thesis statement about nelson mandela

Nelson Mandela’s Use of Power Essay

The dark struggle in South Africa saw many black people suffer at the hands of the immigrants—white settlers. In order to combat the situation and forge the path to freedom, majority of native South Africans came together to form an organization known as the African National Congress (ANC). ANC became the vehicle of promoting the interests of black South Africans who felt that the white populations had leaped more than what they sowed.

Additionally, the architects of ANC thought that this was the weapon to combat apartheid and bring civility in the new administration of South Africa. In 1944, Nelson Mandela joined ANC and started participating in its activities. He endured many torrid moments including being imprisoned for almost 27 years. However, in 1994, Nelson Mandela became the first black president of South Africa. This article discusses Nelson Mandela’s use of power.

During all his struggles, Nelson Mandela understood very well the needs and desires of the people. He believed in the ideology that all men are equal and should not be discriminated against any form. This was the main reason why he always refused to abandon his political beliefs for political freedom.

Not even prison would stop Nelson Mandela from achieving his ambitions. Today, Nelson Mandela is known across the globe for his struggle, and what he did during the apartheid era in South Africa. The man who spent his entire life fighting for the rights of his people became the symbol of struggle not only to black South Africans, but also the entire world. The use of his power is also another thing that has caught the attention of the world (Guiloineau, 2002, pp. 10-26).

Nelson Mandela was the unifying factor in the post-apartheid era pitting black South Africans and the white populations. Although many white populations feared that Nelson Mandela would retaliate against them, he chose otherwise.

He promised to uphold the constitution—something he did. Nelson Mandela did not use his power to benefit himself; instead, he devoted his presidency in serving the republic of South Africa and its citizens. Apartheid became a thing of the past even, as the black South Africans became free in their own country. It is true that Nelson Mandela suffered so much in the hands of the white minority rule, but after becoming president, transformative power, reconciliation, and tolerance became the pillars of his administration.

He was a man who understood what power means, and he always devoted his time to ensure peaceful coexistence among all South Africans. He taught the world the meaning of humanity, by besieging people to live and see each other as equals. In fact, Nelson Mandela used his power to show the world how justice and tolerance overpowers even the greatest of cruelties.

He used his power to combat racism and other racial related vices that had taken roots in South Africa. Mandela knew very well that by eliminating such vices, people will live harmoniously thereafter. Indeed, this was a show of humility, resilience and tolerance. Mandela led sustained movements in order to promote and protect the rights of all South Africans. Consequently, many South Africans felt secure in an equal society. He took various strides to eliminate discrimination and set the path of justice and equality.

Through his presidency, discrimination of the base of ethnicity, race and even sexual orientation, all became a thing of the past. He used his power to promote education for all, cultural exchanges, ambient public service, and many more fundamental freedoms. Just like Nelson Mandela, many of the current world leaders can lead sustained efforts to promote cohesion; tolerance, equality, and justice for all just like what Mandela did (Mandela, 1996, pp. 23-47).

Guiloineau, J., Rowe, J. (2002). Nelson Mandela: the early life of Rolihlahla Mandiba. Berkeley, California. North Atlantic Books.

Mandela, N. (1996). The Illustrated Long Walk to Freedom . Paul Duncan (abridgement and picture editing). Boston: Little Brown and Company.

• Chicago (A-D)
• Chicago (N-B)

IvyPanda. (2021, July 20). Nelson Mandela’s Use of Power. https://ivypanda.com/essays/nelson-mandela/

"Nelson Mandela’s Use of Power." IvyPanda , 20 July 2021, ivypanda.com/essays/nelson-mandela/.

IvyPanda . (2021) 'Nelson Mandela’s Use of Power'. 20 July.

IvyPanda . 2021. "Nelson Mandela’s Use of Power." July 20, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/nelson-mandela/.

1. IvyPanda . "Nelson Mandela’s Use of Power." July 20, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/nelson-mandela/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Nelson Mandela’s Use of Power." July 20, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/nelson-mandela/.

• Role Model: Nelson Mandela
• Nelson Mandela “Freedom in Africa”
• Nelson Mandela and the African National Congress
• Achievements of Nelson Mandela
• Nelson Mandela Leadership Style
• Nelson Mandela: Biography and Influences
• "Nelson Mandela, Autobiography" Book
• Nelson Mandela’s Speech from the Dock
• Nelson Mandela: Analysis of Personality
• Mandela’s Leadership
• Darfur Genocide
• Use of Arts in the Second World War by Nazi
• Rwandan Students, Ethnic Tensions Lurk
• Genocide in Rwanda: Insiders and Outsiders
• Somalia: A History of Events

• Search Menu
• Browse content in Arts and Humanities
• Browse content in Archaeology
• Anglo-Saxon and Medieval Archaeology
• Archaeological Methodology and Techniques
• Archaeology by Region
• Archaeology of Religion
• Archaeology of Trade and Exchange
• Biblical Archaeology
• Contemporary and Public Archaeology
• Environmental Archaeology
• Historical Archaeology
• History and Theory of Archaeology
• Industrial Archaeology
• Landscape Archaeology
• Mortuary Archaeology
• Prehistoric Archaeology
• Underwater Archaeology
• Urban Archaeology
• Zooarchaeology
• Browse content in Architecture
• Architectural Structure and Design
• History of Architecture
• Residential and Domestic Buildings
• Theory of Architecture
• Browse content in Art
• Art Subjects and Themes
• History of Art
• Industrial and Commercial Art
• Theory of Art
• Biographical Studies
• Byzantine Studies
• Browse content in Classical Studies
• Classical Literature
• Classical Reception
• Classical History
• Classical Philosophy
• Classical Mythology
• Classical Art and Architecture
• Classical Oratory and Rhetoric
• Greek and Roman Papyrology
• Greek and Roman Archaeology
• Greek and Roman Epigraphy
• Greek and Roman Law
• Late Antiquity
• Religion in the Ancient World
• Digital Humanities
• Browse content in History
• Colonialism and Imperialism
• Diplomatic History
• Environmental History
• Genealogy, Heraldry, Names, and Honours
• Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing
• Historical Geography
• History by Period
• History of Emotions
• History of Agriculture
• History of Education
• History of Gender and Sexuality
• Industrial History
• Intellectual History
• International History
• Labour History
• Legal and Constitutional History
• Local and Family History
• Maritime History
• Military History
• National Liberation and Post-Colonialism
• Oral History
• Political History
• Public History
• Regional and National History
• Revolutions and Rebellions
• Slavery and Abolition of Slavery
• Social and Cultural History
• Theory, Methods, and Historiography
• Urban History
• World History
• Browse content in Language Teaching and Learning
• Language Learning (Specific Skills)
• Language Teaching Theory and Methods
• Browse content in Linguistics
• Applied Linguistics
• Cognitive Linguistics
• Computational Linguistics
• Forensic Linguistics
• Grammar, Syntax and Morphology
• Historical and Diachronic Linguistics
• History of English
• Language Evolution
• Language Reference
• Language Variation
• Language Families
• Language Acquisition
• Lexicography
• Linguistic Anthropology
• Linguistic Theories
• Linguistic Typology
• Phonetics and Phonology
• Psycholinguistics
• Sociolinguistics
• Translation and Interpretation
• Writing Systems
• Browse content in Literature
• Bibliography
• Children's Literature Studies
• Literary Studies (Romanticism)
• Literary Studies (American)
• Literary Studies (Modernism)
• Literary Studies (Asian)
• Literary Studies (European)
• Literary Studies (Eco-criticism)
• Literary Studies - World
• Literary Studies (1500 to 1800)
• Literary Studies (19th Century)
• Literary Studies (20th Century onwards)
• Literary Studies (African American Literature)
• Literary Studies (British and Irish)
• Literary Studies (Early and Medieval)
• Literary Studies (Fiction, Novelists, and Prose Writers)
• Literary Studies (Gender Studies)
• Literary Studies (Graphic Novels)
• Literary Studies (History of the Book)
• Literary Studies (Plays and Playwrights)
• Literary Studies (Poetry and Poets)
• Literary Studies (Postcolonial Literature)
• Literary Studies (Queer Studies)
• Literary Studies (Science Fiction)
• Literary Studies (Travel Literature)
• Literary Studies (War Literature)
• Literary Studies (Women's Writing)
• Literary Theory and Cultural Studies
• Mythology and Folklore
• Shakespeare Studies and Criticism
• Browse content in Media Studies
• Browse content in Music
• Applied Music
• Dance and Music
• Ethics in Music
• Ethnomusicology
• Gender and Sexuality in Music
• Medicine and Music
• Music Cultures
• Music and Media
• Music and Culture
• Music and Religion
• Music Education and Pedagogy
• Music Theory and Analysis
• Musical Scores, Lyrics, and Libretti
• Musical Structures, Styles, and Techniques
• Musicology and Music History
• Performance Practice and Studies
• Race and Ethnicity in Music
• Sound Studies
• Browse content in Performing Arts
• Browse content in Philosophy
• Aesthetics and Philosophy of Art
• Epistemology
• Feminist Philosophy
• History of Western Philosophy
• Metaphysics
• Moral Philosophy
• Non-Western Philosophy
• Philosophy of Language
• Philosophy of Mind
• Philosophy of Perception
• Philosophy of Action
• Philosophy of Law
• Philosophy of Religion
• Philosophy of Science
• Philosophy of Mathematics and Logic
• Practical Ethics
• Social and Political Philosophy
• Browse content in Religion
• Biblical Studies
• Christianity
• East Asian Religions
• History of Religion
• Judaism and Jewish Studies
• Qumran Studies
• Religion and Education
• Religion and Health
• Religion and Politics
• Religion and Science
• Religion and Law
• Religion and Art, Literature, and Music
• Religious Studies
• Browse content in Society and Culture
• Cookery, Food, and Drink
• Cultural Studies
• Customs and Traditions
• Ethical Issues and Debates
• Hobbies, Games, Arts and Crafts
• Lifestyle, Home, and Garden
• Natural world, Country Life, and Pets
• Popular Beliefs and Controversial Knowledge
• Sports and Outdoor Recreation
• Technology and Society
• Travel and Holiday
• Visual Culture
• Browse content in Law
• Arbitration
• Browse content in Company and Commercial Law
• Commercial Law
• Company Law
• Browse content in Comparative Law
• Systems of Law
• Competition Law
• Browse content in Constitutional and Administrative Law
• Government Powers
• Judicial Review
• Local Government Law
• Military and Defence Law
• Parliamentary and Legislative Practice
• Construction Law
• Contract Law
• Browse content in Criminal Law
• Criminal Procedure
• Criminal Evidence Law
• Sentencing and Punishment
• Employment and Labour Law
• Environment and Energy Law
• Browse content in Financial Law
• Banking Law
• Insolvency Law
• History of Law
• Human Rights and Immigration
• Intellectual Property Law
• Browse content in International Law
• Private International Law and Conflict of Laws
• Public International Law
• IT and Communications Law
• Jurisprudence and Philosophy of Law
• Law and Society
• Law and Politics
• Browse content in Legal System and Practice
• Courts and Procedure
• Legal Skills and Practice
• Primary Sources of Law
• Regulation of Legal Profession
• Medical and Healthcare Law
• Browse content in Policing
• Criminal Investigation and Detection
• Police and Security Services
• Police Procedure and Law
• Police Regional Planning
• Browse content in Property Law
• Personal Property Law
• Study and Revision
• Terrorism and National Security Law
• Browse content in Trusts Law
• Wills and Probate or Succession
• Browse content in Medicine and Health
• Browse content in Allied Health Professions
• Arts Therapies
• Clinical Science
• Dietetics and Nutrition
• Occupational Therapy
• Operating Department Practice
• Physiotherapy
• Radiography
• Speech and Language Therapy
• Browse content in Anaesthetics
• General Anaesthesia
• Neuroanaesthesia
• Clinical Neuroscience
• Browse content in Clinical Medicine
• Acute Medicine
• Cardiovascular Medicine
• Clinical Genetics
• Clinical Pharmacology and Therapeutics
• Dermatology
• Endocrinology and Diabetes
• Gastroenterology
• Genito-urinary Medicine
• Geriatric Medicine
• Infectious Diseases
• Medical Toxicology
• Medical Oncology
• Pain Medicine
• Palliative Medicine
• Rehabilitation Medicine
• Respiratory Medicine and Pulmonology
• Rheumatology
• Sleep Medicine
• Sports and Exercise Medicine
• Community Medical Services
• Critical Care
• Emergency Medicine
• Forensic Medicine
• Haematology
• History of Medicine
• Browse content in Medical Skills
• Clinical Skills
• Communication Skills
• Nursing Skills
• Surgical Skills
• Medical Ethics
• Browse content in Medical Dentistry
• Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery
• Paediatric Dentistry
• Restorative Dentistry and Orthodontics
• Surgical Dentistry
• Medical Statistics and Methodology
• Browse content in Neurology
• Clinical Neurophysiology
• Neuropathology
• Nursing Studies
• Browse content in Obstetrics and Gynaecology
• Gynaecology
• Occupational Medicine
• Ophthalmology
• Otolaryngology (ENT)
• Browse content in Paediatrics
• Neonatology
• Browse content in Pathology
• Chemical Pathology
• Clinical Cytogenetics and Molecular Genetics
• Histopathology
• Medical Microbiology and Virology
• Patient Education and Information
• Browse content in Pharmacology
• Psychopharmacology
• Browse content in Popular Health
• Caring for Others
• Complementary and Alternative Medicine
• Self-help and Personal Development
• Browse content in Preclinical Medicine
• Cell Biology
• Molecular Biology and Genetics
• Reproduction, Growth and Development
• Primary Care
• Professional Development in Medicine
• Browse content in Psychiatry
• Addiction Medicine
• Child and Adolescent Psychiatry
• Forensic Psychiatry
• Learning Disabilities
• Old Age Psychiatry
• Psychotherapy
• Browse content in Public Health and Epidemiology
• Epidemiology
• Public Health
• Browse content in Radiology
• Clinical Radiology
• Interventional Radiology
• Nuclear Medicine
• Radiation Oncology
• Reproductive Medicine
• Browse content in Surgery
• Cardiothoracic Surgery
• Gastro-intestinal and Colorectal Surgery
• General Surgery
• Neurosurgery
• Paediatric Surgery
• Peri-operative Care
• Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery
• Surgical Oncology
• Transplant Surgery
• Trauma and Orthopaedic Surgery
• Vascular Surgery
• Browse content in Science and Mathematics
• Browse content in Biological Sciences
• Aquatic Biology
• Biochemistry
• Bioinformatics and Computational Biology
• Developmental Biology
• Ecology and Conservation
• Evolutionary Biology
• Genetics and Genomics
• Microbiology
• Molecular and Cell Biology
• Natural History
• Plant Sciences and Forestry
• Research Methods in Life Sciences
• Structural Biology
• Systems Biology
• Zoology and Animal Sciences
• Browse content in Chemistry
• Analytical Chemistry
• Computational Chemistry
• Crystallography
• Environmental Chemistry
• Industrial Chemistry
• Inorganic Chemistry
• Materials Chemistry
• Medicinal Chemistry
• Mineralogy and Gems
• Organic Chemistry
• Physical Chemistry
• Polymer Chemistry
• Study and Communication Skills in Chemistry
• Theoretical Chemistry
• Browse content in Computer Science
• Artificial Intelligence
• Computer Architecture and Logic Design
• Game Studies
• Human-Computer Interaction
• Mathematical Theory of Computation
• Programming Languages
• Software Engineering
• Systems Analysis and Design
• Virtual Reality
• Browse content in Computing
• Business Applications
• Computer Games
• Computer Security
• Computer Networking and Communications
• Digital Lifestyle
• Graphical and Digital Media Applications
• Operating Systems
• Browse content in Earth Sciences and Geography
• Atmospheric Sciences
• Environmental Geography
• Geology and the Lithosphere
• Maps and Map-making
• Meteorology and Climatology
• Oceanography and Hydrology
• Palaeontology
• Physical Geography and Topography
• Regional Geography
• Soil Science
• Urban Geography
• Browse content in Engineering and Technology
• Agriculture and Farming
• Biological Engineering
• Civil Engineering, Surveying, and Building
• Electronics and Communications Engineering
• Energy Technology
• Engineering (General)
• Environmental Science, Engineering, and Technology
• History of Engineering and Technology
• Mechanical Engineering and Materials
• Technology of Industrial Chemistry
• Transport Technology and Trades
• Browse content in Environmental Science
• Applied Ecology (Environmental Science)
• Conservation of the Environment (Environmental Science)
• Environmental Sustainability
• Environmentalist Thought and Ideology (Environmental Science)
• Management of Land and Natural Resources (Environmental Science)
• Natural Disasters (Environmental Science)
• Nuclear Issues (Environmental Science)
• Pollution and Threats to the Environment (Environmental Science)
• Social Impact of Environmental Issues (Environmental Science)
• History of Science and Technology
• Browse content in Materials Science
• Ceramics and Glasses
• Composite Materials
• Metals, Alloying, and Corrosion
• Nanotechnology
• Browse content in Mathematics
• Applied Mathematics
• Biomathematics and Statistics
• History of Mathematics
• Mathematical Education
• Mathematical Finance
• Mathematical Analysis
• Numerical and Computational Mathematics
• Probability and Statistics
• Pure Mathematics
• Browse content in Neuroscience
• Cognition and Behavioural Neuroscience
• Development of the Nervous System
• Disorders of the Nervous System
• History of Neuroscience
• Invertebrate Neurobiology
• Molecular and Cellular Systems
• Neuroendocrinology and Autonomic Nervous System
• Neuroscientific Techniques
• Sensory and Motor Systems
• Browse content in Physics
• Astronomy and Astrophysics
• Atomic, Molecular, and Optical Physics
• Biological and Medical Physics
• Classical Mechanics
• Computational Physics
• Condensed Matter Physics
• Electromagnetism, Optics, and Acoustics
• History of Physics
• Mathematical and Statistical Physics
• Measurement Science
• Nuclear Physics
• Particles and Fields
• Plasma Physics
• Quantum Physics
• Relativity and Gravitation
• Semiconductor and Mesoscopic Physics
• Browse content in Psychology
• Affective Sciences
• Clinical Psychology
• Cognitive Psychology
• Cognitive Neuroscience
• Criminal and Forensic Psychology
• Developmental Psychology
• Educational Psychology
• Evolutionary Psychology
• Health Psychology
• History and Systems in Psychology
• Music Psychology
• Neuropsychology
• Organizational Psychology
• Psychological Assessment and Testing
• Psychology of Human-Technology Interaction
• Psychology Professional Development and Training
• Research Methods in Psychology
• Social Psychology
• Browse content in Social Sciences
• Browse content in Anthropology
• Anthropology of Religion
• Human Evolution
• Medical Anthropology
• Physical Anthropology
• Regional Anthropology
• Social and Cultural Anthropology
• Theory and Practice of Anthropology
• Browse content in Business and Management
• Business Ethics
• Business History
• Business Strategy
• Business and Technology
• Business and Government
• Business and the Environment
• Comparative Management
• Corporate Governance
• Corporate Social Responsibility
• Entrepreneurship
• Health Management
• Human Resource Management
• Industrial and Employment Relations
• Industry Studies
• Information and Communication Technologies
• International Business
• Knowledge Management
• Management and Management Techniques
• Operations Management
• Organizational Theory and Behaviour
• Pensions and Pension Management
• Public and Nonprofit Management
• Strategic Management
• Supply Chain Management
• Browse content in Criminology and Criminal Justice
• Criminal Justice
• Criminology
• Forms of Crime
• International and Comparative Criminology
• Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice
• Development Studies
• Browse content in Economics
• Agricultural, Environmental, and Natural Resource Economics
• Asian Economics
• Behavioural Finance
• Behavioural Economics and Neuroeconomics
• Econometrics and Mathematical Economics
• Economic History
• Economic Methodology
• Economic Systems
• Economic Development and Growth
• Financial Markets
• Financial Institutions and Services
• General Economics and Teaching
• Health, Education, and Welfare
• History of Economic Thought
• International Economics
• Labour and Demographic Economics
• Law and Economics
• Macroeconomics and Monetary Economics
• Microeconomics
• Public Economics
• Urban, Rural, and Regional Economics
• Welfare Economics
• Browse content in Education
• Adult Education and Continuous Learning
• Care and Counselling of Students
• Early Childhood and Elementary Education
• Educational Equipment and Technology
• Educational Strategies and Policy
• Higher and Further Education
• Organization and Management of Education
• Philosophy and Theory of Education
• Schools Studies
• Secondary Education
• Teaching of a Specific Subject
• Teaching of Specific Groups and Special Educational Needs
• Teaching Skills and Techniques
• Browse content in Environment
• Applied Ecology (Social Science)
• Climate Change
• Conservation of the Environment (Social Science)
• Environmentalist Thought and Ideology (Social Science)
• Natural Disasters (Environment)
• Social Impact of Environmental Issues (Social Science)
• Browse content in Human Geography
• Cultural Geography
• Economic Geography
• Political Geography
• Browse content in Interdisciplinary Studies
• Communication Studies
• Museums, Libraries, and Information Sciences
• Browse content in Politics
• African Politics
• Asian Politics
• Chinese Politics
• Comparative Politics
• Conflict Politics
• Elections and Electoral Studies
• Environmental Politics
• European Union
• Foreign Policy
• Gender and Politics
• Human Rights and Politics
• Indian Politics
• International Relations
• International Organization (Politics)
• International Political Economy
• Irish Politics
• Latin American Politics
• Middle Eastern Politics
• Political Behaviour
• Political Economy
• Political Institutions
• Political Theory
• Political Methodology
• Political Communication
• Political Philosophy
• Political Sociology
• Politics and Law
• Public Policy
• Public Administration
• Quantitative Political Methodology
• Regional Political Studies
• Russian Politics
• Security Studies
• State and Local Government
• UK Politics
• US Politics
• Browse content in Regional and Area Studies
• African Studies
• Asian Studies
• East Asian Studies
• Japanese Studies
• Latin American Studies
• Middle Eastern Studies
• Native American Studies
• Scottish Studies
• Browse content in Research and Information
• Research Methods
• Browse content in Social Work
• Addictions and Substance Misuse
• Adoption and Fostering
• Care of the Elderly
• Child and Adolescent Social Work
• Couple and Family Social Work
• Developmental and Physical Disabilities Social Work
• Direct Practice and Clinical Social Work
• Emergency Services
• Human Behaviour and the Social Environment
• International and Global Issues in Social Work
• Mental and Behavioural Health
• Social Justice and Human Rights
• Social Policy and Advocacy
• Social Work and Crime and Justice
• Social Work Macro Practice
• Social Work Practice Settings
• Social Work Research and Evidence-based Practice
• Welfare and Benefit Systems
• Browse content in Sociology
• Childhood Studies
• Community Development
• Comparative and Historical Sociology
• Economic Sociology
• Gender and Sexuality
• Gerontology and Ageing
• Health, Illness, and Medicine
• Marriage and the Family
• Migration Studies
• Occupations, Professions, and Work
• Organizations
• Population and Demography
• Race and Ethnicity
• Social Theory
• Social Movements and Social Change
• Social Research and Statistics
• Social Stratification, Inequality, and Mobility
• Sociology of Religion
• Sociology of Education
• Sport and Leisure
• Urban and Rural Studies
• Browse content in Warfare and Defence
• Defence Strategy, Planning, and Research
• Land Forces and Warfare
• Military Administration
• Military Life and Institutions
• Naval Forces and Warfare
• Other Warfare and Defence Issues
• Peace Studies and Conflict Resolution
• Weapons and Equipment

