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The Importance of Being an Active and Responsible Citizen

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Defining good citizenship, importance of good citizenship, role of college students in shaping communities.

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The Importance of Citizenship: Rights, Responsibilities, Benefits, and Functions

Citizenship is a key component of being a member of a country and is crucial in determining a person’s identity and rights in a given community. We shall discuss the importance of citizenship in this article, as well as its rewards, rights, and duties. Understanding the fundamental characteristics of citizenship can help us better comprehend the benefits, responsibilities, and essential purposes it fulfils. This article will serve as your thorough reference whether you want to learn about citizenship requirements or are inquisitive about the benefits it offers.

Table of Contents

Rights of Citizenship

Citizenship comes with a variety of rights and protections that are essential for people to live in a country. While these rights may vary from country to country, several components are universal in many different legal systems. The freedom to vote is one of the most important liberties a citizen enjoys. The democratic process gives citizens the ability to take part and have an impact on choices that affect both their local community and the country as a whole.

Additionally, citizenship frequently gives people the ability to apply for a passport, allowing them to travel freely and contacting the consulates or embassies of their home country for diplomatic support. Access to public services like healthcare, education, and social welfare is made possible by citizenship, which also protects the right to reside and work in the nation.

Responsibilities of Citizenship

Along with privileges, citizenship entails obligations that advance the general welfare and growth of the country. Obeying the law in the country is one of the main duties. To maintain peace, order, and stability in society, citizens are expected to respect and abide by the law.

Tax payment is another essential civic obligation. Taxes support the nation’s development, public services, and infrastructure. Citizens actively contribute to the development and prosperity of their nation by carrying out this duty.

Participation in civic affairs is yet another essential duty of citizenship. This covers political debates, volunteering, and involvement in neighbourhood projects. Citizens assist build a cohesive and inclusive society by actively contributing to the community.

Citizenship entails the obligation to protect the country if required. Citizens may be asked to join the military or help in other ways during times of crisis or conflict to ensure the safety and security of their fellow citizens.

Benefits of Citizenship

Numerous advantages of citizenship improve both a person’s personal and professional lives. The defence of legal rights is a noteworthy benefit. Citizens have access to a fair trial and equitable treatment under the law, as well as legal protection against discrimination.

Additionally, citizenship opens up more job prospects for people. When it comes to work, many nations provide their residents with preferential treatment, which may include access to government jobs, scholarships, and training opportunities. Citizenship frequently provides doors to social and economic advantages, enabling people to actively participate in the economic development of the nation.

Another benefit of citizenship is access to healthcare. The majority of citizens have access to comprehensive healthcare, ensuring their health and the health of their families. A future that is healthier and more secure is made possible by this access to healthcare services.

The ability to sponsor family members for immigration or citizenship is another benefit of citizenship. Families are able to live together and establish a solid support system in their adopted nation thanks to this reunion benefit.

Functions of Citizenship

1. fostering a sense of national identity and belonging:.

A shared sense of national identity, pride, patriotism, and attachment to one’s country are all fostered by citizenship. It fosters social cohesiveness and togetherness by giving people a sense of belonging to a wider group. People establish a link to their nation’s culture, customs, and ideals through identifying as citizens.

2. Promoting social integration:

By making it easier for people to integrate into society, citizenship encourages social integration. People learn about their country’s history, beliefs, institutions, and democratic principles through citizenship education and civic engagement. This information encourages people to take an active role in the democratic process and feel a feeling of civic responsibility, which helps them improve their communities.

3. Acting as a mechanism for political representation:

Citizenship enables people to take part in politics and guarantees that their voices and interests are heard. Citizens have the opportunity to choose representatives who will rule on their behalf through the right to vote and to participate in politics. Due to elected officials’ accountability to the people they represent, this system of political representation promotes democratic governance and results in a more open and responsive government.

4. Enhancing democratic governance and accountability:

Citizenship provides a foundation for accountability and openness, which helps democratic systems function as a whole. Democratic institutions grow more receptive to the demands and ambitions of the populace as citizens actively engage in civic life, hold elected officials responsible, and voice their concerns. This active participation encourages a system of checks and balances and ensures that choices are made in the best interests of the public.

5. Promoting social and economic rights:

Access to social and economic rights within a country is mostly dependent on citizenship. Citizenship fosters social inclusion and lowers inequities by offering people the right to education, healthcare, social welfare, and work possibilities. It offers a base for people to actively participate in the social and economic advancement of their nation, raising living standards and enhancing wellbeing generally.

6. Facilitating international representation and diplomacy:

Citizenship enables people to represent their nation abroad. up behalf of their country, citizens can take up roles as diplomats, ambassadors, or members of international organisations. This portrayal encourages diplomacy, collaboration, and the defence of national interests and rights overseas. Additionally, it makes it possible for people to obtain consular assistance and safety when they are outside of their own country, thus solidifying their ties to it.

