these days exposure to television and internet essay

Essay on These Days Exposure to Television and Internet

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100 Words Essay on These Days Exposure to Television and Internet

Introduction.

These days, exposure to television and the internet is a common part of our lives. They are powerful tools that provide information and entertainment.

Television Exposure

Television is a source of learning and amusement. It offers a variety of shows, from educational programs to cartoons, which can influence a child’s thoughts and behavior.

Internet Exposure

The internet is a vast resource. It’s used for research, communication, and entertainment. However, it also has potential risks like cyberbullying and exposure to inappropriate content.

While television and internet hold immense potential, it’s important to use them responsibly. Parents and teachers should guide children in their usage.

250 Words Essay on These Days Exposure to Television and Internet

The digital age: television and internet exposure.

In the contemporary world, exposure to television and the internet has become a ubiquitous aspect of daily life. This phenomenon, driven by constant technological advancements, has profound implications on individuals and societies.

Television: A Double-Edged Sword

Television, once the primary source of information and entertainment, has evolved significantly. While it offers educational content and a window into global cultures, excessive exposure can lead to sedentary lifestyles and passive consumption of information. It’s crucial to strike a balance between beneficial and detrimental use.

Internet: A Web of Possibilities

The internet, on the other hand, is a vast, interactive platform offering a wealth of information and opportunities for social connection. It empowers users to create, share, and access content. However, it also presents challenges, including misinformation, cyber threats, and the potential for addiction.

Implications for Society

The effects of these technologies on society are multifaceted. They have the potential to foster global connections, democratize information, and stimulate creativity. Conversely, they can also contribute to social isolation, mental health issues, and the spread of false information.

Conclusion: Striking the Balance

In conclusion, the exposure to television and internet is a complex issue requiring careful navigation. It’s crucial to harness the potential of these technologies while remaining vigilant of their risks. As digital citizens, we must strive to use these tools responsibly, promoting their positive aspects and mitigating their negative impacts.

500 Words Essay on These Days Exposure to Television and Internet

The evolution of media exposure: television and internet.

In the contemporary digital age, exposure to television and the internet has become an integral part of our daily lives. The evolution of these media platforms has revolutionized the way we consume information, shaping societal norms and individual behaviors.

Television: The Traditional Medium

Television, as a traditional medium, has been a primary source of entertainment and news for decades. It has played a pivotal role in shaping public opinion, promoting cultural values, and spreading awareness about global events. Television’s power lies in its ability to create a shared experience, a collective consciousness that transcends geographical boundaries. However, the advent of the internet has disrupted television’s monopoly, introducing a new dynamic in media consumption.

Internet: The Digital Revolution

The internet has emerged as a game-changer, democratizing access to information and transforming the way we communicate. The digital revolution has brought about a paradigm shift in our media consumption habits. With the internet, information is now available at our fingertips, anytime, anywhere. Unlike television, which offers a one-way communication channel, the internet fosters interactive communication, allowing users to not only consume but also create and share content.

The Confluence of Television and Internet

The convergence of television and the internet has given rise to new content formats and platforms. Streaming services like Netflix, Amazon Prime, and Hulu have revolutionized the way we consume television content, offering a personalized, on-demand viewing experience. This integration has blurred the lines between television and the internet, creating a hybrid media environment.

Implications of Media Exposure

The increased exposure to television and the internet has profound implications. On the positive side, it has enhanced our access to information, promoting global awareness and cultural exchange. It has also democratized content creation, giving voice to marginalized communities and fostering social change.

However, the downside cannot be overlooked. The overexposure to media can lead to information overload, affecting our mental health. The proliferation of fake news and misinformation on the internet poses a threat to societal harmony. Furthermore, the addictive nature of digital media can lead to unhealthy habits and lifestyle changes.

Conclusion: A Balanced Approach

In conclusion, while television and the internet have significantly enriched our lives, it is essential to adopt a balanced approach to media consumption. As informed consumers, we must critically evaluate the information we consume and be mindful of our screen time. The challenge lies in leveraging the benefits of these media platforms while mitigating their potential drawbacks. The future of media consumption will hinge on our ability to navigate this digital landscape responsibly and mindfully.

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28 The Influence of Television, Video Games, and the Internet on Children’s Creativity

Sandra L. Calvert, Children's Digital Media Center, Department of Psychology, Georgetown University

Patti M. Valkenburg, Amsterdam School of Communications Research, Center for Children, Adolescents, and the Media, University of Amsterdam

Published: 01 August 2013
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For many children, substantial amounts of time are devoted almost every day to screen media, including television viewing, video game play, and online Internet activities. This chapter discusses exposure to these types of media activities and some of the ways they influence creativity. In particular, research investigating the extent to which different kinds of media activities might stimulate or, alternatively, have a negative reductive impact on, the development of creativity is reviewed. The evidence generally establishes a negative relationship between media use, particularly lean-back media such as television viewing, and creativity. An important positive exception is when children are exposed to educational television content that is designed to teach creativity through imaginative characters. Although many youth use newer media to view television content, children also lean forward and create content, such as online characters that engage in imaginative creative activities, such as role-playing.

For many children, development in the twenty-first century now takes place in the presence of a screen. Exposure remains primarily observational in nature, typically to television or video content that is presented via traditional broadcast venues, but also via newer options like Hulu that allow youth to view television programs online ( Rideout, Foehr, & Roberts, 2010 ). The ability to create content is also an important option of many newer media, such as blogs and social networking sites. How does the current media world, itself a symbolic construction and fabrication of reality, affect the development of children’s creativity? That question is the focus of this chapter.

We begin by defining creativity and the extent of children’s media exposure. Then we discuss alternative hypotheses concerning the relation between media exposure and children’s creativity and evaluate the research findings about the influences of television, video games, and the Internet. We end with a look to future research directions and our conclusions about what is currently known about the influence of media on children’s creativity.

What Is Creativity?

Creativity is a central facet of narrative thinking, which entails storylike, imaginistic thinking, whose object is not truth but “verisimilitude” or “lifelikeness” ( Bruner, 1986 , p. 11; Valkenburg & Peter, 2006 ). Narratives are a central form used in media, particularly television stories. According to Singer and Singer (2005) , the creative process involves the potential for imaginative novelty, in which there is a free flow of ideas, images, and mini stories, all facets of divergent processing, followed by an evaluation of the quality of these ideas within a domain of expertise (see chapter 24 ).

In the television literature, creativity can be defined as the capacity to generate many different novel or unusual ideas ( Valkenburg & van der Voort, 1994 ). Creativity is typically measured in television studies by divergent thinking tests, such as the number of novel responses an individual can generate to a problem, and by creative tasks like drawing, problem solving, and making up stories ( Valkenburg & van der Voort, 1994 ). Participation in extracurricular activities such as the visual arts, music, drama, and journalism, has also been defined as an indication of creativity ( D. R. Anderson, Huston, Schmitt, Linebarger, & Wright, 2001 ).

Although the research focus has often been on the effects of media on creativity after exposure, a neglected area of study involves an evaluation of the imaginative activities that take place during exposure ( Valkenburg & Peter, 2006 ). Expanding our knowledge of the role of imagination during media exposure may be particularly useful in understanding the role of newer technologies in creative processes because when children use interactive media, they have opportunities to create content rather than just consume the content of others.

Media Exposure and Experiences

From the cradle through the adolescent years, US children’s time is often spent in the presence of a screen. Using survey techniques, Common Sense Media (2011) and the Kaiser Family Foundation (2010) conducted nationally representative samples of US children and adolescents via online and telephone interviews, respectively. Two major reports were produced: one on media exposure during the first eight years of life, and the other on media exposure from ages 8 through 18.

The First eight Years

According to a recent Common Sense Media (2011) survey, young children’s lives are embedded in media. In a typical day for a US child under age eight, 69 percent will read or be read to, 75 percent will use some kind of screen media, and 51 percent will listen to music. Television remains the dominant force in children’s media use. Seventy percent of these children watch television on a typical day. Forty-two percent of children under age 8 have a television set in their bedroom, which allows them considerable autonomy in how much and what they decide to view.

The amount of time devoted to various media paints an even stronger picture of the role that audiovisual media play during the early years of life. Screen media 136 dominated young children’s time, with television and video use consuming 1 hour, 9 minutes on a typical day, followed by 25 minutes of media and video game play. Reading or being read to averaged 29 minutes per day, and listening to music consumed an average of 29 minutes per day. Thirty-nine percent of children lived in homes in which the television set was on all or most of the time.

The Common Sense Media (2011) report about early media exposure also found that the use of screen media increased with age. In the first year of life, screen use for all children averaged 53 minutes per day. By ages two to four, screen exposure time increased to two hours, 18 minutes daily, and increased to two hours, 50 minutes of exposure time for five- to eight-year-old children (Common Sense Media, 2011).

Middle Childhood and Adolescence

The Kaiser Family Foundation tracked the media use patterns of random samples of eight- to 18-year-old US children. Their findings revealed increase in exposure to digital media over time. In the latest survey of youth conducted by Rideout, Foehr, and Roberts (2010) , exposure to digital entertainment media averaged a staggering seven hours, 38 minutes per day, which increased to 10 hours, 45 minutes per day when multitasking (more than one medium being used at a time) was considered. These figures were significantly higher than the reported daily average of six hours, 21 minutes (eight hours, 33 minutes for total exposure with multitasking) from a comparable 2004 study ( Roberts, Rideout, & Foehr 2005 ), and from six hours, 19 minutes per day (seven hours, 29 minutes total exposure with multitasking) from 1999 ( Roberts, Foehr, Rideout, & Brodie, 1999 ). The explosion of cell phone and iPod/MP3 player use largely accounted for this increase in media use time. Leisure reading was the only area of decline.

The main kind of exposure that children select remains television content, which consumes four hours, 29 minutes of time on a typical day, up 38 minutes per day from 2004 figures. How that content is viewed, however, has shifted. In addition to television sets, youth view television programs and movies on the Internet, on their cell phones, and on their iPods ( Rideout et al., 2010 ). They also play video games on television sets, cell phones, and online. Thus, the delivery of media through a specific platform may now be a less useful concept for understanding media effects because youth can do just about any kind of activity on any electronic device that has a screen.

Media use by US children and adolescents is pervasive from the earliest days of life. Viewing television programs and videos dominate usage patterns, but adolescents also spend a considerable amount of time listening to music. Newer technologies like cell phones and iPods now make it possible for older youth to access many different kinds of content anytime, anywhere. Reading magazines and newspapers during leisure time has declined over time for preadolescents and adolescents.

Media Influences on Creativity: The Stimulation and Reduction Hypotheses

Two major hypotheses organize the literature on how media, which has mainly focused on the study of television, affects children’s creativity. One hypothesis argues for stimulation effects whereas the other argues for reduction effects ( Valkenburg & van der Voort, 1994 ). These hypotheses were based on children’s exposure to traditional “lean-back” audiovisual media, such as television and films. Given the current usage patterns and escalation of interactive computer media use ( Rideout et al., 2010 ), it would be interesting to investigate the fit of these hypotheses with children’s more recent “lean-forward” media experiences.

The Stimulation Hypothesis

The stimulation hypothesis argues that media provides children with content that they can then subsequently use in their creative activities, thereby enhancing their creative products ( Valkenburg, 1999 ). Presumably, exposure to imaginative content and social models that demonstrate imaginative behaviors has the potential to increase children’s creative behaviors. So can the way that the program is structured. For example, making games and other content with interactive media may also enhance children’s creativity.

Imaginative Content and Models of Imaginative Behavior

Several educational children’s television programs focus on creativity. The most studied program is Mister Rogers’ Neighborhood ( D. R. Anderson et al., 2001 ; Friedrich- Cofer, Huston-Stein, Kipnis, Susman, & Clewit, 1979 ; Singer & Singer, 1990 ), but other children’s educational television programs are also designed to cultivate divergent thinking. Many times these programs have a social model, such as Fred Rogers, who displays creative activities.

Social cognitive theory predicts that children who observe models engaging in behaviors, such as creative activities, are likely to learn that behavior and imitate it when it is appropriate for a specific situation ( Bandura, 1986 ). Imitation, though, is not necessarily an exact reproduction of a behavior. Rather, imitation can refer to an entire class of behaviors ( Bandura, 1986 ). In the case of creativity, televised models may provide children with a prototype for how to generate creative responses to situations. From this perspective, the kind of content viewed and the kind of relationship that children develop with imaginative characters should be key factors in determining subsequent activities. In particular, parasocial relationships, in which viewers develop a perceived relationship with a media character ( Hoffner, 2008 ), may be one reason that certain social models could enhance children’s creative activities.

Production and Production Techniques

To create, children need to be able to reflect ( Singer & Singer, 2005 ). Television programs that allow time for reflection, for instance, those that are slowly paced such as Mister Rogers Neighborhood , might be especially likely to elicit imaginative activities. In newer interactive media experiences, children can also create and be the characters that then appear and act onscreen ( Calvert, 2002 ).

