize the centrality and pervasiveness of culture. Culture represents the shared ideas that define and give meaning to objects, events, and relationships in our world and the collective representations that create and maintain social institutions. This is true even of those domains of human activity appearing to follow their own logic and obeying their set of rules and principles. Renato Rosaldo (1989), whose work was also included among the 1986 collection of essays that kindled the postmodern anthropological movement, wrote as follows:

Culture … refers broadly to the forms through which people make sense of their lives … It does not inhabit a set-aside domain as does politics or economics. From the pirouettes of classical ballet to the most brute of brute facts, all human conduct is culturally mediated. Culture encompasses the everyday and the esoteric, the mundane and the elevated, the ridiculous and the sublime. Neither high nor low, culture is all-pervasive. (p. 26)

Thus, the concept of culture, in one way or another, is likely to remain of central concern to the discipline of anthropology for the foreseeable future.

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