martial law human rights violations essay

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Marcos’ martial law: Golden age for corruption, abuses

MANILA, Philippines—Since 2015, there’s been an attempt to paint Ferdinand Marcos’ dictatorship as a golden age for the Philippines through tweaked facts and outright lies.

While thousands consider the Marcos years as the darkest time in Philippine history, his family and loyalists are using mainly social media as a platform to foist their version of history on the rest of the nation.

READ: Survivor can’t ‘comprehend’ experiencing martial law again

This day, Sept. 21, Filipinos mark the 49th year Marcos threw the nation into its darkest period through Proclamation No. 1081 declaring martial law.

Prof. Judy Taguiwalo, convener of the Campaign Against the Return of the Marcoses and Martial Law, said “our collective memory clearly remembers” what the more than 20-year dictatorship inflicted on the Philippines.

READ: Remembering Martial Law under the Marcos regime

Costs of dictatorship

Marcos was elected president in 1965. From 1965 to 1971, the year before martial law was declared, the economic growth of the Philippines, as reflected by its gross domestic product (GDP), ranged from 5.27 percent to 5.43 percent.

It was in 1973 and 1976 when GDP hit 8.92 percent and 8.81 percent, which Marcos’ son and namesake, Bongbong, claim as proof of his father’s achievements. But he obviously skipped the part that would show some of the Philippines’ worst recessions also took place under the dictator.

In 1984 and 1985, the first two years after the murder of senator Benigno Aquino Jr, Philippine GDP contracted to negative 7.32 percent and negative 7.04 percent.

Here’s the Philippines’ GDP from 1965 to 1986, based on data from the World Bank and Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development:

Graphic by Ed Lustan

1965: 5.27 percent 1966: 4.43 percent 1967: 5.32 percent 1968: 4.95 percent 1969: 4.66 percent 1970: 3.77 percent 1971: 5.43 percent 1972: 5.45 percent 1973: 8.92 percent 1974: 3.56 percent 1975: 5.57 percent 1976: 8.81 percent 1977: 5.60 percent 1978: 5.17 percent 1979: 5.64 percent 1980: 5.15 percent 1981: 3.42 percent 1982: 3.62 percent 1983: 1.88 percent 1984: -7.32 percent 1985: -7.037 percent 1986: 3.417 percent

Professor Emmanuel de Dios, of the University of the Philippines’ School of Economics, said this was the reason the record of Marcos should not be viewed in morsels of good numbers.

READ: Marcos: Rise and fall of a dictator

“You have to take the entire period,” De Dios told ABS-CBN News in 2017. “You did experience high growth in the early years, but you also experienced the worst recession in latter years,” he said.

The Martial Law Museum likewise said that from $0.36 billion in 1961, the external debt of the Philippines “skyrocketed” to $28.26 billion in 1986.

It said the increase in “our debts explains the growth, especially in infrastructure, primarily touted by some to assess the economic gains of the Marcos regime.”

READ: ‘Nightmare’ of Marcos rule ‘still haunts us today’ – bishops

“A debt-driven growth is growth that sacrifices long-term benefits for short-term gratification, and ultimately leads to more burden than boon for the future generations that must pay these debts,” the Martial Law Museum said.

It likewise said that because “power was in the wrong hands,” the declaration of martial law and the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus “opened the real possibility of the violation of civil rights.”

The writ, which in Latin refers to “having the body,” is a protection against illegal imprisonment.

The media, extremely essential for any democracy, were likewise silenced by the dictatorship.

“By shutting down competing voices and setting up a media outlet that was under his control, Marcos silenced public criticism and controlled the information that the people had access to,” the Martial Law Museum said.

“By doing so, Marcos had the final say in whatever passed for the truth,” it added.

Marcos lost no time enforcing the crackdown on media. On Sept. 18, 1972, he issued Letter of Instruction No. 1 allowing the military to take over media, mainly ABS-CBN and Channel 5.

Days after declaring martial law, state agents arrested and imprisoned Teodoro Locsin Sr. of the Philippines Free Press, Chino Roces of Manila Times and journalists Amando Doronila, Luis Beltran, Maximo Soliven, Juan Mercado and Luis Mauricio.

Some news outlets were allowed to operate, especially those that were owned by Marcos’ friends like Roberto Benedicto of the Kanlaon Broadcasting System and the Philippine Daily Express.

According to the Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission (HRVVMC), 579 businesses were likewise “violently and illegally” taken over by the dictatorship.

Sunken in poverty

In 2015, when the dictatorship was raised as an issue in the coming 2016 elections, Bongbong said there was nothing to apologize for because his father was not a liability but an asset.

But the Martial Law Museum said “poverty worsened” over the course of the dictatorship, emphasizing that six out of 10 families were poor by the time the Marcos regime ended, an increase from the four out of 10 families before Marcos took office in 1965.

The daily income of agricultural workers declined by at least 30 percent—from P42 in 1962 to P30 in 1986. The wages of farmers even went as low as P23 in 1974, right after the declaration of martial law.

From P127 and P89 daily income for skilled workers and workers without school training in 1962, wages fell sharply to P35 and P23 in 1986.

These declines happened in the years when prices of goods were surging especially in the last 10 years of the dictatorship.

“We can see that prices of basic commodities tripled, such that what cost P100 in 1976 now cost more than P300 – even nearing P400 – in 1986,” said the Martial Law Museum.

Sent packing, fleeing

After the Edsa People Power, a revolt that ended the more than 20-year reign of the Marcoses, reports documenting the family’s flight and arrival to Hawaii said crates of belongings, worth billions of pesos, were transported, too.

The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training, in the report “The End of an Era – Handholding Ferdinand Marcos in Exile,” said the United States Customs found 24 crates with gold bricks and diamond jewelry.

“Certificates for gold bullion valued in the billions of dollars were allegedly among the personal properties he, his family, his cronies and business partners surreptitiously took with them when the US provided them safe passage to Hawaii,” the report said.

This narrative was strengthened when Marcos’ close confidante, the late industrialist Enrique Zobel, submitted a 14-page affidavit to the Senate blue ribbon committee.

A report by ABS-CBN News said the dictator left his family—widow Imelda and children Bongbong, Imee and Irene—with $35 billion worth of gold bars in 1989.

In reports by international newspapers The Guardian and Washington Post, it was said that the Marcoses carried with them essential belongings, including cash and gems (some of which were in diaper boxes), 70 pairs of jeweled cufflinks and enough clothes to fill 67 racks.

Billions stolen

The World Bank and UN Office on Drugs and Crimes said Marcos, having the longest reign as dictator, stole between $5 billion and $10 billion from the country’s coffers.

The corruption was so outrageous that it earned the distinction of being “The Greatest Robbery of A Government” from the Guinness World Records.

READ: Never forget the Conjugal Dictatorship

On Dec. 21, 1990, the Swiss Federal Supreme Court decided that the dictator and his family hid $356 million in Swiss banks. The Philippine Supreme Court, in 2003, allowed the forfeiture of the finances in favor of the government of the Philippines.

In 2018, the anti-graft court Sandiganbayan convicted the dictator’s widow of seven counts of graft related to private foundations established in Switzerland while she was a government official from 1978 to 1984.

She was sentenced to imprisonment of six years and one month to 11 years for each count, but she has served none after posting bail worth P300,000.

The Presidential Commission on Good Government, an office created by the late former President Corazon Aquino to go after the ill-gotten wealth of the Marcoses and their cronies, said in 2018 that P171 billion has already been recovered.

Deadly regime

The dictatorship was deadly, especially for those who stood against Marcos who were either killed or went missing.

According to HRVVMC, 11,103 individuals had fallen victims to rights violations by the dictatorship.

The count, however, covered only those with approved claims for compensation from the Human Rights Reparation and Recognition Act of 2013.

Amnesty International (AI) said there were 107,200 victims, mostly killed, tortured, and imprisoned by the Marcos regime.

READ: ‘Horrors’ of martial law remembered in rallies

HRVVMC data showed that 2,326 were either killed or disappeared, never to be found. AI said at least 3,200 innocent people were killed.

The Families of Victims of Involuntary Disappearance said that from 1971 to 1986, at least 878 people went missing and are now considered as desaparecidos, or the disappeared.

HRVVMC said there were 699 and 1,417 approved claims for those victims of illegal detention during the Marcos dictatorship.