Additionally, citizenship serves as a tool for achieving social and economic inclusion . Citizenship contributes to the reduction of inequalities and fosters upward social mobility by providing people with access to social services, educational possibilities, and work prospects.

A dedication to a country and its principles, citizenship is more than just a legal position. Individuals are more equipped to actively participate in reshaping their communities when they are aware of the rights, obligations, advantages, and functions of citizenship. By appreciating the value of citizenship, we may promote a more inclusive and prosperous society for all, where rights are upheld, duties are carried out, and civic responsibilities help to advance the welfare of the country.

Also Read:- https://www.borthakursiasacademy.com/blog/polity-supreme-court-and-judicial-review/

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9. the responsibilities of citizenship.

Still, there are differences when it comes to which aspects are considered very important (as opposed to somewhat important), and points of emphasis differ by party identification as well as by age.

Overall, 91% say it is either very (74%) or somewhat (17%) important to vote in elections in order to be a good citizen; just 8% say this is not too or not at all important.

Large shares also say it is important to pay all the taxes you owe (92%) and to always follow the law (96%), including about seven-in-ten who say each is very important (71% and 69%, respectively).

For several other traits and behaviors, about nine-in-ten say they are at least somewhat important to good citizenship. However, the share saying each is very important varies significantly. For example, 89% say it’s important to serve jury duty if called, including 61% who say this is very important. While a comparable 90% say it’s important to follow what’s happening in government and politics as part of good citizenship, a smaller share (49%) says this very important.

Protesting government actions you think are wrong and knowing the Pledge of Allegiance are considered important parts of what it means to be a good citizen, though they rank somewhat lower on the public’s list. Displaying the American flag ranks last among the 11 items tested in the survey. Still, a majority says this is either a very (36%) or somewhat (26%) important part of what it means to be a good citizen.

About three-quarters of Republicans and Republican leaners (76%) and Democrats and Democratic leaners (75%) say it’s very important to vote in elections.

Similarly, comparable majorities of Republicans and Democrats say it’s very important to pay all the taxes you owe, serve jury duty if called, respect the opinions of those you disagree with and participate in the census. There also are no partisan divides over the importance of volunteering to help others and following what’s going on in government and politics.

However, Republicans (79%) are more likely than Democrats (61%) to say it’s very important to always follow the law to be a good citizen.

Knowing the Pledge of Allegiance ranks higher on Republicans’ list (71% say it’s very important) than Democrats’ (just 34% say it’s very important). In addition to placing greater importance on the Pledge of Allegiance, Republicans are twice as likely as Democrats to say it is very important to display the American flag (50% vs. 25%).

By contrast, Democrats are more likely than Republicans to think it is very important to protest if government actions are believed to be wrong: About half of Democrats (52%) this is very important to what it means to be a good citizen, compared with just about a third (35%) of Republicans.

Partisans and ‘leaners’ differ over importance of aspects of citizenship

On many items, the views of independents that lean toward one of the two major parties diverge from those of self-identifying Republicans and Democrats. In general, partisan leaners tend to be less likely than straight Republicans and Democrats to view a range of responsibilities as important to what it means to be a good citizen.

Overall, 83% of Republicans say voting in elections is a very important aspect of being a good citizen, compared with a smaller majority of Republican leaners (67%). There is an even wider 28-point gap between the share of Democrats (86%) and Democratic leaners (58%) who say this is very important.

Similarly, roughly two-thirds of both Republicans (64%) and Democrats (68%) say participating in the U.S. census every 10 years is very important to being a good citizen; slightly fewer Republican leaners (55%) and Democratic leaners (53%) say the same.

By comparison, smaller majorities of Democrats (67%) and Democratic leaners (60%) say it’s important to know the pledge. Self-identifying Democrats (42%) are significantly more likely to say knowing the pledge is a very important part of good citizenship than Democratic leaners (24%).

There is a 22-point gap between the share of Republicans (90%) and Republican leaners (68%) who say displaying the American flag is at least somewhat important to being a good citizen. And 63% of Republicans call this very important, compared with 35% of Republican leaners. About half of Democrats (52%) think this is a very or somewhat important aspect of good citizenship; 43% of Democratic leaners say the same.

Age differences in views of the responsibilities of citizenship

Young adults place less importance on many aspects of citizenship than older adults, especially when it comes to the share that describes a trait or behavior as very important for being a good citizen.

Majorities of adults across all ages say it is very important to vote in elections in order to be a good citizen. Still, a smaller majority of those under 30 say this (56%), compared with larger shares of those ages 30 to 49 (72%), 50 to 64 (76%) and 65 and older (92%).

And while fully 81% of those 65 and older say that to be a good citizen it is very important to serve jury duty if called, just about half (47%) of those under 30 say the same.