Current production practices in children’s educational television programs also include the use of pauses built into the story at key program points ( D. R. Anderson et al., 2001 ). These pauses allow children time to respond to characters, thereby potentially promoting what is known as parasocial interaction , in which a child acts as if he or she is interacting with a media character ( Hoffner, 2008 ). More specifically, the character asks the child a question, the child presumably formulates a response, and the character then acts as if he or she hears or sees the child’s response ( Lauricella, Gola, & Calvert, 2011 ). Pauses also allow children time to think and reflect on content, a characteristic that could promote imaginative activity if an “interaction” occurs with an imaginative media character.

User-generated content is another potential way for creativity to be displayed. Youtube.com has a considerable amount of material that is produced by youth. Youth, for example, create videos about popular culture and post them on this site, and others come to see what has been created.

The Reduction Hypothesis

The reduction hypothesis involves five different reasons to explain why creativity might be disrupted by media exposure ( Valkenburg, 1999 ). All of these hypotheses suggest that there is something inherent in traditional media, such as television and films, which disrupts creativity ( D. R. Anderson et al., 2001 ).

The Displacement Hypothesis

According to the displacement hypothesis, children spend a considerable amount of time with media that displaces other activities, including creative ones. Television viewing, for instance, displaces reading, and reading is thought to enhance creative expression. Internet and video games now join the mix of media that may take time away from creative activities and leisure-time reading.

The Visualization Hypothesis

If images are already created for viewers, as is the case in audiovisual media, children only need to view them rather than create their own. For this reason, books and music have traditionally been thought to stimulate creativity, whereas audiovisual media, such as television and videos, have been thought to disrupt it.

Arousal Hypothesis

According to the arousal hypothesis, violent content is the underlying reason that creativity is disrupted by media exposure. The fast-action that tends to portray violent content is also a formal feature that allows little time for reflection ( Huston et al., 1981 ). Therefore, both content and form could be responsible for arousal effects that then lead to physically active and impulsive behavior. High levels of arousal, in turn, disrupt the reflective style needed to create ( Valkenburg & Calvert, 2012 ).

The Passivity Hypothesis

A reduction effect in creativity because of media exposure could presumably occur because traditional media, such as television and films, may lead to lazy mental processing. In other words, children are not mentally active because processing audiovisual media requires little mental effort ( Salomon, 1984 ). Because creativity requires active processing and reorganization of material in novel ways, passive processing could disrupt imaginative activities.

Rapid Pacing Hypothesis

Television programs and series are often rapidly paced with frequent changes in scenes and characters. They are also constructed in a linear stream that is typically interrupted only for commercial messages. The commercials are typically more rapidly paced than the television programs, particularly in children’s entertainment programs ( Valkenburg & Vroone, 2004 ). Because creativity requires time for reflection, viewing rapidly-paced programs is thought to disrupt creativity.

The Evidence

Most empirical research on the impact of media on children’s creativity has focused on television. Very little research has been done to assess creativity during video game play or online Internet experiences. Overall, the studies on the effects of television have yielded more evidence for declines in creativity rather than increases. This decline is found in both correlational and experimental research. Nonetheless, when the kind of content, and the specific character, is considered, a more differentiated picture emerges.

Exposure to Imaginative Content

One proposed reason for an increase in creative behavior after media exposure involves the kind of content shown in children’s television programs. The content of Mister Rogers’ Neighborhood , for example, focuses on fantasy, pretense, and activities that might enhance creativity ( D. R. Anderson et al., 2001 ). The program is also slowly paced, allowing time for reflection. Several studies found positive outcomes for pretend play, a kindred spirit of creative fluency, when preschoolers viewed Mister Rogers’ Neighborhood ( Friedrich-Cofer et al., 1979 ; Singer & Singer, 1990 ; Tower, Singer, Singer, & Biggs, 1979 ). Similarly, the parents of children who viewed the educational television programs Allegra’s Window and Gullah , Gullah Island (which were designed to enhance creative problem solving) rated their children more highly on divergent processing skills than the parents of children who were nonviewers of these series ( Bryant & Williams, 1987 ).

Early viewing patterns can also set a trajectory for long-term engagement in creative activities. D. R. Anderson and colleagues (2001) conducted a longitudinal follow-up on two different cohorts of children who lived in the states of Massachusetts and Kansas. These children’s viewing patterns had initially been collected using home diaries when they were age five. When these children were age 15 to 18, they were recontacted and reassessed in a variety of areas. In the creativity domain, assessments included a test on alternate uses of an object that measured ideational fluency; participation in creative extracurricular activities such as visual arts, music, drama, and journalism; and the number of art classes taken in school.

After statistically controlling for numerous variables, the researchers found that preschoolers who had been heavy viewers of educational television programs had higher scores on measures of creativity during the adolescent years. The most consistent findings were found for those who were heavier versus lighter viewers of Mister Rogers’ Neighborhood . In particular, frequent child viewers of Mister Rogers’ Neighborhood later scored higher on measures of ideational fluency and participated more in creative activities, although the latter finding was only for the Kansas participants. Adolescents from the Kansas site who frequently viewed informative programs during the follow-up test also participated in more creative activities. Thus, the kind of program viewed influenced children’s and adolescents’ creativity.

Imaginative Models That Foster a Sense of Being Like the Character

Fred Rogers, the host of Mister Rogers ’ Neighborhood , also modeled imaginative behaviors. To do so, he skillfully used parasocial interaction techniques, in which he spoke directly to the audience as he “looked” at children through the camera lens. Mister Rogers also talked to children, paused for their replies, and then answered as if he had heard them speaking to him. That kind of technique is now used in numerous programs designed for a preschool-age audience ( Calvert & Wartella, in press ). Dora the Explorer is one such example.

In the prototypical Dora story, a problem arises and Dora figures out how to solve it with the help of her audience. In one study, Calvert, Strong, Jacobs, and Conger (2007) examined a Dora the Explorer story about sticky tape. Benny the Bull was losing air from his balloon and was headed for an eventual crash at Crocodile Lake where the crocodiles looked rather hungry. Dora and Boots, her monkey sidekick, pursued the balloon and encountered various obstacles along the way. They used sticky tape, presumably with audience input, to solve these problems. For example, they fixed a hole in the sail of their boat with sticky tape, put sticky tape on their shoes to climb a slippery slope, and ultimately patched the hole in Benny’s balloon with sticky tape, which prevented him from crashing into Crocodile Lake. After viewing the episode, children were asked how much they were like Dora and were asked to tell us all the things that they could do with sticky tape (a measure of divergent processing). Four-year-old children who perceived themselves to be more like Dora had more unique, original responses for the ways that sticky tape could be used. Although the direction of this relationship is unclear, the results indicate that a creative problem-solving television model that is perceived by children as similar to themselves is associated with more divergent processing outcomes.

Being the Character

The difference between perceiving that you are like a character and actually becoming the character is potentially an important one. In the latter case, one acts as if one is that character, acts through the character, and has truly entered the realm of make believe. Video and computer games designed for children and youth often pass this challenge successfully, allowing children to have some control over the choice of character. Electronic games designed for children typically include several ways that children and youth can individualize the character and explore their identity during the media experience. For example, the child can name the character, change its appearance, and role-play through that character ( Calvert, 2002 ).

Turkle (1995 , 1997) was one of the first scholars to study online identity construction. Her focus involved those who populated multi-user domains (MUDs), in which players created characters and then engaged in various actions. Some MUDs were adventure based, focusing on actions such as slaying dragons in a fantasy setting ( Turkle, 1995 ). Other MUDs were social in nature, in which players created whatever kind of space interested them ( Turkle, 1995 ). These early MUDs were initially only textual in nature. Thus, the verbal modality would be predicted to inspire creative actions.

Using case studies and participant observation techniques, Turkle (1995 , 1997) found considerable range in how players constructed their online identities. For example, one of her study participants created multiple online identities through various characters that he created. Among other characters, he created a rabbit that he named “Nibbles.” Nibbles lurked on a MUD site and listened to others’ interactions. He believed that his nonthreatening rabbit persona was the reason that others allowed him to spend time in their personal spaces in a voyeuristic manner. A female participant created a male character named Argyle, a short, squatty character who was always in search of his socks. Note here that the female player is engaged in gender bending, in which she pretends to be a male, a pattern that Turkle observed in online identity constructions.

With the evolution of the Internet and increased speed in online connections, visual characters began to populate MUDs. In two studies from our laboratory, 10- to 11-year-old children constructed avatars by choosing a boy or girl visual character, a costume, and a name. Pairs of children then interacted with one another in a MUD that we created. In the first study, children interacted in two different sessions with two different unfamiliar children who lived in a different location ( Calvert, Mahler, Zehnder, Jenkins, & Lee, 2003 ). In the second study ( Calvert, Strouse, Strong, Huffaker, & Lai, 2009 ), the same pair of children from the same school interacted in the MUD for two sessions.

Children typically chose realistic names, such as Suzy and Jimmy, or they chose nicknames, for their characters. Nevertheless, a subset of children selected creative character names, derived from fantasy and mythology, concepts or objects, and nonsense words ( Calvert et al., 2003 ).

Role-play occurs when children suspend reality to participate in a theme-based imaginary interaction ( Calvert et al., 2003 ). The ability to imagine or act out a social role is related to individual differences, such as prior levels of creativity (chapters 12 and 17 ). In our MUD studies, children sometimes pretended to be basketball players shooting imaginary balls in the city scene, or they pretended to be drowning at the beach scene ( Calvert et al., 2003 , 2009 ). Almost twice as many pairs of children engaged in role play when they knew one another than when they did not (55 percent vs. 27 percent) ( Calvert et al., 2009 ). Thus, familiarity played a key role in online creative activities.

Multi-user domain interactions may be associated with children’s role play, in part, because these kinds of sites have minimal structure. For example, preschool-age children demonstrate more novel responses in low- than in high-structure activities ( Carpenter & Huston-Stein, 1980 ). Therefore, it may be that certain kinds of online activities lend themselves to creative responses more so than others. At this point, however, there are no empirical studies that compare the effects of different kinds of sites on creative outcomes.

Producing and Creating the Content

When children make content, they sometimes produce creative content. Kafai (1995 , 1996) , for instance, had children create video games to learn about fractions. One of the first steps in the game creation was to write a script. Girls created diverse stories, such as games in which the player had to avoid a spider or ski down a hill without falling ( Kafai, 1996 ). Although boys’ stories often clustered around action-oriented themes, they sometimes developed very clever storylines en route to solving fractions. One story, for instance, included a magician who would make the child disappear unless he told him the proportion of a square that was colored; at another point in this game, a man in a hot air balloon threatened to take the child prisoner unless he told him which fraction equals two-thirds ( Kafai, 1995 ).

Most professional writers now use word processing software to construct their stories. When writers breathe life into their characters, some of them develop relationships with their main characters. For instance, they talk to their imaginary characters and even make agreements with them about the plots ( Taylor, Hodges, & Kohanyi, 2003 ). Such experiences are a kind of parasocial relationship.

The Internet provides numerous new ways for viewers to share their stories, such as fan fiction. Fan fiction, which involves stories that are often a takeoff from a television series, provides a way for viewers to take active control of a character’s fate. The conditions that lend themselves to fan fiction are poorly understood and have not been a topic of research, but it would be quite useful to conduct a content analysis on the stories in fan fiction sites to determine how much of the content is original, and how much is redundant with the original storyline of a series. The motives of fan fiction writers are also a topic in need of study. Perhaps viewers do not like what is happening to a favorite character. Are they then more likely to write their own alternative story and post it online? Similar kinds of studies could be conducted for children and youth who create their own video games or user-generated content on sites such as YouTube. Another venue of interest for study involves children’s educational television sites in which activities are available to write stories and draw pictures about the programs that they view on television.

The content that provides the starting point for innovative creations must come from somewhere, whether a real-life experience, a book, a television program, a videogame program, a musical piece, or an Internet application. Imaginative television content and characters increase children’s subsequent creative activities. Little research has been conducted on interactive media creations, but any time children make their own content, creative output is more likely to occur than when children consume another’s content.

The displacement hypothesis has only been investigated for television viewing and not for other media. It has been studied primarily through quasi-experimental approaches that describe creativity among children before and after the introduction of television in their communities, or by comparing children who have television sets in their homes versus those who do not. In these studies, television viewing was predicted to displace media experiences, such as reading or listening to the radio, that were perceived to lend themselves to more creative activities.