A newer edition of this book is available.

• < Previous chapter
• Next chapter >

4 (page 82) p. 82 Influences and interactions

• Published: July 2008
• Cite Icon Cite
• Permissions Icon Permissions

Nelson Mandela is often considered in affiliation with other well-known anti-colonial and anti-racism 20th-century leaders such as Gandhi and Martin Luther King. He is often described as uniquely a product of South Africa's history, shaped by his high-status, rural background, patrician heritage, and long labour against repression. ‘Influences and interactions’ considers Mandela's life as a meeting point between different cultural and political influences, and traditions of thought and activities. These influences included but exceeded patrimonial ideas about obligation or his sense of self-reliance. Mandela was influenced by transnational African traditions with respect to political formation and a powerful Gandhist inheritance.

Signed in as

Institutional accounts.

• Google Scholar Indexing
• GoogleCrawler [DO NOT DELETE]

Personal account

• Sign in with email/username & password
• Get email alerts
• Save searches
• Purchase content
• Activate your purchase/trial code

Institutional access

• Sign in with a library card Sign in with username/password Recommend to your librarian
• Institutional account management
• Get help with access

Access to content on Oxford Academic is often provided through institutional subscriptions and purchases. If you are a member of an institution with an active account, you may be able to access content in one of the following ways:

IP based access

Typically, access is provided across an institutional network to a range of IP addresses. This authentication occurs automatically, and it is not possible to sign out of an IP authenticated account.

Sign in through your institution

Choose this option to get remote access when outside your institution. Shibboleth/Open Athens technology is used to provide single sign-on between your institution’s website and Oxford Academic.

• Click Sign in through your institution.
• Select your institution from the list provided, which will take you to your institution's website to sign in.
• When on the institution site, please use the credentials provided by your institution. Do not use an Oxford Academic personal account.
• Following successful sign in, you will be returned to Oxford Academic.

If your institution is not listed or you cannot sign in to your institution’s website, please contact your librarian or administrator.

Sign in with a library card

Enter your library card number to sign in. If you cannot sign in, please contact your librarian.

Society Members

Society member access to a journal is achieved in one of the following ways:

Sign in through society site

Many societies offer single sign-on between the society website and Oxford Academic. If you see ‘Sign in through society site’ in the sign in pane within a journal:

• Click Sign in through society site.
• When on the society site, please use the credentials provided by that society. Do not use an Oxford Academic personal account.

If you do not have a society account or have forgotten your username or password, please contact your society.

Sign in using a personal account

Some societies use Oxford Academic personal accounts to provide access to their members. See below.

A personal account can be used to get email alerts, save searches, purchase content, and activate subscriptions.

Some societies use Oxford Academic personal accounts to provide access to their members.

Viewing your signed in accounts

Click the account icon in the top right to:

• View your signed in personal account and access account management features.
• View the institutional accounts that are providing access.

Signed in but can't access content

Oxford Academic is home to a wide variety of products. The institutional subscription may not cover the content that you are trying to access. If you believe you should have access to that content, please contact your librarian.

For librarians and administrators, your personal account also provides access to institutional account management. Here you will find options to view and activate subscriptions, manage institutional settings and access options, access usage statistics, and more.

Our books are available by subscription or purchase to libraries and institutions.

• About Oxford Academic
• Publish journals with us
• University press partners
• What we publish
• New features  
• Open access
• Rights and permissions
• Accessibility
• Advertising
• Media enquiries
• Oxford University Press
• Oxford Languages
• University of Oxford

Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide

• Copyright © 2024 Oxford University Press
• Cookie settings
• Cookie policy
• Privacy policy
• Legal notice

This Feature Is Available To Subscribers Only

Sign In or Create an Account

This PDF is available to Subscribers Only

For full access to this pdf, sign in to an existing account, or purchase an annual subscription.

• International edition
• Australia edition
• Europe edition

An ideal for which I am prepared to die

I am the first accused. I hold a bachelor's degree in arts and practised as an attorney in Johannesburg for a number of years in partnership with Oliver Tambo. I am a convicted prisoner serving five years for leaving the country without a permit and for inciting people to go on strike at the end of May 1961.

At the outset, I want to say that the suggestion that the struggle in South Africa is under the influence of foreigners or communists is wholly incorrect. I have done whatever I did because of my experience in South Africa and my own proudly felt African background, and not because of what any outsider might have said. In my youth in the Transkei I listened to the elders of my tribe telling stories of the old days. Amongst the tales they related to me were those of wars fought by our ancestors in defence of the fatherland. The names of Dingane and Bambata, Hintsa and Makana, Squngthi and Dalasile, Moshoeshoe and Sekhukhuni, were praised as the glory of the entire African nation. I hoped then that life might offer me the opportunity to serve my people and make my own humble contribution to their freedom struggle.

Some of the things so far told to the court are true and some are untrue. I do not, however, deny that I planned sabotage. I did not plan it in a spirit of recklessness, nor because I have any love of violence. I planned it as a result of a calm and sober assessment of the political situation that had arisen after many years of tyranny, exploitation, and oppression of my people by the whites.

I admit immediately that I was one of the persons who helped to form Umkhonto we Sizwe. I deny that Umkhonto was responsible for a number of acts which clearly fell outside the policy of the organisation, and which have been charged in the indictment against us. I, and the others who started the organisation, felt that without violence there would be no way open to the African people to succeed in their struggle against the principle of white supremacy. All lawful modes of expressing opposition to this principle had been closed by legislation, and we were placed in a position in which we had either to accept a permanent state of inferiority, or to defy the government. We chose to defy the law.

We first broke the law in a way which avoided any recourse to violence; when this form was legislated against, and then the government resorted to a show of force to crush opposition to its policies, only then did we decide to answer violence with violence.

The African National Congress was formed in 1912 to defend the rights of the African people, which had been seriously curtailed. For 37 years - that is, until 1949 - it adhered strictly to a constitutional struggle. But white governments remained unmoved, and the rights of Africans became less instead of becoming greater. Even after 1949, the ANC remained determined to avoid violence. At this time, however, the decision was taken to protest against apartheid by peaceful, but unlawful, demonstrations. More than 8,500 people went to jail. Yet there was not a single instance of violence. I and 19 colleagues were convicted for organising the campaign, but our sentences were suspended mainly because the judge found that discipline and non-violence had been stressed throughout.

During the defiance campaign, the Public Safety Act and the Criminal Law Amendment Act were passed. These provided harsher penalties for protests against [the] laws. Despite this, the protests continued and the ANC adhered to its policy of non-violence. In 1956, 156 leading members of the Congress Alliance, including myself, were arrested. The non-violent policy of the ANC was put in issue by the state, but when the court gave judgment some five years later, it found that the ANC did not have a policy of violence.

In 1960 there was the shooting at Sharpeville, which resulted in the declaration of the ANC as an unlawful organisation. My colleagues man and I, after careful consideration, decided that we would not obey this decree. The African people were not part of the government and did not make the laws by which they were governed. We believed in the words of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, that "the will of the people shall be the basis of authority of the government", and for us to accept the banning was equivalent to accepting the silencing of the Africans for all time. The ANC refused to dissolve, but instead went underground.

In 1960 the government held a referendum which led to the establishment of the republic. Africans, who constituted approximately 70% of the population, were not entitled to vote, and were not even consulted. I undertook to be responsible for organising the national stay-at-home called to coincide with the declaration of the republic. As all strikes by Africans are illegal, the person organising such a strike must avoid arrest. I had to leave my home and family and my practice and go into hiding to avoid arrest. The stay-at-home was to be a peaceful demonstration. Careful instructions were given to avoid any recourse to violence.

The government's answer was to introduce new and harsher laws, to mobilise its armed forces, and to send Saracens, armed vehicles, and soldiers into the townships in a massive show of force designed to intimidate the people. The government had decided to rule by force alone, and this decision was a milestone on the road to Umkhonto. What were we, the leaders of our people, to do? We had no doubt that we had to continue the fight. Anything else would have been abject surrender. Our problem was not whether to fight, but was how to continue the fight.

We of the ANC had always stood for a non-racial democracy, and we shrank from any action which might drive the races further apart. But the hard facts were that 50 years of non-violence had brought the African people nothing but more and more repressive legislation, and fewer and fewer rights. By this time violence had, in fact, become a feature of the South African political scene.

There had been violence in 1957 when the women of Zeerust were ordered to carry passes; there was violence in 1958 with the enforcement of cattle culling in Sekhukhuneland; there was violence in 1959 when the people of Cato Manor protested against pass raids; there was violence in 1960 when the government attempted to impose Bantu authorities in Pondoland. Each disturbance pointed to the inevitable growth among Africans of the belief that violence was the only way out - it showed that a government which uses force to maintain its rule teaches the oppressed to use force to oppose it.

I came to the conclusion that as violence in this country was inevitable, it would be unrealistic to continue preaching peace and non-violence. This conclusion was not easily arrived at. It was only when all else had failed, when all channels of peaceful protest had been barred to us, that the decision was made to embark on violent forms of political struggle. I can only say that I felt morally obliged to do what I did.

Four forms of violence were possible. There is sabotage, there is guerrilla warfare, there is terrorism, and there is open revolution. We chose to adopt the first. Sabotage did not involve loss of life, and it offered the best hope for future race relations. Bitterness would be kept to a minimum and, if the policy bore fruit, democratic government could become a reality. The initial plan was based on a careful analysis of the political and economic situation of our country. We believed that South Africa depended to a large extent on foreign capital. We felt that planned destruction of power plants, and interference with rail and telephone communications, would scare away capital from the country, thus compelling the voters of the country to reconsider their position. Umkhonto had its first operation on December 16 1961, when government buildings in Johannesburg, Port Elizabeth and Durban were attacked. The selection of targets is proof of the policy to which I have referred. Had we intended to attack life we would have selected targets where people congregated and not empty buildings and power stations.

The whites failed to respond by suggesting change; they responded to our call by suggesting the laager. In contrast, the response of the Africans was one of encouragement. Suddenly there was hope again. People began to speculate on how soon freedom would be obtained.

But we in Umkhonto weighed up the white response with anxiety. The lines were being drawn. The whites and blacks were moving into separate camps, and the prospects of avoiding a civil war were made less. The white newspapers carried reports that sabotage would be punished by death. If this was so, how could we continue to keep Africans away from terrorism?