Displaying the American flag and knowing the Pledge of Allegiance do not rank particularly highly for young adults on their list of important characteristics for good citizenship. Among those ages 18 to 29, 63% say it is important to know the Pledge of Allegiance (38% very important) and 53% say it is important to display the American flag (19% very important). These items do not top the list of older adults either, though those 65 and older are more likely than the youngest adults to say both are important parts of being a good citizen.

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Citizenship: What Is It and Why Does It Matter?

28 Mar 2011

This policy primer discusses the objectives and implications of citizenship policy and examines the concept of citizenship in the UK in the light of both its historical context and recent policy changes.

The issue: What is British citizenship and why does it matter?

Breaking the link between settlement and citizenship, what is the relation between citizenship, belonging and britishness, what is the aim of citizenship policy, what is the relationship between citizenship, immigration and equality, implications for debates.

In its strictest sense, citizenship is a legal status that means a person has a right to live in a state and that state cannot refuse them entry or deport them. This legal status may be conferred at birth, or, in some states, obtained through ‘naturalisation’. In wealthy liberal democratic states citizenship also brings with it rights to vote, rights to welfare, education or health care etc. In this formal sense, citizenship acquisition for oneself or one’s children is seen as principally related to migrants. However, it is important to recognise that citizenship isn’t only about migrants, but is more generally about individuals’ relations to the state and to each other. Liberal ‘republican’ positions in particular have emphasised the relation between citizenship and political participation such as voting, engagement in civil society and other forms of political mobilisation. Moreover, as well as a legal status, citizenship can also indicate a subjective feeling of identity and social relations of reciprocity and responsibility. Sometimes these are described in words like ‘loyalty’, ‘values’, ‘belonging’ or ‘shared cultural heritage’. This also points to the complex and often assumed relation between citizenship and belonging to ‘the nation’.

The British debate on immigration and citizenship occurs within a context of more than a decade of policies and reviews on citizenship more generally. When the Labour government came to power in 1997 it strongly emphasised ‘active citizenship’, an attempt to transform citizens from what was perceived as ‘passive recipients of public services’ to actively engaged participants in public life (Mayo and Rooke 2006). In 1998 a policy review of citizenship education in England was conducted by Sir Bernard Crick. In September 2002, following its recommendation, citizenship education was introduced as a statutory subject in English secondary schools. Also in 2002 The Advisory Board on Naturalisation and Integration (ABNII) was established, again chaired by Sir Bernard Crick, to develop proposals for language and citizenship courses and tests for applicants to British citizenship. It took place against the background of a number of disturbances in towns in Northern England, including Bradford, in 2001, which given rise to concerns about ‘community cohesion’ and a lack of ‘shared values’ (Home Office 2001a; Ryan 2010).The ‘Life in the UK Advisory Group’ situated its work within a much broader policy remit however, including ‘a wider citizenship agenda’.

In 2007 then Prime Minister Gordon Brown requested a review of British citizenship to clarify the legal rights and responsibilities of different categories of citizenship and nationality, and the incentives for residents to become citizens. The ‘Lord Goldsmith Citizenship Review’ was also requested to ‘explore the role of citizens and residents in civic society, including voting, jury service and other forms of civil participation’. The review, while focussing on the legal aspects of citizenship, was again therefore set within a broader policy context.

The new coalition government has continued to emphasise the importance of citizenship, but situating it within the context of the Big Society. This emphasises the responsibility of individual citizens and communities to solve problems build communities. In November 2010 the government announced who had been selected to run the pilot projects for the National Citizen Service. These will run programmes for 16 year olds to develop the skills to be “active and responsible citizens” In sum, the debate on the legal status of citizenship is taking place within a broader debate about Britishness and ‘national identity’. The legal status (but often not the broader debate) also has to manage both the legacies of the British Empire and Britain’s membership of the European Union. The Labour Government of 1997-2010 increasingly moved to incorporate aspects of subjective identity and social relations into the process of attaining the legal status of citizenship and introduced significant changes to the processes of citizenship and settlement. The naturalisation policy of the coalition government is not yet clear but there is likely to be a policy announcement in the coming months.

Citizenship policy is related to, but not identical with, policy on settlement (see the briefing on ‘ Settlement in the UK ‘). The legal concept of settlement came into existence through the 1971 Immigration Act. People with certain types of immigration status can acquire the right to remain indefinitely in the UK i.e. become ‘settled’. This means they have the right to live and work in the UK without restrictions. Under certain circumstances settled migrants may still be deported, settled status may be revoked, and their children do not necessarily have British citizenship. In order to be ‘non-deportable’, a person has to have British citizenship. It is possible to apply for British citizenship after a period of settlement. Under UK legislation it is possible to be a dual national, though holders of dual nationality may be stripped of their British citizenship under certain circumstances (Gibney 2008).