But AI counted at least 70,000 people who were wrongly imprisoned by the Marcos regime.

Tortured for fighting tyranny

HRVVMC listed 2,104 approved claims for torture.

Rape and forcible abduction (238), mutilation, sexual abuse involving children and minors (217), psychological, mental, and emotional harm other than insanity, acts of lasciviousness (1,467), and cruel, inhumane and degrading treatment (182).

But AI, a recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize in 1977, said there were 34,000 individuals tortured by the dictatorship.

In “TORTYUR: Human Rights Violations During The Marcos Regime,” historian Michael Charleston Chua listed the several kinds of torture experienced by victims of martial law:

• Electric Shock – Oftenly used, this involves electric wires attached to fingers and the genitalia of the victim. Sometimes, the wires were attached to the arms and the head.

• San Juanico Bridge – Between two beds, the victim lies and if his/her body “falls or sags,” the victim will be beaten.

• Truth Serum – Done at the V. Luna General Hospital, it prompts the victim to “talk drunkenly.”

• Russian Roulette – The victim is forced to aim a revolver with a bullet at his/her own head and then pull the trigger.

• Beating – A group of soldiers would beat with “fists, kicks and karate blows” manacled victims.

• Pistol-Whipping – A victim is beaten with rifle butts.

• Water Cure – Huge amounts of water would be forced through into the victim’s mouth, and by beating would be forced out.

• Strangulation – Constriction of the neck done by hand, electric wire and steel bar.

• Cigar and Flat Iron Burns – A victim is inflicted with heat.

• Pepper Torture – A “concentrated peppery substance” is placed on the lips and genitals.

• Animal Treatment – Victims are manacled and caged like beasts.

Present-day dictatorship

The Samahan ng Ex-Detainees Laban sa Detensyon at Aresto (Selda) said 49 years since martial law was declared, “similar issues continue to plague the country” as President Rodrigo Duterte’s regime “zealously followed the path of Marcos’ rule.”

“The nation is again living in such dark times, even darker to what we endured under Marcos’ rule,” Selda said.

READ: In Duterte war on Reds, Marcos’ martial law survivors fall victims again

Xandra Bisenio, daughter of martial law victim Rey Casambre, said as violations that were the mark of the dictatorship continue to be committed, “it shows that the system has not, at the very least, changed.”

“It has gotten worse, considering that even without having to declare martial law today, the law has been weaponized to persecute activists,” she said.

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Martial Law Revisionism and the Fight for History

Never again. never forget. martial law revisionism and the fight for history.

UP IHR releases photo album of human rights atrocities during martial law.

Remembering the 48th anniversary of the declaration of Martial Law in the country by the Dictator Ferdinand Marcos, the UP Institute of Human Rights published on 21 September 2020 a photo album showing the various human rights atrocities committed during the period. With the theme, “Martial Law Revisionism and the Fight for History,” the album displayed photos and stories from the Human Rights Victims’ Memorial Claims Board, Bantayog ng mga Bayani, and the Martial Law Chronicles Project.

Click here to download the IHR’s Martial Law Album

• Post category: News
• Post published: September 22, 2020
• Post last modified: November 13, 2020

Atty. Fina dela Cuesta-Tantuico

• Assistant to the Dean for Alumni Affairs
• Senior Lecturer, UP College of Law
• Professorial Lecturer, Lyceum of the Philippines College of Law
• Fellow, 1st UP Creative Writers’ Workshop (1980)
• Instructor I, UP Department of English and Comparative Literature (1982)
• Trustee and Corporate Secretary, UP Law Alumni Foundation Inc.; Justice George Malcolm Foundation Inc.
• Past President, UP Women Lawyers’ Circle
• Past President, Philippine Bar Association
• UP College of Arts and Sciences, A.B. English, cum laude (1982)
• UP Law Class 1988

Atty. Rizalde Laudencia

• Member, Sangguniang Panlungsod, San Fernando, La Union
• Studied at Confucius Institute, Ateneo de Manila University
• Does Chinese Painting ( Lingnan Style)
• Writes poems in English, Tagalog, and Ilocano
• UP A.B. Political Science (1978)
• UP Law Class 1982

Dr. Rolando Tolentino

• Professor, UP Film Institute
• Director, UP Institute of Creative Writing
• Former Dean, UP College of Mass Communication
• Member, Manunuri ng Pelikulang Pilipino and the Film Development Council of the Philippines
• Awardee: UP Press Centennial Publication Award; National Book Award, Obermann Summer Research Fellowship; Manila Critics Circle Award; Carlos Palanca Memorial Awards for Literature
• A.B. Economics, De La Salle University
• M.A. in Philippine Studies, De La Salle University
• Ph. D. in Film, Literature and Culture, University of Southern California

Atty. Nicolas Pichay

• Director, Legislative Research Service, Senate of the Philippines
• Poet, playwright, essayist
• Hubert Humphrey Fellow, Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, Syracuse University 2018
• Awardee: Carlos Palanca Literary Prize (2007 Hall of Fame); NCCA Literary Awards; CCP Literary Awards; Asian Cultural Council; and Gawad Pambansang Alagad ni Balagtas of UMPIL (2016)
• UP A.B. Political Science (1984)

Atty. Alden Lauzon

• Assistant Professor 7, Department of Art Studies, UP College of Arts and Letters (CAL)
• Associate Dean for Administration, CAL (June 2015 – June 2021)
• Senior Partner, Pedregosalaw Offices
• UP M.A. Art Studies, Art History (1998)
• UP Law Class 2000

Dr. Jose Dalisay Jr.

• Professor Emeritus , English and Creative Writing, UP
• Fellow and Former Director, UP Institute of Creative Writing
• Author, writer
• Awardee: 16 Carlos Palanca Awards in 5 genres
• UP College of Arts and Sciences, A.B. English, cum laude (1984)

Jayvee Arbonida del Rosario (Student)

Fever dream (I want to stay)

What is to wake? As days blur by and memory fails, so too does the line between dream and reality fade. One is as ephemeral as the other. Perhaps, it is in this realm of warped time and lost futures, of muted joys and terrors, where things make more sense.

Marissa Lucido Iñigo (Admin Staff)

Pagsulong sa kabila ng pagsubok

Bagamat matagal at paulit-ulit na tayong naghihigpit at lumuluwag sa mga kwarantin na ipinapatupad sa ating bansa, iisa lang ang nababakas sa mga buhay ng mga Pilipino araw-araw, pagsulong at pagtataguyod sa pamilya sa kabila ng pagsubok na sinasagupa araw-araw.

Nababata ng mga manggagawa ang lahat para sa kanilang mga pamilya. Nadagdag isuot araw-araw ang proteksyon laban sa nakakahawang sakit, pero talaga nga bang napoproteksyunan tayo sa totoong sakit sa bansa?

“Ano nga ba ang tunay na pagsubok? Ang Pandemya o ang sistema?” – Tanong ng Pilipinong lumalaban.

Gianina O. Cabanilla (REPS)

Stay with me till the sun sets and we rise together

The fury, the fire, the glory of endings and beginnings, the bone melting pain of it all

Life goes on… and we will not stop pushing for a better tomorrow. Not now, not ever.

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#NeverAgain: A Recap and Analysis of Marcos’ Martial Law Declaration

48 years ago, the Philippines was placed under Martial Law. Here are the important facts and arguments essential to know in unveiling the Marcos regime’s dark legacy that still lurks upon the shadows, and burdens the Filipino people today.

Demise fell in the Philippines in 1972 when late dictator Ferdinand Marcos placed the country under Martial Law through signing Proclamation No. 1081 on September 21, with its formal declaration on September 23 at exactly 7:15 pm, leading to one of the darkest chapters in Philippine history.

“Justification” to the call for democracy abolishment

The issued declaration, enforcing military authority and suspension of civil rights, are said to be grounded with purposes and reasons that drove the late President Marcos to enforce the law.

Marcos explained that the Martial Law was signed for the need of extra powers to get rid of the national chaos from rebellion and cases of violence allegedly caused by communists; to protect the Filipino’s welfare from the threats of peace and order of the country; and to enhance growth for national development.