We felt it our duty to make preparations to use force in order to defend ourselves against force. We decided, therefore to make provision for the possibility of guerrilla warfare. All whites undergo compulsory military training, but no such training was given to Africans. It was in our view essential to build up a nucleus of trained men who would be able to provide the leadership which would be required if guerrilla warfare started.

At this stage it was decided that I should attend the Conference of the Pan-African Freedom Movement which was to be held early in 1962 in Addis Ababa, and after the conference, I would undertake a tour of the African states with a view to obtaining facilities for the training of soldiers. My tour was a success. Wherever I went I met sympathy for our cause and promises of help. All Africa was united against the stand of white South Africa, and even in London I was received with great sympathy by political leaders, such as Mr Gaitskell and Mr Grimond.

I started to make a study of the art of war and revolution and, whilst abroad, underwent a course in military training. If there was to be guerrilla warfare, I wanted to be able to stand and fight with my people and to share the hazards of war with them.

On my return I found that there had been little alteration in the political scene save, that the threat of a death penalty for sabotage had now become a fact.

Another of the allegations made by the state is that the aims and objects of the ANC and the Communist party are the same. The creed of the ANC is, and always has been, the creed of African nationalism. It is not the concept of African nationalism expressed in the cry, "Drive the white man into the sea." The African nationalism for which the ANC stands is the concept of freedom and fulfilment for the African people in their own land. The most important political document ever adopted by the ANC is the "freedom charter". It is by no means a blueprint for a socialist state. It calls for redistribution, but not nationalisation, of land; it provides for nationalisation of mines, banks, and monopoly industry, because big monopolies are owned by one race only, and without such nationalisation racial domination would be perpetuated despite the spread of political power. Under the freedom charter, nationalisation would take place in an economy based on private enterprise.

As far as the Communist party is concerned, and if I understand its policy correctly, it stands for the establishment of a state based on the principles of Marxism. The Communist party sought to emphasise class distinctions whilst the ANC seeks to harmonise them. This is a vital distinction.

It is true that there has often been close cooperation between the ANC and the Communist party. But cooperation is merely proof of a common goal - in this case the removal of white supremacy - and is not proof of a complete community of interests. The history of the world is full of similar examples. Perhaps the most striking is the cooperation between Great Britain, the United States and the Soviet Union in the fight against Hitler. Nobody but Hitler would have dared to suggest that such cooperation turned Churchill or Roosevelt into communists. Theoretical differences amongst those fighting against oppression is a luxury we cannot afford at this stage.

What is more, for many decades communists were the only political group in South Africa prepared to treat Africans as human beings and their equals; who were prepared to eat with us; talk with us, live with us, and work with us. They were the only group which was prepared to work with the Africans for the attainment of political rights and a stake in society. Because of this, there are many Africans who, today, tend to equate freedom with communism. They are supported in this belief by a legislature which brands all exponents of democratic government and African freedom as communists and bans many of them (who are not communists) under the Suppression of Communism Act. Although I have never been a member of the Communist party, I myself have been imprisoned under that act.

I have always regarded myself, in the first place, as an African patriot. Today I am attracted by the idea of a classless society, an attraction which springs in part from Marxist reading and, in part, from my admiration of the structure of early African societies. The land belonged to the tribe. There were no rich or poor and there was no exploitation. We all accept the need for some form of socialism to enable our people to catch up with the advanced countries of this world and to overcome their legacy of extreme poverty. But this does not mean we are Marxists.

I have gained the impression that communists regard the parliamentary system of the west as reactionary. But, on the contrary, I am an admirer. The Magna Carta, the Petition of Right, and the Bill of Rights are documents held in veneration by democrats throughout the world. I have great respect for British institutions, and for the country's system of justice. I regard the British parliament as the most democratic institution in the world, and the impartiality of its judiciary never fails to arouse my admiration. The American Congress, that country's separation of powers, as well as the independence of its judiciary, arouses in me similar sentiments.

I have been influenced in my thinking by both west and east. I should tie myself to no particular system of society other than of socialism. I must leave myself free to borrow the best from the west and from the east.

Our fight is against real, and not imaginary, hardships or, to use the language of the state prosecutor, "so-called hardships". Basically, we fight against two features which are the hallmarks of African life in South Africa and which are entrenched by legislation. These features are poverty and lack of human dignity, and we do not need communists or so-called "agitators" to teach us about these things. South Africa is the richest country in Africa, and could be one of the richest countries in the world. But it is a land of remarkable contrasts. The whites enjoy what may be the highest standard of living in the world, whilst Africans live in poverty and misery. Poverty goes hand in hand with malnutrition and disease. Tuberculosis, pellagra and scurvy bring death and destruction of health.

The complaint of Africans, however, is not only that they are poor and the whites are rich, but that the laws which are made by the whites are designed to preserve this situation. There are two ways to break out of poverty. The first is by formal education, and the second is by the worker acquiring a greater skill at his work and thus higher wages. As far as Africans are concerned, both these avenues of advancement are deliberately curtailed by legislation.

The government has always sought to hamper Africans in their search for education. There is compulsory education for all white children at virtually no cost to their parents, be they rich or poor. African children, however, generally have to pay more for their schooling than whites.

Approximately 40% of African children in the age group seven to 14 do not attend school. For those who do, the standards are vastly different from those afforded to white children. Only 5,660 African children in the whole of South Africa passed their junior certificate in 1962, and only 362 passed matric.

This is presumably consistent with the policy of Bantu education about which the present prime minister said: "When I have control of native education I will reform it so that natives will be taught from childhood to realise that equality with Europeans is not for them. People who believe in equality are not desirable teachers for natives. When my department controls native education it will know for what class of higher education a native is fitted, and whether he will have a chance in life to use his knowledge."

The other main obstacle to the advancement of the African is the industrial colour-bar under which all the better jobs of industry are reserved for whites only. Moreover, Africans who do obtain employment in the unskilled and semi-skilled occupations open to them are not allowed to form trade unions which have recognition. This means that they are denied the right of collective bargaining, which is permitted to the better-paid white workers.

The government answers its critics by saying that Africans in South Africa are better off than the inhabitants of the other countries in Africa. I do not know whether this statement is true. But even if it is true, as far as the African people are concerned it is irrelevant.

Our complaint is not that we are poor by comparison with people in other countries, but that we are poor by comparison with the white people in our own country, and that we are prevented by legislation from altering this imbalance.

The lack of human dignity experienced by Africans is the direct result of the policy of white supremacy. White supremacy implies black inferiority. Legislation designed to preserve white supremacy entrenches this notion. Menial tasks in South Africa are invariably performed by Africans.

When anything has to be carried or cleaned the white man will look around for an African to do it for him, whether the African is employed by him or not. Because of this sort of attitude, whites tend to regard Africans as a separate breed. They do not look upon them as people with families of their own; they do not realise that they have emotions - that they fall in love like white people do; that they want to be with their wives and children like white people want to be with theirs; that they want to earn enough money to support their families properly, to feed and clothe them and send them to school. And what "house-boy" or "garden-boy" or labourer can ever hope to do this?

Pass laws render any African liable to police surveillance at any time. I doubt whether there is a single African male in South Africa who has not had a brush with the police over his pass. Hundreds and thousands of Africans are thrown into jail each year under pass laws.

Even worse is the fact that pass laws keep husband and wife apart and lead to the breakdown of family life. Poverty and the breakdown of family have secondary effects. Children wander the streets because they have no schools to go to, or no money to enable them to go, or no parents at home to see that they go, because both parents (if there be two) have to work to keep the family alive. This leads to a breakdown in moral standards, to an alarming rise in illegitimacy, and to violence, which erupts not only politically, but everywhere. Life in the townships is dangerous. Not a day goes by without somebody being stabbed or assaulted. And violence is carried out of the townships [into] the white living areas. People are afraid to walk the streets after dark. Housebreakings and robberies are increasing, despite the fact that the death sentence can now be imposed for such offences. Death sentences cannot cure the festering sore.

Africans want to be paid a living wage. Africans want to perform work which they are capable of doing, and not work which the government declares them to be capable of. Africans want to be allowed to live where they obtain work, and not be endorsed out of an area because they were not born there. Africans want to be allowed to own land in places where they work, and not to be obliged to live in rented houses which they can never call their own. Africans want to be part of the general population, and not confined to living in their own ghettoes.

African men want to have their wives and children to live with them where they work, and not be forced into an unnatural existence in men's hostels. African women want to be with their menfolk and not be left permanently widowed in the reserves. Africans want to be allowed out after 11 o'clock at night and not to be confined to their rooms like little children. Africans want to be allowed to travel in their own country and to seek work where they want to and not where the labour bureau tells them to. Africans want a just share in the whole of South Africa; they want security and a stake in society.

Above all, we want equal political rights, because without them our disabilities will be permanent. I know this sounds revolutionary to the whites in this country, because the majority of voters will be Africans. This makes the white man fear democracy. But this fear cannot be allowed to stand in the way of the only solution which will guarantee racial harmony and freedom for all. It is not true that the enfranchisement of all will result in racial domination. Political division, based on colour, is entirely artificial and, when it disappears, so will the domination of one colour group by another. The ANC has spent half a century fighting against racialism. When it triumphs it will not change that policy.

This then is what the ANC is fighting. Their struggle is a truly national one. It is a struggle of the African people, inspired by their own suffering and their own experience. It is a struggle for the right to live. During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to this struggle of the African people. I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.

· With thanks to the Nelson Mandela Foundation

• Nelson Mandela
• Great speeches: Nelson Mandela

Most viewed

Nelson Mandela Research Paper Topics

Nelson Mandela research paper topics offer students a fascinating exploration of the life and legacy of one of the most influential figures in modern history. This comprehensive guide provides a diverse range of research paper topics that delve into various aspects of Nelson Mandela’s life, activism, and impact. From his anti-apartheid struggle to his presidency and advocacy for human rights, the topics cover the breadth of Mandela’s contributions. Whether studying his political leadership, his philosophy of forgiveness, or his lasting cultural impact, students will find ample inspiration for their research papers. Discover the captivating world of Nelson Mandela through these thought-provoking research paper topics.

Nelson Mandela’s life and legacy have inspired countless individuals around the world. This comprehensive list of Nelson Mandela research paper topics explores various facets of his extraordinary journey, ranging from his early activism to his time as President of South Africa. Divided into ten categories, each containing ten unique topics, this list provides students with a diverse range of research paper options to delve into the complexities of Mandela’s life, his leadership, and his enduring impact on society.

Academic Writing, Editing, Proofreading, And Problem Solving Services

Get 10% off with 24start discount code.

Early Life and Activism

• Nelson Mandela’s childhood and upbringing: Influences and experiences.
• Mandela’s education and early influences in shaping his worldview.
• The impact of Mandela’s legal career on his activism and political aspirations.
• Mandela’s involvement in the African National Congress (ANC): A journey towards liberation.
• Mandela’s role in the Defiance Campaign: Resistance against apartheid laws.
• The influence of Mahatma Gandhi’s philosophy on Mandela’s early activism.
• Mandela’s involvement in the 1952 Defiance Campaign: Causes and consequences.
• Mandela’s experiences during the Treason Trial and its impact on his leadership.
• Mandela’s leadership in the ANC Youth League: Shaping a new generation of activists.
• The significance of the Freedom Charter in Mandela’s vision for a democratic South Africa.

Anti-Apartheid Struggle

• The Rivonia Trial: Mandela’s role, the trial’s impact, and its historical significance.
• The influence of Mandela’s time in prison on the anti-apartheid movement.
• Mandela’s leadership in the formation of Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK): Armed resistance against apartheid.
• The impact of international support and solidarity on the anti-apartheid struggle.
• Mandela’s negotiations with the apartheid government: Challenges, achievements, and compromises.
• The role of women in the anti-apartheid movement: Their contributions and challenges.
• Mandela’s international travels and advocacy: Building support for the anti-apartheid cause.
• The impact of the Sharpeville Massacre on Mandela’s activism and the anti-apartheid movement.
• Mandela’s role in the Soweto Uprising: Catalyst for change.
• Mandela’s strategy of nonviolence and peaceful resistance against apartheid.

Imprisonment and Resilience

• Robben Island prison: Conditions, challenges, and Mandela’s experiences.
• Mandela’s leadership and organization of political prisoners on Robben Island.
• The impact of Mandela’s correspondence and writings during his imprisonment.
• The global movement to free Nelson Mandela: Strategies, successes, and setbacks.
• Mandela’s transformation and resilience during his 27-year imprisonment.
• The impact of Mandela’s release from prison: Catalyst for political change.
• Mandela’s contribution to the negotiations for a peaceful transition to democracy.
• Mandela’s role in the CODESA negotiations: Challenges and compromises.
• The significance of Mandela’s prison memoir, “Long Walk to Freedom.”
• Mandela’s transition from prisoner to statesman: Lessons in forgiveness and reconciliation.

Mandela’s Presidency and Leadership

• Mandela’s presidency: Achievements, challenges, and legacy.
• Mandela’s approach to nation-building and reconciliation in post-apartheid South Africa.
• The Truth and Reconciliation Commission: Evaluating its role in healing a divided nation.
• Mandela’s economic policies and their impact on South Africa’s development.
• Mandela’s educational reforms and their contribution to social change.
• Mandela’s role in promoting healthcare and combating HIV/AIDS in South Africa.
• Mandela’s foreign policy initiatives: Shaping South Africa’s international relations.
• Mandela’s stance on human rights and social justice issues during his presidency.
• The impact of Mandela’s leadership on South Africa’s constitutional democracy.
• Mandela’s retirement and the preservation of his legacy in South African politics.

Mandela’s Philosophy and Ideals

• Ubuntu philosophy: Understanding its influence on Mandela’s leadership approach.
• Mandela’s commitment to nonviolence: Principles, strategies, and challenges.
• Mandela’s vision for a democratic and inclusive South Africa.
• The role of forgiveness and reconciliation in Mandela’s philosophy.
• Mandela’s advocacy for gender equality and women’s rights.
• Mandela’s commitment to youth empowerment and education.
• Mandela’s promotion of racial equality and multiculturalism.
• The influence of Mandela’s values and ideals on the global stage.
• Mandela’s belief in the power of dialogue and negotiation.
• Mandela’s legacy in promoting social justice and human rights globally.

Mandela’s International Impact

• Mandela’s role in promoting peace and conflict resolution in Africa.
• The international reception of Mandela’s message of unity and reconciliation.
• Mandela’s influence on the decolonization movements in Africa.
• Mandela’s contributions to the Pan-Africanist movement.
• Mandela’s role in shaping South Africa’s relationship with neighboring countries.
• Mandela’s impact on the African Union and regional integration.
• Mandela’s influence on global human rights and international diplomacy.
• Mandela’s contributions to the fight against poverty and inequality worldwide.
• Mandela’s involvement in international humanitarian efforts.
• The legacy of Nelson Mandela in the context of global leadership and activism.

Mandela’s Cultural Impact

• The portrayal of Nelson Mandela in literature and popular culture.
• Mandela’s influence on South African art, music, and literature.
• Mandela’s impact on the cultural identity and pride of the South African people.
• Mandela’s role in promoting multilingualism and preserving indigenous languages.
• The use of Mandela’s speeches and quotes in contemporary activism.
• Mandela’s connection to traditional African spirituality and cultural practices.
• The symbolism of Robben Island and Mandela’s prison experiences in South African art.
• The commemoration of Mandela’s life and legacy through public monuments and memorials.
• Mandela’s influence on the perception of South Africa as a global cultural hub.
• Mandela’s contributions to the preservation of historical heritage sites in South Africa.

Mandela’s Legacy

• Assessing the impact of Mandela’s leadership on racial reconciliation in South Africa.
• The enduring significance of the Mandela presidency in South African politics.
• Mandela’s legacy in shaping South Africa’s constitutional democracy.
• Mandela’s impact on education and the empowerment of marginalized communities.
• Evaluating Mandela’s contribution to economic transformation and social justice in South Africa.
• The role of Mandela’s legacy in ongoing debates on land reform in South Africa.
• Mandela’s legacy and the ongoing struggle for gender equality in South Africa.
• The influence of Mandela’s philosophy of inclusivity and social cohesion on contemporary society.
• Mandela’s legacy in promoting human rights and social justice globally.
• The challenges and unfinished business in fulfilling Mandela’s vision for South Africa.

Mandela’s Personal Life and Relationships

• Mandela’s family background and its influence on his life and activism.
• The role of Winnie Mandela in the anti-apartheid movement and her impact on Mandela’s life.
• Mandela’s marriages and personal relationships: Exploring their influence on his journey.
• Mandela as a father and family man: Balancing personal and political responsibilities.
• Mandela’s relationship with other prominent anti-apartheid activists.
• The impact of Mandela’s imprisonment on his family dynamics and personal resilience.
• Mandela’s friendships and collaborations with global leaders and influential figures.
• Mandela’s role as a mentor and inspiration to future generations of leaders.
• Mandela’s personal values and ethical principles: Their impact on his leadership.
• Mandela’s legacy through the eyes of his loved ones and those closest to him.