UK naturalisation policy takes as its starting point the 1981 British Nationality Act. This Act marked the downgrading of relations with former colonies (former ‘British subjects’), and the abandonment of ‘ius soli’, the right, dating back to 1608, of all those born on British territory to be British subjects. Nevertheless a set period of legal residence continued to be the principal basis for granting citizenship. There was a linguistic competence requirement but this was very rarely enforced. While not overtly stated this assumes that the longer one stays in a country, the closer the links one develops with it: one becomes accustomed to its ways, settles in to a community, and begins to build a life there. In effect, the indicator of ‘integration’ is length of (legal) stay.

Changes began in 2001. The Cantle Report, commissioned to identify views and practices to promote social cohesion following the Bradford disturbances, emphasised the importance of promoting ‘a meaningful concept of citizenship’ (Home Office 2001a) and suggested the promotion of English language acquisition and an oath of national allegiance from migrants. There was broad ministerial acceptance of the approach of the Cantle Report in the publication of Building Cohesive Communities also known as The Denham Report (Home Office 2001b). While stating that ‘there is no single dominant and unchanging culture into which all must assimilate’, this also identified the importance of ‘shared values’ (Home Office 2001b). This led to new emphasis on the link between social cohesion and citizenship. The recommendations of the Life in the UK Advisory Group, that applicants either pass a ‘citizenship test’ or complete an English language with citizenship course, were implemented in 2005. These requirements have been gradually extended, and since 2007 language requirements have been made of certain groups who are applying to enter the UK or who are applying for settlement, as well as those who are applying for citizenship.

Legislation passed in 2009 introduced fundamental changes to obtaining citizenship. In particular it broke the link between length of residence and right to settlement and naturalisation. For those who are eligible, after an initial temporary period (which can run to 5 years), a new status of ‘probationary citizen’ was introduced which could last for a further 1-5 years. This is not a secure residence status, and does not confer eligibility for most benefits, family reunion or home student fees. While using the terminology of ‘citizenship’ it brings with it no citizenship rights. Those with this status can then apply for ‘permanent residence’ (PR i.e. settlement) or British citizenship. The possibility for new and tougher language and knowledge tests to enter both probationary citizenship and citizenship/PR status were also introduced. Processes for acquiring these statuses also offered inducements to apply for British citizenship rather than ‘permanent residence’.

Most of these changes are due to be implemented in the summer of 2011. The coalition government has not said what it will do, but has made a commitment that it will make settlement (and by implication citizenship acquisition) more difficult. It has also stated that it will do away with the proposal to encourage migrant volunteering or ‘active citizenship’ which it deemed ‘too complicated, bureaucratic, and in the end ineffective’ (Home Office 2010).

Sawyer (2010) argues that historically ‘Britishness’ is ambiguous but inclusive. This is not to say that aliens were treated as if they were British, but that there was in practice considerable ambiguity about who belongs. “It has not been necessary to formally be part of the fabric of society for practical day-to-day purposes, since that depended mostly on actual, rather than even explicitly lawful residence” (Sawyer 2010: 7). She points to the importance of settlement rather than citizenship as an indication of this. The attempt to convert permanent residence into a status primarily for those who are not permitted dual nationality, taken up by very few people marks an important shift. This, together with the breaking of the link between length of stay and right of settlement, means both that the space for ‘good enough’ belonging without formal citizenship is increasingly narrowed and that the difference in rights between citizens and non-citizens is widened.

There may be unintended consequences of this, not least that far from giving value to citizenship, it risks making the motivation for acquisition of citizenship far more instrumental. It is already noteworthy that EEA nationals are less likely than others to apply for citizenship. Interestingly there has been a decline in applications for British citizenship from the 2004 EU Accession states since EU Enlargement, even though there has been an increase in the numbers of migrants from those states. Rutter et al. conclude that this is ‘because this group has the fewest restrictions in the UK on their rights of movement and abode and on their social rights, thus the least ‘need’ to apply for citizenship’ (Rutter et al. 2008). The instrumentalisation of citizenship runs counter to the original policy intention to raise the status of citizenship and makes its acquisition more than a tick box bureaucratic exercise.

The shift to incorporate ideas of identity and belonging into the legal processes of naturalisation emphasises the symbolic dimension of citizenship. Demonstrating ‘belonging’ is no longer largely a matter of the length of time a person has (legally) been in the UK with the question of settlement or citizenship being a technical one. This means one must answer questions like: What is Britishness? What are British values? What is belonging? The answers to these questions are very difficult to pin down, and one cannot assume that British nationals will not answer these in very different ways. Unlike the straightforward question, ‘How long have you legally resided in the UK?’ these sorts of value laden questions do not have settled answers and this allows for new spaces of contestation to open up. The current Conservative Party Chairman Baroness Warsi recently said that she would fail former Conservative Party Chairman Norman Tebbit’s cricket test of belonging to Britain because she would cheer on the Pakistani cricket team.