However, what pushed for the sudden emergency rule and declaration is the alleged ambush of then former Minister of Defense Juan Ponce Enrile that made the “martial law proclamation a necessity,” according to the diary entry of Marcos last September 22, 1972. Some reports, specifically the claim of Oscar Lopez and his family who lived near the incident area, stated that it was staged. Nonetheless, Enrile responded with confusing statements as he insisted the ambush’s validity in his memoir and documentary last 2014 howver, he disclosed in 1986 that it was staged to justify the declaration of the law.

Rundown of Events and Statistics

Martial Law lasted for almost a decade that suppressed any act of rebellion, enforced curfew hours, and oppressed personalities by the military and Philippine Constabulary. Here is a recap of the events from its context, origin, up to its end.

• 1969: Late President Marcos was re-elected despite electoral fraud allegations while guerilla wars, communist threats, and Muslim rebellions and separatists continue to arise.
• September 21, 1972: Proclamation No. 1081 was signed by Marcos that extends his rule beyond the constitutional limit of two-term limit.
• September 22, 1972: Ex-Senate President and former Defense Secretary Enrile was allegedly ambushed at night in his three-vehicle convoy at Wack-Wack subdivision. He was on his way home from briefing military officers for Martial Law implementation.
• September 23, 1972: After hearing the incident, Marcos declared Martial Law formally via national television at 7:15 pm.
• Successively, he issued these following General Orders and Letter of Instructions:
• General Order No. 1, s. 1972, transferring all government powers to him;
• Armed Forces of the Philippines were strengthened with an estimate of 60,000 personnel from the army, navy, air force, and constabulary.
• General Order No. 2-A, authorizing the military to capture, arrest and detain approximately 8,000 personalities conspiracized as threats to his reign;
• Arrested prominent ones include 1971 Constitutional Convention delegates Napoleon Rama , Enrique Voltaire Garcia , Jose Mari Velez, Journalists Max Soliven , Chino Roces , Teodoro Locsin Jr. , Hernando Abaya , Luis Mauricio , Luis Beltran , Amando Doronilla , Ernesto Granada, Senators Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino Jr., Jose “Pepe” Diokno , Ramon Mitra Jr. , Francisco “Soc” Rodrigo, and Justice Vicente Rafael
• Letter of Instruction No. 1, shutting down mass and private media nationwide;
• These consist of 7 major English dailies, 1 English-Filipino daily, 3 Filipino dailies, 1 Spanish daily, 4 Chinese dailies, 66 community newspapers, 11 English weekly magazines, 7 television stations, and 292 radio stations.
• Media outlets that were only exempted from the imposed censorship are: Daily Express (Newspaper), TV Channel 9 (TV Station), and Kanlaon Broadcasting System (Radio Station).
• Letter of Instruction No. 2, permitting public utility takeover;
• Public utilities that were shut down are Manila Electric Company (MERALCO; Electricity and Power), Philippine Long Distance Telephone Company (PLDT; Telephone), National Waterworks and Sewerage Authority (NAWASA; Water), Philippine National Railways (PNR; Railway), Philippine Airlines, Air Manila, and Filipinas Orient Airways (Air transport services).
• Letter of Instruction No. 3, mandating military to seize all Philippine-registered and privately-owned aircraft and watercraft; and
• Letter of Instruction Nos. 4 and 5, commanding the Department of Foreign Affairs and Department of Justice to reject and not issue travel documents and immigration clearance to any citizen who requests to depart from the country.
• 1973 : Late President Marcos adopted the new 1973 Philippine Constitution that gave him absolute powers.
• 1977 : Opposition and critic Senator Aquino was sentenced to death but late President Marcos delayed his execution.
• 1980 : Senator Aquino was permitted to travel to the US for medical treatment.
• January 17, 1981 : Martial Law has been lifted through the signing of Proclamation No. 2045 ahead of the first papal visit of Pope John Paul II in February. Late President Marcos has won the elections once again.
• 1983: Aquino returns to the Philippines but is shot dead at the Manila airport. However, no one was punished for ordering the assassination.
• 1985: Seeing that the country is in political and economic disaster, Marcos is under attacked by those in the media and the opposition. Resolution for his impeachment was signed by 56 assemblymen on the grounds of Marcos’ alleged rerouting of US aid for his personal use. A political movement starts to form for Aquino’s widow.
• February 22, 1986: Millions of Filipinos united on EDSA for a mass protest to overthrow the rule of late President Marcos.
• February 25, 1986: People Power led the military to abandon late President Marcos, who then fled to Pampanga with his family and other government officials before exile in Hawaii. According to the opposition, late President Marcos ransacked billions of dollars in his almost two decades of office.

Golden Age? Think again.

We have continuously heard various claims that Martial Law is the best period for the Philippines. However, its numbers, apart from the stories and its past, showcased otherwise. Filipinos served as commodities and victims of Marcos’ institutional and social deconstruction and impunity.

Let us debunk the myths and claims that were made with facts and numbers during the period to confirm the ‘glory’ that was wished to be illusioned. 

• Myth 1: Philippines has a booming infrastructure and a tiger and high economy.
• Fact 1: Four out of ten families were poor before his rule while six out of ten Filipino families were poor by the end of his term
• Poverty levels during and after his administration worsened with the high drop of wage and continuous increase of prices.
• Fact 2: Farmers became poorer as daily wages of Filipino agricultural workers plunged by 30%.
• In 1972, a farmer earned 42 pesos a day but it decreased up to 30 pesos as 1986 came. It even went as low as nearly half during 1974. The country’s coffers are also plundered that is estimately ranged from 5 billion to 10 billion dollars.
• Fact 3: Skilled and unskilled workers wages also fell.
• In urban areas, skilled and unskilled workers saw a decrease in their wages from 127 pesos to 35 pesos and 89 pesos to 23 pesos a day, respectively. Manufacturing was stagnated and work conditions also worsened, leading to underemployment from around 10% to 33%. This worsens the high poverty incidence of the country. 
• Fact 4: Prices of goods tripled sharply.
• There has been a huge change in the Consumer Price Index of the country from food to non-food items. Basic commodities that were priced 100 pesos in 1976 cost more than 300-400 pesos in 1986.
• Fact 5: Marcos’ policies reduced forest cover to almost a half, leading to massive deforestation.
• Due to Marcos and his cronies’ pursuit for economic gains, unrestrained and massive exportation of timber caused a huge shave to the forest cover reduction. Martial Law took control of the country’s about 90% 18.7 million hectares of uplands and that includes the 11 million-hectare timberland.
• Fact 6: Sick Man of Asia: Filipino’s Gross Domestic Product experienced the biggest decline in history from 1983-1985.
• Income per person or the Philippine GDP per capita fell after 1982 which took 21 years later to recover from the lost development for decades.
• Fact 7: International debt hit the roof during his period by 77 times in nominal terms and 24 times in real terms. 
• Outstanding external debt of 360 million dollars in 1961 rose steeply to whopping 28.26 billion dollars in 1986. They failed to meet their obligations to the point that it has become unsustainable exponentially. This debt-driven growth may temporarily explain the growth in infrastructure or some economic gains on the surface but that short-term gratification compromised its long-term effects gave more burden to the future generation as they pay back for the said debts.
• Myth 2: Martial Law brought about peace and order. 
• Fact 1: This period showed an abundance of human rights violations and exploitation of those who were characterized in the act of subversion .  
• Fear has been the driver for Marcos’ rule and the bodies were its counts. According to  American historian and educator Alfred McCoy article’s “Dark Legacy: Human Rights Under the Marcos Regime,” 3,275 extrajudicial killings were done during Marcos’ period which is higher than Chile’s Pinochet 2,115 casualties, 35,000 were tortured and 70,000 were jailed for any minor “infraction,” and 77% of the EJK victims (2,520 victims) were purposefully salvaged. 
• As human rights lawyer and son of the late senator Jose ‘Pepe’ Diokno who has been consistently against the Marcos dictatorship, Jose Manuel “Chel” Diokno has said at the International Forum on Lawfare at the De La Salle University-Manila (DLSU), the “real legacy of martial law” is law weaponization to silence and block political dissent. “[Marcos] was responsible for creating an oppressive climate of fear, obsequiousness and corruption that all but smothered the impartial administration of justice,” Diokno stated. 
• Fact 2: Thousands of Filipinos were exposed to various forms of torture.
• According to the study of historian Michael Charleston Chua titled “TORTYUR: Human Rights Violations During The Marcos Regime,” physical torture involves electric shock, “San Juanico Bridge,” truth serum, Russian roulette, beating, pistol-whipping, water cure, strangulation, cigar and flat iron burns, pepper torture, being treated as an animal, and sexual abuse. He also added that elite torture units specialize in psychological and mental torture from humiliation, shaking principles, and threats of rape, harm, and death.
• Fact 3: Freedom of information and speech is curtailed through media shutdown and abuse of youth leaders and journalists who have never seen the light of day .
• Free press and mass media is the first casualty and target of Martial Law Declaration. Censorship is imposed, libels suits are filed on journalists, dissents were stamped out, and those who questioned the government will be punished, or worse, killed. Some of the stories from the thousands of tragic deaths were the following:
• The first female and student activist who died in detention during the Martial Law rule is 23 year-old Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Maynila communication arts student-journalist and youth leader Liliosa Hilao . Signs of torture, cigarette burns on her lips, injection marks on her arms, and lots of bruises were seen in her body when found in 1973. Her sister claimed that her removed internal organs was done to cover signs of torture and potential sexual abuse. 
• All because Imee Marcos was irked by the question on why the presidential daughter was Kabataang Barangay National Chairman in an open forum, Mapua Institute of Technology student Archimedes Trajano was forcibly taken from the venue, tortured for 12 to 36 hours and thrown out of a building’s second floor window. He was only 21 when his bloodied body was found in Manila on September 2, 1977.
• 23-year-old UP Journalism student Maria Elena Ang was arrested and beaten, electrocuted, water cured, and sexually violated when she was detained at Camp Crame.
• Tondo community leader Trinidad Herrera was arrested in 1977. Her fingers, breasts, and vagina were electrocuted until her answers to the questions of the interrogators were passing enough to their standards.
• In 1977, Boyet Mijares received a call that his disappeared father was still alive and he must see him. After a few days, the body—protruded eyeballs, punctured chest with multiple stab wounds, bashed head, and distorted hands, feet and genitals—of this 16-year old was found in Manila. His fault? Being the son of Primitivo Mijares , a whistleblower and writer in Marcos’ reign.