Evaluating Mandela’s Leadership and Impact

• Critiques and controversies surrounding Mandela’s leadership and decision-making.
• Assessing the successes and limitations of Mandela’s approach to reconciliation.
• Mandela’s contribution to addressing socioeconomic inequalities in post-apartheid South Africa.
• Mandela’s influence on the empowerment of marginalized communities in South Africa.
• The role of Mandela’s leadership in shaping democratic institutions in South Africa.
• Mandela’s impact on social justice issues beyond South Africa’s borders.
• Evaluating Mandela’s legacy in relation to the ongoing struggle for racial equality.
• Mandela’s leadership in promoting African unity and continental cooperation.
• The influence of Mandela’s philosophy on contemporary political thought and activism.
• The enduring relevance of Mandela’s principles and ideals in a changing world.

This comprehensive list of Nelson Mandela research paper topics provides students with an extensive array of subjects to explore within the context of his life, activism, and enduring impact. From his early years and activism to his time as President, from his philosophy of reconciliation to his cultural and international impact, these topics offer opportunities for in-depth research and critical analysis. By delving into the complexities of Nelson Mandela’s journey, students can gain a deeper understanding of the historical, social, and political dynamics of South Africa and the global fight against apartheid.

Nelson Mandela: Exploring the Life and Legacy

Nelson Mandela, a towering figure in the fight against apartheid and the first democratically elected President of South Africa, remains an enduring symbol of courage, resilience, and the pursuit of justice. His remarkable life story and unwavering commitment to equality and human rights make him a subject of immense historical and academic interest. In this article, we will explore the life and legacy of Nelson Mandela, shedding light on his early years, his activism and imprisonment, his presidency, and his lasting impact on South Africa and the world.

Early Years and Activism

Nelson Mandela was born on July 18, 1918, in the village of Mvezo, Transkei, South Africa. Coming from a royal Thembu family, Mandela was exposed to the injustices of racial segregation from an early age. As a young man, he joined the African National Congress (ANC) and became increasingly involved in anti-apartheid activism. Mandela’s early years laid the foundation for his unwavering commitment to social justice and his fight against racial oppression.

Imprisonment and the Struggle Against Apartheid

In 1964, Nelson Mandela was sentenced to life imprisonment for his activism and opposition to the apartheid regime. For 27 long years, Mandela endured the harsh conditions of Robben Island and other prisons. Despite the isolation and dehumanization, Mandela emerged as a symbol of hope and resilience. His imprisonment galvanized international support for the anti-apartheid movement, and his unwavering commitment to peace and reconciliation became a beacon of inspiration for oppressed communities worldwide.

Transition to Democracy and Presidency

The release of Nelson Mandela on February 11, 1990, marked a turning point in South Africa’s history. Mandela played a pivotal role in the negotiations that led to the dismantling of apartheid and the establishment of a democratic and inclusive society. In 1994, Mandela was elected as South Africa’s first black President, ushering in a new era of hope and transformation. His presidency was characterized by efforts to heal the wounds of the past, promote reconciliation, and tackle the challenges of poverty, inequality, and racism.

Legacy and Impact

The legacy of Nelson Mandela extends far beyond his presidency. His commitment to forgiveness, reconciliation, and the pursuit of social justice continues to inspire generations of activists and leaders worldwide. Mandela’s emphasis on education, healthcare, and economic development as tools for social change laid the groundwork for a more equitable society. His leadership in promoting racial equality, gender empowerment, and human rights left an indelible mark on South Africa and the global community.

Mandela’s dedication to dialogue and diplomacy fostered a spirit of cooperation and unity among diverse communities, both within South Africa and internationally. His efforts to bridge divides and build bridges of understanding serve as a testament to the power of empathy and compassion in effecting positive change. Mandela’s influence resonates not only in the political realm but also in art, literature, music, and popular culture, where his life story continues to be celebrated and commemorated.

Nelson Mandela’s life and legacy serve as a testament to the indomitable spirit of human resilience and the power of transformative leadership. His journey from activist to prisoner to President exemplifies the capacity of individuals to shape history and inspire others. As students delve into the world of Nelson Mandela, they uncover a wealth of research paper topics, exploring his early activism, imprisonment, presidency, and enduring impact on South Africa and the world. The life and legacy of Nelson Mandela offer valuable lessons in courage, perseverance, and the unwavering pursuit of justice, making him a truly remarkable and inspirational figure in history.

How to Choose Nelson Mandela Research Paper Topics

Nelson Mandela’s life and legacy offer a rich tapestry of subjects for research papers, allowing students to delve into various aspects of his activism, leadership, and impact on South Africa and the world. Selecting the right research paper topic is crucial to ensure a compelling and meaningful exploration of Mandela’s contributions. In this section, we will provide you with a guide on how to choose Nelson Mandela research paper topics, offering insights, tips, and considerations to help you make an informed decision.

• Reflect on Your Interests and Passions : Start by reflecting on your own interests and passions within the context of Nelson Mandela’s life. Are you drawn to his activism, his political leadership, or his role in the fight against apartheid? Identifying areas that resonate with you personally will enable you to engage more deeply with the research process and produce a more compelling paper.
• Consider Key Periods and Events : Nelson Mandela’s life spanned several key periods and events that shaped South Africa’s history. Consider exploring specific periods such as his early activism, his imprisonment, his role in the transition to democracy, or his presidency. By focusing on a particular period, you can provide a more nuanced and detailed analysis of Mandela’s experiences and their historical significance.
• Examine Mandela’s Leadership Style and Philosophies : Nelson Mandela’s leadership style and philosophies played a pivotal role in shaping his impact. You can choose to examine his approach to leadership, his strategies for mobilization and organizing, or his philosophy of forgiveness and reconciliation. Analyzing Mandela’s leadership principles will provide insights into his effectiveness as a leader and his enduring influence.
• Investigate the Intersection of Mandela’s Life with Other Historical Figures : Explore the connections between Nelson Mandela and other influential figures within the anti-apartheid movement, such as Oliver Tambo, Walter Sisulu, or Steve Biko. By examining the relationships, collaborations, and conflicts between Mandela and his contemporaries, you can gain a broader understanding of the collective efforts that led to the dismantling of apartheid.
• Analyze Mandela’s Impact on Post-Apartheid South Africa : Consider researching the impact of Nelson Mandela’s presidency and post-apartheid South Africa. Topics could include his efforts to address socioeconomic inequalities, his role in promoting national reconciliation, or his contributions to nation-building. Analyzing Mandela’s legacy beyond his time in office will provide valuable insights into the challenges and achievements of a new South Africa.
• Explore Mandela’s International Influence : Nelson Mandela’s influence extended beyond South Africa’s borders, inspiring movements for social justice and equality worldwide. Consider researching the global impact of Mandela’s activism, his role as an international statesman, or his contributions to peace and reconciliation efforts in other regions of the world. By examining Mandela’s global reach, you can explore the interconnectedness of struggles for justice and human rights.
• Investigate Mandela’s Contributions to Education and Humanitarian Efforts : Delve into Nelson Mandela’s initiatives in the fields of education, healthcare, and humanitarian efforts. Topics could include his establishment of the Nelson Mandela Foundation, the Nelson Mandela Children’s Fund, or his advocacy for access to education. By examining Mandela’s commitment to social development, you can explore the lasting impact of his initiatives on South African society.
• Examine Mandela’s Cultural and Symbolic Legacy : Explore the cultural and symbolic legacy of Nelson Mandela. Topics could include the representation of Mandela in art, literature, film, or music. Analyze how Mandela became a global icon of resistance and liberation, and how his image and legacy have been commodified or mythologized. This approach offers a unique perspective on the construction of historical narratives and the power of symbolism.
• Assess Critiques and Controversies Surrounding Mandela’s Legacy : Engage with critical perspectives on Nelson Mandela’s legacy and impact. Research topics that examine the criticisms and controversies surrounding his leadership, the challenges faced during the post-apartheid era, or the unfinished business of social and economic justice in South Africa. By considering differing viewpoints, you can develop a more nuanced understanding of Mandela’s complex legacy.
• Investigate Mandela’s Personal Life and Influences : Explore Nelson Mandela’s personal life and the influences that shaped him. Topics could include his family background, his relationships, or the mentors who played a significant role in his development as a leader. By examining the personal dimensions of Mandela’s life, you can gain insights into the factors that shaped his character and informed his decision-making.

Choosing a research paper topic on Nelson Mandela requires careful consideration of your interests, the historical context, and the impact of Mandela’s life and legacy. By reflecting on your passions, exploring key periods and events, examining his leadership style and philosophies, investigating his impact on post-apartheid South Africa, and exploring various other dimensions of his life, you can select a compelling topic that allows for in-depth analysis and meaningful contributions to the field of study. Remember to approach your topic with critical thinking, engage with diverse perspectives, and consider the broader historical significance of Mandela’s contributions.

How to Write a Nelson Mandela Research Paper

Writing a research paper on Nelson Mandela requires a thoughtful approach to ensure a comprehensive and engaging analysis of his life, activism, and impact. In this section, we will provide you with a guide on how to write a compelling Nelson Mandela research paper. From formulating a thesis statement to conducting thorough research and presenting your findings, these tips will help you navigate the process and produce a high-quality paper.

• Formulate a Clear Thesis Statement : Start by formulating a clear and concise thesis statement that captures the main argument or focus of your research paper. Your thesis statement should be specific, debatable, and provide a roadmap for the rest of your paper. Consider the aspects of Nelson Mandela’s life or impact that you want to explore and formulate a thesis that reflects your intended analysis.
• Conduct In-Depth Research : To write a comprehensive Nelson Mandela research paper, conduct in-depth research using a variety of reputable sources. Utilize books, scholarly articles, documentaries, interviews, and archival materials to gather information and gain a thorough understanding of Mandela’s life and historical context. Ensure that your research is balanced, drawing from multiple perspectives to provide a nuanced analysis.
• Outline Your Paper : Create a detailed outline to organize your thoughts and structure your research paper. Divide your paper into logical sections and subtopics, ensuring a coherent flow of ideas. The outline will serve as a roadmap, guiding your writing process and helping you maintain focus and clarity throughout your paper.
• Analyze Primary and Secondary Sources : Engage with primary and secondary sources related to Nelson Mandela to support your arguments and provide evidence for your claims. Primary sources can include Mandela’s speeches, interviews, writings, and official documents, while secondary sources provide scholarly analysis and interpretations. Critically evaluate and analyze these sources to develop a well-rounded understanding of Mandela’s life and impact.
• Explore Multiple Perspectives : When writing about Nelson Mandela, consider different perspectives and interpretations of his life and legacy. Engage with scholarly debates and discussions surrounding Mandela’s role as a leader, his strategies for change, and the impact of his actions. By presenting a nuanced analysis that incorporates diverse viewpoints, you can demonstrate a comprehensive understanding of the subject matter.
• Contextualize Mandela’s Contributions : Place Nelson Mandela’s contributions within their historical and socio-political context. Analyze the impact of apartheid, the resistance movements, and the broader social, economic, and political factors that influenced Mandela’s activism. By providing a contextual framework, you can offer deeper insights into the motivations and significance of Mandela’s actions.
• Support Your Arguments with Evidence : Ensure that your research paper is well-supported with evidence from your sources. Use direct quotes, statistics, and examples to substantiate your claims and provide credibility to your analysis. Remember to properly cite your sources using the appropriate citation style (e.g., APA, MLA, Chicago/Turabian) to give proper credit to the original authors and maintain academic integrity.
• Develop a Coherent Structure : Organize your research paper into a coherent structure that flows logically and supports your thesis statement. Start with an engaging introduction that provides background information and introduces your thesis. Follow with body paragraphs that present your arguments, evidence, and analysis, using topic sentences to maintain clarity and coherence. Conclude with a strong summary that restates your thesis and highlights the significance of your findings.
• Incorporate Critical Analysis : Engage in critical analysis throughout your research paper. Evaluate Mandela’s successes, challenges, and impact, considering both the positive and negative aspects. Address counterarguments and respond to opposing viewpoints to demonstrate a comprehensive understanding of the complexities surrounding Mandela’s life and legacy.
• Revise, Edit, and Proofread : Once you have completed the initial draft of your research paper, take the time to revise, edit, and proofread your work. Pay attention to clarity, coherence, grammar, spelling, and punctuation. Ensure that your ideas are presented in a logical and concise manner, and that your writing is free from errors. Consider seeking feedback from peers or mentors to gain additional perspectives and improve the overall quality of your paper.

Writing a research paper on Nelson Mandela provides an opportunity to delve into the life, activism, and impact of one of the world’s most influential leaders. By formulating a clear thesis statement, conducting in-depth research, exploring multiple perspectives, contextualizing Mandela’s contributions, and incorporating critical analysis, you can produce a compelling and well-rounded paper. Remember to maintain academic integrity, cite your sources properly, and revise your work to ensure a polished final product. Through thorough research and thoughtful analysis, you can contribute to the scholarly understanding of Nelson Mandela’s enduring legacy.

iResearchNet’s Writing Services:

Your partner in nelson mandela research papers.

At iResearchNet, we understand the significance of writing a high-quality research paper on Nelson Mandela. As a company committed to providing academic assistance to students, we offer professional writing services that can be your partner in crafting an exceptional research paper on Nelson Mandela. Our team of expert writers is well-versed in history and experienced in conducting in-depth research, analyzing primary and secondary sources, and producing well-structured and compelling papers. In this section, we will highlight the key features of our writing services and explain how we can assist you in your Nelson Mandela research paper journey.

• Expert Degree-Holding Writers : We take pride in our team of expert degree-holding writers who possess extensive knowledge and expertise in history, including the life and legacy of Nelson Mandela. Our writers have academic backgrounds in history and related disciplines, ensuring that they are well-equipped to tackle the complexities of your research paper.
• Custom Written Works : When you choose iResearchNet, you can expect a custom-written research paper tailored to your specific requirements and instructions. We understand that every research paper is unique, and our writers will craft a paper that reflects your research objectives, thesis statement, and preferred writing style.
• In-Depth Research : Our writers are skilled in conducting in-depth research on Nelson Mandela, ensuring that your paper is well-supported with reliable and relevant sources. They have access to reputable databases, scholarly journals, and digital archives to gather the necessary information and evidence to strengthen your arguments and analysis.
• Custom Formatting : We are well-versed in various citation and formatting styles, including APA, MLA, Chicago/Turabian, and Harvard. Our writers will format your research paper according to the required style, ensuring accurate in-text citations, a comprehensive bibliography, and adherence to academic conventions.
• Top Quality : At iResearchNet, we prioritize delivering top-quality research papers. Our writers are committed to producing papers that demonstrate academic rigor, critical analysis, and originality. We conduct thorough quality checks, including proofreading and editing, to ensure that your paper meets the highest standards of academic excellence.
• Customized Solutions : We understand that every student has unique needs and preferences. Our writing services offer customized solutions to accommodate your specific requirements. Whether you need assistance with topic selection, thesis formulation, or specific sections of your research paper, our team will tailor our services to meet your individual needs.
• Flexible Pricing : We offer flexible pricing options to ensure that our services are accessible to students with varying budgets. Our pricing structure is transparent and competitive, and we provide detailed pricing information upfront. You can select the service package that best suits your needs and budget, whether it’s a complete research paper or assistance with specific aspects of your paper.
• Short Deadlines : We understand that students often face tight deadlines. With iResearchNet, you can rely on our ability to deliver quality research papers even within short time frames. Our writers are adept at working efficiently and effectively, ensuring timely delivery of your paper without compromising quality.
• Timely Delivery : We value the importance of meeting deadlines. When you entrust your Nelson Mandela research paper to us, we guarantee timely delivery. We understand the significance of timely submission in academic settings, and we strive to ensure that you receive your paper well before your deadline.
• 24/7 Support : Our dedicated customer support team is available 24/7 to address any inquiries, concerns, or requests you may have throughout the process. Whether you need clarification on our services, want to provide additional instructions, or have any other questions, our support team is here to assist you.
• Absolute Privacy : We prioritize the privacy and confidentiality of our clients. When you use our services, you can rest assured that your personal information and academic collaboration will be kept strictly confidential. We adhere to strict privacy policies to safeguard your identity and ensure a secure and trustworthy experience.
• Easy Order Tracking : Our user-friendly platform provides easy order tracking, allowing you to monitor the progress of your research paper and communicate with your assigned writer. You can stay updated on the status of your paper, provide additional instructions, and collaborate effectively to ensure a successful outcome.
• Money-Back Guarantee : We stand behind the quality of our work. If you are not satisfied with the final research paper, we offer a money-back guarantee. Our goal is to ensure your complete satisfaction, and we are committed to resolving any concerns or issues that may arise.