In an early study conducted by Himmelweit, Oppenheim, and Vince (1958) , teachers rated the creativity of 1,854 pupils who either did or did not have a television set. Children, who were 10 to 11 or 13 to 14 years of age, lived in four UK cities and were matched on their age, sex, intelligence, and social class. Teacher ratings were made on a three-point Likert scale, with response options ranging from unusually imaginative to unimaginative. The media activities that television displaced for children were comic book reading, listening to the radio, and going to films for children, but those changes did not occur for adolescents. Reading books initially decreased, but then returned to prior levels after the passage of time. No differences were found on teacher ratings for creativity as a function of television access. Valkenburg and van der Voort (1994) noted the following methodological issues in this study: (1) the validity of using a teacher rating approach to measure children’s creativity was questionable; (2) matching children on intelligence may have led to an equalization of groups on creativity because divergent thought is a component of intelligence; and (3) the two groups were not entirely equivalent, even though they were matched on several important dimensions.

Harrison and Williams (1986) later investigated the creativity of 284 children in three Canadian communities over a two-year period. Children who were 10 to 13 years old when the study began had no television access in the NOTEL community, had access to one television channel in the UNITEL community, and had access to multiple television channels in the MULTITEL community. Measures were collected for children over a two-year period, before the NOTEL community had access to television, and after access to a channel took place. Creativity measures included a divergent measure, the verbal Alternate Uses test, and a figural Pattern Meanings test. Although the use of media was stable over the two-year period in the UNITEL and MULTITEL communities, the introduction of television altered the media use patterns of participants in the NOTEL community. Attending films was the main area in which a displacement effect was found. Initially, children who lived in the NOTEL community had higher scores on a creativity measure than the other children. However, two years after the introduction of television, children’s scores on the verbal Alternate Uses Test who lived in the NOTEL community decreased to levels that were comparable to those of children living in the UNITEL and MULTITEL communities. No changes were found on the Pattern Meanings test.

Although newer media such as video game and Internet applications could presumably displace older media use such as television viewing, that pattern has not emerged. Instead, all media use has escalated, with multitasking being the norm ( Rideout et al., 2010 ). When time is considered, television viewing has, and continues to, colonize children’s leisure time ( Wartella & Robb, 2008 ).

The generation of visual images and novel story endings is thought to be impeded by exposure to audiovisual media, which supply those images rather than stimulate the creation of them via verbal modalities. Experimental media comparison studies, in which exposure to an audiovisual television story is compared with reading the same story or hearing it via radio, are often used to test this hypothesis. Media comparisons have not been made with newer interactive media applications for creative outcomes.

In a cross-media comparison, Meline (1976) gave 12- and 13-year-old US children one sample solution to a problem in audio, print, or video formats. Then children were asked to provide one novel solution to each of four problems. Creativity was scored whenever children provided a response that was different from the information they had experienced. Twelve-year-old children gave similar numbers of creative responses after exposure to print and audio or to print and video, but those exposed only to video gave fewer creative responses than those exposed only to audio stimuli. For 13-year-old children, those exposed only to video gave fewer creative responses than those exposed to print. The audio- and video-only comparison for the 13-year-old children could not be made because of experimenter error.

Kerns (1981) exposed 12- and 16-year-old youth to a six-minute story that had an ambiguous ending. The same story was presented as an audiovisual film, an audio-only track, or a silent visual film. The 16-year-old adolescents were also given a print version of the story. The youth were then asked to answer three questions designed to elicit creative replies. Reponses were scored for originality, flexibility, fluency, and stimulus freedom. Youth who viewed the audiovisual film produced the least original and stimulus-free replies. Contrary to prediction, however, those who viewed the visual film without the audio track scored higher on original and stimulus-free responses than those who were exposed to audio, and in the case of 16-year-old youth, the print version of the story.

The level of originality in story completion was examined in two studies conducted by Greenfield and colleagues. Both compared audio and audiovisual presentations. Greenfield, Farrar, and Beagles-Roos (1986) showed seven- to eight-year-old and nine- to 10-year-old middle-class US children two eight-minute stories, an African folktale and a story about a magical old woman. The stories were interrupted just before the end and children were asked to complete the stories. Story endings that were original and distinct from the audio or video presentation were scored as creative solutions. Children who had viewed the audiovisual story gave fewer original story endings than those who had listened to the audio version of the story, but this pattern emerged primarily for the story that was most comprehensible.

In a follow-up study, Greenfield and Beagles-Roos (1988) examined ethnic and racial differences in creative replies after exposure to the same audio and audiovisual stories that they had previously studied. African-American children from middle-class backgrounds, African-American children from working-class backgrounds, and European-American children from working-class backgrounds were compared with their original sample of European- American children from middle-class backgrounds. Once again, exposure to the audio-only presentation led to more original, stimulus-free story endings than did exposure to the audiovisual presentation, but only for the more comprehensible story. In addition, African-American children did not show an advantage for creative story endings when exposed to audio over audiovisual presentations, instead supplying similar levels of creative solutions in both conditions.

Using the same stimuli that had been studied by Greenfield and her colleagues, Runco and Pezdek (1984) compared the effects of audiovisual and audio presentations on nine- and 12-year-old children’s creativity. In this study, however, children saw or heard the story ending. Creativity was also measured by asking children to respond to questions about what would have occurred if the story ending had turned out differently. Modality differences were not related to the number of creative responses. The authors argued that creativity was a stable trait, not readily influenced by differences in how media are presented to children. However, the Runco and Pezdek (1984) sample was one in which children came from mixed ethnic backgrounds. Because Greenfield and Beagles-Roos (1988) found ethnic differences in creativity, Runco and Pezdek may have failed to find modality differences in creative replies because they pooled the responses for each condition, regardless of children’s ethnic background ( Valkenburg & van der Voort, 1994 ).

Drawings are another way that creativity has been measured. Vibbert and Meringoff (1981) presented nine- to 10-year-old children with a 10-minute story presented audiovisually, visually only, aurally only, or in print. Children were asked to draw four pictures about different parts of the story. A control group also drew pictures about the four topics that were applicable to these story points, but they were not exposed to the story. Children who heard the story drew original pictures, but those who saw the film created drawings that were often tied directly to the video images they had seen. The control group drew images that were scored similarly to the audio group on creativity.

D. R. Anderson and P. Collins (1988) have argued for a faulty memory hypothesis to explain some of the medium differences that are reported in these studies. Specifically, medium differences in creativity may occur, in part, because verbal stories impart less information, thereby requiring the child to fill in more gaps. Thus, creative responses may actually be occurring because children do not comprehend the story very well when it is presented in only one modality. Put another way, responses that are inconsistent with the actual story may be viewed as original when they really are just stretches to fill in gaps when comprehension has failed. In such instances, children may substitute more general knowledge from their own lives, thereby appearing to be more divergent in their replies than is truly the case. Valkenburg and van der Voort (1994) argue that such an interpretation is viable only when a story does not adequately present all key elements required for comprehension, as may have been the case for the visual only film in Kern’s (1981) study. Note that if poor comprehension is the key for more creative replies, then children who were viewing the poorly understood story should have generated more creative story endings in the audio over the audiovisual condition in the study conducted by Greenfield and colleagues. That was not the case. Instead, when children viewed the comprehensible story, they generated more creative story endings in the audio only condition than in the audiovisual condition.

To shed light on the faulty memory hypothesis in relation to creativity, Valkenburg and Beentjes (1997) compared exposure to two eight-minute stories that were presented in audio or audiovisual forms, both of which were interrupted just before the end. To test the faulty memory hypothesis, a third treatment group heard the audio story twice to improve comprehension, but still without the ending. One story was the same one used by Greenfield and colleagues, and the other was a simpler story. Both stories were translated into Dutch. After exposure, the story endings generated by seven to eight and eight- to nine-year-old Dutch children were scored for the number of novel ideas generated and for the quality of the story ending. Developmental differences emerged with no differences in creative story endings found for children in audio or audiovisual treatments at age seven to eight years, but creative story endings favoring audio over audiovisual treatments at age eight to nine years. Doubling exposure to the radio presentation did improve story comprehension over a single radio exposure, but no differences occurred in the number of novel story elements or the quality of the story ending that children generated in the two radio conditions. Thus, the faulty memory hypothesis was not supported in this study.

In summary, there is support for the visualization hypothesis in several experimental studies. Exposure to written or aural stories typically is associated with the generation of more novel responses, particularly when there is an unfinished story ending, than when exposure is to an audiovisual presentation. Nonetheless, the research base is limited by the use of very few distinct experimental stimuli. Creative responses are also sensitive to child characteristics such as their age and their ethnic background.

The Arousal Hypothesis

Studies that directly test the hypothesis that exposure to arousing programs disrupts imaginative activities have not been conducted. Therefore, the evidence that supports or refutes the underlying assumptions of this hypothesis have been examined instead. These include the assumptions that: (1) watching or interacting with action-oriented and/or violent content increases the child’s arousal level; (2) that this arousal, in turn, leads to restless, impulsive behavior; (3) that peaceful quiet time is necessary to create; and (4) for these reasons, creativity is inhibited (see Valkenburg, 1999 ; Valkenburg & van der Voort, 1994 ).

Experimental studies support the first assumption of the arousal hypothesis. Specifically, children and adolescents who view violent rather than nonviolent content are more aroused ( Zillmann, 1991 ). Similar results are found in meta-analyses that examine children’s and youths’ arousal levels immediately after playing violent videogames ( C. Anderson et al., 2010 ). Virtual reality game experiences, in which the player is embedded in a game and looks out of a character’s eyes, also demonstrate stronger arousal effects on players, as measured by pulse rate, than traditional observational exposures to that game ( Calvert & Tan, 1994 ). There is also some support for the second assumption of the arousal hypothesis: that viewing violent programs creates an impulsive and restless orientation ( Singer, Singer, & Rapaczynski, 1984 ), impulsivity ( C. Anderson & McGuire, 1978 ), and reduces the ability to wait ( Friedrich & Stein, 1973 ). The third assumption—that creative behavior requires peaceful, quiet, time alone—has also received some support ( Dellas & Gaier, 1970 ).

The final assumption of the arousal hypothesis is that these three prior links ultimately lead to lower levels of creativity. D. R. Anderson and his colleagues (2001) found that preschoolers who were heavier viewers of violent content were less creative as adolescents, participated in fewer creative activities at one of two sites, and participated in fewer overall art classes at both sites. These negative findings also occurred when examining overall levels of television exposure in relation to creativity. By contrast, preschoolers who were heavier viewers of prosocial television content were subsequently more creative as teenagers. However, arousal, impulsivity, and the lack of time alone were not measured in this study, and hence, must be inferred.

In the passivity hypothesis, television exposure is described as requiring little effort to process information, leading to a lazy information processing style that is not conducive to creativity. Instead of creating one’s own fantasies, television viewers are thought to consume the fantasies of others. Less is predicted about the use of interactive media leading to lazy information processing activities, but one would assume that the floor for using interactive media is higher than for using television media if children create content. The passivity hypothesis has not been directly tested. The assumptions of this hypothesis are considered here.

The first assumption of the passivity hypothesis is that processing television requires little mental effort. Although viewers do actively process television content ( D. R. Anderson & Burns, 1991 ; Richards & D. R. Anderson, 2004 ), reading a book does yield more mental effort than watching a television program ( Beentjes, 1989 ; Salomon, 1984 ). Salomon (1984) coined the term AIME, the amount of invested mental effort, to describe this phenomenon.

The second assumption of the passivity hypothesis is that the low levels of effort that are purportedly commonplace during television viewing then generalize to other situations. That assumption has not been tested. Nor do we know if this process is expected to occur for all screen media or is unique to viewing lean-back media such as television or films. Some argue that lean-forward interactive screen experiences, such as playing video games and using certain Internet applications, call upon the user to exert more effort than television viewing does. However, increased effort does not mean that those activities enhance creativity.

The third assumption of the passivity model is that children consume the fantasies of others rather than create their own. Clearly a viewer of television is consuming someone else’s creation. Moreover, many of the users of newer technologies are viewing content, even though they have the option to produce content on popular sites such as YouTube. For example, Gill, Arlitt, and Mahanti (2007) tracked the usage patterns of approximately 28,000 students and 5,300 faculty and staff at the University of Calgary for a three-month period in 2007. More than 23 million requests were made to obtain video content from YouTube during that time frame, but only 28,655 posts were made. Posts included ratings of videos, comments about videos, and uploading videos, the latter being user generated content. Although we do not know how creative the uploaded content was, only 133 video uploads took place on campus during this three-month period. Thus, YouTube mainly appears to be a new venue for looking at what others create rather than creating one’s own content. Note, however, that although those who read stories written by another person or listen to a story written by another on a radio broadcast are also consuming another’s fantasy, those modes of conveying content are thought to foster creative activity ( Valkenburg & van der Voort, 1994 ).

Creative thought requires concentrated mental effort ( Sternberg & Lubart, 1991 ), the fourth assumption of the passivity hypothesis. Multitasking could well disrupt concentration, and hence creative activity, because users shift attention quickly from one task to another. However, that area has not been systematically studied. In addition, there are no data to support the final assumption of the causal chain in the passivity hypothesis—that reductions in mental effort, which are purportedly caused by television viewing—ultimately disrupt the development of creativity.