However, what made the Marcos memory tricky, with the arising positive and negative claims, is the different branches of experiences of different people that varied in their place of origin and social classes during the Martial Law period. Everything is in chaos and displaced, and not all have the same roots. Therefore, a need to process and to be rational in considering all factors is essential for those who have not suffered or remained unaware are also victims from filtered and shielded information during this period.

Scars that can’t be healed

Former President Marcos’ action to bring a “New Society” has truly taken a toll on the Filipinos. Memories remain haunted, the economy is in shambles, human rights are abused, political dissents are blocked, and what’s worse is that all it takes is the abuse of power of law from the government, or in particular, the highest in authority, who was supposed to protect its constituents rather than his self-interests.

“The lawyers who stood for us in the past realized one thing: that just as law can be used to oppress, the law can also be used to empower and the law can also be used to liberate,” Diokno added.

As founding dean of the DLSU College of Law and chairman of the Free Legal Assistance Group, Diokno mentioned that Marcos should be given credit—not only for the false and rose-colored glasses of information, but for “completely destroying judicial independence and for perverting [the] legal profession.”

Deep scars still prevail and wounds remain unhealed. Debts keep on skyrocketing are carried by every future generation but its fruits and worth has not proven its value. Government corruption and incompetence still exists, justice remains unserved, and the Marcoses did not even take responsibility for their action.

“ Hanggang ngayon wala pa kaming katarungan ,” Helena Jimenez said. Jimenez’s husband disappeared following his arrest last August 17, 1985.

Not a Political Issue

The stories aforementioned are just one of many injustices caused, that even financial compensation would not suffice. Nonetheless, the whole dilemma is not a political issue or story wherein Marcos is the villain and the Aquinos are the heroes, for both parties are at fault and have their own shortcomings. But rather, it is about the Filipinos and the country who shed blood, faced more than just death, experienced the pain, and became victims of the government's oppression as it took away the freedom, democracy, life, and future they fully deserve.

Given such, labeling former President Marcos and other tyrant leaders’ supporters and apologists, as well as the victims of Martial law, negatively is a sign of carelessness and insensitivity as it invalidates their actual memories, pain, and suffering and alienates the unity that the nation must envision. Respecting both sides and compassion is essential for there are different factors that concede to such thought. 

However, selfishness, fear, self-preservation, apathy, and ignorance must be eradicated for that is what brought the country in the first place. Read books and cross-check facts for awareness. Stand up, be selfless, and protect everyone’s rights, especially the marginalized and oppressed, with louder calls and evidence as citizens caring for each other. Age and time of birth is not a standard for the validity of arguments and action, but rather on the facts and the truth that the past seizes to be seen. 

Instead of worshipping politicians as gods, criticize and treat them with fairness, justice, and transparency—for that is what every Filipino deserves: a good government that is transparent, accountable, and liable for its actions in servant leadership to its constituents. Do not place the efforts of the people and victims in order for us to be liberated into waste. 

As history starts to repeat itself once more, with the arising threats of the current administration, would we let ourselves be controlled, or let ourselves learn from the past, set out indifferences, and act not for our self-interests but for the country that deserves a better future? Once is enough— never again .

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29 interesting facts about the EDSA revolution

5 testimonies of martial law victims, a history of the philippine political protest, chronology of a revolution, edsa people power revolution, etta rebuffs enrile, etta rosales on the kind of torture she hated the most, etta rosales pa award, gone to soon: 7 youth leaders killed under martial law, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/benigno_aquino_jr., https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/corazon_aquino, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ferdinand_marcos, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/imelda_marcos, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/jose_diokno, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/jose_maria_sison, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/jovito_salonga, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/juan_ponce_enrile, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/lorenzo_ta%c3%b1ada, liliosa hilao, marcos and the media, martial law, missing martial law activists, neri colmenares' story, part 1: background of the martial law, the philippines, the east asian “developmental states” and education: a comparative analysis of why the philippines failed to develop., martial law era in the philippines.

This resource discusses this Martial Law period in the Philippines when President Ferdinand Marcos exercised his dictatorial power.

Part 1. Background of the Martial Law

The first part explores the general background, perspectives, and interpretations of the Martial Law using a video edited by the team. It is found in the resource below:

Additional facts about the Martial Law are:

Part 2. Education and Other Sectors

“If we are smart, why aren’t we rich?” (de Dios et al, 1995) The education system in the time of martial law were designated as “vital agency in achieving the desired reform in the New Society’ in which human resource development was linked to economic growth. However, the education system in 1972 resulted to the export of workers. Following the downfall of the economic and education system, students have been allowed to protest on their campuses, and some illegal strikes were tolerated. The regime marked the occasion by arresting 28 students, professors, factory workers, and slum-community leaders for initiating on planning about anti-martial law demonstrations.

Some of the promising youth leaders got their lives cut too short at the time of Marcos’ dictatorship—those were: Liliosa Hilao, a Communication Arts student from Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Maynila (PLM), wrote for the students’ news publication with critical essays entitled “The Vietnamization of the Philippines” and “Democracy is Dead in the Philippines under Martial Law.” At the official report, Hilao died by suicide after drinking muriatic acid, but her body showed signs that she was tortured and sexually abused; one was Archimedes Trajano, a 21-year old student from Mapua Institute of Technology, who questioned Imee Marcos on why she was the National Chairperson of the Barangay as the presidential daughter was speaking on an open forum. Trajano was seen forcibly taken from the event by Imee’s body guards and was tortured for 12-36 hours—his body was seen on the streeets of Manila on September 2, 1977; another was Edgar Jopson or “Edjop” who took a different path when he graduated from Ateneo de Manila University with a degree in Management Engineering, he went as an underground member of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP). He was arrested, interrogated and tortured. After he refused to cooperate during the interrogations, Jopson was executed the following day, at the age of 34; a medical doctor named Juan Escandor left the medical field and joined the armed struggle. Juan graduated from the University of the Philippines College of Medicine, became the chief resident of the radiology department of the University of the Philippines-Philippine General Hospital and later became a consultant. Escandor became an “NPA” doctor in Cagayan Valley. In 1983, Escandor was killed in an encounter with constabulary troopers in Quezon City, as per what the authorities said. But when the autopsy results came out, it was known that Escandor got tortured. His brain had been removed and stuffed inside his stomach cavity, trash rags and plastic bags were shoved inside his skull. Escandor died at the age of 41; an award winning poet, essayist, and dramatist who studied AB Humanities in Ateneo de Manila University on a full scholarship named Emmanuel Lacaba who later taught in the University of the Philippines began taking political actions by joining the First Quarter Storm (FQS) of 1970, and later became active in the labor movement. In 1974, he moved to Mindanao to join the New People’s Army. In 1976, while in a peasant’s hut in Davao del Norte, soldiers killed Lacaba together with a pregnant comrade; a freshman from the University of the Philippines plays revolutionary and protest songs using his guitar to express his disappointments and sentiments with regard to Marcos’ dictatorship. After he got arrested for 10 days in 1976, he decided to go underground, organizing farmers as a cadre of the New People’s Army for 5 years. Quimpo, at the age of 24, was shot by a former comrade who was working with the military; Maria Lorrena Barros, a talented student who was taking up Anthropology in the University of the Philippines joined the activist movement and became the co-founder of Malayang Kilusan ng Bagong Kababaihan (Makibaka). With the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, Barros was tagged as subversive and got arrested for it. In 1973, Barros was arrested in Bicol and brought to Camp Vicente Lim in Laguna. She was later transferred to Fort Bonifacio’s Ipil Rehabilitation Center, and managed to escape together with the three other political prisoners. In March 1976, Barros was killed in an encounter with constabulary soldiers in Quezon City.