Is citizenship an end point, a reward for being ‘integrated’, in effect a personal benefit that enables an individual to claim a variety of rights? Or is it part of a process, a social good that facilitates cohesion? Is citizenship an end in itself, or is it a means to a cohesive society? The obvious answer is that it is both an individual reward and a social good, but they have very different policy implications. If citizenship is primarily a reward that gives access to resources its restriction is part of what gives it value, while if it is primarily a social good, that suggests that there is a benefit in facilitating the broadest possible access to it. While the current citizenship debate had its basis in concerns about cohesion, the tests and other restrictions have in practice become obstacles to achieving the legal status, rather than enablers of integration.

Most of the public debate on immigration has been conducted about entry rather than about settlement. However the new focus on net migration is concerned with ‘numbers in’ balancing ‘numbers out’. There is no explicit interest in the citizenship of the numbers in and numbers out, and in 2009/10 for instance the net migration figure increased even though the numbers in declined because fewer British nationals left the UK. The only group whose movement can be directly controlled in and out are non-EEA nationals. The focus on net migration means that there is an interest in discouraging the settlement of non-EU migrants in particular as the one group whose movement out can be overtly facilitated. Current Home Secretary Teresa May has stated that it is ‘too easy at the moment to move from temporary residence to permanent settlement’ (Home Office 2010). As discussed above, because of the increasingly close relation between settlement and formal citizenship, this has direct implications for citizenship.

Making settlement and citizenship more difficult can help to limit net migration by encouraging churn and in effect may be used to enable long stay to be limited to those with high human capital. However, there are also risks to such policies. Increasing the proportion of migrants who have temporary stay will result in a growing number of people residing in the UK with very limited rights. For migrants who wish to stay longer than the initial period granted by their visa there are three options, overstaying, renewing their visa (i.e. extending their temporary stay), or changing to a different visa status. Depending on how the legislation is implemented and on the particular conditions attached to their entry, this would have different consequences. One consequence of increased numbers of people on temporary visas that are valid for a period of several years is that some will become parents while they are resident in the UK. These children will not be British citizens. In this way there is a risk that citizenship and settlement policies make integration and cohesion more difficult rather than easier.

The UK has long been identified as a country of ‘civic’ rather than ‘ethnic’ nationalism, where membership of the nation is defined as political rather than ethnic. The reasons for this have been traced back to the development of the state, and also the British Empire which ruled territories and people as British subjects (Shulman 2002). However, not all subjects of the British Empire were equal to one another. MacDonald has cogently argued that ‘the Aliens Act 1905 was not merely born out of an enormous anti-Jewish agitation. It also came in the wake of half a century of agitation for the strictest control of non-white immigration throughout the self-governing part of the Commonwealth’ (MacDonald 2010).

There continues to be a complex relation between immigration, citizenship and ‘race’ that is an important component of public debate. The former Archbishop of Canterbury, George Carey, warned for example ‘Migration threatens the very ethos or DNA of our nation’ (Times, January 7 2010). However, one of the fundamental principles of liberal citizenship is that all citizens are formally equal to each other. This is the case whether citizenship is acquired by naturalisation or by registration (‘by birth’). Notably ‘migrant’ in the UK is generally officially defined as being ‘foreign born’ and so British citizens by naturalisation continue to count as ‘migrants’; their impact on labour market and costs to welfare state etc are presented accordingly (Anderson and Blinder, 2011). Of course there are many axes of inequality between citizens (by ethnicity, gender, physical and mental disability, income and so on); if there were not there would be no call for anti-discrimination legislation and practices. This is complicated for non-EEA foreign-born migrants (who may also be subject to other forms of discrimination of course) by the fact that, until they obtain settlement, employers are obliged to treat them differently (which some might equate to ‘discrimination’) on the grounds of their nationality.

The relation between citizenship and ideals of cohesion, integration and equality, remains unclear. More particularly the aims of citizenship policy are not well defined, in stark contrast to immigration policy. Nevertheless there have been considerable changes to the processes of acquiring formal citizenship, including the introduction of a number of tests. These ostensibly promote citizenship and sense of belonging, but there is also some evidence that they are making citizenship acquisition more difficult, particularly for certain groups (Ryan 2010). It seems that a number of, often competing, ideas about what citizenship is and why it should be valued are being brought to bear on acquisition processes. These formal processes are not necessarily able to accommodate all these ideas.

The breaking of the link between settlement and citizenship represents a fundamental break with past practice by attempting to draw a ‘bright line’ between those who have citizenship and those who do not. The sharpening differentiation between citizens and non-citizens is occurring at a time of ‘super-diversity’ (Vertovec 2007), when migrants from many different countries are moving to the UK for very different reasons and lengths of stay. Arguably this makes a more flexible approach more desirable, and there is a risk of creating an ever increasing number of people with extremely limited rights. The question of the relation between formal citizenship and Britishness, between belonging to the state and belonging to ‘the community’ will continue to exercise public debate for years to come.