With iResearchNet’s writing services, you can unleash your potential and elevate your Nelson Mandela research paper to new heights. Our team of expert writers, custom-written works, in-depth research, custom formatting, top-quality papers, flexible pricing, timely delivery, 24/7 support, absolute privacy, easy order tracking, and money-back guarantee make us your ideal partner in producing a remarkable research paper on Nelson Mandela. Let us help you navigate the complexities of this historical figure and contribute to the scholarly understanding of Nelson Mandela’s life, activism, and impact.

Unleash Your Potential with iResearchNet’s Writing Services

Are you ready to embark on an extraordinary journey of exploring Nelson Mandela’s life and legacy through a captivating research paper? At iResearchNet, we are committed to helping you unleash your potential and achieve academic success. Our Nelson Mandela writing services offer a comprehensive and professional approach to crafting a remarkable research paper that honors the iconic leader. Let us guide you through the process and provide you with the support and expertise you need to excel in your studies.

Take the first step towards crafting an exceptional research paper on Nelson Mandela with iResearchNet’s Nelson Mandela writing services. Unleash your potential and elevate your academic journey by entrusting your research paper to our team of expert writers. We will guide you through the process, providing customized solutions, extensive research, tailored formatting, timely delivery, and unparalleled support. Together, let’s honor the legacy of Nelson Mandela and contribute to the ongoing conversation surrounding this iconic leader. Place your order today and unlock the possibilities that lie within your research paper on Nelson Mandela.

ORDER HIGH QUALITY CUSTOM PAPER

Nelson Mandela Foundation

• Mandela Day

Advanced search

“I am prepared to die”

April 20, 2011 – April 20, 2011 marks the 47th anniversary of Nelson Mandela’s speech from the dock in the Rivonia Trial in which he said he was prepared to die for a democratic, non-racial South Africa.

The Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory has a rare typescript of the speech, which Mr Mandela autographed and gave as a gift to a comrade.

In the Rivonia Trial Mr Mandela chose, instead of testifying, to make a speech from the dock and proceeded to hold the court spellbound for more than four hours. His speech, which was made at the beginning of the defence case, ended with the words:

“During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to this struggle of the African people. I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.”

Click here to see the last page from the speech from the dock.

Less than two months later, Mr Mandela and his comrades Walter Sisulu, Ahmed Kathrada, Govan Mbeki, Denis Goldberg, Raymond Mhlaba, Andrew Mlangeni and Elias Motsoaledi, were convicted of sabotage and sentenced to life imprisonment. Apartheid laws dictated that the only white person sentenced, Denis Goldberg, should be held in Pretoria Central Prison. The other seven were sent to Robben Island.

Below the final paragraph of his typewritten speech Mr Mandela wrote:

“The invincibility of our cause and the certainty of our final victory are the impenetrable armour of those who consistently uphold their faith in freedom and justice in spite of political persecution” .

He signed the speech and dated it ‘April 1964’. Mr Mandela then gave the speech to Sylvia Neame, a political activist and the partner, at the time, of Mr Kathrada. She was arrested in August 1964 and put on trial with Advocate Bram Fischer and 10 others.

In April 1965 they were convicted and sentenced. Ms Neame was sentenced to four years (two years to run concurrently). She was released from prison in 1967 and went into exile.

After he was released from prison she gave the signed copy of the speech to Mr Kathrada who donated it to the Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory.

Adv Fischer, who led the defence team in the Rivonia Trial, skipped bail during the trial with Ms Neame and others and was convicted in absentia.

He was rearrested in 1966 and sentenced to life imprisonment. In prison he contracted cancer which was diagnosed late. He was put under house arrest in his brother’s house in April 1975 where he died a few weeks later.

Click here for a full transcript of Mr Mandela’s speech from the dock.

How the Mandela myth helped win the battle for democracy in South Africa

Senior lecturer in African Studies, Yale University

Disclosure statement

Jonny Steinberg does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

View all partners

Political history scholar Jonny Steinberg’s 2023 book Winnie & Nelson: Portrait of a Marriage is a double biography of South Africa’s most famous political figures – Nelson Mandela and Winnie Madikizela Mandela – and their role in the country’s struggle for democracy. It’s also a book that shatters countless myths about the couple and the liberation struggle that have been formed in popular culture and even academic tellings of history. As South Africa commemorates 30 years of democracy, we asked Steinberg for his views on how and why these historical myths are formed.

How did Winnie and Nelson become so mythologised?

It may be best to start with a working definition of myth. I don’t take myth to mean fiction; to mythologise isn’t necessarily to make things up that are not true. To say that a person is mythologised means that their personal story is told in a way that exemplifies something bigger, generally a lesson, like how the oppressed should respond to their own suffering, or how oppressive systems of rule should end.

To begin with, Winnie and Nelson mythologised themselves. Both intuitively understood that their greatest talent lay in public performance. Not just any public performance, but the sort that is exemplary, that embodies a collective spirit, a set of yearnings.

When Nelson went underground to start the military wing of the African National Congress (ANC) liberation movement Umkhonto we Sizwe he understood not just that he must wage an armed struggle, but that people must see what a black man who chooses to fight looks like.

Same with Winnie. When she appeared in court in Johannesburg when Nelson was arrested in 1962, she brought two pairs of clothes: a traditional Thembu outfit for the courtroom to match the jackal-skin kaross she knew he would be wearing, and a business suit for the illegal march that would commence in the street after the hearing. She understood that for a black woman to confront the enemy in style was not a trivial matter or a mere detail. They both knew that wars were won and lost by the power of the myths one’s appearance tells.

But while Nelson and Winnie were responsible for the beginning of their mythologisation, others came on board later. In the late 1970s, ANC leader Oliver Tambo was approached with the idea of celebrating Mandela’s 60th birthday. He understood immediately that he’d been presented with the opportunity of crafting a hero figure to embody the struggle for freedom. He did not consult with the ANC executive because he knew they’d shout it down, warning of personality cults and so forth.

And so he gave the ANC the most powerful weapon imaginable, a simple story about a good man and a good woman who loved one another and had been torn asunder by an evil regime. Stories like that are worth their weight in gold. Imagine if the Palestinians had a story like that at their disposal now in their fight against Israeli occupation.

How does this play into the broader popular narrative about liberation?

Well, it meant that the very idea of freedom was embodied in a person, Nelson Mandela, which is an extraordinary thing, when you think about it. Would South Africa have been torn apart by civil war without the myth of Nelson Mandela? It’s a counterfactual question, the answer to which we’ll never know. But it’s certainly plausible to argue that we could not have crossed the bridge from apartheid to democracy without a blinding myth to mesmerise us all, so that we could walk together into the unknown.

That’s the positive side of the story. The negative side is that myths conceal a great deal. Tambo told colleagues quite bluntly that he promoted the myth of Mandela because Mandela was ANC and if the myth worked, rivals like the Pan Africanist Congress and the Black Consciousness Movement would lose. And so leaders of those movements like Robert Sobukwe and Steve Biko faded. ANC partisan history became hegemonic history. Vital, uncomfortable questions were suppressed. Like what it meant to be black and to reconcile with whites and on what terms such reconciliation was acceptable.

How did you arrive at a different telling of their stories?

I think that the Mandelas really did embody the story of their people’s struggle for freedom, but not in ways that they could control. I was so moved to discover that Nelson thought his life tragic in much the same way that the lives of so many black men under apartheid were tragic. He was a patriarch, and he was robbed of the means to protect his family. This humiliated and embittered him. It’s a quintessential South African story. Winnie, too. The insurrectionary violence of the 1980s was so scarring. So many people lost control over the violence they wielded. She was one of those people.

Winnie and Nelson’s story exemplifies all the pain and damage this country went through. They arrived at their freedom, but, just like their people, they did so battered and bruised. That they both had the strength to conceal the extent to which they were damaged seems heroic to me. They understood that they carried the myth of their people on their shoulders, and that if they broke, so would their people.

Is South Africa ready to view this struggle history through a clear lens?

If you’re asking whether there can ever be a single, objective way of understanding the past, one that we can all agree on, the answer is surely no. There is far too much of the past in the present for it ever to become uncontentious. But I do think that it is both possible and very important to fight against the falsification of the past.

Read more: Winnie and Nelson: new book paints a deeply human portrait of the Mandela marriage and South Africa's struggle

There’s a big difference between mythologisation and falsification. The former is about fashioning the facts of the past to tell a value-laden story, which is fine. The latter is to make up facts about the past, which is truly scary.

When people say that Winnie didn’t hurt anyone in the late 1980s, that it was all fabricated by a shadowy enemy , they are doing harm. Similarly, when people say that Nelson did not beat his first wife, Evelyn Mase, when there is plain evidence that he did, they are doing harm. It is possible both to mythologise the past and to be brave enough to confront what actually happened there.

• Nelson Mandela
• African history
• South African history
• Robert Sobukwe
• Oliver Tambo
• Women and girls
• Winnie Mandela
• Liberation struggle
• Winnie Madikizela Mandela
• African National Congress (ANC)
• South Africa democracy 30

Scheduling Analyst

Assistant Editor - 1 year cadetship

Executive Dean, Faculty of Health

Lecturer/Senior Lecturer, Earth System Science (School of Science)

Sydney Horizon Educators (Identified)

I Am Prepared to Die

27 pages • 54 minutes read

A modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.

Essay Analysis

Key Figures

Index of Terms

Literary Devices

Important Quotes

Essay Topics

Discussion Questions

Summary and Study Guide

Summary: “i am prepared to die”.

“I Am Prepared to Die” is the title given to Nelson Mandela’s 1964 defendant statement against the South African Government. The trial took place at the Palace of Justice, in the country’s capital, Pretoria, from October 9, 1963, to June 12, 1964. Mandela and other members of the African National Congress ( ANC ) were found guilty of sabotage against the apartheid government and received life sentences.

After the trial, Mandela would spend 27 years in prison. Most of this time was spent on the infamous Robben Island, a prison island off the coast of Cape Town, known for its brutal treatment of political prisoners and activists who spoke out against apartheid. Therefore, many thought that this would be his final address.

Get access to this full Study Guide and much more!

• 7,600+ In-Depth Study Guides
• 4,850+ Quick-Read Plot Summaries
• Downloadable PDFs

Apartheid refers to the historical period between 1948 and 1994, during which the South African government (The National Party) inflicted harsh, race-based separation laws that were enforced by a police state. Under these laws, Black Africans were denied most of their basic rights, including the right to vote, and had to do hard labor for the country’s white minority simply to live in poverty. The end of Apartheid, in 1994, coincides with the country’s first democratic election, in which Nelson Mandela was elected president.

In this statement, Mandela explains his reasons for resorting to sabotage against the apartheid government. At the same time, Mandela uses the speech to address many misconceptions surrounding the anti-apartheid movement and the role of violence in liberation. He specifically addresses the false narratives and fearmongering that the National Party used against him and other freedom fighters, weaponizing their struggle to frighten and misinform the public.

The SuperSummary difference

• 8x more resources than SparkNotes and CliffsNotes combined
• Study Guides you won ' t find anywhere else
• 100+ new titles every month

From the outset, Mandela strongly denies the government’s claim that he and his fellow activists have been influenced by international communist forces. Mandela clarifies that he fights for the African people simply because he is African. His pride in his African heritage is what compels him to fight for freedom. He also makes it a point to admit, early on, that he played a major role in the formation of Umkhonto we Sizwe , commonly referred to as the military wing of the ANC.

Mandela argues that Umkhonto had to be created for two reasons. Firstly, because despite the ANC’s long history of non-violent negotiation, “violence by the African people had become inevitable” (9). Umkhonto feared that if violence was not organized and controlled, it would result in terrorism and even more pain in Black communities. Secondly, it became evident that, without violence, the ANC would not “succeed in their struggle against the principle of white supremacy” (9).

Mandela cites the history of the ANC as proof that a strict commitment to nonviolence would not have achieved its aims. Founded in 1912, the ANC consistently fought for the rights of Black people in South Africa, but decade after decade, no ground had been won, and their rights and agency had severely diminished. Mandela notes the many attempts at peaceful protest that always resulted in state violence. For example, the ANC’s defiance campaign in 1949 resulted in 8500 people being jailed, even though a judge later ruled that the protest was non-violent.

In 1956, 156 leading members of the ANC were charged under the Suppression of Communism Act. This is another example of the government attempting to scare the public, accusing the ANC of attempting to replace the government with a communist one. Once again, a judge ruled the charges unfounded.

Mandela also mentions Sharpeville , a massacre that occurred in 1960, when the police killed 69 unarmed protesters. Also in 1960, a “stay-at-home” protest led to police entering Black communities with armored vehicles. These examples illustrate the police’s instigation of violence against Black activists.

Ultimately predicting an impending civil war, Umkhonto was responsible for deciding on the most strategic form of violence that would prevent further harm for being inflicted on Africans. They ultimately decided on attacking buildings rather than people. By sabotaging key infrastructure, such as railways, harbors, communications lines, and power plants, they would be able to cause economic disruption, demotivating international investment and relations. They targeted sites of political power, such as government buildings, because their fight was against the government, but they did not intend to injure or kill any person.

The first instances of sabotage occurred in 1961 in the major cities of Johannesburg, Port Elizabeth, and Durban. However, not even these actions influenced the government, who told civilians to ignore the ANC’s demands. The government resorted to making sabotage a crime punishable by death, further asserting their own violence.

In 1962, Mandela fled the country to seek international support. In this section, he details the relationships he had established with the leaders of African countries such as Tanganyika (now Tanzania), Ethiopia, Sudan, Tunisia, Algeria, Mali, Senegal, Guinea, Liberia, and Uganda. These countries offered financial support and military training to members of Umkhonto. Since sabotage was being outlawed by the threat of death, the reasoning was that the next step would be guerilla warfare.

At this point in his defense, Mandela clarifies his political stance and relations. He clarifies that the ANC should be seen as a separate entity from Umkhonto. Many of the ANC’s top members, Mandela notes, wanted no involvement with the military operation and should not be held responsible for it.

Furthermore, he repeats that, despite communist support, the ANC is not a communist party, and he is not a communist. The ANC represents a Parliament of the African people, meaning it finds its strength in accommodating many diverse African perspectives. Therefore, it would not subscribe to the singular view of communism as the party’s ideology.

Defining his own ideology, Mandela emphasizes his African heritage, saying that he is inspired by the classless ideals of his own village upbringing where the main means of production (the tribe’s land) was owned and used by everyone. He states that a degree of socialism would be useful for Africans to catch up, economically, after a history of oppression.

At the same time, Mandela stresses that he draws a lot of inspiration from the politics of the West. Mandela is fighting for democracy and for the right for Africans to vote, and he praises the democracies in the West and their judicial systems and foundations. Ultimately, Mandela reasons that “I must leave myself free to borrow the best from the West and from the East” (77). Having clarified the false narratives surrounding his political persuasion , communist influence, and involvement in terrorism, Mandela spends the final portion of his speech emphasizing the racial inequalities that are rife under apartheid.

Mandela says that, although South Africa is one of the world’s richest countries, “it is a land of extremes and remarkable contrasts” (86). The majority of Africans were impoverished and malnourished, while also forced to engage in strenuous manual labor. This strain led to severe illnesses, killing many Africans, with the highest infant mortality rate in the world and 40 people dying every day from tuberculosis alone.

Apartheid laws and policies, Mandela says, prevent Africans from changing their conditions. For example, despite their enforced poverty, Black South Africans are expected to pay much more for education than their white counterparts. Even at this higher cost, Black South Africans are given fewer resources and a lower quality education. This makes formal education highly inaccessible, whereas white South Africans enjoy educational advantages that solidify their place at the top of the social hierarchy.

Pass Laws (laws requiring all Black South Africans to always carry identification on their person), ensure a constant state of surveillance, meaning that Black South Africans live in a police state. Many were arrested under these laws, breaking their families apart. Africans lived in fear and were often victims of police harassment and violence.

After highlighting the violence and inequalities of the apartheid government, Mandela asserts the ANC’s philosophy of racial harmony. He highlights that the ANC is not seeking revenge or Black domination. Rather, they want all of the violence to end. He says, “I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities” (103). At the end of the speech, he asserts that this is a principle for which he is “prepared to die” (103).

Don't Miss Out!

Access Study Guide Now

Related Titles

By Nelson Mandela

Long Walk to Freedom

Nelson Mandela

No Easy Walk to Freedom

Featured Collections

African History

View Collection

Books on Justice & Injustice

Mortality & Death

Politics & Government

South African Literature

• SUGGESTED TOPICS
• The Magazine
• Newsletters
• Managing Yourself
• Managing Teams
• Work-life Balance
• The Big Idea
• Data & Visuals
• Reading Lists
• Case Selections
• HBR Learning
• Topic Feeds
• Account Settings
• Email Preferences

Find Your Inner Mandela: A Tribute and Call to Action

• Rosabeth Moss Kanter

He didn’t cling to power. He empowered.

Don’t just mourn Nelson Mandela. Learn to be Nelson Mandela.