September 1972, on the eve of Ferdinand Marcos’ dictatorship— leading mass-circulation dailies, weekly magazines and journals, radio and television stations, were shut down by soldiers. Journalists, editors, radio and television personnel were sent out to jail without due process. In December 1976, Marcos ordered closing two church publications—the last free publications left: Sign of the Times with 15,000 political prisoners tortured; The Communicator, a weekly newsletter published by the Jesuits. Marcos issued a Letter of Instruction No. 1 to the Department of National Defense (DND), ordering them to control over all newspapers, magazines, radio and television stations. The Department of Public Information (DPI) issued Department Order No. 1 on the 25 th of September 1972, which demanded the news media to follow and showcase the prescribed mandate set by the government. The decree refrained the mass media to provide editorial opinions, commentaries, comments or asides.

Ferdinand Marcos imposed his dictatorial remarks and radically monopolized the Philippines’ economy, education, health care system, media and entertainment industry, and many more. In his regime, thousands of innocent people who were tagged as subversive got killed. What happened in the past got every Filipino people traumatized. There were martial law survivors who shared their stories in various documentaries, films, and written accounts. Their wounds never healed, and will never be healed. Disappointing it may seem, from the very beginning of the Marcos regime, historical accounts were already revised as they started monopolizing the entertainment industry, and various news and student publications. If we are smart, why aren’t we rich? Probably because some of the Filipinos just forgive and forget about what happened in the past, if that is the case, how can we acknowledge the history’s shortcomings? How can we improve in terms of Economics, when people don’t want to take how crucial those Filipinos lives were back in the 70’s? If they some people don’t like upholding their democratic rights first? Collectively, the Filipinos should take note of every historical event and account since Marcos’ dictatorship. It has to be written again to be remembered by the Filipinos of this generation.

Part 3. Stories From The Victims — Those Who Refused To Stay Silent

"Ang daldal mo kasi, Etta, kaya ka inaresto" — Juan Ponce Enrile to Etta Rosales

Loretta "Etta" Rosales is but one of the many victims of human rights violations under the Marcos dictatorship. The former Commission on Human Rights Chairperson was arrested twice and subjected to physical and sexual abuse by her captors--one of whom was her former student. Since then, she has been a staunch critic of Duterte's war on drugs. She is the very first recipient of the German-based international group Progressive Alliance's (PA) "special political courage" award due to her human rights advocacies in the Philippines. 

“Every night they took 10 men, made them dig their graves, then shot them dead. Every night they also took 10 women to the boat, and raped them.”  — Abunawas Kali

Abunawas Kali , a Sultan Kudarat native, endured and witnessed unspeakable abuse during Martial Law. He lost many family members in a series of massacres ( Manili Massacre & Kulong-kulong Massacre ) from 1971 to 1974.

In 1971, soldiers shot 70 Moros dead while they were inside a mosque in Carmen, North Cotabato. Two of his uncles lost their wives in what came to be known as the 'Manili Massacre' .

In 1974, soldiers of the 35th Infantry Batallion came to Abunawas' house in Bulibud, Sultan Kudarat in the middle of the night and roused his family. His wife, sister, and children managed to escape by jumping into a nearby river when the soldiers opened fire on Abunawas' three uncles with an M60 machine gun.

On September of that same year, soldiers attacked the peaceful, coastal town of Palimbang in Sultan Kudarat and rounded up the residents of seven villages. 1,500 Moros were killed in the 'Kulong-kulong Massacre' . 20 of Abunawas' family members were among the casualties. His then 14-year-old niece, Bainkung Buwisan , was taken to a Philippine Navy boat and sexually assaulted. Buwisan is now one of the Moro claimants under Republic Act 10638 , or the Human Rights Victims Reparation and Recognition Act .

“Even though I was pregnant, I was not exempted from torture.”  — Loida Magpatoc

Loida Magpatoc was held captive and tortured for five months. She was often subjected to the water cure despite the fact that she was pregnant back then. Sometimes, her captors would play darts using her face as the dartboard. The worst was the Russian roulette : a soldier placed a single bullet in a revolver, spun the cylinder, placed the muzzle against her head, and pulled the trigger several times. 

“They tied an electric wire to my thumbs. The wire was connected to a military field phone so each time they cranked it, it sent electric shocks. They interrogated me and every time I did not answer, they electrocuted me.”  — Trinidad Repuno Herrera

Trinidad Repuno Herrera was in her 30's when she was arrested on April 23, 1977 while en route to Xavierville, Quezon City. She was taken to a police station and then to Camp Crame where she suffered physical abuse for months. She was held in a cold, prison cell and had electric wire attached to her thumbs and even to her nipples. Despite the unbearable pain she experienced, she bravely stood her ground and refused to sign the blank paper given to her by her captors.

“Ang lamig pala ng baril pag nasa loob ng bunganga mo ”  — Neri Colmenares

Neri Javier Colmenares was only 18-years-old when he was arrested by the members of the Philippine Constabulary in 1983. The former Congressman and Bayan Muna Representative was one of the youngest political prisoners at that time.

He was subjected to physical and mental abuse. He was forced to strip naked and was beaten with a ruler. Sometimes, his captors would take him to an adjoining room where another prisoner was being tortured. He was made to watch his captors electrocute another man for hours on end, threatening him that he would be next. When he was transferred to their 'headquarters', his captors would often play a game of 'Russian Roulette' with him, hoping that the ordeal would break his spirit.

Colmenares recounts that when one of his companions refused to crack after four consecutive days of torture, the guards decided to put him inside a drum and buried him alive. Colmenares survived because his father, who was a bank officer, had endorsed his jail warden's loan. Colmenares was only released when his tonsils were damaged after being forcefully strangled. When his captors saw that he couldn't breathe anymore, he was taken to a hospital -- thus ending his torture and captivity which lasted for four years.

Liliosa Hilao was about to graduate as Cum Laude with a degree in Communication Arts from the Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Maynila when she was arrested by members of the Philippine Constabulary on April 4, 1972. Although she did not attend rallies or student protests due to being 'sickly', she penned several essays that criticized the government as part of her OpEd pieces for the PLM school paper ' Hasik '. She also wore black as a sign of mourning and as a form of protest against the Marcos regime.

On April 4, 1972, drunken members of the Philippine Constabulary Anti-Narcotics Unit (CANU) led by Lieutenant Arturo Castillo, raided Hilao's home. Liliosa's family watched helplessly as she was repeatedly beaten up when she demanded that the armed men present a search warrant. She was handcuffed and taken to Camp Crame on the morning of April 5, 1972. When her brother-in-law (who was in the army) visited her soon thereafter, he saw signs of torture and even gang rape. Three days after her arrest, her sister Alice was called to the Camp Crame Station Hospital to collect her badly beaten body. The authorities asserted that she committed suicide by drinking muriatic acid and declared her case closed. She died, aged 23.