Anderson, B. and S. Blinder. “Who Counts as a Migrant: Definitions and their Consequences.” Migration Observatory Briefing, Centre on Migration, Policy and Society, University of Oxford, 2011.
Cabinet Office. “Building the Big Society.” Cabinet Office, London, 2010. http://www.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/sites/default/files/resources/building-big-society_0.pdf.
Gibney, M. “Asylum and the Expansion of Deportation in the United Kingdom.’” Government and Opposition 43 (2008): 139-143.
Home Office. “Government Announcement on Settlement Reforms.” Press Release, Home Office, London, 5 November 2010. http://www.ukba.homeoffice.gov.uk/sitecontent/newsarticles/2010/nov/15-settlement-reforms.
Home Office Community Cohesion Review Team. “Community Cohesion: A Report of the Independent Review Team Chaired by Ted Cantle.” Home Office, London, 2001a.
Home Office Ministerial Group on Public Order and Community Cohesion. “Building Cohesive Communities: Report of the Ministerial Group on Public Order and Community Cohesion.” Home Office, London, 2001b.
MacDonald, I. “Rights of Settlement in the UK: A Historical Perspective” Paper presented at the Migration and Law Network Conference, Middlesex University, 9 September 2010.
Mayo, M. and A. Rooke. “Active Learning for Active Citizenship: An Evaluation Report.” Home Office, London, 2006.
Rutter, J., M. Latorre, and D. Sriskandarajah, “Beyond Naturalisation: Citizenship Policy in an Age of Super Mobility.” Institute for Public Policy Research, London, 2008.
Ryan, B. “Integration Rules in Immigration and Nationality Law: The Case of the United Kingdom.” Report for the EIF project ‘Integration and Naturalisation Tests: The New Way to European Citizenship’, Centre for Migration Law, Nijmegenr, 2010.
Sawyer, C. “EUDO Citizenship Observatory Country Report: United Kingdom.” Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute, Florence, 2010.
Shulman, S. “Challenging the Civic/Ethnic and West/East Dichotomies in the Study of Nationalism.” Comparative Political Studies 35 (2002): 554-585.
Vertovec, S. “Super-Diversity and its Implications.” Ethnic and Racial Studies 30, no. 6 (2007): 1024-1054.
Bridget Anderson

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Importance of Being a Global Citizen Essay

Introduction.

The relevance of being a global citizen is that through international encounters, people develop a considerable awareness of the problems faced by various parts of the world. In this case, being such a person encourages young individuals to focus more deeply on the effects of their activities and decisions on other areas of the world. Although becoming such a citizen is critical in contemporary society, there is a need to differentiate between globalism and globalization.

The Distinction between Globalism and Globalization

Globalization refers to the spread of jobs, information, products, and technology across nations in the world. On the other hand, globalism refers to an ideology regarding the belief that goods, knowledge, and people should cross international borders without restrictions (Reysen & Katzarska-Miller, 2013). Globalization means civilization, where people migrate to any part of the world despite the risks involved. Globalism is an ideology committed to favoring globalization and placing the interests of the world above the interests of individual countries.

Being a Global Citizen in the World of Advanced Technologies

Global citizenship is a crucial step that people should take because it has its advantages. In the world of advanced technology, being a global citizen is helpful because it assists in succeeding in meeting individual, professional, and academic goals and objectives. Modern technology helps people to keep in touch or communicate with business partners, family, and friends through text messages and emails (Ahmad, 2013). Through globalization, people can share information from any part of the world. In contemporary society, advanced technology has become the key to communication, enabling people to meet their professional, academic, and individual goals.

Disagreement between Theorists about the Definition of Global Citizenship

Various theorists disagree about the definition of global citizenship because they have divergent meanings. For this reason, some define the concept in their own words, while others believe that it is a concept that has to be taught to people (Reysen & Katzarska-Miller, 2013). In addition, other individuals believe that global citizenship needs people to be isolated from their customs and cultures. Some theorists feel that when a person becomes a global citizen, they will not be considered fully part of one country. Therefore, such people will have challenges living within the social spheres of such an area. After reading the article by Katzarska-Miller and Reysen, I defined global citizenship as becoming exposed and interconnected to international cultures that give people opportunities to develop their identities.

Choosing and Explaining Two of the Six Outcomes of Global Citizenship

The two of the six outcomes that I choose include social justice and valuing diversity, and they are the most relevant in becoming a global citizen concerning others. When a person embraces such citizenship, one understands that silencing people is not the solution in the community and that they have to be allowed to serve (Arditi, 2004). Therefore, social justice ensures that oppressing others is not the solution and that giving individuals a chance is the best thing. Social justice ensures that human beings do not miss out on growth and development opportunities because of a lack of diversity. Valuing diversity helps one to become such an individual as it assists a person in recognizing the fact that the world has different people. Therefore, global citizenship can relate to individuals from other parts of the globe. Such an interaction could be on academic or business grounds as the world becomes increasingly interconnected.