• Rosabeth Moss Kanter is the Ernest L. Arbuckle Professor of Business Administration at Harvard Business School, the founding chair of the Harvard Advanced Leadership Initiative, and a former chief editor of Harvard Business Review. She is the author of Think Outside the Building: How Advanced Leaders Can Change the World One Smart Innovation at a Time (Public Affairs, 2020). RosabethKanter

Partner Center

Nelson Mandela International Day 18 July

© UN Photo/John Isaac

"I Am Prepared to Die"

Nelson mandela's statement from the dock at the opening of the defence case in the rivonia trial pretoria supreme court, 20 april 1964.

I am the First Accused.

I hold a Bachelor's Degree in Arts and practised as an attorney in Johannesburg for a number of years in partnership with Oliver Tambo. I am a convicted prisoner serving five years for leaving the country without a permit and for inciting people to go on strike at the end of May 1961.

At the outset, I want to say that the suggestion made by the State in its opening that the struggle in South Africa is under the influence of foreigners or communists is wholly incorrect. I have done whatever I did, both as an individual and as a leader of my people, because of my experience in South Africa and my own proudly felt African background, and not because of what any outsider might have said.

In my youth in the Transkei I listened to the elders of my tribe telling stories of the old days. Amongst the tales they related to me were those of wars fought by our ancestors in defence of the fatherland. The names of Dingane and Bambata, Hintsa and Makana, Squngthi and Dalasile, Moshoeshoe and Sekhukhuni, were praised as the glory of the entire African nation. I hoped then that life might offer me the opportunity to serve my people and make my own humble contribution to their freedom struggle. This is what has motivated me in all that I have done in relation to the charges made against me in this case.

Having said this, I must deal immediately and at some length with the question of violence. Some of the things so far told to the Court are true and some are untrue. I do not, however, deny that I planned sabotage. I did not plan it in a spirit of recklessness, nor because I have any love of violence. I planned it as a result of a calm and sober assessment of the political situation that had arisen after many years of tyranny, exploitation, and oppression of my people by the Whites.

I admit immediately that I was one of the persons who helped to form Umkhonto we Sizwe, and that I played a prominent role in its affairs until I was arrested in August 1962.

In the statement which I am about to make I shall correct certain false impressions which have been created by State witnesses. Amongst other things, I will demonstrate that certain of the acts referred to in the evidence were not and could not have been committed by Umkhonto. I will also deal with the relationship between the African National Congress and Umkhonto, and with the part which I personally have played in the affairs of both organizations. I shall deal also with the part played by the Communist Party. In order to explain these matters properly, I will have to explain what Umkhonto set out to achieve; what methods it prescribed for the achievement of these objects, and why these methods were chosen. I will also have to explain how I became involved in the activities of these organizations.

I deny that Umkhonto was responsible for a number of acts which clearly fell outside the policy of the organisation, and which have been charged in the indictment against us. I do not know what justification there was for these acts, but to demonstrate that they could not have been authorized by Umkhonto, I want to refer briefly to the roots and policy of the organization.

I have already mentioned that I was one of the persons who helped to form Umkhonto. I, and the others who started the organization, did so for two reasons. Firstly, we believed that as a result of Government policy, violence by the African people had become inevitable, and that unless responsible leadership was given to canalize and control the feelings of our people, there would be outbreaks of terrorism which would produce an intensity of bitterness and hostility between the various races of this country which is not produced even by war. Secondly, we felt that without violence there would be no way open to the African people to succeed in their struggle against the principle of white supremacy. All lawful modes of expressing opposition to this principle had been closed by legislation, and we were placed in a position in which we had either to accept a permanent state of inferiority, or to defy the Government. We chose to defy the law. We first broke the law in a way which avoided any recourse to violence; when this form was legislated against, and then the Government resorted to a show of force to crush opposition to its policies, only then did we decide to answer violence with violence.

But the violence which we chose to adopt was not terrorism. We who formed Umkhonto were all members of the African National Congress, and had behind us the ANC tradition of non-violence and negotiation as a means of solving political disputes. We believe that South Africa belongs to all the people who live in it, and not to one group, be it black or white. We did not want an interracial war, and tried to avoid it to the last minute. If the Court is in doubt about this, it will be seen that the whole history of our organization bears out what I have said, and what I will subsequently say, when I describe the tactics which Umkhonto decided to adopt. I want, therefore, to say something about the African National Congress.

The African National Congress was formed in 1912 to defend the rights of the African people which had been seriously curtailed by the South Africa Act, and which were then being threatened by the Native Land Act. For thirty-seven years - that is until 1949 - it adhered strictly to a constitutional struggle. It put forward demands and resolutions; it sent delegations to the Government in the belief that African grievances could be settled through peaceful discussion and that Africans could advance gradually to full political rights. But White Governments remained unmoved, and the rights of Africans became less instead of becoming greater. In the words of my leader, Chief Lutuli, who became President of the ANC in 1952, and who was later awarded the Nobel Peace Prize:

"who will deny that thirty years of my life have been spent knocking in vain, patiently, moderately, and modestly at a closed and barred door? What have been the fruits of moderation? The past thirty years have seen the greatest number of laws restricting our rights and progress, until today we have reached a stage where we have almost no rights at all".

Even after 1949, the ANC remained determined to avoid violence. At this time, however, there was a change from the strictly constitutional means of protest which had been employed in the past. The change was embodied in a decision which was taken to protest against apartheid legislation by peaceful, but unlawful, demonstrations against certain laws. Pursuant to this policy the ANC launched the Defiance Campaign, in which I was placed in charge of volunteers. This campaign was based on the principles of passive resistance. More than 8,500 people defied apartheid laws and went to jail. Yet there was not a single instance of violence in the course of this campaign on the part of any defier. I and nineteen colleagues were convicted for the role which we played in organizing the campaign, but our sentences were suspended mainly because the Judge found that discipline and non-violence had been stressed throughout. This was the time when the volunteer section of the ANC was established, and when the word 'Amadelakufa' 1 was first used: this was the time when the volunteers were asked to take a pledge to uphold certain principles. Evidence dealing with volunteers and their pledges has been introduced into this case, but completely out of context. The volunteers were not, and are not, the soldiers of a black army pledged to fight a civil war against the whites. They were, and are. dedicated workers who are prepared to lead campaigns initiated by the ANC to distribute leaflets, to organize strikes, or do whatever the particular campaign required. They are called volunteers because they volunteer to face the penalties of imprisonment and whipping which are now prescribed by the legislature for such acts.

During the Defiance Campaign, the Public Safety Act and the Criminal Law Amendment Act were passed. These Statutes provided harsher penalties for offences committed by way of protests against laws. Despite this, the protests continued and the ANC adhered to its policy of non-violence. In 1956, 156 leading members of the Congress Alliance, including myself, were arrested on a charge of high treason and charges under the Suppression of Communism Act. The non-violent policy of the ANC was put in issue by the State, but when the Court gave judgement some five years later, it found that the ANC did not have a policy of violence. We were acquitted on all counts, which included a count that the ANC sought to set up a communist state in place of the existing regime. The Government has always sought to label all its opponents as communists. This allegation has been repeated in the present case, but as I will show, the ANC is not, and never has been, a communist organization.

In 1960 there was the shooting at Sharpeville, which resulted in the proclamation of a state of emergency and the declaration of the ANC as an unlawful organization. My colleagues and I, after careful consideration, decided that we would not obey this decree. The African people were not part of the Government and did not make the laws by which they were governed. We believed in the words of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, that 'the will of the people shall be the basis of authority of the Government', and for us to accept the banning was equivalent to accepting the silencing of the Africans for all time. The ANC refused to dissolve, but instead went underground. We believed it was our duty to preserve this organization which had been built up with almost fifty years of unremitting toil. I have no doubt that no self-respecting White political organization would disband itself if declared illegal by a government in which it had no say.

In 1960 the Government held a referendum which led to the establishment of the Republic. Africans, who constituted approximately 70 per cent of the population of South Africa, were not entitled to vote, and were not even consulted about the proposed constitutional change. All of us were apprehensive of our future under the proposed White Republic, and a resolution was taken to hold an All-In African Conference to call for a National Convention, and to organize mass demonstrations on the eve of the unwanted Republic, if the Government failed to call the Convention. The conference was attended by Africans of various political persuasions. I was the Secretary of the conference and undertook to be responsible for organizing the national stay-at-home which was subsequently called to coincide with the declaration of the Republic. As all strikes by Africans are illegal, the person organizing such a strike must avoid arrest. I was chosen to be this person, and consequently I had to leave my home and family and my practice and go into hiding to avoid arrest.

The stay-at-home, in accordance with ANC policy, was to be a peaceful demonstration. Careful instructions were given to organizers and members to avoid any recourse to violence. The Government's answer was to introduce new and harsher laws, to mobilize its armed forces, and to send Saracens, 2 armed vehicles, and soldiers into the townships in a massive show of force designed to intimidate the people. This was an indication that the Government had decided to rule by force alone, and this decision was a milestone on the road to Umkhonto.

Some of this may appear irrelevant to this trial. In fact, I believe none of it is irrelevant because it will, I hope, enable the Court to appreciate the attitude eventually adopted by the various persons and bodies concerned in the National Liberation Movement. When I went to jail in 1962, the dominant idea was that loss of life should be avoided. I now know that this was still so in 1963.

I must return to June 1961. What were we, the leaders of our people, to do? Were we to give in to the show of force and the implied threat against future action, or were we to fight it and, if so, how?

We had no doubt that we had to continue the fight. Anything else would have been abject surrender. Our problem was not whether to fight, but was how to continue the fight. We of the ANC had always stood for a non-racial democracy, and we shrank from any action which might drive the races further apart than they already were. But the hard facts were that fifty years of non-violence had brought the African people nothing but more and more repressive legislation, and fewer and fewer rights. It may not be easy for this Court to understand, but it is a fact that for a long time the people had been talking of violence - of the day when they would fight the White man and win back their country - and we, the leaders of the ANC, had nevertheless always prevailed upon them to avoid violence and to pursue peaceful methods. When some of us discussed this in May and June of 1961, it could not be denied that our policy to achieve a nonracial State by non-violence had achieved nothing, and that our followers were beginning to lose confidence in this policy and were developing disturbing ideas of terrorism.

It must not be forgotten that by this time violence had, in fact, become a feature of the South African political scene. There had been violence in 1957 when the women of Zeerust were ordered to carry passes; there was violence in 1958 with the enforcement of cattle culling in Sekhukhuniland; there was violence in 1959 when the people of Cato Manor protested against pass raids; there was violence in 1960 when the Government attempted to impose Bantu Authorities in Pondoland. Thirty-nine Africans died in these disturbances. In 1961 there had been riots in Warmbaths, and all this time the Transkei had been a seething mass of unrest. Each disturbance pointed clearly to the inevitable growth among Africans of the belief that violence was the only way out - it showed that a Government which uses force to maintain its rule teaches the oppressed to use force to oppose it. Already small groups had arisen in the urban areas and were spontaneously making plans for violent forms of political struggle. There now arose a danger that these groups would adopt terrorism against Africans, as well as Whites, if not properly directed. Particularly disturbing was the type of violence engendered in places such as Zeerust, Sekhukhuniland, and Pondoland amongst Africans. It was increasingly taking the form, not of struggle against the Government - though this is what prompted it -but of civil strife amongst themselves, conducted in such a way that it could not hope to achieve anything other than a loss of life and bitterness.

At the beginning of June 1961, after a long and anxious assessment of the South African situation, I, and some colleagues, came to the conclusion that as violence in this country was inevitable, it would be unrealistic and wrong for African leaders to continue preaching peace and non-violence at a time when the Government met our peaceful demands with force.

This conclusion was not easily arrived at. It was only when all else had failed, when all channels of peaceful protest had been barred to us, that the decision was made to embark on violent forms of political struggle, and to form Umkhonto we Sizwe. We did so not because we desired such a course, but solely because the Government had left us with no other choice. In the Manifesto of Umkhonto published on 16 December 1961, which is Exhibit AD, we said:

"The time comes in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices - submit or fight. That time has now come to South Africa. We shall not submit and we have no choice but to hit back by all means in our power in defence of our people, our future, and our freedom".

This was our feeling in June of 1961 when we decided to press for a change in the policy of the National Liberation Movement. I can only say that I felt morally obliged to do what I did.

We who had taken this decision started to consult leaders of various organizations, including the ANC. I will not say whom we spoke to, or what they said, but I wish to deal with the role of the African National Congress in this phase of the struggle, and with the policy and objectives of Umkhonto we Sizwe.

As far as the ANC was concerned, it formed a clear view which can be summarized as follows:

a. It was a mass political organization with a political function to fulfil. Its members had joined on the express policy of non-violence. b. Because of all this, it could not and would not undertake violence. This must be stressed. One cannot turn such a body into the small, closely knit organization required for sabotage. Nor would this be politically correct, because it would result in members ceasing to carry out this essential activity: political propaganda and organization. Nor was it permissible to change the whole nature of the organization. c. On the other hand, in view of this situation I have described, the ANC was prepared to depart from its fifty-year-old policy of non-violence to this extent that it would no longer disapprove of properly controlled violence. Hence members who undertook such activity would not be subject to disciplinary action by the ANC. I say 'properly controlled violence' because I made it clear that if I formed the organization I would at all times subject it to the political guidance of the ANC and would not undertake any different form of activity from that contemplated without the consent of the ANC. And I shall now tell the Court how that form of violence came to be determined.

As a result of this decision, Umkhonto was formed in November 1961. When we took this decision, and subsequently formulated our plans, the ANC heritage of non-violence and racial harmony was very much with us. We felt that the country was drifting towards a civil war in which Blacks and Whites would fight each other. We viewed the situation with alarm. Civil war could mean the destruction of what the ANC stood for; with civil war, racial peace would be more difficult than ever to achieve. We already have examples in South African history of the results of war. It has taken more than fifty years for the scars of the South African War to disappear. How much longer would it take to eradicate the scars of inter-racial civil war, which could not be fought without a great loss of life on both sides?

The avoidance of civil war had dominated our thinking for many years, but when we decided to adopt violence as part of our policy, we realized that we might one day have to face the prospect of such a war. This had to be taken into account in formulating our plans. We required a plan which was flexible and which permitted us to act in accordance with the needs of the times; above all, the plan had to be one which recognized civil war as the last resort, and left the decision on this question to the future. We did not want to be committed to civil war, but we wanted to be ready if it became inevitable.

Four forms of violence were possible. There is sabotage, there is guerrilla warfare, there is terrorism, and there is open revolution. We chose to adopt the first method and to exhaust it before taking any other decision.

In the light of our political background the choice was a logical one. Sabotage did not involve loss of life, and it offered the best hope for future race relations. Bitterness would be kept to a minimum and, if the policy bore fruit, democratic government could become a reality. This is what we felt at the time, and this is what we said in our Manifesto (Exhibit AD):

"We of Umkhonto we Sizwe have always sought to achieve liberation without bloodshed and civil clash. We hope, even at this late hour, that our first actions will awaken everyone to a realization of the disastrous situation to which the Nationalist policy is leading. We hope that we will bring the Government and its supporters to their senses before it is too late, so that both the Government and its policies can be changed before matters reach the desperate state of civil war."

The initial plan was based on a careful analysis of the political and economic situation of our country. We believed that South Africa depended to a large extent on foreign capital and foreign trade. We felt that planned destruction of power plants, and interference with rail and telephone communications, would tend to scare away capital from the country, make it more difficult for goods from the industrial areas to reach the seaports on schedule, and would in the long run be a heavy drain on the economic life of the country, thus compelling the voters of the country to reconsider their position.

Attacks on the economic life lines of the country were to be linked with sabotage on Government buildings and other symbols of apartheid. These attacks would serve as a source of inspiration to our people. In addition, they would provide an outlet for those people who were urging the adoption of violent methods and would enable us to give concrete proof to our followers that we had adopted a stronger line and were fighting back against Government violence.

In addition, if mass action were successfully organized, and mass reprisals taken, we felt that sympathy for our cause would be roused in other countries, and that greater pressure would be brought to bear on the South African Government.

This then was the plan. Umkhonto was to perform sabotage, and strict instructions were given to its members right from the start, that on no account were they to injure or kill people in planning or carrying out operations. These instructions have been referred to in the evidence of 'Mr. X' and 'Mr. Z'.  3

The affairs of the Umkhonto were controlled and directed by a National High Command, which had powers of co-option and which could, and did, appoint Regional Commands. The High Command was the body which determined tactics and targets and was in charge of training and finance. Under the High Command there were Regional Commands which were responsible for the direction of the local sabotage groups. Within the framework of the policy laid down by the National High Command, the Regional Commands had authority to select the targets to be attacked. They had no authority to go beyond the prescribed framework and thus had no authority to embark upon acts which endangered life, or which did not fit into the overall plan of sabotage. For instance, Umkhonto members were forbidden ever to go armed into operation. Incidentally, the terms High Command and Regional Command were an importation from the Jewish national underground organization Irgun Zvai Leumi, which operated in Israel between 1944 and 1948.