Two weeks after her death, PLM gave her a posthumous degree, with honors. They also kept her seat empty during the graduation ceremony. Her name is now on the Bantayog ng mga Bayani 's Wall of Remembrance for the martyrs and heroes of Martial Law.

The Desaparecidos

"Hanggang ngayon wala pa kaming katarungan" — Helena Jimenez, whose husband disappeared following his arrest on August 17, 1985

There has been 1,993 cases of enforced disappearances in the Philippines since the Marcos regime, according to the Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD) . During Martial Law, a desaparecido  ( disappeared ) was, more often than not, a student, an activist, a labor leader, a farmer, or a teacher. While many political prisoners lived to tell their tale, the fate of the desaparecidos remains unknown to this day. 

Here are some of the names and stories of the desaparecidos:

• Rizalina Ilagan - A student-activist who was a member of Kabataang Makabayan,  the largest militant youth organization during Martial Law. She helped the group's cultural arm, Panday Sining , organize and stage street plays and musicals that tackled the socio-political issues of the era. She, as well as nine other members of an anti-Martial Law network in Southern Tagalog (ST), was abducted while attending a meeting on July 1977. They are now known as the Southern Tagalog 10 , the biggest single group that disappeared during Martial Law.
• Jessica Sales - A Sociology professor at  UPLB who was also pursuing a graduate degree in Agriculture. As a social science professor, she was known to encourage classroom discussions related to the political situation of the Philippines under Martial Law. She was one of the  Southern Tagalog 10  who disappeared in July 1977.
• Hermon Lagman - A Labor lawyer who offered legal service pro bono to workers pursuing cases of unfair labor practices. Following his arrest and eventual release in 1972, when Martial Law was declared, he became a legal counsel to various labor unions and actively participated in strikes and other mass actions. He has been missing since May 11, 1977.
• Rosaleo Romano - A Redemptorist priest and vice president of the Bagong Alyansang Makabayan chapter in Central Visayas. He was arrested twice for giving refuge to victims of military harassment. His abduction by armed men on July 11, 1985 prompted numerous appeals for his release, including one from Pope John Paul II. 
• Luis Gabriel - A farmer and barangay chairman of Ibujan in San Mariano, Isabela. He was branded as a communist sympathizer when he refused to cooperate with the military. On October 7, 1985, several armed men led by an Army sergeant took him and three other members of the Ibujan barangay council on the pretext that they needed local guides for a military sortie. 

Part 4. Notable Personalities

Ferdinand Marcos

was a Filipino politician and kleptocrat who was the tenth President of the Philippines from 1965 to 1986.   He ruled as a dictator under martial law from 1972 until 1981.

Full Name: Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos Sr. Born: 11 September 1917, Sarrat Died: 28 September 1989, Honolulu, Hawaii, United States Siblings: Pacifico Marcos, Fortuna Marcos-Barba, Elizabeth Marcos-Keon Children: Bongbong Marcos, Imee Marcos, Aimee Marcos, Irene Marcos Presidential term: 30 December 1965 – 25 February 1986

Imelda Marcos

is a Filipino politician who was First Lady of the Philippines for 21 years during which she and her husband are widely believed to have illegally amassed a multi-billion U.S. dollar personal fortune, the bulk of which still remains unrecovered.

Full name: Imelda Remedios Visitación Romuáldez-Marcos Born: 2 July 1929 (age 90 years), Manila Siblings: Alfredo Trinidad Romualdez, Benjamin Romualdez,Alita Trinidad Romualdez,Armando Trinidad Romualdez, Concepcion Trinidad Romualdez Children: Bongbong Marcos, Imee Marcos, Aimee Marcos, Irene Marcos   

Benigno Aquino Jr.

was a Filipino politician who served as a Senator of the Philippines and governor of the province of Tarlac. He was the chief opposition leader during the era of martial law in the Philippines (1972–81) under Pres. Ferdinand E. Marcos. Aquino’s assassination in 1983 galvanized popular opposition to the Marcos government and brought his widow, Corazon Aquino, to the political forefront.

Full name: Benigno Simeon Aquino, Jr. Born: 27 November 1932, Concepcion Assassinated: 21 August 1983, Ninoy Aquino International Airport Siblings: Butz Aquino, Lupita Aquino-Kashiwahara,Teresa Aquino-Oreta,Paul Aquino ,Servillano Aquino II, Maria Aurora Aquino, Milagros Aquino, Ditas Aquino, Antonio Aquino, Erlinda Aquino Children: Benigno Aquino III, Kris Aquino,Maria Elena Aquino-Cruz, Aurora Corazon Aquino-Abellada, Victoria Elisa Aquino-Dee  

Corazon Aquino

was a Filipino politician who served as the 11th President of the Philippines, becoming the first woman to hold that office. Corazon Aquino was the most prominent figure of the 1986 People Power Revolution, which ended the 20-year rule of President Ferdinand Marcos.

Full name: María Corazón Sumulong Cojuangco Born: 25 January 1933, Paniqui Died: 1 August 2009, Makati Medical Center, Makati Siblings: Jose Cojuangco Jr.Josephine C. Reyes, Pedro Cojuangco, Maria Paz Cojuangco, Teresita Cojuanco Children: Benigno Aquino III, Kris Aquino,Maria Elena Aquino-Cruz, Aurora Corazon Aquino-Abellada, Victoria Elisa Aquino-Dee Presidential term: 25 February 1986 – 30 June 1992

Lorenzo Tañada

was a Filipino nationalist lawyer, senator, and human and civil rights activist best known for his staunch opposition to  martial law under Ferdinand Marcos and to the continued presence of US military bases in the Philippines.

Full Name: Lorenzo Martinez Tañada Sr. Born: 10 August 1898, Gumaca Died: 28 May 1992, Manila Spouse: Expedita Ebarle Children: Wigberto Tañada, Antonio Tañada

Jose W. Diokno

was a Filipino nationalist. He served as Senator of the Philippines, Secretary of Justice, founding chair of the Commission on Human Rights, and founder of the Free Legal Assistance Group. Diokno refused to believe in the necessity of armed struggle against the Marcos regime that's why he founded FLAG, to fight the injustices of Martial Law. 

Full Name: Jose Wright Diokno Born: 26 February 1922, Manila Died: 27 February 1987, Quezon City Spouse: Carmen Icasiano Children: Chel Diokno, Maris Diokno, Ma. Serena I. Diokno, Maria Socorro, Maria de la Paz

Jovito Salonga

was a Filipino statesman and lawyer, as well as a leading opposition leader during the regime of Ferdinand Marcos  from the declaration of martial law in 1972 until the People Power Revolution in 1986, which removed Marcos from power.

Full Name:  Jovito "Jovy" Reyes Salonga  Born: 22 June 1920, Pasig Died: 10 March 2016, Quezon City Spouse: Lydia Busuego (m. 1948) Children:  Patricia Salonga, Victoria Regina Salonga, Ricardo Salonga, Esteban Fernando Salonga, Eduardo Salonga

Juan Ponce Enrile

 is a Filipino politician and lawyer. He was a protégé of President Ferdinand Marcos, and served as Justice Secretary and Defense Minister under the Marcos regime.

Full Name: Juan Furagganan Ponce Enrile Sr., Born: 14 February 1924 (age 96 years), Gonzaga Spouse: Cristina Castañer (m. 1957) Siblings : Armida Siguion-Reyna Children : Juan Ponce Enrile, Jr, Katrina Ponce Enrile

Jose Maria Sison

 is a Filipino writer and activist who founded the Communist Party of the Philippines and added elements of Maoism to its philosophy. Sison was arguably the most important political prisoner under martial law, for he was the chairman of the reestablished Communist Party of the Philippines.

Full Name: Jose Maria Canlas Sison Born: 8 February 1939 (age 81 years), Cabugao Spouse: Julie de Lima (m. 1960)  

Part 5. The People Power Revolution

Also known as the “EDSA Revolution,”  “Yellow Revolution,”  “Bloodless Revolution” and “1986 Philippine Revolution.” , the People Power Revolution was a culmination of a series of public protests against the oppressive and abusive dictatorial government and alleged electoral fraud committed by Ferdinand E. Marcos. Over 2 million Filipino civilians, as well as several political and military groups, and religious groups, gathered along Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (more commonly referred to as EDSA) in Metro Manila from February 22 to 25, 1986 . It was the first nonviolent, bloodless revolution that ever took place. Despite the presence of tanks and guns, no shots were ever fired.