Describing at Least Two Personal Examples

In my life, I have had to relate with individuals from all corners of the world. Therefore, I view myself as a global citizen because I value and embrace diversity in all my undertakings. For example, my school embraces diversity and inclusion, where students are admitted from different parts of the world. In this case, my school environment has become one of the most significant contributors to my value for diversity over the years (De Soto, 2015). In school, I interact with other students from Europe, Asia, Africa, Australia, Canada, and other parts of America other than the United States. I have understood the challenges of interacting with foreigners, such as differentiated business cultures and language barriers. In school and my immediate environment, I have come to appreciate treating other people as the law requires. Therefore, I have come to respect everyone and do not like seeing people being oppressed.

Identifying and Explaining Two Specific General Education Courses

The two general education courses that contributed the most to being a global citizen include Introduction to Literature and Introduction to social responsibility and Ethics. The concept of global citizenship has shaped my identity, and being such a citizen has made me a better person in the community (Arditi, 2004). The literature course has strengthened my ability to learn other people’s cultures, customs, and traditions, which has enabled me to appreciate diversity more. Social responsibility and ethics as a course have helped me to strengthen my ability to determine what is right before taking any action.

In conclusion, global citizenship is a concept that has relevance in contemporary society. In addition, being a citizen enables one to comprehend other relevant concepts, such as globalization and globalism. Being a student allows one to appreciate diversity and inclusivity, pertinent elements of globalization or being a global citizen. For example, studying some courses such as ethics and literature helps one understand and appreciate others.

Ahmad, A. (2013). A global ethics for a globalized world (Links to an external site.). Policy Perspectives, 10(1), 63-77. Web.

Arditi, B. (2004). From globalism to globalization: The Politics of Resistance . New Political Science , 26 (1), 5–22. Web.

De Soto, H. (2015) . Globalization at the Crossroads. [Video]. You Tube. Web.

Reysen, S., & Katzarska-Miller, I. (2013). A model of global citizenship: Antecedents and outcomes. International Journal of Psychology , 48 (5), 858–870.

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Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Importance of Being a Global Citizen." August 19, 2023. https://ivypanda.com/essays/importance-of-being-a-global-citizen/.

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The Role of Globalization in Education and Knowledge
Concept of the Globalization’ Ideology
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“Jihad Versus Mcworld” by Benjamen Barber: Tribalism and Globalism Threat to Democracy
Globalization Theory in Political Economy
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The Globalized World: Threats and Challenges
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Importance of citizenship education

Why is citizenship education important.

Citizenship education gives people the knowledge and skills to understand , challenge and engage with democratic society including politics, the media, civil society, the economy and the law.

Democracies need active, informed and responsible citizens – citizens who are willing and able to take responsibility for themselves and their communities and contribute to the political process.

How does it benefit young people?

It helps them to develop self-confidence and a sense of agency, and successfully deal with life changes and challenges such as bullying and discrimination.

It gives them a voice : in the life of their schools, their communities and society at large.

It enables them to make a positive contribution by developing the knowledge and experience needed to claim their rights and understand their responsibilities. It prepares them for the challenges and opportunities of adult and working life.

Who else does it benefit?

Citizenship also brings benefits for schools, other educational organisations and for society at large.

For schools and other educational organisations, it helps to produce motivated and responsible learners, who relate positively to each other, to staff and to the surrounding community. For society it helps to create an active and responsible citizenry, willing to participate in the life of the nation and the wider world and play its part in the democratic process.

One of the first steps on the civic journey is the education system. Education should help young people become active citizens once they understand their role within society and how they can go about improving it. The Ties that Bind – House of Lords Report on Citizenship, 2018

Society belongs to all of us. What we put into it creates what we get out of it.

At Young Citizens, we believe society is best when we all join in. That is, when we all bring our energy and judgment to it. This helps make it fairer and more inclusive. It supports a democracy in which people participate and belong. We have countless examples of how even the youngest can make a difference .

But it means we all need enough knowledge , skills and confidence to take part effectively.

We want everyone to feel they belong. And we want everyone to feel they can drive change.

The European Commission supports the following definition of active citizenship:

Participation in civil society, community and/or political life, characterised by mutual respect and non-violence and in accordance with human rights and democracy Hoskins, 2006

So let’s make this a reality. Let’s help people become effective citizens. The cost is much greater if we don’t.

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Citizenship Essay: Fundamentals Towards the Future

Citizenship Essay: Fundamentals Towards the…

“Citizens are made not born” [1] . This statement is the basis on which citizenship is defied because it takes into account that citizenship is more than just being born into a country, it encompasses the notion that citizenship can be changed, is active and can be taught. In order for a democratic society to function properly, citizens must be actively involved in a multitude of areas.

If citizens are not willing to convey their ideas socially, politically, and economically then the government, whose founding principle, is rule by the people that are effectively governing blindly. The state depends on the actions of its citizens. An example of this is the state could not provide free healthcare if its citizens did not agree to taxation that enables Canada’s highly coveted healthcare system [2] .