In the rapid pacing hypotheses, quick changes of scenes and characters are predicted to decrease creative activity because there is little opportunity to pause and reflect. The lack of reflection time, in turn, can lead to short attention spans and impulsive thinking patterns, which can disrupt creativity ( Valkenburg & Van der Voort, 1994 ). This overall thesis has never been empirically established, but parts of this hypothesis have been tested and verified.

The first assumption—that rapidly paced television programs provide less time to reflect than slowly paced television programs—is correct. However, there is no empirical evidence that rapidly paced programs impair reflective thinking ( D. R. Anderson, Levin, & Lorch, 1977 ). Nevertheless, television viewing per se may decrease the amount of time that people are willing to invest in a problem-solving activity ( Suedfeld, Little, Rank, Rank, & Ballard, 1986 ). Therefore, the second assumption receives partial empirical support.

The third assumption of the rapid pacing hypothesis—that creativity requires reflective thinking—is supported by empirical data (see Harrison & Williams, 1986 ). The assumption that reductions in reflective thinking that are caused by rapidly-paced programs then lead to decreases in creativity has not been studied.

Overall the data support a reductive effect of media exposure—specifically television exposure—on creativity. The reduction hypothesis involves five possible reasons for why media exposure leads to less creativity. These include displacement, the visualization hypothesis, the arousal hypothesis, the passivity hypothesis, and the rapid pacing hypothesis. More research is needed to specify the underlying processes that cause this reduction to occur.

The role that media, particularly exposure to television content, play in children’s creativity indicates more evidence of reduction rather than stimulation effects. Given that children and youth mainly view television content and that this exposure to television content now extends to multiple platforms that are available every moment of the day, there is reason to expect that even exposure to newer media can disrupt creative behaviors.

The three most plausible explanations for these reductive effects are that: (1) television content and a considerable amount of online content provides ready-made images for viewers rather than requiring them to generate their own content; (2) violent action-oriented television and video game programs disturb the peace and quiet required to be creative; and (3) heavy exposure to audiovisual lean-back media displaces other activities, such as reading, that lend themselves to creative responses.

Nevertheless, exposure to imaginative content and imaginative television characters, particularly those who invite children to interact with them, demonstrate both short- and long-term benefits for children’s and adolescents’ creativity. Moreover, youth sometimes can and do make up content, including the construction of characters in online role-play games.

Ultimately, the emerging media experiences that are at the fingertips of youth allow them unprecedented choices. How youth decide to pursue and use those choices will determine if they will create, or if they will live instead in a world largely defined and constrained by the creations of others.

Future Directions

The research gaps about the role that media play in children’s creativity are vast. Although research has periodically examined this topic in the television area over the past several decades, the studies have generally focused on products without a systematic examination of the underlying processes that lead to reduction effects. This problem leads to many unanswered questions about which reduction hypotheses are supported or not supported by the empirical research.

Another problem in television studies is the failure to separate exposure to specific kinds of content from overall exposure. A media diet of prosocial, educational television is not the same as one involving high levels of exposure to content. Thus, separating the quality of television content exposure, with a focus on specific television programs that attempt to facilitate creativity, from the quantity of television exposure, in which the typical dependent variable tends to capture exposure to high levels of violent content, is clearly needed.

Although interactivity is a clear option in the newer interactive media world, which allows children and adolescents numerous opportunities to create rather than observe others’ content, few studies have examined the role of interactive media experiences in creativity. Specifying if there are differences in creativity after experiences with “lean-back” observational media versus those with potential for “lean-forward” interactive experiences are an important direction for future research.

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Family Life

Constantly Connected: How Media Use Can Affect Your Child

Today's children and teens are growing up immersed in digital media. It ranges from TV and videos to social media, video games and so much more. And it's all available on multiple devices—computers, e-readers, gaming consoles, smartphones and other screens.

Kids & media use: by the numbers

Recent Common Sense Media research shows that media use by tweens (ages 8–12 years) and teens (ages 13–18 years) rose faster in the two years since the COVID-19 pandemic than the four years before. The research found 8- to 12-year-olds spend an average of five and a half hours a day on screens and consuming media. That rate climbs to over eight and a half hours a day for teens.

Among teens, 79% said they use social media and online videos at least once a week, and 32% of these said they "wouldn't want to live without" YouTube. And nearly two-thirds (65%) of tweens said they watch TV, 64% watch online videos and 43% play games on a smartphone or tablet every day.

Average daily screentime rates soared highest among Black and Hispanic/Latino kids and those of lower-income families. These teens and tweens were spending between 6.5 and 7.5 hours a day on entertainment screens.

In another survey , 71% of parents with younger children (under 12 years old) said they were concerned about their child spending too much time in front of screens.

Risks & benefits of media use by children & teens

Why use digital media.

Digital media use can:

Expose users to new ideas and information.

Raise awareness of current events and issues.

Promote community participation.

Help students work with others on assignments and projects.

Digital media use also has social benefits that:

Allow families and friends to stay in touch, no matter where they live.

Enhance access to valuable support networks, especially for people with illnesses or disabilities.

Help promote wellness and healthy behaviors, such as how to quit smoking or how to eat healthy.

Why limit media use?

Overuse of digital media may place your children at risk of:

Not enough sleep. Media use can interfere with sleep. Children and teens who have too much media exposure or who have a TV, computer, or mobile device in their bedroom fall asleep later at night and sleep less. Even babies can be overstimulated by screens and miss the sleep they need to grow. Exposure to light (particularly blue light) and stimulating content from screens can delay or disrupt sleep and have a negative effect on school.

Obesity. Excessive screen use and having a TV in the bedroom can increase the risk of obesity . Watching TV for more than 1.5 hours daily is a risk factor for obesity for children 4 through 9 years of age. Teens who watch more than 5 hours of TV per day are 5 times more likely to have over-weight than teens who watch 0 to 2 hours. Food advertising and snacking while watching TV can promote obesity. Also, children who overuse media are less apt to be active with healthy, physical play.

Delays in learning & social skills. When infants or preschoolers watch too much TV, they may show delays in attention, thinking, language and social skills. One reason for this could be that they don't interact as much with their parents and family members. Parents who keep the TV on or spend excess time on their own digital media miss precious opportunities to interact with their children and help them learn.

Negative effect on school performance. Children and teens often use entertainment media at the same time that they're doing other things, such as homework . Such multitasking can have a negative effect on how well they do in school.

Behavior problems. Violent content on TV and screens can contribute to behavior problems in children, either because they are scared and confused by what they see or they try to mimic on-screen characters.

Problematic internet use. Children who spend too much time using online media can be at risk for a type of additive behavior called problematic internet use. Heavy video gamers are at risk for Internet gaming disorder. They spend most of their free time online and show less interest in offline or real-life relationships. There may be increased risks for depression at both the high and low ends of Internet use.

Risky behaviors. Teens' displays on social media often show risky behaviors, such as substance use, sexual behaviors, self-injury, or eating disorders. Exposure of teens through media to alcohol, tobacco use, or sexual behaviors is linked to engaging in these behaviors earlier.

Sexting, loss of privacy & predators. Sexting is the sending or receiving of sexually explicit images, videos, or text messages using a smartphone, computer, tablet, video game or digital camera. About 19% of youth have sent a sexual photo to someone else. Teens need to know that once content is shared with others, they may not be able to delete it completely. Kids may also not use privacy settings. Sex offenders may use social networking, chat rooms, e-mail and online games to contact and exploit children.

Cyberbullying. Children and teens online can be victims of cyberbullying. Cyberbullying can lead to short- and long-term negative social, academic, and health issues for both the bully and target. Fortunately, programs to help prevent bullying may reduce cyberbullying.

Make a family media use plan

Children today are growing up in a time of highly personalized media use experiences. It's smart to develop a customized media use plan for your children. This helps your kids avoid overusing media by balancing it with other healthy activities.

A media plan should consider each child's age, health, personality and developmental stage. Remember, all children and teens need adequate sleep (8–12 hours each night, depending on age), physical activity (1 hour a day) and time away from media. Create a customized plan for your family with our interactive Family Media Use Plan . Developed by the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP), this tool works with your family's values and busy life.

More information

Beyond Screen Time: Help Your Kids Build Healthy Media Use Habits
How to Make a Family Media Use Plan
Virtual Violence: How Does It Affect Children?
Cyberbullying: What Parents Need to Know
Sexting: How To Talk With Kids About the Risks
5 Unhealthy Ways Digital Ads May Be Targeting Your Child
Your Child's First Cell Phone: Are They Ready?
Video Games: Establish Your Own Family's Rating System

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The exposure of American children and adolescents to television continues to exceed the time they spend in the classroom: 15 000 hours versus 12 000 hours by the time they graduate. 1 According to recent Nielsen data, the average child and/or adolescent watches an average of nearly three hours of television per day. 2 These numbers have not decreased significantly over the past 10 years. 3 By the time a child finishes high school, almost three years will have been spent watching television. 1 This figure does not include time spent watching video tapes or playing video games. 4

Based on surveys of what children watch, the average child annually sees about 12 000 violent acts, 5 14 000 sexual references and innuendos, 6 and 20 000 advertisements. 7 Children and adolescents are especially vulnerable to the messages communicated through television which influence their perceptions and behaviours. 8 Many younger children cannot discriminate between what they see and what is real. Although there have been studies documenting some prosocial and educational benefits from television viewing, 9 , 10 significant research has shown that there are negative health effects resulting from television exposure in areas such as: violence and aggressive behaviour; sex and sexuality; nutrition and obesity; and substance use and abuse patterns. To help mitigate these negative health effects, paediatricians need to become familiar with the consequences of television and begin providing anticipatory guidance to their patients and families. 10 In addition, paediatricians need to continue their advocacy efforts on behalf of more child appropriate television.

In this review, we will describe the effects of television on children and adolescents. In addition, we will make recommendations for paediatricians and parents to help address this significant issue.

Prosocial and educational benefits

Studies from the early 1970s have shown that children imitate prosocial behaviour. These imitated behaviours included altruism, helping, delay of gratification, and high standards of performance when children are exposed to models exhibiting these behaviours. Friedrich and Stein provided evidence that children learned prosocial content of the television programmes and were able to generalise that learning to a number of real life situations. 9 In addition, they were also able to show that prosocial programmes increased helping behaviour in situations similar to and different from those shown on television.

Violence and aggressive behaviour

Young people view over 1000 rapes, murders, armed robberies, and assaults every year sitting in front of the television set. 11 Recently published, the three year, National Television Violence Study examined nearly 10 000 hours of television programming and found that 61% contained violence. 12-14 Children's programming was found to be the most violent. In addition, 26% (of the 61%) involved the use of guns. Portrayals of violence are usually glamorised and perpetrators often go unpunished. Another venue in which a significant amount of violence is portrayed is in rock music videos, which are viewed heavily by adolescents. In a comprehensive content analysis of these music videos, DuRant et al showed that 22.4% of all rap videos contained violent acts, and weapon carrying was depicted in 25% of them. 15

Numerous studies, including longitudinal research, 16 , 17 have shown a relation between children's exposure to violence and their own violent and aggressive behaviours. Many studies have documented the role of television in fostering violent behaviours among children. 18 , 19 Two recent meta-analyses investigating the relation between violence viewed on television and aggressive behaviour in children concluded that exposure to portrayals of violence on television was associated consistently with children's aggressive behaviours. 20 , 21

Sex and sexuality

American television, both programming and advertising, are highly sexualised in their content. Each year, children and adolescents view 14 000 sexual references, innuendoes, and jokes, of which less than 170 will deal with abstinence, birth control, sexually transmitted diseases, or pregnancy. 22 What has been traditionally described as the “family hour” (8–9 pm) now contains more than eight sexual incidents per hour, more than four times as much as in 1976. 23 Nearly one third of family hour shows contain sexual references, and the incidence of vulgar language has increased greatly. 24 In addition, soap operas, a genre highly viewed by adolescents, show extramarital sex eight times more commonly than sex between spouses. 11 At the present time there have only been four studies examining the relation between early onset of sexual intercourse and television viewing. However, there are numerous studies which illustrate television's powerful influence on teenagers' sexual attitudes, values, and beliefs. 25 , 26 Teens rank the media second only to school sex education programmes as a leading source of information about sex. 26

Nutrition and obesity

Over the past three decades the prevalence of obesity among children and adolescents has increased and fitness has decreased. 27 Television viewing affects both fatness and fitness and multiple studies point to television viewing as one cause of childhood obesity. 28-31 Two primary mechanisms for this relation have been suggested: reduced energy expenditure from displacement of physical activity and increased dietary energy intake, either during viewing or as a result of food advertising.