The four-day protest led to the end of the 20-year presidential rule of Marcos and the return to a democratic type of government in the Philippines.

FEBRUARY 20

On February 20, 1986, a few days before the revolution, Marcos has declared himself the winner of the snap elections. Comelec employees walked out during the quick count of votes in the 1986 snap elections.  On that same day, Corazon Aquino led a people's victory rally at Luneta. An estimated 2 million people heeded Aquino’s call for civil disobedience. In response, Marcos threatened to reinstate Martial Law should a nationwide strike begin.

FEBRUARY 22

A speech was being prepared by the camp of Defense Minister Juan Ponce-Enrile declaring himself as the head of a coup. They were to attack Malacanang on February 23 at 2 a.m. to be lead by Col. Gregorio Honasan.

The coup plan was leaked and it reached Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) Chief of Staff Gen. Fabian Ver, prompting them to intensify the Palace’s security. President Marcos met with US Ambassador Stephen Bosworth and Philip Habib to seek advice. Enrile contacted AFP Vice Chief of Staff Gen. Fidel Ramos, asking for his support. After meeting with some supporters of Cory Aquino in his house, Ramos finally arrived in Camp Aguinaldo to join Enrile. That night, the Enrile and Ramos announced their defection from the Marcos regime.   At 9 p.m., Manila Archbishop Jaime Cardinal Sin, through Radio Veritas, called on people to show their support for Enrile and Ramos. Radio Veritas continued with its blow-by-blow account of the unfolding siege.   At 10 p.m., Enrile talked to Cory Aquino over the phone. Ninoy Aquino's widow had just finished speaking at a rally in Cebu. Enrile warned her that her life was in danger.

After 30 minutes, Marcos appeared on TV where he claimed that the situation is in control and called for Enrile and Ramos to surrender and negotiate.

FEBRUARY 23

Cory Aquino called for the Filipino to rally behind Enrile and Ramos. She also asked Marcos to step down peacefully. Enrile and Ramos met along EDSA along with their many supporters.

Marcos ordered the mobilization of armored tanks, but the Filipinos supporting Enrile and Ramos acted as a shield so the tanks cannot come close to the 2 leaders. They stayed in position holding their banners asking for Marcos to step down. Later that day, the United States of America issued a statement questioning the credibility and legitimacy of the Marcos government.

Early in the evening, Radio Veritas’ transmitters were neutralized by the military so it went off air.

FEBRUARY 24

People flocked the areas surrounding Camp Crame and the church bells were tolled when they heard that an attack from the Marcos’s camp was being planned. Ver ordered an all-out attack by riot police using tear gas. Marcos loyalists came in as tear gas canisters exploded outside Camp Aguinaldo, but  At past 6 a.m., reports that the Marcos family had departed came. Ramos likewise announced a "confirmed report" of the departure of the Marcos family. But at 9 AM, Marcos again appeared on television declaring a state of emergency. He announced that his inauguration will proceed as initially scheduled. Later in the hour, the television screen blacked out as Marcos was about to answer a reporter’s question. People continued to flock to EDSA Enrile, Ramos, and the other leaders. Aquino spoke to the crowd calling people to be firm and compassionate and maintain a bloodless prtest. In the evening, the United States endorsed the provisional government of Aquino. Marcos appeared again on TV at past 8 pm to assert that he and his family in Malacañang were prepared for whatever will come.

FEBRUARY 25

Past midnight, soldiers fired at barricades of a group of rebel supporters. Several people were wounded. 

President Marcos called his labor minister, Blas Ople, who suggested that the Marcos family should just leave the country. Marcos refused saying that the first lady does not want them to leave.

At 10:15 a.m., Aquino arrived at Club Filipino in San Juan where she was sworn in as President by Senior Supreme Court Justice Claudio Teehankee and Salvador Laurel as vice president by Supreme Court Justice Vicente Abad Santos. Aquino appoints Enrile as Defense Secretary and Ramos as AFP Chief of Staff.

At the same time, Marcos was also inaugurated Malacañang's Ceremonial Hall. As he raised his hand to take his oath, the live television coverage was cut. Later that afternoon, Marcos called Enrile with an appeal for the rebels to stop firing at the Palace. The president mentioned his willingness to leave the Palace. Everyone in the Palace began to pack.

The U.S. Embassy arranged for five helicopters to transport Marcos and his family out of Malacañang.

A few minutes before 10pm, DZRH was first to report that the Marcoses had fled the country, with the US Air Force TV station FEN confirming the report.  

Celebrations erupted on the streets and protesters forced open the Palace and rushed inside. Marcos' extended family and a number of close associates were flown to Hawaii Marcos' objections. Marcos died in exile in 1989.  

Part 6: Martial Law: Then and Now

Martial law and historical revisionism: A holistic understanding

• Post author By Bianca Suarez , Alex Kaluag , Ian Benedict Mia
• Post date May 1, 2016
• No Comments on Martial law and historical revisionism: A holistic understanding

As the 2016 National Elections draw closer, more Filipinos have voiced out their concern regarding Vice Presidential candidate Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. and several of his statements regarding his late father’s administration. History professors from Ateneo de Manila University (AdMU) and University of the Philippines Diliman (UPD) have called out Marcos for his distortion of facts relating to the supposed “Golden Era” that occurred during Martial Law.

Darkest events of Martial Law and “Bagong Lipunan”

Despite Ferdinand Marcos Sr.’s arguably good intentions for the Bagong Lipunan (New Society), which include uniting the poor and privileged, his era was tainted with a dark history involving crony capitalism, extrajudicial killings, graft, corruption, suppression of media, and many others.

“If you lived through those times and not aware of Martial Law, you would probably say that Bagong Lipunan was great, but if you look behind the façade, you will see its wrongdoings and corruption. It was a means to make Marcos maintain power,” shares history Professor Dr. Jose Victor Torres.

According to the official website of the Philippine government, 75,730 people filed cases as victims of human rights abuse under the Human Rights Victims Claims Board (HRVCB). They also estimate that 70,000 people were detained as enemies of the state, 3,240 people became victims of extrajudicial killing, and 398 people were subjected to forced disappearances during the 20 years of Martial Law.

By the end of the Marcos regime, the national government debt was at P395.91 billion. The largest contributor to the debt was the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant, which was worth $2.3 billion and has, to this day, never been used.

Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) reports that the poverty incidence rate in 1985 was 44 percent, but the latest statistics show that this rate decreased to 26.3 percent in the first semester of 2015. Employment was also at an all-time low in 1985 at 87.4 percent. In contrast, in January 2015, PSA recorded the employment rate to be 93.4 percent.

Emmanuel S. de Dios, an Economics professor at UPD, stated that the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth from 1972 to 1985 was 3.4 percent per annum in comparison to the 5.4 percent per annum growth rate experienced from 2003 to 2014. The main factor for the low GDP growth rate during Martial Law was the large debt that had accumulated under the Marcos regime.

However, Dr. Torres mentions that President Marcos was able to save the economy of the Philippines during his first term as president. He notes how the economy was in a bad condition by the end of Diosdado Macapagal’s administration and noted that during Marcos’ tenure as president, he was unable to save the country’s economy.

Developmental milestones

Dr. Torres adds that despite many human rights violations during Martial Law, the Marcos Regime also has some notable achievements that have benefitted the country. Among these is Marcos’ five-year developmental plan for the Philippines, which included the construction of the Light Rail Transit, the first in Southeast Asia.

Infrastructure development was one of the major achievements of the Marcos administration. Structures built during his regime include the Cultural Center of the Philippines, the Philippine International Convention Center, the Metropolitan Museum of Manila, and the Folk Arts Theater, which were built within the periphery of the Cultural Center of the Philippines Complex. Today, these structures are still being used for various events and gatherings.

In terms of public health and road networks, the Marcos administration saw the construction of the Philippine Heart Center, the Lung Center, the Kidney Institute, the Philippine Children’s Hospital, the Manila North Diversion Road, the Marcos Highway, and the San Juanico Bridge. Since the construction of these hospitals three decades ago, no other specialized hospitals have been built.