Umkhonto had its first operation on 16 December 1961, when Government buildings in Johannesburg, Port Elizabeth and Durban were attacked. The selection of targets is proof of the policy to which I have referred. Had we intended to attack life we would have selected targets where people congregated and not empty buildings and power stations. The sabotage which was committed before 16 December 1961 was the work of isolated groups and had no connection whatever with Umkhonto. In fact, some of these and a number of later acts were claimed by other organizations.

The Manifesto of Umkhonto was issued on the day that operations commenced. The response to our actions and Manifesto among the white population was characteristically violent. The Government threatened to take strong action, and called upon its supporters to stand firm and to ignore the demands of the Africans. The Whites failed to respond by suggesting change; they responded to our call by suggesting the laager.

In contrast, the response of the Africans was one of encouragement. Suddenly there was hope again. Things were happening. People in the townships became eager for political news. A great deal of enthusiasm was generated by the initial successes, and people began to speculate on how soon freedom would be obtained.

But we in Umkhonto weighed up the white response with anxiety. The lines were being drawn. The whites and blacks were moving into separate camps, and the prospects of avoiding a civil war were made less. The white newspapers carried reports that sabotage would be punished by death. If this was so, how could we continue to keep Africans away from terrorism?

Already scores of Africans had died as a result of racial friction. In 1920 when the famous leader, Masabala, was held in Port Elizabeth jail, twenty-four of a group of Africans who had gathered to demand his release were killed by the police and white civilians. In 1921, more than one hundred Africans died in the Bulhoek affair. In 1924 over two hundred Africans were killed when the Administrator of South-West Africa led a force against a group which had rebelled against the imposition of dog tax. On 1 May 1950, eighteen Africans died as a result of police shootings during the strike. On 21 March 1960, sixty-nine unarmed Africans died at Sharpeville.

How many more Sharpevilles would there be in the history of our country? And how many more Sharpevilles could the country stand without violence and terror becoming the order of the day? And what would happen to our people when that stage was reached? In the long run we felt certain we must succeed, but at what cost to ourselves and the rest of the country? And if this happened, how could black and white ever live together again in peace and harmony? These were the problems that faced us, and these were our decisions.

Experience convinced us that rebellion would offer the Government limitless opportunities for the indiscriminate slaughter of our people. But it was precisely because the soil of South Africa is already drenched with the blood of innocent Africans that we felt it our duty to make preparations as a long-term undertaking to use force in order to defend ourselves against force. If war were inevitable, we wanted the fight to be conducted on terms most favourable to our people. The fight which held out prospects best for us and the least risk of life to both sides was guerrilla warfare. We decided, therefore, in our preparations for the future, to make provision for the possibility of guerrilla warfare.

All whites undergo compulsory military training, but no such training was given to Africans. It was in our view essential to build up a nucleus of trained men who would be able to provide the leadership which would be required if guerrilla warfare started. We had to prepare for such a situation before it became too late to make proper preparations. It was also necessary to build up a nucleus of men trained in civil administration and other professions, so that Africans would be equipped to participate in the government of this country as soon as they were allowed to do so.

At this stage it was decided that I should attend the Conference of the Pan-African Freedom Movement for Central, East, and Southern Africa, which was to be held early in 1962 in Addis Ababa, and, because of our need for preparation, it was also decided that, after the conference, I would undertake a tour of the African States with a view to obtaining facilities for the training of soldiers, and that I would also solicit scholarships for the higher education of matriculated Africans. Training in both fields would be necessary, even if changes came about by peaceful means. Administrators would be necessary who would be willing and able to administer a non-racial State and so would men be necessary to control the army and police force of such a State.

It was on this note that I left South Africa to proceed to Addis Ababa as a delegate of the ANC. My tour was a success. Wherever I went I met sympathy for our cause and promises of help. All Africa was united against the stand of White South Africa, and even in London I was received with great sympathy by political leaders, such as Mr. Gaitskell and Mr. Grimond. In Africa I was promised support by such men as Julius Nyerere, now President of Tanganyika; Mr. Kawawa, then Prime Minister of Tanganyika; Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia; General Abboud, President of the Sudan; Habib Bourguiba, President of Tunisia; Ben Bella, now President of Algeria; Modibo Keita, President of Mali; Leopold Senghor, President of Senegal; Sekou Toure, President of Guinea; President Tubman of Liberia; and Milton Obote, Prime Minister of Uganda. It was Ben Bella who invited me to visit Oujda, the Headquarters of the Algerian Army of National Liberation, the visit which is described in my diary, one of the Exhibits.

I started to make a study of the art of war and revolution and, whilst abroad, underwent a course in military training. If there was to be guerrilla warfare, I wanted to be able to stand and fight with my people and to share the hazards of war with them. Notes of lectures which I received in Algeria are contained in Exhibit 16, produced in evidence. Summaries of books on guerrilla warfare and military strategy have also been produced. I have already admitted that these documents are in my writing, and I acknowledge that I made these studies to equip myself for the role which I might have to play if the struggle drifted into guerrilla warfare. I approached this question as every African Nationalist should do. I was completely objective. The Court will see that I attempted to examine all types of authority on the subject - from the East and from the West, going back to the classic work of Clausewitz, and covering such a variety as Mao Tse Tung and Che Guevara on the one hand, and the writings on the Anglo-Boer War on the other. Of course, these notes are merely summaries of the books I read and do not contain my personal views.

I also made arrangements for our recruits to undergo military training. But here it was impossible to organize any scheme without the co-operation of the ANC offices in Africa. I consequently obtained the permission of the ANC in South Africa to do this. To this extent then there was a departure from the original decision of the ANC, but it applied outside South Africa only. The first batch of recruits actually arrived in Tanganyika when I was passing through that country on my way back to South Africa.

I returned to South Africa and reported to my colleagues on the results of my trip. On my return I found that there had been little alteration in the political scene save that the threat of a death penalty for sabotage had now become a fact. The attitude of my colleagues in Umkhonto was much the same as it had been before I left. They were feeling their way cautiously and felt that it would be a long time before the possibilities of sabotage were exhausted. In fact, the view was expressed by some that the training of recruits was premature. This is recorded by me in the document which is Exhibit R.14. After a full discussion, however, it was decided to go ahead with the plans for military training because of the fact that it would take many years to build up a sufficient nucleus of trained soldiers to start a guerrilla campaign, and whatever happened the training would be of value.

I wish to turn now to certain general allegations made in this case by the State. But before doing so, I wish to revert to certain occurrences said by witnesses to have happened in Port Elizabeth and East London. I am referring to the bombing of private houses of pro-Government persons during September, October and November 1962. I do not know what justification there was for these acts, nor what provocation had been given. But if what I have said already is accepted, then it is clear that these acts had nothing to do with the carrying out of the policy of Umkhonto.

One of the chief allegations in the indictment is that the ANC was a party to a general conspiracy to commit sabotage. I have already explained why this is incorrect but how, externally, there was a departure from the original principle laid down by the ANC. There has, of course, been overlapping of functions internally as well, because there is a difference between a resolution adopted in the atmosphere of a committee room and the concrete difficulties that arise in the field of practical activity. At a later stage the position was further affected by bannings and house arrests, and by persons leaving the country to take up political work abroad. This led to individuals having to do work in different capacities. But though this may have blurred the distinction between Umkhonto and the ANC, it by no means abolished that distinction. Great care was taken to keep the activities of the two organizations in South Africa distinct. The ANC remained a mass political body of Africans only carrying on the type of political work they had conducted prior to 1961. Umkhonto remained a small organization recruiting its members from different races and organizations and trying to achieve its own particular object. The fact that members of Umkhonto were recruited from the ANC, and the fact that persons served both organizations, like Solomon Mbanjwa, did not, in our view, change the nature of the ANC or give it a policy of violence. This overlapping of officers, however, was more the exception than the rule. This is why persons such as 'Mr. X' and 'Mr. Z', who were on the Regional Command of their respective areas, did not participate in any of the ANC committees or activities, and why people such as Mr. Bennett Mashiyana and Mr. Reginald Ndubi did not hear of sabotage at their ANC meetings.

Another of the allegations in the indictment is that Rivonia was the headquarters of Umkhonto. This is not true of the time when I was there. I was told, of course, and knew that certain of the activities of the Communist Party were carried on there. But this is no reason (as I shall presently explain) why I should not use the place.

I came there in the following manner:

1. As already indicated, early in April 1961 I went underground to organize the May general strike. My work entailed travelling throughout the country, living now in African townships, then in country villages and again in cities. During the second half of the year I started visiting the Parktown home of Arthur Goldreich, where I used to meet my family privately. Although I had no direct political association with him, I had known Arthur Goldreich 4 socially since 1958.

2. In October, Arthur Goldreich informed me that he was moving out of town and offered me a hiding place there. A few days thereafter, he arranged for Michael Harmel to take me to Rivonia. I naturally found Rivonia an ideal place for the man who lived the life of an outlaw. Up to that time I had been compelled to live indoors during the daytime and could only venture out under cover of darkness. But at Liliesleaf 5 [farm, Rivonia,] I could live differently and work far more efficiently.

3. For obvious reasons, I had to disguise myself and I assumed the fictitious name of David. In December, Arthur Goldreich and his family moved in. I stayed there until I went abroad on 11 January 1962. As already indicated, I returned in July 1962 and was arrested in Natal on 5 August.

4. Up to the time of my arrest, Liliesleaf farm was the headquarters of neither the African National Congress nor Umkhonto. With the exception of myself, none of the officials or members of these bodies lived there, no meetings of the governing bodies were ever held there, and no activities connected with them were either organized or directed from there. On numerous occasions during my stay at Liliesleaf farm I met both the Executive Committee of the ANC, as well as the NHC, but such meetings were held elsewhere and not on the farm.

5. Whilst staying at Liliesleaf farm, I frequently visited Arthur Goldreich in the main house and he also paid me visits in my room. We had numerous political discussions covering a variety of subjects. We discussed ideological and practical questions, the Congress Alliance, Umkhonto and its activities generally, and his experiences as a soldier in the Palmach, the military wing of the Haganah. Haganah was the political authority of the Jewish National Movement in Palestine.

6. Because of what I had got to know of Goldreich, I recommended on my return to South Africa that he should be recruited to Umkhonto. I do not know of my personal knowledge whether this was done.

Another of the allegations made by the State is that the aims and objects of the ANC and the Communist Party are the same. I wish to deal with this and with my own political position, because I must assume that the State may try to argue from certain Exhibits that I tried to introduce Marxism into the ANC. The allegation as to the ANC is false. This is an old allegation which was disproved at the Treason Trial and which has again reared its head. But since the allegation has been made again, I shall deal with it as well as with the relationship between the ANC and the Communist Party and Umkhonto and that party.

The ideological creed of the ANC is, and always has been, the creed of African Nationalism. It is not the concept of African Nationalism expressed in the cry, 'Drive the White man into the sea'. The African Nationalism for which the ANC stands is the concept of freedom and fulfilment for the African people in their own land. The most important political document ever adopted by the ANC is the 'Freedom Charter'. It is by no means a blueprint for a socialist state. It calls for redistribution, but not nationalization, of land; it provides for nationalization of mines, banks, and monopoly industry, because big monopolies are owned by one race only, and without such nationalization racial domination would be perpetuated despite the spread of political power. It would be a hollow gesture to repeal the Gold Law prohibitions against Africans when all gold mines are owned by European companies. In this respect the ANC's policy corresponds with the old policy of the present Nationalist Party which, for many years, had as part of its programme the nationalization of the gold mines which, at that time, were controlled by foreign capital. Under the Freedom Charter, nationalization would take place in an economy based on private enterprise. The realization of the Freedom Charter would open up fresh fields for a prosperous African population of all classes, including the middle class. The ANC has never at any period of its history advocated a revolutionary change in the economic structure of the country, nor has it, to the best of my recollection, ever condemned capitalist society.

As far as the Communist Party is concerned, and if I understand its policy correctly, it stands for the establishment of a State based on the principles of Marxism. Although it is prepared to work for the Freedom Charter, as a short term solution to the problems created by white supremacy, it regards the Freedom Charter as the beginning, and not the end, of its programme.

The ANC, unlike the Communist Party, admitted Africans only as members. Its chief goal was, and is, for the African people to win unity and full political rights. The Communist Party's main aim, on the other hand, was to remove the capitalists and to replace them with a working-class government. The Communist Party sought to emphasize class distinctions whilst the ANC seeks to harmonize them. This is a vital distinction.

It is true that there has often been close co-operation between the ANC and the Communist Party. But co-operation is merely proof of a common goal - in this case the removal of white supremacy - and is not proof of a complete community of interests.

The history of the world is full of similar examples. Perhaps the most striking illustration is to be found in the co-operation between Great Britain, the United States of America, and the Soviet Union in the fight against Hitler. Nobody but Hitler would have dared to suggest that such co-operation turned Churchill or Roosevelt into communists or communist tools, or that Britain and America were working to bring about a communist world.

Another instance of such co-operation is to be found precisely in Umkhonto. Shortly after Umkhonto was constituted, I was informed by some of its members that the Communist Party would support Umkhonto, and this then occurred. At a later stage the support was made openly.

I believe that communists have always played an active role in the fight by colonial countries for their freedom, because the short-term objects of communism would always correspond with the long-term objects of freedom movements. Thus communists have played an important role in the freedom struggles fought in countries such as Malaya, Algeria, and Indonesia, yet none of these States today are communist countries. Similarly in the underground resistance movements which sprung up in Europe during the last World War, communists played an important role. Even General Chiang Kai-Shek, today one of the bitterest enemies of communism, fought together with the communists against the ruling class in the struggle which led to his assumption of power in China in the 1930s.

This pattern of co-operation between communists and non-communists has been repeated in the National Liberation Movement of South Africa. Prior to the banning of the Communist Party, joint campaigns involving the Communist Party and the Congress movements were accepted practice. African communists could, and did, become members of the ANC, and some served on the National, Provincial, and local committees. Amongst those who served on the National Executive are Albert Nzula, a former Secretary of the Communist Party, Moses Kotane, another former Secretary, and J. B. Marks, a former member of the Central Committee.

I joined the ANC in 1944, and in my younger days I held the view that the policy of admitting communists to the ANC, and the close co-operation which existed at times on specific issues between the ANC and the Communist Party, would lead to a watering down of the concept of African Nationalism. At that stage I was a member of the African National Congress Youth League, and was one of a group which moved for the expulsion of communists from the ANC. This proposal was heavily defeated. Amongst those who voted against the proposal were some of the most conservative sections of African political opinion. They defended the policy on the ground that from its inception the ANC was formed and built up, not as a political party with one school of political thought, but as a Parliament of the African people, accommodating people of various political convictions, all united by the common goal of national liberation. I was eventually won over to this point of view and I have upheld it ever since.

It is perhaps difficult for white South Africans, with an ingrained prejudice against communism, to understand why experienced African politicians so readily accept communists as their friends. But to us the reason is obvious. Theoretical differences amongst those fighting against oppression is a luxury we cannot afford at this stage. What is more, for many decades communists were the only political group in South Africa who were prepared to treat Africans as human beings and their equals; who were prepared to eat with us; talk with us, live with us, and work with us. They were the only political group which was prepared to work with the Africans for the attainment of political rights and a stake in society. Because of this, there are many Africans who, today, tend to equate freedom with communism. They are supported in this belief by a legislature which brands all exponents of democratic government and African freedom as communists and bans many of them (who are not communists) under the Suppression of Communism Act. Although I have never been a member of the Communist Party, I myself have been named under that pernicious Act because of the role I played in the Defiance Campaign. I have also been banned and imprisoned under that Act.

It is not only in internal politics that we count communists as amongst those who support our cause. In the international field, communist countries have always come to our aid. In the United Nations and other Councils of the world the communist bloc has supported the Afro-Asian struggle against colonialism and often seems to be more sympathetic to our plight than some of the Western powers. Although there is a universal condemnation of apartheid, the communist bloc speaks out against it with a louder voice than most of the white world. In these circumstances, it would take a brash young politician, such as I was in 1949, to proclaim that the Communists are our enemies.

I turn now to my own position. I have denied that I am a communist, and I think that in the circumstances I am obliged to state exactly what my political beliefs are.

I have always regarded myself, in the first place, as an African patriot. After all, I was born in Umtata, forty-six years ago. My guardian was my cousin, who was the acting paramount chief of Tembuland, and I am related both to the present paramount chief of Tembuland, Sabata Dalindyebo, and to Kaizer Matanzima, the Chief Minister of the Transkei.

Today I am attracted by the idea of a classless society, an attraction which springs in part from Marxist reading and, in part, from my admiration of the structure and organization of early African societies in this country. The land, then the main means of production, belonged to the tribe. There were no rich or poor and there was no exploitation.