The association between television viewing and food consumption can be explained, in part, by the frequent references to food or the consumption of food that occurs during both commercials and programmes. 11 Breakfast cereals, snacks, and fast foods are among the most heavily advertised products on television programmes aimed at children, and tend to have higher energy density than other products such as fruits or vegetables which are less frequently advertised. 30 The amount of time spent viewing television directly correlates with the request, purchase, and consumption of foods advertised on television. 11

Furthermore, obesity occurs among televised characters far less frequently than in the general population. Because the characters on television eat or talk about food so frequently, the implicit message may be that it is possible to eat frequently and remain thin. 32 Likewise, the almost exclusive presence of very thin, particularly female, television characters may contribute to the notion that the ideal body type is that of the women and adolescents shown; this may contribute to the culture wide obsession with thinness.

Tobacco and alcohol use and abuse

Increasingly, media messages and images, not necessarily direct advertising, are normalising and glamorising the use of tobacco, alcohol, and illicit drugs. Tobacco manufacturers spend $6 billion per year and alcohol manufacturers $2 billion per year to entice youngsters into consuming their products. Content analysis has found that alcohol, tobacco, or illicit drugs are present in 70% of prime time network dramatic programmes and half of all music videos. 33 The prominence of alcohol in prime time television applies to all characters, including adolescents, where negative characteristics are often applied. However, many adults shown to consume alcohol have positive personality characteristics. 34 Popular movies, frequently shown during the “family hour”, often show the lead or likeable characters using and enjoying tobacco and alcohol products. 35 , 36 In addition to programming, children and adolescents view approximately 20 000 advertisements each year, of which nearly 2000 are for beer and wine. 37 For every public service announcement, adolescents will view 25–50 beer commercials.

Research indicates that the combined 8 billion dollars which the tobacco and alcohol industries use every year to pitch their product to the American public has a significant impact on adolescents' beliefs and attitudes about smoking and drinking and may actually influence their consumption as well. Correlational studies have shown a small but positive relation between advertising exposure and consumption. 38-41 Furthermore, advertising exposure appears to influence initial drinking episodes which in turn contribute to excessive drinking and abuse. 39 The evidence, however, to increased consumption, is strongest regarding cigarette advertising and promotions. 42 , 43 A recent longitudinal study found that an estimated one third of all adolescent smoking could be causally related to tobacco promotional activities. 44

Recommendations for parents and paediatricians

As has been shown, there is a significant amount of literature to support the connection between adverse outcomes and exposure to television. There are ways to help attenuate the effects of television “promotion” of harmful activities and substances. They range from controlling the way children and adolescents view television to more effective office counselling and public health activism. The American Academy of Pediatrics, through its policy statements has taken a leadership role in making recommendations for both parents and paediatricians. 5 , 6 , 45 , 46

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR PARENTS

Parents are often not familiar with what their children are viewing on television, nor do they control the television which they watch. 47 In addition, parents generally underestimate the amount of time their children spend viewing television. A recent study found that 32% of 2–7 year olds, 65% of 8–13 year olds, and 65% of 14–18 year olds have television sets in their bedrooms. 3 Furthermore, two 1997 surveys, with a sample size of nearly 1500 parents, found that less than half of them report “always watching” television with their children. 47 Co-viewing is thought to be an effective mechanism for mediating untoward effects of television viewing: an adult, watching a programme with a child and discussing it with him/her, serves simultaneously as a values filter and a media educator. 35 Based on this information, and the data available, the American Academy of Pediatrics 5 , 45 recommends that parents should:

Participate in the selection of programmes to be viewed

Co-view and discuss content with children and adolescents

Teach critical viewing skills to their children and adolescents

Limit and focus time spent viewing television to less than one to two hours per day

Be good media role models for their children and adolescents

Emphasise alternative activities

Remove television sets from children's and adolescents' bedrooms

Avoid using the television as an “electronic babysitter”.

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR PAEDIATRICIANS

With the known unhealthy effects of media on children and adolescents, it is crucial that paediatricians are aware and become knowledgeable about the media's influence on their patients. 9 Paediatricians need to be able to educate their patients' parents and advocate for improved, healthier media. 5 As part of health supervision visits, paediatricians also need to begin taking a media history and using the media history form developed by the Academy (table 1 ). 45 , 48 This tool enables young people and parents to examine their media habits and allows paediatricians to focus on areas of concern and offer counsel and support. 45 In addition, paediatricians can work with patients to help them understand that what they view on television is not “real” and that the purpose of advertisements is to sell them products. These premises of media education have been implemented in programmes with documented success. 49 , 50 Review of the available literature has enabled the Academy to make the following recommendations for paediatricians 5 , 45 , 47 :

Become educated about the public health risks of television exposure and share this information with their patients, families, and the community

Incorporate questions about television use into routine visits including use of the Academy's media history form

Include anticipatory guidance about television to their patients and their families at health supervision visits

Encourage parents to avoid television viewing for children under the age of 2 years

Serve as role models by using television sets and videocassette recorders in their waiting rooms for educational programming only

Advocate for improved media by writing to local stations, national networks, Hollywood studios, and the Federal Communications Commission

Promote media education as a means to help mitigate some of the unhealthy effects of television

Advocate for mandatory media education programmes with known effectiveness in the schools.

View inline

Media history form: television focused questions 1-150

Conclusions

Although this review primarily focused on the unhealthy effects of television viewing on children and adolescents, some television programming has been shown to promote prosocial behaviours and have positive educational effects in young children. However, these programmes are in the minority and are mainly targeted to very young children (3–5 year olds). There are effective methods which can be used to lessen the negative influences of television. The primary method, besides turning off the television, is the introduction of media education to patients and their families. This introduction can be accomplished through many settings including the paediatrician's office, the school, and the community. The Academy's Media Matters Campaign is an example of such an integrated initiative to disseminate media education. It is important that paediatricians and parents jointly implement prevention campaigns and strategies. The effect on both children and adolescents, and the community will be much greater with a joint effort.

Strasburger VC
↵ Nielsen Media Research, New York, 1998.
Roberts DF ,
Rideout VJ ,
American Academy of Pediatrics, Committee on Communications
Gerbner G ,
Signorielli N
Friedrich LK ,
Corporate Research Department
DuRant RH ,
Singer MI ,
Miller DB ,
Flannery DJ ,
Frierson T ,
Chachere JG
Harris L and Associates
↵ Parents Television Council. The family hour: no place for your kids . Los Angeles, CA: Parents Television Council, 8 May 1997.
↵ Kaiser Family Foundation . The 1996 Kaiser Family Foundation Survey on Teens and Sex. Menlo Park, CA: Kaiser Family Foundation, 24 June 24 1996.
Troiano RP ,
The Annenberg Public Policy Center at the University of Pennsylvania
Gortmaker SL
Gortmaker SL ,
Peterson K ,
Colditz GA ,
Robinson TN
Hammond KM ,
↵ Gerbner G, Ozyegin N. Alcohol, tobacco, and illicit drugs in entertainment television, commercials, news, “reality shows”, movies and music channels. Report from the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, Princeton, NJ, 20 March 1997.
Mathios A ,
Bisogni C ,
Goldstein AO ,
Robinson TN ,
Centers for Disease Control
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Pierce JP ,
Gilpin EA ,
Farkas AJ ,
American Academy of Pediatrics, Committee on Public Education
Strasburger VC ,
Donnerstein E
Anastassea-Vlachou K ,
Fryssira-Kanioura H ,
Papathanasiou-Klontza D ,
Xipolita-Zachariadi A ,
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Essay on Television for Students and Children

500+ words essay on television.

Television is one of the most popular devices that are used for entertainment all over the world. It has become quite common nowadays and almost every household has one television set at their place. In the beginning, we see how it was referred to as the ‘idiot box.’ This was mostly so because back in those days, it was all about entertainment. It did not have that many informative channels as it does now.

Moreover, with this invention, the craze attracted many people to spend all their time watching TV. People started considering it harmful as it attracted the kids the most. In other words, kids spent most of their time watching television and not studying. However, as times passed, the channels of television changed. More and more channels were broadcasted with different specialties. Thus, it gave us knowledge too along with entertainment.

Benefits of Watching Television

The invention of television gave us various benefits. It was helpful in providing the common man with a cheap mode of entertainment. As they are very affordable, everyone can now own television and get access to entertainment.

In addition, it keeps us updated on the latest happenings of the world. It is now possible to get news from the other corner of the world. Similarly, television also offers educational programs that enhance our knowledge about science and wildlife and more.

Moreover, television also motivates individuals to develop skills. They also have various programs showing speeches of motivational speakers. This pushes people to do better. You can also say that television widens the exposure we get. It increases our knowledge about several sports, national events and more.

While television comes with a lot of benefits, it also has a negative side. Television is corrupting the mind of the youth and we will further discuss how.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

How Television is Harming the Youth

Additionally, it also makes people addict. People get addicted to their TV’s and avoid social interaction. This impacts their social life as they spend their time in their rooms all alone. This addiction also makes them vulnerable and they take their programs too seriously.

The most dangerous of all is the fake information that circulates on news channels and more. Many media channels are now only promoting the propaganda of the governments and misinforming citizens. This makes causes a lot of division within the otherwise peaceful community of our country.

Thus, it is extremely important to keep the TV watching in check. Parents must limit the time of their children watching TV and encouraging them to indulge in outdoor games. As for the parents, we should not believe everything on the TV to be true. We must be the better judge of the situation and act wisely without any influence.

{ “@context”: “https://schema.org”, “@type”: “FAQPage”, “mainEntity”: [{ “@type”: “Question”, “name”: “How does television benefit people?”, “acceptedAnswer”: { “@type”: “Answer”, “text”: “Television offers people a cheap source of entertainment. It saves them from boredom and helps them get information and knowledge about worldly affairs.” } }, { “@type”: “Question”, “name”: “What is the negative side of television?”, “acceptedAnswer”: { “@type”: “Answer”, “text”:”Television has a negative side to it because it harms people’s health when watched in excess. Moreover, it is the easiest platform to spread fake news and create misunderstandings between communities and destroy the peace and harmony of the country.”} }] }

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These days exposure to television and internet is having bad influence on children.

IELTS essay These days exposure to television and internet is having bad influence on children.

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Parenting children in the age of screens, two-thirds of parents in the u.s. say parenting is harder today than it was 20 years ago, with many citing technologies – like social media or smartphones – as a reason.

Pew Research Center has long studied the changing nature of parenting and family dynamics as well as the adoption of digital technologies. This report focuses on how children engage with digital technologies, screens and social media, as well as parents’ attitudes about these behaviors, their concerns about their child’s use of technology, and their own assessment of their parenting and experiences with digital tech. These findings are based on a survey conducted March 2-15, among 3,640 U.S. parents who have at least one child or children ages 17 and under. This includes those who took part as members of Pew Research Center’s American Trends Panel (ATP), an online survey panel that is recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses, as well as respondents from the Ipsos KnowledgePanel. The margin of sampling error for the full sample is plus or minus 2.2 percentage points.

Recruiting ATP panelists by phone or mail ensures that nearly all U.S. adults have a chance of selection. This gives us confidence that any sample can represent the whole U.S. adult population (see our Methods 101 explainer on random sampling). To further ensure that each ATP survey reflects a balanced cross section of the nation, the data is weighted to match the U.S. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, partisan affiliation, education and other categories.

For more, see the report’s methodology about the project. You can also find the questions asked, and the answers the public provided in this topline .

Parenting has never been easy. But the widespread adoption of smartphones and the rise of social media has introduced a new wrinkle to the challenges of parenthood. In fact, a majority of parents in the United States (66%) – who include those who have at least one child under the age of 18, but who may also have an adult child or children – say that parenting is harder today than it was 20 years ago, with many in this group citing technology as a reason why, according to a Pew Research Center survey conducted in March.

One of the most highly discussed – and debated – topics among parents today is screen time. How much is too much? And what impact will screens have on children’s development? Amid these growing questions, the World Health Organization issued guidelines last year on the amount of time young children should spend in front of screens.

Chart shows a majority of parents are concerned that their child might ever spend too much time on screens and have reached out to doctors for advice about this

Parents with young children themselves make clear they are anxious about the effects of screen time. Fully 71% of parents of a child under the age of 12 say they are at least somewhat concerned their child might ever spend too much time in front of screens, including 31% who are very concerned about this. 1 And some parents with a child in this age range already believe their child spends too much time on certain devices, including a smartphone. (It is important to note that this survey was fielded before the COVID-19 outbreak in the U.S. that closed many schools and led to widespread shutdowns and stay-at-home orders throughout the country.)

While a majority of parents with a young child say they are very (39%) or somewhat confident (45%) in knowing the appropriate amount of screen time for their child, they are also seeking out advice from others. Some 61% of parents of a child age 11 or younger say they have received advice or information about screen time from a doctor or other medical professional and 55% say the same about other parents, while 45% of parents of a child age 5 to 11 have turned to teachers for help.

Parents overall are also apprehensive about the long-term effects of smartphones on children’s development: 71% believe the widespread use of smartphones by young children might potentially result in more harm than benefits.