During his time, Marcos had written many laws that are still in effect today. From September 21, 1972 to February 26, 1986, he was able to formulate a total of 7,883 presidential decrees and some legal issuances. Out of thousands of presidential decrees, only 67 were modified or repealed.

Lastly, it was also during the time of Marcos when the Philippines became a leading exporter of rice in Southeast Asia. The International Rice Research Institute (IRRI) was established mainly to enhance rice technology in the country. Through the IRRI, varieties of rice developed made a big impact in several rice-producing countries in the world.

Historical revisionism

Members of the history community have raised their concerns regarding the issue of politicians altering history for their personal agenda or benefit. Dr. Torres comments on how the Filipinos are well aware of what transpired in the past, yet fail to look at it critically. He says that we must see the historical context and look at these events at a better perspective.

In light of his vice-presidential bid, Marcos Jr. has been hounded by numerous groups for an apology for the crimes committed during his father’s term as president under Martial Law. Among these are a group of professors coming from different universities, including DLSU. Professors from the History Department, Filipino Department, Political Science Department, Literature Department, and others have been vocal against various forms of historical revisionism.

However, Marcos Jr. refuses to apologise for any of his father’s transgressions. The entire family of the former president refuses to make an apology, claiming that they did not violate any rights or committed any form of violence.

Marcos’ comeback

In 1995, Imelda Marcos was elected into office as congresswoman of Leyte. Since then, the members of the Marcos family have successfully made a political comeback as they found themselves in various government positions thanks to the backing of loyal supporters.

When Senator Marcos Jr. filed his Certificate of Candidacy in 2015 for his vice presidential bid, many Filipinos reacted violently, fearing a comeback of the Marcos regime in the Philippines. Rallies and protests expressing disdain with the idea of a Marcos once again holding an executive position were conducted in public places such as the Epifanio de los Santos Avenue, where the 1986 peace revolution to oust Marcos Sr. was held, and Cebu City Hall.

However, Dr. Torres believes that this is not the comeback of the Marcos family. “If Bongbong goes back to position, we have the previous administration to blame. I don’t think [there will be a comeback] but I think it is progressing.” Dr. Torres is of the opinion that while the older Marcos is a political genius, his son is not.

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Essay – Martial Law in Philippines

Thirty-six years ago on September 21, 1972, then Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos signed the declaration of martial law. He then announced the deed on television on September 23, 1973. The proclamation ensured Marcos’ grip on power, in defiance of theconstitutional 2-term limit for Philippine presidents. The declaration alsomarked the darkest age in Philippine history. It was during this time thathundreds of Filipinos disappeared, presumably murdered (“salvaged” in localparlance).

It was also then that the Marcoses stole the country’s wealth andindulged First Lady Imelda Marcos’ taste for fine jewelry, shoes andhobnobbing with the rich and famous. A documentary of the events that marked this period has been to coincidewith these anniversaries. “Batas Militar”(Martial Law)was made by theFoundation for Worldwide People Power (FWWPP), the same group thatreleasedBeyond Conspiracy: A Documentary on the Assassination of NinoyAquino. For those who weren’t alive during the time of Marcos, these events mayseem like ancient history. But they shaped the Philippines that we see today.

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This is why we should not forget the sacrifice made by Ninoy Aquino. Why weshouldbe vigilant against graft and corruption. Why suppression of pressfreedom should be viewed with suspicion. This is an age of the Philippinesthat should never be replicated ever again. The extensive film footage and pictures of actual events that took place from1972 when Marcos declared martial law, to the EDSA uprising of 1986 thattoppled the dictatorship, bring back to life the monumental tyranny anddeception, the unprecedented violence and unparalleled greed that no oneever imagined could possibly emanate from one man.

If only for that single accomplishment, the documentary has excellentlyserved its purpose. But it is certainly more than that. It is solidly researched,done with more than 150 important personalities interviewed includingPresident Ramos, Cory Aquino, some generals, Imelda Marcos, other keyplayers and opposition leaders. Particularly interesting was the focus on the personality and political savvy of Marcos’ arch enemy Ninoy Aquino. He was clearly presented as the leaderand icon of the anti-Marcos opposition, the martyr whose assassinationtriggered the demise of the dictatorship.

But martial law was certainly more than that. It was more than the life anddeath struggle between Marcos and his opponents in the traditional politicalopposition. The video documentary certainly captured the drama of the era. But it ismostly the drama in stifling the elite opposition, like the Aquinos and theLopezes. It’s true they were jailed and they lost their properties and theirchances to assume a dominant role in the ruling elite. And a number of otherelite and middle class personalities were also imprisoned and tortured, someof them summarily killed.

But those who suffered the most in terms of prolonged detention, severe torture and salvaging or summary execution,were the leaders and activists of the Left, the armed rebels, the organizedworkers in the cities and the peasant leaders and the masses in the ruralareas. It really made my heart pound seeing the dictatorship of Marcos, his being greedyfor power, fame and wealth. He thought that he can be the lord of those three, buthis ambition was also the reason of his downfall.

For me the rules during that timethough it was so strict were just appropriate to create orderliness in the country,because all the people have that tinge of fear in their hearts. But we can’t be foreverbe silent and just let our fear eat our rights, so the people gathered and fought fortheir rights and not only for the freedom of his motherland. What were the rights violated during Martial Law? A bill of rights is a list of therightsthat are considered important andessential by anation. The purpose of these bills is to protect those rights againstinfringement by the government. During the Martial law, a lot of people’s rights wereviolated.

Almost all of the people’s rights were violated. The declaration of martiallaw was initially well-received by some sectors, but it eventually proved unpopularas excesses and human rights abuses by the military emerged, such as the use of torture as a method of extracting information. It was said that during Martial Law theConstitution may be suspended. The Constitution is the one protecting our rights aspeople, if this is suspended, then this also means that people have no rights duringtimes like this. Section 1,2, 3, 7,8, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 18, and 19 of the Bill of Rightswere violated. Almost all of the people’s rights were violated.

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11,103 victims of human rights violations under Martial Law to get compensation

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This is AI generated summarization, which may have errors. For context, always refer to the full article.

MANILA, Philippine – The Human Rights Victims’ Claims Board (HRVCB) has released its final list of eligible claimants days before it ceases operations.

In a statement, HRVCB chairperson Lina Sarmiento said the final list consisting of 11,103 names who will receive monetary compensation was approved after a long process.  The total number of eligible claimants make up 14% of a total of 75,749 applicants. 

“The final list was arrived at after all claims were deliberated by the 3 divisions of the board, then list of preliminary eligible claimants published, and all appeals or oppositions resolved,” she said.

The first tranche of payments was in May 2017 .

The HRVCB, created in pursuant of  Republic Act No. 10368  or the Human Rights Victims Reparation and Recognition Act of 2013, is a quasi-judicial body mandated by law “to receive, evaluate, process, and investigate” reparation claims made by victims of human rights violations under the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos’ Martial Law. (READ:  Martial Law 101: Things you should know )

The release of the final list comes days before the HRVCB is expected to end operations as mandated by law.  

A sunset clause in the original law gave the board only two years – from May 12, 2014 to May 12, 2016 – to complete its work. In April 2016, Republic Act No. 10766 was passed, extending its life for two more years or until May 12, 2018.

For victims

Considered the darkest chapter in Philippine history, the  10 years of military rule saw about  70,000 people imprisoned, 34,000 tortured, and 3,240 killed, according to Amnesty International.  (READ:  #NeverAgain: Martial Law stories young people need to hear )

Thousands of people, mostly those the administration deemed opposition, were subjected to various forms of torture.  (READ:  Worse than death: Torture methods during martial law )

The amount of monetary compensation works on a point system depending on the violation as provided by the law:

• Enforced disappearance and killing: 10 points
• Torture: 6 to 9 points
• Arbitrary detention: 3 to 5 points
• Other violations: 1 to 2 points

Each claimant that is deemed eligible by the board will receive from P176,779 for one point to P1,767,790 for 10 points. The money distributed comes from the P10-billion in ill-gotten wealth recovered from the Marcos family.  (READ: Women victims tell SC of Martial Law torture )

Aside from money, victims are also entitled to other compensations such as social services at the Department of Health and the Department of Social Welfare and Development, among others.

RA 10368 also provides for the creation of a library and a museum in honor of Martial Law victims. (READ:  What the gov’t still owes Martial Law victims )  – Rappler.com

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