It is true, as I have already stated, that I have been influenced by Marxist thought. But this is also true of many of the leaders of the new independent States. Such widely different persons as Gandhi, Nehru, Nkrumah, and Nasser all acknowledge this fact. We all accept the need for some form of socialism to enable our people to catch up with the advanced countries of this world and to overcome their legacy of extreme poverty. But this does not mean we are Marxists.

Indeed, for my own part, I believe that it is open to debate whether the Communist Party has any specific role to play at this particular stage of our political struggle. The basic task at the present moment is the removal of race discrimination and the attainment of democratic rights on the basis of the Freedom Charter. In so far as that Party furthers this task, I welcome its assistance. I realize that it is one of the means by which people of all races can be drawn into our struggle.

From my reading of Marxist literature and from conversations with Marxists, I have gained the impression that communists regard the parliamentary system of the West as undemocratic and reactionary. But, on the contrary, I am an admirer of such a system.

The Magna Carta, the Petition of Rights, and the Bill of Rights are documents which are held in veneration by democrats throughout the world.

I have great respect for British political institutions, and for the country's system of justice. I regard the British Parliament as the most democratic institution in the world, and the independence and impartiality of its judiciary never fail to arouse my admiration.

The American Congress, that country's doctrine of separation of powers, as well as the independence of its judiciary, arouses in me similar sentiments.

I have been influenced in my thinking by both West and East. All this has led me to feel that in my search for a political formula, I should be absolutely impartial and objective. I should tie myself to no particular system of society other than of socialism. I must leave myself free to borrow the best from the West and from the East .

There are certain Exhibits which suggest that we received financial support from abroad, and I wish to deal with this question.

Our political struggle has always been financed from internal sources - from funds raised by our own people and by our own supporters. Whenever we had a special campaign or an important political case - for example, the Treason Trial - we received financial assistance from sympathetic individuals and organizations in the Western countries. We had never felt it necessary to go beyond these sources.

But when in 1961 the Umkhonto was formed, and a new phase of struggle introduced, we realized that these events would make a heavy call on our slender resources, and that the scale of our activities would be hampered by the lack of funds. One of my instructions, as I went abroad in January 1962, was to raise funds from the African states.

I must add that, whilst abroad, I had discussions with leaders of political movements in Africa and discovered that almost every single one of them, in areas which had still not attained independence, had received all forms of assistance from the socialist countries, as well as from the West, including that of financial support. I also discovered that some well-known African states, all of them non-communists, and even anti-communists, had received similar assistance.

On my return to the Republic, I made a strong recommendation to the ANC that we should not confine ourselves to Africa and the Western countries, but that we should also send a mission to the socialist countries to raise the funds which we so urgently needed.

I have been told that after I was convicted such a mission was sent, but I am not prepared to name any countries to which it went, nor am I at liberty to disclose the names of the organizations and countries which gave us support or promised to do so.

As I understand the State case, and in particular the evidence of 'Mr. X', the suggestion is that Umkhonto was the inspiration of the Communist Party which sought by playing upon imaginary grievances to enrol the African people into an army which ostensibly was to fight for African freedom, but in reality was fighting for a communist state. Nothing could be further from the truth. In fact the suggestion is preposterous. Umkhonto was formed by Africans to further their struggle for freedom in their own land. Communists and others supported the movement, and we only wish that more sections of the community would join us.

Our fight is against real, and not imaginary, hardships or, to use the language of the State Prosecutor, 'so-called hardships'. Basically, we fight against two features which are the hallmarks of African life in South Africa and which are entrenched by legislation which we seek to have repealed. These features are poverty and lack of human dignity, and we do not need communists or so-called 'agitators' to teach us about these things.

South Africa is the richest country in Africa, and could be one of the richest countries in the world. But it is a land of extremes and remarkable contrasts. The whites enjoy what may well be the highest standard of living in the world, whilst Africans live in poverty and misery. Forty per cent of the Africans live in hopelessly overcrowded and, in some cases, drought-stricken Reserves, where soil erosion and the overworking of the soil makes it impossible for them to live properly off the land. Thirty per cent are labourers, labour tenants, and squatters on white farms and work and live under conditions similar to those of the serfs of the Middle Ages. The other 30 per cent live in towns where they have developed economic and social habits which bring them closer in many respects to white standards. Yet most Africans, even in this group, are impoverished by low incomes and high cost of living.

The highest-paid and the most prosperous section of urban African life is in Johannesburg. Yet their actual position is desperate. The latest figures were given on 25 March 1964 by Mr. Carr, Manager of the Johannesburg Non-European Affairs Department. The poverty datum line for the average African family in Johannesburg (according to Mr. Carr's department) is R42.84 per month. He showed that the average monthly wage is R32.24 and that 46 per cent of all African families in Johannesburg do not earn enough to keep them going.

Poverty goes hand in hand with malnutrition and disease. The incidence of malnutrition and deficiency diseases is very high amongst Africans. Tuberculosis, pellagra, kwashiorkor, gastro-enteritis, and scurvy bring death and destruction of health. The incidence of infant mortality is one of the highest in the world. According to the Medical Officer of Health for Pretoria, tuberculosis kills forty people a day (almost all Africans), and in 1961 there were 58,491 new cases reported. These diseases not only destroy the vital organs of the body, but they result in retarded mental conditions and lack of initiative, and reduce powers of concentration. The secondary results of such conditions affect the whole community and the standard of work performed by African labourers.

The complaint of Africans, however, is not only that they are poor and the whites are rich, but that the laws which are made by the whites are designed to preserve this situation. There are two ways to break out of poverty. The first is by formal education, and the second is by the worker acquiring a greater skill at his work and thus higher wages. As far as Africans are concerned, both these avenues of advancement are deliberately curtailed by legislation.

The present Government has always sought to hamper Africans in their search for education. One of their early acts, after coming into power, was to stop subsidies for African school feeding. Many African children who attended schools depended on this supplement to their diet. This was a cruel act.

There is compulsory education for all white children at virtually no cost to their parents, be they rich or poor. Similar facilities are not provided for the African children, though there are some who receive such assistance. African children, however, generally have to pay more for their schooling than whites. According to figures quoted by the South African Institute of Race Relations in its 1963 journal, approximately 40 per cent of African children in the age group between seven to fourteen do not attend school. For those who do attend school, the standards are vastly different from those afforded to white children. In 1960-61 the per capita Government spending on African students at State-aided schools was estimated at R12.46. In the same years, the per capita spending on white children in the Cape Province (which are the only figures available to me) was R144.57. Although there are no figures available to me, it can be stated, without doubt, that the white children on whom R144.57 per head was being spent all came from wealthier homes than African children on whom R12.46 per head was being spent.

The quality of education is also different. According to the Bantu Educational Journal, only 5,660 African children in the whole of South Africa passed their Junior Certificate in 1962, and in that year only 362 passed matric. This is presumably consistent with the policy of Bantu education about which the present Prime Minister said, during the debate on the Bantu Education Bill in 1953:

"When I have control of Native education I will reform it so that Natives will be taught from childhood to realize that equality with Europeans is not for them . . . People who believe in equality are not desirable teachers for Natives. When my Department controls Native education it will know for what class of higher education a Native is fitted, and whether he will have a chance in life to use his knowledge."

The other main obstacle to the economic advancement of the African is the industrial colour-bar under which all the better jobs of industry are reserved for Whites only. Moreover, Africans who do obtain employment in the unskilled and semi-skilled occupations which are open to them are not allowed to form trade unions which have recognition under the Industrial Conciliation Act. This means that strikes of African workers are illegal, and that they are denied the right of collective bargaining which is permitted to the better-paid White workers. The discrimination in the policy of successive South African Governments towards African workers is demonstrated by the so-called 'civilized labour policy' under which sheltered, unskilled Government jobs are found for those white workers who cannot make the grade in industry, at wages which far exceed the earnings of the average African employee in industry.

The Government often answers its critics by saying that Africans in South Africa are economically better off than the inhabitants of the other countries in Africa. I do not know whether this statement is true and doubt whether any comparison can be made without having regard to the cost-of-living index in such countries. But even if it is true, as far as the African people are concerned it is irrelevant. Our complaint is not that we are poor by comparison with people in other countries, but that we are poor by comparison with the white people in our own country, and that we are prevented by legislation from altering this imbalance.

The lack of human dignity experienced by Africans is the direct result of the policy of white supremacy. White supremacy implies black inferiority. Legislation designed to preserve white supremacy entrenches this notion. Menial tasks in South Africa are invariably performed by Africans. When anything has to be carried or cleaned the white man will look around for an African to do it for him, whether the African is employed by him or not. Because of this sort of attitude, whites tend to regard Africans as a separate breed. They do not look upon them as people with families of their own; they do not realize that they have emotions - that they fall in love like white people do; that they want to be with their wives and children like white people want to be with theirs; that they want to earn enough money to support their families properly, to feed and clothe them and send them to school. And what 'house-boy' or 'garden-boy' or labourer can ever hope to do this?

Pass laws, which to the Africans are among the most hated bits of legislation in South Africa, render any African liable to police surveillance at any time. I doubt whether there is a single African male in South Africa who has not at some stage had a brush with the police over his pass. Hundreds and thousands of Africans are thrown into jail each year under pass laws. Even worse than this is the fact that pass laws keep husband and wife apart and lead to the breakdown of family life.

Poverty and the breakdown of family life have secondary effects. Children wander about the streets of the townships because they have no schools to go to, or no money to enable them to go to school, or no parents at home to see that they go to school, because both parents (if there be two) have to work to keep the family alive. This leads to a breakdown in moral standards, to an alarming rise in illegitimacy, and to growing violence which erupts not only politically, but everywhere. Life in the townships is dangerous. There is not a day that goes by without somebody being stabbed or assaulted. And violence is carried out of the townships in the white living areas. People are afraid to walk alone in the streets after dark. Housebreakings and robberies are increasing, despite the fact that the death sentence can now be imposed for such offences. Death sentences cannot cure the festering sore.

Africans want to be paid a living wage. Africans want to perform work which they are capable of doing, and not work which the Government declares them to be capable o Africans want to be allowed to live where they obtain work, and not be endorsed out of an area because they were not born there. Africans want to be allowed to own land in places where they work, and not to be obliged to live in rented houses which they can never call their own. Africans want to be part of the general population, and not confined to living in their own ghettoes. African men want to have their wives and children to live with them where they work, and not be forced into an unnatural existence in men's hostels. African women want to be with their menfolk and not be left permanently widowed in the Reserves. Africans want to be allowed out after eleven o'clock at night and not to be confined to their rooms like little children. Africans want to be allowed to travel in their own country and to seek work where they want to and not where the Labour Bureau tells them to. Africans want a just share in the whole of South Africa; they want security and a stake in society.

Above all, we want equal political rights, because without them our disabilities will be permanent. I know this sounds revolutionary to the whites in this country, because the majority of voters will be Africans. This makes the white man fear democracy.

But this fear cannot be allowed to stand in the way of the only solution which will guarantee racial harmony and freedom for all. It is not true that the enfranchisement of all will result in racial domination. Political division, based on colour, is entirely artificial and, when it disappears, so will the domination of one colour group by another. The ANC has spent half a century fighting against racialism. When it triumphs it will not change that policy.

This then is what the ANC is fighting. Their struggle is a truly national one. It is a struggle of the African people, inspired by their own suffering and their own experience. It is a struggle for the right to live.

During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to this struggle of the African people. I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.

• On 11 June 1964, at the conclusion of the trial, Mandela and seven others - Walter Sisulu, Govan Mbeki, Raymond Mhlaba, Elias Motsoaledi, Andrew Mlangeni, Ahmed Kathrada and Denis Goldberg - were convicted. Mandela was found guilty on four charges of sabotage and like the others was sentenced ro life imprisonment.
• 1  Amadelakufa: Those who are prepared to make sacrifices.
• 2  Saracen armoured vehicles: British-made military troop carriers.
• 3  State witnesses in the trial whose names were withheld for their protection.
• 4  Arthur Goldreich was among those arrested in connection with the Rivonia case. Later he and three others in custody escaped from jail by bribing a guard, and fled the country.
• 5  Liliesleaf was the name of the farm in the district of Rivonia on the northern outskirts of Johannesburg where the arrests took place. At the time it was let to Arthur Goldreich.
•  The Junior Certificate examination was generally taken by white children at the age of 15 and they could not normally leave school before this. Matriculation was taken two years later and qualified students for higher education. The educational system, however, ensured that very few Africans reached Junior Certificate level, so that what represented a basic standard for whites was one of achievement for Africans. Even fewer attained matriculation level.

Faculty of Humanities

• Library PIN
• Short Loan Collection
• Study Collection
• Find shelf (call) number
• 1. Search books in catalogue
• 2. Find books in NMU Library
• Ebooks platforms & restrictions
• Ebooks in Classic Catalogue
• Ebooks in EBSCOhost
• Taking out EBSCOhost ebooks
• Useful search techniques
• Find Databases
• Databases tutorials
• Google Scholar
• DHET Accredited Journal Lists

Nelson Mandela University Theses and Dissertations

South african universities.

• Public Management and Leadership
• History and Politics
• Sociology and Anthropology
• Applied Language Studies
• Journalism, Media and Communication
• Language and Literature
• Art and Design

Faculty Librarian

• Institutional Repository

The Institutional Repository houses electronic Theses and Dissertations (institutional those awarded by the former Port Elizabeth Technikon, University of Port Elizabeth, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University), Inaugural lectures, various University publications as well as other research outputs.

Access to the complete theses (print) collection is available via the Library Catalogue 

• Current and Completed Research Information on South African current and completed research outputs, including theses and dissertations.
• << Previous: DHET Accredited Journal Lists
• Next: Governmental and Social Sciences >>
• Last Updated: Feb 5, 2024 8:48 AM
• URL: https://libguides.mandela.ac.za/Humanities

NMU Library Website       Connect with us on: FaceBook    YouTube

• www.mandela.ac.za

Change the world

Faculty Librarian - Education

Theses & Dissertations

Nelson mandela university electronic theses & dissertations  (dspace), other repositories:, nexus (nrf - national research foundation).

Information on approximately 150 000 South African current and completed research projects including theses and dissertations.

• Current & Complete Research Projects in South Africa
• NDLTD - Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations
• Navtech - SA Technikon Research
• SA Theses (including Navtech and UCTD)
• UCTD - Theses and Dissertations at South African Universities

OpenThesis database

• OpenThesis - is a searchable thesis & dissertation database, which helps increase the availability and utility of these important documents.

OpenThesis contains the bibliographical information, normally including author, school, title, abstract, date of publication, and more. Full text is generally not included unless OpenThesis has received permission from the school or author.

  Nelson Mandela University Theses & Dissertations in Print format

Use this example how to find theses in the Catalogue:

Advanced Keyword Search

Work@Mandela

FindIt@Mandela

Commercial Services@Mandela

Tel: +27 (0) 41 504 1111

Fax: +27 (0) 41 504 2574 / 2731

Email: [email protected]

PO Box 77000, Nelson Mandela University

Gqeberha, 6031, South Africa

Connect@Mandela

• A - Z Index
• Privacy statement

Privacy statement    Mail & Portals    --> BEE & Tax Certificate    PAIA    ISPA    FAQ    Sitemap    A - Z Index    --> WCMS

• www.mandela.ac.za

Change the world

Library and Information Services

• Mission/vision
• Addresses & Contact numbers
• Campus Maps
• Ask a Librarian
• Report address/phone change
• Suggestions and Comments
• Book search slip
• E-database trial evaluation
• Inter-library loan request
• Library material on reserve
• New library material order form
• Off-campus students request for library material
• Report access problem
• Request information
• Staff registration
• Available forms
• Faculty librarians
• Publishing Support
• Information Librarians
• How to print from your mobile device
• How to login from off-campus
• Library code of conduct
• Mobile sites and apps
• Self-Check unit
• Westlaw login instructions
• Trial databases
• Open Access Resources
• New Resources
• PressReader
• Research Tools
• Library Hours
• Accredited Journal Lists
• International repositories

Theses and dissertations

• Reference styles
• Research and Information Commons
• Bibliographic Services
• Circulation
• Information and training
• Library Information Systems & Digital Applications LISDA
• Suggestions & comments
• Video Gallery
• Image Gallery
• Suggestions and comments
• Library Online Training
• George Campus
• North Campus
• Missionvale Campus
• South Campus
• Snapplify login (Instructions)
• Search strategies
• Training Videos
• Circulation Services
• Interlibrary Loans
• Digital Commons (Including Nelson Mandela University theses & dissertations)
• SA theses & dissertations
• EBSCOhost OpenDissertations 
• Nexus 

Work@Mandela

FindIt@Mandela

Commercial Services@Mandela

Tel: +27 (0) 41 504 1111

Fax: +27 (0) 41 504 2574 / 2731

Email: [email protected]

PO Box 77000, Nelson Mandela University

Gqeberha, 6031, South Africa

Connect@Mandela

• A - Z Index
• Privacy statement

Privacy statement    Mail & Portals    --> BEE & Tax Certificate    PAIA    ISPA    FAQ    Sitemap    A - Z Index    --> WCMS