These worries come at a time when it is fairly common for children of all ages to engage – in some way – with digital devices. 2 For example, 80% of parents say their child age 5 to 11 ever uses or interacts with a tablet computer, while 63% say the same about smartphones. For parents of children under the age of 5 those shares are also notable: 48% and 55%, respectively. At the same time, roughly one-third of parents of a child 11 or younger (36%) say their child ever uses or interacts with a voice-activated assistant, like Apple’s Siri or Amazon Alexa. But there are wide age gaps: parents who have an older child, between the ages of 5 and 11 (46%), are more likely than parents with a child age 3 to 4 (30%) or 2 or younger (14%) to say their child uses or interacts with this type of technology.

Terminology

Several terms used in this report are related to parents, age of children and the technology adoption practices of children. This reference guide explains each term.

Parent is used to refer to an adult who reports being a parent or guardian of at least one child under the age of 18, but who may also have an adult child or children.

Parents of a child age 11 or younger is used to refer to parents who report having a child age 11 or younger. In cases where families have more than one child in this age range, these questions asked the parents focus on one of those children, either their oldest or youngest child in this age range (based on random assignment).

Parents of a child age 4 or younger is used to refer to parents whose randomly assigned child is under the age of 5 (0 to 4).

Parents of a child age 5 to 11 is used to refer to parents whose randomly assigned child is between the ages of 5 and 11.

Young child is used to describe children under the age of 12.

Engagement and interaction with digital technology among children was measured by asking parents about the devices their child “uses or interacts with.”

Chart shows majority of parents say their child 11 or younger watches videos on YouTube

But the conversation around screen time is not limited to children. Parents themselves grapple with their own device distractions. When asked if they spend too much, too little or not enough time on their phone, more than half of parents overall (56%) say they spend too much time on their smartphone, while about seven-in-ten (68%) say they are at least sometimes distracted by their phone when spending time with their children.

These findings come from a nationally representative survey of 3,640 U.S. parents who have at least one child under the age of 18, but who may also have adult children, conducted online March 2-15, 2020, using Pew Research Center’s American Trends Panel and the Ipsos KnowledgePanel . The following are among the other major findings.

Many parents cite technology as a reason why parenting is harder today than in the past

Chart shows a majority of parents today say parenting is harder today than two decades ago, with many citing technology as a reason why

Across demographic groups, parents are more likely to say that parenting today is more difficult rather than easier when compared with the past, but there are some modest differences by age. About seven-in-ten parents ages 50 and older (71%) say parenting is harder today, versus 66% of 30- to 49-year-old parents and 60% of those ages 18 to 29.

Parents cite a number of different reasons why they think parenting has grown more difficult over the years. Some of the most common responses tend to stress the impact of digital technology (26%), the rise of social media (21%) and how access to technology exposes children to things at a young age (14%). Other commonly cited reasons for parenting growing more difficult include changing morals and values and the costs associated with raising a child.

Parents are wary of the impact of mobile devices, and relatively few think children under 12 should have their own smartphone

Chart shows most parents don’t think it’s acceptable for a child under the age of 12 to have their own smartphone

The ages of 12 to 14 seem to be a major milestone in parents’ eyes for smartphones. This survey finds that a majority of parents (73%) believe it is acceptable for children to have their own phone only after they have reached at least the age of 12. Some 45% say smartphone ownership is acceptable between the ages of 12 and 14, and 28% say it is acceptable between the ages of 15 and 17. Just 22% think it is OK for a child under the age of 12 to have one.

When asked about the appropriate age for a child to have their own tablet, parents are more accepting of children having one at a younger age. Fully 65% of parents say it is acceptable for child to have their own tablet computer before the age of 12.

Parents who have at least one minor child but who may also have adult children weighed in on whether they thought the use of smartphones by young children would help or hurt their ability to do a variety of things such as develop healthy friendships or do well in school. Parents are concerned about the impact that smartphones could have on children’s interpersonal skills. Fully 71% of parents say the use of smartphones by children age 11 or younger will hurt their ability to learn effective social skills a lot or a little, while a similar share says the same about developing healthy friendships. Just over half of parents think these devices will hurt children’s ability to do well in school, while parents are more evenly split when it comes to how smartphones will impact children’s ability to be creative or pursue their hobbies and interests.

YouTube is widely used by children, with parents seeing both benefits and drawbacks to the platform

Chart shows 80% of parents of young children say their child watches videos on YouTube

A clear majority of parents who have a child age 11 or younger say this child ever watches videos on YouTube. Among parents who say their child watches videos this way, 53% say their child does this daily, including 35% who say their child watches these videos on the platform several times a day.

But these numbers vary significantly by race and ethnicity. Black (50%) or Hispanic parents (40%) who have a child in this age range who watches YouTube are more likely to say their child does this several times a day, compared with white parents (29%).

Vast majority of parents say they limit when and how long their child can use screens, while digital ‘grounding’ is a relatively common practice for parents

Chart shows roughly eight-in-ten or more parents limit when and how long their child can use screens or digitally ‘ground’ their child

Amid these worries, parents report that they monitor their young child’s digital activities in a number of ways, with most limiting screen time and using digital “grounding” as a disciplinary tactic.

Fully 86% of parents of a child age 5 to 11 say they limit the time of day or length of time their child can use screens, while eight-in-ten say they take away their child’s smartphone or internet privileges as punishment. About three-quarters of parents of a child age 5 to 11 say they check the websites this child visits or the mobile apps they use (75%) and use parental controls to restrict how much this child uses screens (72%).

At the same time, more than half of parents of a child 11 or younger say they are at least somewhat concerned about their child ever being the target of online predators (63%), accessing sexually explicit content (60%) and accessing violent content online (59%). Somewhat similar shares (56%) report they are very or somewhat concerned that their child might ever be bullied or harassed online.

Parents have their own struggles and experiences with smartphones and social media

In addition to monitoring their children’s screen time and use of digital devices, parents also acknowledge how their own phones have led to distracted parenting.

More than half (56%) of parents who report having at least one minor child, but who may also have an adult child or children, say they spend too much time on their smartphone, while smaller shares say they spend too much time on social media (36%) or playing video games (11%).

Chart shows 68% of parents say they at least sometimes feel distracted by their phone when spending time with their kids

Parents’ assessments of their technology use vary by age. For example, parents ages 18 to 49 are more likely than those ages 50 and older to say they spend too much time on their smartphone (59% vs. 36%). Similarly, parents under the age of 50 are more likely than those ages 50 and older to say they often or sometimes feel distracted by their smartphone when spending time with their children (70% vs. 55%).

There are also differences by educational attainment: Parents with a college degree or higher (59%) or those with some college experience (60%) are more likely than those with a high school education or less (47%) to say they spend too much time on their smartphones. When it comes to feeling distracted by their mobile device, 75% of parents with a college degree say they are least sometimes distracted by their phone when they are spending time with their kids, compared with 68% who have some college experiences and 61% of those who have a high school education or less.

Throughout this report there are references to parents who have children of various ages. In cases where parents have more than one child in the age ranges discussed, the parents were randomly assigned to talk about a specific child in the relevant age range. ↩
Questions about technology adoption in Pew Research Center surveys are typically asked to the respondents directly. This survey, however, does ask parents to indicate whether or not their child engages or interacts with various digital technologies. ↩
YouTube provides a YouTube Kids platform with enhanced parental controls and curated video playlists, but the analysis in this report focuses on YouTube as a whole. ↩
A Pew Research Center survey conducted in 2014 and 2015 on parents of teens found some monitoring practices – like checking websites they visited and their social media profiles – to be common, while others, like using parental controls and monitoring their location with their cellphone, were less prevalent. ↩

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Essay on these days exposure to television and internet 100-500 words

Essay on these days exposure to television and internet 100 words

The Impact of Modern Media: Television and Internet

Essay on these days exposure to television and internet: In today’s digital age, exposure to television and the internet has become an integral part of our daily lives. These mediums offer an unprecedented array of information and entertainment, shaping our perceptions and behaviors. Television provides a passive yet immersive experience, influencing societal trends and opinions through news, shows and advertisements.

Meanwhile, the internet empowers us with instant access to vast knowledge and global connectivity but also poses challenges like information overload and online addiction. As we navigate this digital landscape, it is crucial to strike a balance, harnessing the benefits while being mindful of potential pitfalls. Responsible consumption and critical thinking are key to making the most of these powerful tools in our information-driven world.

Essay on these days Exposure to Television and Internet 200 words

Essay on these days exposure to television and internet 300 words, the power of television, the rise of the internet, positive aspects of exposure to television and the internet:, tags: essay on these days exposure to television and internet.

Essay on these days exposure to television and internet: In today’s fast-paced world, exposure to television and the internet has become an integral part of our daily lives. These mediums offer a wealth of information, entertainment and connectivity. However, their ubiquity has raised concerns about their influence on society, particularly on individuals, relationships and culture.

Television, once the dominant source of entertainment and news, has evolved dramatically. The advent of streaming services has given viewers unprecedented control over what they watch and when they watch it. This shift has both positive and negative implications. On one hand, it allows for more personalized content consumption, catering to individual preferences. On the other hand, binge-watching habits can lead to sedentary lifestyles and decreased social interaction.

The internet, too, has transformed the way we access information and communicate. It offers a vast repository of knowledge but also poses challenges such as misinformation and online addiction. Social media platforms, in particular, have revolutionized how we connect with others but they can also foster a sense of isolation and lead to mental health issues.

In conclusion, exposure to television and the internet in today’s world is a double-edged sword. These mediums offer numerous benefits in terms of information dissemination, entertainment and connectivity. However, they also present challenges related to health, misinformation and social dynamics. Striking a balance between their advantages and disadvantages is essential to harness their full potential while mitigating their

Essay on these days Exposure to Television and Internet: In our rapidly evolving digital age, exposure to television and the internet has become an integral part of our daily lives. These two mediums have revolutionized the way we access information, communicate and entertain ourselves. However, the extent and nature of our exposure to them have raised concerns about their potential consequences on society. This essay explores the impact of modern-day exposure to television and the internet.

Television, once the primary source of entertainment and information, has evolved into a multifaceted medium. It offers a diverse range of programming, from educational documentaries to reality TV shows. While television can be a source of knowledge and entertainment, excessive consumption can lead to passive viewing habits and sedentary lifestyles. Furthermore, the prevalence of sensationalism and biased reporting in some news programs has raised concerns about misinformation and polarization.

On the other hand, the internet has ushered in an era of unparalleled connectivity and information access. It has transformed the way we communicate, learn, work and socialize. However, it also presents challenges such as online addiction, cyberbullying and privacy concerns. The endless stream of information available on the internet can sometimes overwhelm individuals and lead to information fatigue or misinformation.

In recent years, the convergence of television and the internet through streaming services has further blurred the lines between these two mediums. Streaming platforms offer on-demand access to an extensive library of content, allowing viewers to watch what they want when they want. While this convenience is a boon, it has also contributed to binge-watching habits and screen addiction.

Furthermore, the internet has democratized content creation, enabling individuals to become content producers through platforms like YouTube and TikTok. While this has empowered many to express themselves and share their talents, it has also raised concerns about the spread of harmful or false content.

In conclusion, the exposure to television and the internet in today’s society is both a blessing and a challenge. These mediums provide us with unprecedented opportunities for education, entertainment and communication. However, it is essential to approach them mindfully and strike a balance between consumption and well-being. Society must address the potential pitfalls, such as misinformation, addiction and privacy concerns, to fully harness the benefits of these powerful tools in the modern age.

Essay on these days Exposure to Television and Internet 500 words

Introduction

Essay on these days exposure to television and internet: In the modern era, exposure to television and the internet has become an integral part of our daily lives. These two mediums have revolutionized the way we access information, entertain ourselves and communicate with others. While they offer numerous benefits, there are also concerns regarding their influence on individuals and society. This essay explores the effects of exposure to television and the internet in today’s world.

Television has been a dominant source of information and entertainment for decades. It has the ability to reach a vast audience and shape public opinion. The exposure to television has both positive and negative impacts on individuals and society.

On the positive side, television provides a platform for educational programs, news broadcasts and documentaries. Educational channels like the Discovery Channel and National Geographic educate viewers on a wide range of topics, from science and history to nature and technology. News channels keep the public informed about current events from around the world. These informative programs contribute to the expansion of knowledge and awareness.

Television is also a source of entertainment. It offers a variety of genres, from drama and comedy to sports and reality shows. People can unwind and relax by watching their favorite programs. Moreover, it can bring families and friends together, as they gather to enjoy a movie or watch a sporting event.

However, excessive exposure to television can have negative consequences. It can lead to a sedentary lifestyle, contributing to health issues like obesity and eye strain. Furthermore, excessive consumption of violent or inappropriate content can desensitize individuals and have a negative impact on their behavior and attitudes.

The internet has emerged as a transformative force in recent years. It has revolutionized the way we communicate, access information, and conduct business. The exposure to the internet offers countless opportunities but also presents certain challenges.

One of the internet’s greatest strengths is its vast information repository. It allows individuals to access a wealth of knowledge with a simple search. This accessibility has democratized information, enabling people to learn about virtually any topic of interest. Educational websites, online courses and digital libraries have made learning more accessible than ever.

The internet has also transformed communication. Social media platforms like Facebook, Twitter and Instagram have made it easy for people to connect with others globally. Video conferencing and messaging apps have revolutionized remote work and allowed friends and family to stay in touch, even across great distances.

However, the internet’s constant availability can lead to issues like digital addiction and information overload. People may spend excessive amounts of time on social media, sacrificing face-to-face interactions and real-world experiences. Furthermore, the spread of misinformation and fake news online poses a significant challenge to the credibility of information sources.

Conclusion: Exposure to television and the internet in today’s world has reshaped the way we receive information, entertain ourselves, and connect with others. While both mediums offer numerous benefits, they also come with potential drawbacks. It is essential for individuals and society as a whole to strike a balance between using these powerful tools for enrichment and avoiding their negative consequences.

To make the most of television and the internet, individuals should practice media literacy, critical thinking and responsible consumption. By being discerning consumers and using these mediums judiciously, we can harness their potential for personal growth, education and communication while mitigating their adverse effects. In this way, we can ensure that exposure to television and the internet enhances our lives rather than hinders them.

Essay on these days Exposure to Television and Internet

Introduction:

Essay on these days exposure to television and internet: In the 21st century, television and the internet have become integral parts of our daily lives. These mediums have revolutionized the way we access information, communicate with others and entertain ourselves. The rapid advancement of technology has made it easier than ever to access a vast array of content, from news and educational programs to entertainment and social media. However, this increased exposure to television and the internet also comes with both positive and negative consequences that deserve a closer examination.

Information Accessibility: One of the most significant benefits of exposure to television and the internet is the easy access to information. News outlets and educational programs provide a wealth of knowledge on various topics, fostering a more informed and aware society. People can learn about current events, scientific discoveries, historical facts and much more with just a few clicks or remote control buttons.
Communication and Connectivity: The internet has revolutionized communication, allowing people to connect with friends, family and colleagues across the globe through emails, social media platforms and video conferencing. This connectivity has brought people closer together, bridging geographical gaps and fostering a sense of global community.
Educational Resources: Both television and the Internet offer numerous educational resources, including online courses, tutorials and documentaries. These platforms enable individuals to expand their knowledge and skills, often free of charge, leading to lifelong learning opportunities.
Entertainment and Creativity: Television and the Internet offer a plethora of entertainment options, from movies and TV shows to video games and user-generated content. These outlets provide opportunities for relaxation and creativity, encouraging artistic expression and storytelling.

Negative Aspects of Exposure to Television and the Internet:

Information Overload: While information accessibility is a boon, it can also lead to information overload. The constant barrage of news, opinions and data can be overwhelming, making it challenging to distinguish between reliable and unreliable sources. This can lead to misinformation and anxiety.
Reduced Physical Activity: Excessive screen time, whether on television or the internet, can contribute to a sedentary lifestyle. Prolonged sitting and reduced physical activity can lead to health issues such as obesity, heart problems and posture-related ailments, especially in children and adolescents.
Privacy Concerns: Online platforms often collect personal data, raising concerns about privacy and data security. The misuse of personal information can result in identity theft, cyberbullying and surveillance, impacting individuals’ mental well-being.
Social Isolation: While the internet fosters online connections, it can also lead to social isolation in the physical world. Spending too much time online may lead to decreased face-to-face social interactions, potentially affecting mental health and interpersonal relationships.
Addiction : Television and internet addiction are growing concerns. The constant availability of content can make it challenging to disconnect, leading to addiction-like behaviors. Such addiction can negatively impact work, relationships, and overall quality of life.

Conclusion: Exposure to television and the internet in today’s world is inevitable and it offers numerous benefits, including information accessibility, communication, education and entertainment. However, it also presents challenges such as information overload, reduced physical activity, privacy concerns, social isolation and addiction.

To maximize the positive aspects of television and internet exposure while mitigating the negative consequences, individuals must develop digital literacy skills, practice moderation and be mindful of their screen time. Additionally, society as a whole should prioritize digital ethics, data protection and mental health support to ensure that these powerful mediums contribute positively to our lives in the long run.

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Glob Pediatr Health

Effect of Media Exposure on Social Development in Children

Sung koo kim.

1 Hallym University Dongtan Sacred Heart Hospital, Hwaseong, Republic of Korea

Kyung Mi Kim

The prevalence of autism spectrum disorder in children, who show problems in social development, is increasing rapidly. If children watch media at an early age, they lose the time to interact with their parents and will not be able to play creatively, which can have a negative impact on social development. This study was performed to evaluate the association of media exposure with social developmental delay.

The sample consisted of 96 patients with social developmental delay who visited the developmental disorder clinic from July 2013 to April 2019. The control group included 101 children who visited our developmental clinic with normal developmental screening test results during the same period. The data were collected using self-reported questionnaires with questions regarding media exposure time, content, background media or foreground media, the age of first exposure, and media exposure with or without parents.

In regard to media exposure time, 63.5% of the social developmental delay patients were exposed to media for more than 2 hours a day compared to 18.8% of the control group ( P < .001, [OR] = 8.12). In the risk factor analysis of media exposure on social development, male gender, media exposure before 2 years of age, exposure for more than 2 hours, and exposure alone without parents were statistically significant.

Media exposure was a significant risk factor for social developmental delay.

Introduction

Currently, with the development of media devices such as smartphones and built-in DVDs, more children than any previous generation have been exposed to media for long periods at very early ages, including 90% of children before the age of two. 1 - 3 The prevalence of autism spectrum disorder (ASD), in which children have problems with social development, is also increasing rapidly. 4 Many studies on the media exposure of children have been conducted, but debate continues about the effects of media on neurocognitive development such as social, language, and cognitive development in preschool children, especially before the age of two. 3 , 5 - 8

Exposure to media at an early age can have a negative impact on social development due to the loss of time to communicate and interact with parents and play creatively. 1 Media is known to negatively affect the development of children even if they are exposed to media their parents are watching in the background. It has been suggested that watching media programs before 2 years of age has a negative effect on early brain development due to infants’ limited memory, attention, and cognition. 9 Others have argued that viewing high-quality educational programs with caregivers can help development. However, the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) does not recommend media exposure before the age of two. 1

ASD is characterized by verbal and nonverbal communication, social deficits, limited interests, and stereotypic behavior in early childhood. ASD is known to be caused mainly by the interaction of genetic factors and environmental influences. In 2000, the prevalence of ASD in 8-year-old children was 1 per 150 children in the United States, but in 2014 it increased rapidly to 1 per 59 children. 10 Although there is a possibility that the prevalence rate increased as the diagnostic criteria widened and awareness of the disease increased, other causes may have contributed to the actual increase in the incidence rate.

Media exposure can lead to the loss of time for parental interaction and creative play necessary for social development 10 and forming new network processes that hinder social development, which may induce ASD-like symptoms. 11 Research on the influence of media exposure before the age of 2 is limited, and many studies have reported results on the relationship between media exposure and language and social development, obesity, and sleep problems, but the causal relationship is not clear. 11 , 12 Recently, as the use of smartphones increases, young infants are exposed more easily and for a long time. Due to the built-in artificial intelligence(AI) function, they are repeatedly exposed to similar contents, which can negatively affect especially social development.

Therefore, this study aimed to evaluate the effect of digital media exposure including TV, video, and smartphone on social development.

Three hundred thirty-nine patients visited our clinic for developmental delay from July 1, 2013, to March 31, 2019. Among the patients, delays in motor and specific language development were excluded, and 125 patients showed social development delay. Of these, 29 were excluded because they did not answer the media exposure questionnaire.

The remaining 96 patients underwent comprehensive developmental tests including the childhood autism rating scale (CARS), the modified checklist for autism in toddlers (M-CHAT), the autism behavior checklist (ABC) test, Korean-Bayley scales of infant and toddler development-II, and language development tests such as the sequenced language scale for infants (SESLI), and preschool receptive-expressive language scale (PRES). Through analysis of these tests and interviews recorded with caregivers by pediatric neurologists and psychologists, the patients who showed poor social development included the social development delay group. This group included a provisional diagnosis of ASD (26 patients) and patients with impairment of reciprocal social communication and social interaction who did not fully meet the diagnostic criteria for ASD as a clinical diagnosis with poor social development (70 patients). In the same period, 101 patients with normal findings in the Korean Developmental Screening Test for Infants and Children (K-DST) were used as controls.

During the outpatient visits of these patients, media exposure questionnaires ( Table 1 ) were used for caregivers to investigate the age of onset of media exposure, exposure time, exposure programs, exposure type (foreground exposure or background exposure), exposure location, and whether the caregiver was present during the exposure. During the same period, the same questionnaire survey was administered to children who showed normal findings in the Korean Developmental Screening Test conducted when visiting the hospital for regular health checkups.

Abstracted Media Exposure Questionnaire.

Statistical Analyses were performed using SPSS-Version 22 (IBM, Armonk, NY, USA)21.0. The t -test was used for continuous variables, the chi-squared test was used for non-continuous variables, and logistic regression analysis was used for risk factors for language development delay. A P -value value of .05 or less was considered statistically significant.

Clinical Characteristics of Patients in the Social Developmental Delay Group and Control Group (Age, Gender Distribution, and Education of Parents)

There were 96 patients in the social developmental delay group and 101 patients in the control group. The average age was 33.52 months (range 15-63 months) and 36.44 months (6-84 months), respectively. The male-to-female ratio was 2.6 to 1 in the social developmental delay group, which had significantly more males. The mean mental developmental index (MID) and psychomotor developmental index (PD) of the Korean-Bayley scales of infant and toddler development-II were 116.20 ± 17.61 and 85.59 ± 16.38, respectively. Childhood autism rating scale (CARS), the modified checklist for autism in toddlers (M-CHAT), the autism behavior checklist (ABC) test for social development evaluation in patients were 25.23 ± 5.16 and 7.24 ± 4.19, 36.59 ± 20.33 respectively ( Table 2 ).

Clinical Characteristics of Social Developmental Delay (SDD) Patients and Control Group.

Abbreviations: SDD, social developmental delay; MDI, mental developmental index; PDI, psychomotor developmental index; CARS, childhood autism rating scale; M-CHAT, modified checklist for autism in toddlers; ABC, autism behavior checklist.

Age at Onset of Media Exposure

The majority of the children in the social developmental delay group (95.8%) were exposed to media before 2 years of age, which is not recommended by the AAP. The proportion of children exposed in the control group was 59.4% ( Figure 1 ).

An external file that holds a picture, illustration, etc.
Object name is 10.1177_2333794X231159224-fig1.jpg

Comparison of media exposure before 24 months between social developmental delay and control group.

Media Exposure Time

In the comparison of media exposure time, the exposure time was significantly longer in the group with social development delay group compared to the control group. In the comparison of media exposure time of more than 2 hours, 63.6% of the delayed social development group had significantly more exposure than 18.8% of the control group.

Whether Children Are Accompanied by Caregivers When Exposed to Media

At the time of media exposure, 77.1% of the social developmental delay group and 38.6% of the normal group watched media alone without parental supervision ( Figure 2 ).

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Object name is 10.1177_2333794X231159224-fig2.jpg

Comparison of media exposure with parents or alone between social developmental delay and Control group.

Exposure Program

In the comparison of viewing program types, educational programs such as English education and fairytale programs were higher in the control group than in the social development delay group.

Media Exposure Reason

The reasons for exposure to the media were soothing children (26.5%) and reasons related to depression, health, and both parents working (55%) in the social developmental delay group, which were significantly higher than 7.4% and 41.3%, respectively, in the control group ( Figure 3 ).

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Object name is 10.1177_2333794X231159224-fig3.jpg

Reason to allow media exposure.

Exposure Type (Foreground or Background Exposure)

The media exposure type was classified into foreground exposure and background exposure. In the patient group, foreground exposure was 55.4% and background exposure 44.6%, and in the control group, foreground exposure was 58.3% and background exposure 41.7%, and there was no statistically significant difference

Exposure Location

The exposure places were classified into children’s room, living room, kitchen, and others, and the living room was the highest at 89.1% for the control group and 82.3% for the patient group, respectively, and there was no statistically significant difference between the 2 groups.

Risk Factors for Social Developmental Delay

In the analysis of the risk factors of media exposure that influenced social development, male gender (odds ratio [OR] = 5.61), media exposure before 2 years old (OR = 14.63), exposure over 2 hours (OR = 8.12), and exposure alone without a parent (OR = 6.15) were statically significant ( Table 3 ).

Risk Variables of Social Developmental Delay (SDD) Patients and Control Group.

Recently, with the rapid development of various media devices, especially smartphones, it has become common for infants and toddlers to be exposed to media for long periods at a very early age. 2 , 3 Although there is debate about the relationship between media exposure and the neurodevelopment of children, it is known that media exposure is mainly comprised of visual stimuli at this age and has negative effects, especially before the age of 2 because it is still difficult for this age children to understand the media contents. There have been reports that media exposure is related to delays in language development. 9 , 13 - 15

Studies using functional magnetic resonance imaging showed that interaction with humans activated brain development in children much more than media exposure because it mainly stimulated the visual cortex without stimulating cognitive processes. 13 , 14 It has been suggested that media exposure could hinder brain development related to social development and create a new brain pathway that leads to further immersion in the media. 16

Thus, as the prevalence of ASD, which is associated with problems with social development, is rapidly increasing, the negative effects on media exposure and social development need to be investigated. 4

This study found that patients with delayed social development were more frequently exposed to media for more than 2 hours a day and had early media exposure before 24 months compared to normal development children. It also showed that letting children watch media alone without interaction with their caregivers could have a negative impact on social development.

Some studies have shown that watching educational and quality programs by children over 2 years of age improved their social and language skills and helped them prepare to go to school.

Accordingly, parents are highly interested in education using videos. In contrast, other studies reported that exposure to media during the early childhood period affected obesity, sleep patterns, and aggressive and distracting behavior. 12 However, studies on children younger than 2 years of age are insufficient, and in particular, there have been rare studies showing a clear relationship between cognitive and emotional development in children. 17 According to the recommendation of the AAP, media viewing should be restricted in children under the age of two. 18 In a recent study, the relationship between media exposure, play, and reading interaction with caregivers at 12 months, and autism spectrum symptom scores evaluated by the M-CHAT test at 2 years of age was evaluated. According to the results, the M-CHAT scores were higher from media exposure and less interaction with caregivers through play and reading. 11 In this study, only media exposure and M-CHAT scores were compared. However, our study targeted a group of patients with social development delay diagnosed by a clinician using various evaluation tools such as Bayley scales, CARS, M-CHAT, and ABC test. The relationship between media exposure and social development was evaluated in these patients group compared to the normal development group.

In our study, most of the social developmental delay group (95.8%) were exposed to media before 2 years of age, which was significantly higher than that of the control group at 59.4%. In this study, patients with social developmental delay had significantly longer exposure times than the control group. In the comparison of the media exposure time of more than 2 hours, 63.5% of the social development delay group had over 2 hours compared to 18.8% of the control group.

The reason why patients with social developmental delay are exposed to the media for longer periods earlier than the control group may be presumed from the lack of sociality, the characteristics of diseases that seek visual stimulation, and the repetitive play function of the artificial intelligence (AI) built into the media device. 19 On the other hand, there is a possibility that the increase in smartphone exposure and AI functions adversely affects the social development of young children who have only risk factors for ASD, which may have acted as a cause of the onset of ASD. Although 50% to 80% of the causes of ASD have been identified as genetic causes, 20 it is known that various perinatal and demographic factors interact with genetic factors to cause ASD. 21 - 23 The possibility that media exposure is one of the environmental causes of ASD cannot be ruled out.

AAP recommends that children watch media programs under their parent’s supervision and suggests that they do not watch media in bedrooms or sleeping places. 18 , 24 - 26 According to a previous study, 60% of patients with language delays watched TV alone and were 8.47 times more likely to have language delays than those who interacted with their parents. This may be related to the neglectful parenting style seen in caregivers with psychiatric conditions such as depression. 24 , 27 This study also showed that more children in the group of patients who were allowed to watch alone had delayed social development (77.1%) compared to the control group (38.6%). Thus, watching media alone has a higher probability of delaying social development compared to watching media with a caregiver. In the comparison of the types of exposure programs in this study, educational programs such as English education and fairytales were more common in the control group than in the social developmental delay group. The mother’s educational background was significantly lower in the social developmental delay group than in the control group.

There have been reports that the caregivers of patients with ASD had a positive view of media use and used it for the purpose of soothing children. 28 The reason for the media exposure of children in the social developmental delay group in our study was to soothe children (26.5%) and related to the caregiver’s depression, health, and both parents working (55%), which were significantly higher proportions than those of the control group at 7.4% and 41.3%, respectively. In the social developmental delay group, media was used more often to keep the child quiet rather than for educational purposes and to secure housework time than in the control group. It is difficult for parents to nurture a child with a developmental delay because they commonly have inattentive, hyperactive behavior. Because of this, media exposure tends to more increase in these children, and this has the potential to negatively affect social development.

It is known that not only direct viewing of media but also exposure to the background media negatively affects children’s social development. 29 However, in our study, there was no difference in the degree of direct and indirect exposure between the 2 groups.

In the analysis of risk factors of media exposure with logistic regression on social development, male gender, media exposure before 2 years old, exposure for more than 2 hours, and exposure alone without parents were significant risk factors.

The limitations of this study were, first, it may be difficult to generalize the results of this study because not many patients participated in the study. Second, the questionnaire responses depended upon the caregiver’s memory, which could create bias in the collected data.

In conclusion, this study retrospectively compared children diagnosed with social development delay and a control group. The results showed that exposure to media before the age of 2 and exposure for 2 hours or longer may have a negative effect on social development. Watching alone by the patient without a caregiver could have a worse effect on social development than watching media with the parents.

Future large-scale prospective studies in which more patients are followed for a longer time may reveal the causal relationship between social developmental delay and media exposure.

Author Contributions: The authors confirm contribution to the paper as follows:

Funding acquisition: Sung Koo Kim

Investigation: Sung Koo Kim, Dasom Wi, Kyung Mi Kim

Writing: Sung Koo Kim, Dasom Wi

All authors reviewed the results and approved the final version of the manuscript.

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding: The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by a grant from Hallym University Medical Center Research Fund (01-2012-18).

Ethical Approval/Patients consent: This study was approved by the Institutional Review Board of Hallym University Dongtan Sacred Heart Hospital (Approved number: 2021-03-003-001).

Informed Consent: Informed consent was waived due to the retrospective nature of the study.

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Object name is 10.1177_2333794X231159224-img1.jpg

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Essay on These Days Exposure to Television and Internet
Conclusion: Striking the Balance. In conclusion, the exposure to television and internet is a complex issue requiring careful navigation. It's crucial to harness the potential of these technologies while remaining vigilant of their risks. As digital citizens, we must strive to use these tools responsibly, promoting their positive aspects and ...
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Recent studies from all over the world show how badly television can affect a child's growth physically and mentally. Television is a negative influence on kids and therefore TV watching must be limited. This essay was written by a student in Katherine Cohen's 7th-grade English class at Greenberg Elementary in Northeast Philadelphia.
Essay on the Effect of Television on Young Children
And the answer was from the TV.Zimmerman and Christakis in their research Children's Television Viewing and Cognitive Outcomes they mention that toddlers at the age of 3 watched TV at an average of 2.2 hours daily. While from ages 3 to 5 years the average increases to 3.3 hours daily. (Zimmerman & Christakis, 2005)
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The effects of television viewing on child development have aroused a range of reactions from researchers, parents, and politicians that has fueled a debate that extends back to the medium's inception in the 1940s. It is difficult to argue that youths are not affected by what is broadcast on television.
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For many children, development in the twenty-first century now takes place in the presence of a screen. Exposure remains primarily observational in nature, typically to television or video content that is presented via traditional broadcast venues, but also via newer options like Hulu that allow youth to view television programs online (Rideout, Foehr, & Roberts, 2010).
Young children and screen-based media: The impact on cognitive and
1. Introduction. Over the past years, young children (0-5 years of age) have been engaging more and more in screen-based activities using various devices, e.g., television, smartphones, or tablets, which are now part of their day-to-day lives (Chen and Adler, 2019, Kabali et al., 2015, Madigan et al., 2020; Common Sense Media, 2013).This increase has been even more pronounced due to COVID-19 ...
Constantly Connected: How Media Use Can Affect Your Child
Exposure to light (particularly blue light) and stimulating content from screens can delay or disrupt sleep and have a negative effect on school. Obesity. Excessive screen use and having a TV in the bedroom can increase the risk of obesity. Watching TV for more than 1.5 hours daily is a risk factor for obesity for children 4 through 9 years of age.
Impact of media use on children and youth
The influence of the media on the psychosocial development of children is profound. Thus, it is important for physicians to discuss with parents their child's exposure to media and to provide guidance on age-appropriate use of all media, including television, radio, music, video games and the Internet. The objectives of this statement are to ...
Nowadays television and the Internet have a greater ...
People have different views about whether parents still have a predominant influence on children these days. Although I agree that modern technologies have a noticable effect on young people's actions, I believe that parents still play the most important role in shaping their kids' behaviour | Band: 7.5
The effects of television on child health: implications and
The exposure of American children and adolescents to television continues to exceed the time they spend in the classroom: 15 000 hours versus 12 000 hours by the time they graduate.1 According to recent Nielsen data, the average child and/or adolescent watches an average of nearly three hours of television per day.2These numbers have not decreased significantly over the past 10 years.3 By the ...
1. Children's engagement with digital devices, screen time
The use of the internet and the adoption of mobile devices like smartphones and tablets is widespread, and digital technologies play a significant role in the everyday lives of American families. This is also true for children, who may begin interacting with digital devices at young ages. In March, Pew Research Center asked parents a series of questions about their children under the age of 12 ...
Early Television Exposure and Children's Behavioral and Social Outcomes
The percentage of children who watched TV 4 hours or more per day was 29.4% at age 18 months, 24.5% at age 30 months, and 21% at both ages. Hyperactivity-inattention at age 30 months was positively associated with TV exposure at age 18 months, whereas prosocial behavior was negatively associated with hours of exposure even after adjustment.
Essay on Television for Students and Children
Firstly, we see how television is airing inappropriate content which promotes all types of social evils like violence, eve-teasing and more. Secondly, it is also harmful to our health. If you spend hours in front of the television, your eyesight will get weak. Your posture will cause pain in your neck and back as well.
IELTS essay These days exposure to television and internet is having
These days exposure to television and internet is having bad influence on children. TV is a bad influence on kids, because children who watch more TV are more likely to be overweight. For example, researchers Klesges, Shelton found that while watching television, the metabolic rate is slower than when just resting.
Effects of screen exposure on young children's cognitive development: A
Introduction. Over the past 30 years, the number of television programs targeting infants has been increasing, resulting in infants spending more time watching screens and an earlier exposure (Chen and Adler, 2019).For example, by using time diary data from 1997 and 2014 Child Development Supplement of the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, Chen and Adler (2019) show that between 1997 and 2014 ...
Parenting Children in the Age of Screens
About seven-in-ten parents ages 50 and older (71%) say parenting is harder today, versus 66% of 30- to 49-year-old parents and 60% of those ages 18 to 29. Parents cite a number of different reasons why they think parenting has grown more difficult over the years. Some of the most common responses tend to stress the impact of digital technology ...
Essay on these days exposure to television and internet 100-500 words
Essay on these days exposure to television and internet: In today's digital age, exposure to television and the internet has become an integral part of our
Television and the Internet Have a Greater Influence on Children's
Television and the Internet Have a Greater Influence on Children's Behavior Than Their Parents IELTS Writing Task 2 has three sample answers provided below. It requires candidates to answer a simple question with argumentative statements. The sample answers have an introduction and body. The introduction provides a brief about the given topic.
Is Television a Bad Influence on Children Free Essay Example
Children love to watch TV and prefer to stay "glued" to the TV screen all day, rather than playing outside. In the USA, 47% of children ages 2 to 18 years have a television set in their bedrooms. On a typical day, they spend on average of 5. 5 hours using media, including television, computer games and the Internet (Kaiser Family Foundation ...
Electronic Media Exposure and Use among Toddlers
INTRODUCTION. These days, young children are exposed to a wide range of smart devices (e.g., smartphones and tablet computers) and their usage of smart devices is rapidly increasing worldwide [1-3].Recent results showing that 70-80% of under-fives in the UK use smart devices [].According to Common Sense Media results, 72% of children aged 0-8 used digital tools in 2013, compared with 38% ...
These days exposure to television and internet essay
These days, exposure to television and the internet is a common part of our lives. They are powerful tools that provide information and entertainment. Television Exposure. Television is a source of learning and amusement. It offers a variety of shows, from educational programs to cartoons, which can influence a child's thoughts and behavior.
Effect of Media Exposure on Social Development in Children
Results. In regard to media exposure time, 63.5% of the social developmental delay patients were exposed to media for more than 2 hours a day compared to 18.8% of the control group (P < .001, [OR] = 8.12).In the risk factor analysis of media exposure on social development, male gender, media exposure before 2 years of age, exposure for more than 2 hours, and exposure alone without parents were ...
These days, we are seeing an increasing amount of violence on
In recent years, there has been a noticeable surge in the depiction of violence on television, and there is growing concern that this trend is negatively impacting children's behavior. I firmly agree with this assertion, as exposure to violent content on television can desensitize children and contribute to aggressive behavior | Band: 5.5