I feel in a libertarian society, a citizen is best defined as an individual who is invested in society and contributes to its stability by performing civic duties. In order for society to be made up of these invested citizens, the individuals of a nation-state need to be sculpted in accordance with the fundamental principles that would best serve society.

These principles; open-mindedness, critical thinking, and political knowledge should be taught in schools to form the individual that can definitively be called a citizen.

I will examine each principle and why it is fundamental in creating the type of citizen as defined above. Within each fundamental principle, I will present counterarguments opposing the teaching of set principles in schools as well as ways of implementing these principles in classrooms.

A society is built upon basic institutions. The accessibility of these institutions depends on the willingness and accommodation of others’ differences by the citizens of set society. [3] In order for citizens to learn how to accommodate each other’s differences, education in schools is needed.

One of the first fundamental things that individuals need to be taught is to enable the possession of an open mind and the value of it. The possession of an open mind is becoming more important in Canada’s libertarian society due to multiculturalism. Individuals need to be aware of the differences of opinions, religious views, morals, and values that other individuals possess.

The teaching of possessing an open mind will help individuals understand each other, and help instill the value of tolerance and ideally, the ultimate goal; acceptance. [4]

This goal of acceptance is achieved through obtaining personal autonomy. Personal autonomy is defined as “the skills and inclination to choose on the basis of critical thought about the right and the good.” [5] By possessing personal autonomy, individuals are able to become aware of the diverse ways of life that the other individuals in their society possess. [6]

The role of education in this is imperative. According to Callan, “civic education can no longer be understood as wedded to the idea of the culturally homogenous nation-state.” [7]

On account of the fact that Canada is multicultural, its education of citizenship cannot just encompass homogenous values. This means that if Canadian citizenship is to be constructed in accordance to our multicultural society that the conceptions of citizenship and the educational training that supports it need to be revised. [8]

Some may argue that the teaching of toleration and cultural diversity is another form of western ethnocentrism. [9] However, what civic education on open-mindedness and new civic ideals would teach is not ethnocentrism but would help individuals be better equipped to deal with global diversity and help to battle hate and violence. [10]

This civil education of broader thinking could make sure that events like the Holocaust could not happen because of teaching intrinsic values of citizenship and with it the value of being anti-racist and anti-discriminatory. [11]

Acting out the democratic duties of a citizen through an open mind or with personal autonomy would ensure that laws passed would aid the greater good, ensure equal rights and not infringe on minorities.

This will enable the advancement of a multicultural society because according to Kymlicka, the “ health and stability of society depend on the attitudes of citizens.” [12] It is only with an attitudinal change that the government can enact laws, implement values and dictate the direction of society with the support and help of its citizens.

Once individuals have learnt in schools how to view others and differences with an open mind, or at best obtain personal autonomy, a second instrumental attribute is needed to be taught. This attribute is critical thinking and it enables individuals to examine political, moral, economical, and overall societal issues while looking at both sides of an issue and weighing the solutions or opinions carefully and reasonably.

The ability to think critically and effectively is needed in order for citizens to dutifully enact and obey Guttman’s and Thompson’s norm of reciprocity. The norm of reciprocity should be one of the sub-fundamental principles of good citizenship that must be taught to children in schools.

The norm of reciprocity is a guideline for public debates and acting politically based on moral beliefs. [13] In short, citizens in order to obey the norm must respect others and their beliefs and must not “impose a requirement on other citizens to adopt one’s sectarian way of life” in order to understand another’s moral views or claims. [14]

The teaching of critical thinking and with it the norm of reciprocity helps to make sure that children will not be educated just to advance their own moral interests. This will create adult citizens that will be able to examine the norm and in turn, be able to recognize the value of public debates as well as being able to scrutinize and deliberate on public views. [15]

Furthermore, the ability to deliberate and scrutinize public opinions effectively ensures that laws will not be passed due to political leaders or groups lobbying out of their own personal moral convictions. Ways of implementing this in schools are through open public debates on controversial issues with no right or wrong answers as well as critically examining issues in society. This can be done through teaching how to analyze, interpret and present issues of societal concern in a classroom setting.

The ability to teach critical thinking and the norm of reciprocity may seem to some problems. Some argue that finding unbiased teachers that will have the ability to teach children how to reason about emotional and controversial issues will be extremely tough. [16] Another argument against the teaching of critical analysis and thought is that some parents may think that their child is being indoctrinated or that prejudices could be taught. [17]

Moreover, some parents may feel that it is unfit for their children to critically examine issues that may go against their personal religious beliefs. The argument that civic education could be biased can apply to any institution or person that occupies an authoritative position in society.

The fact is that institutions like the family can teach children values that go against or come into conflict with libertarian principles and values of society. [18] I feel that even though teaching citizenship may not be possible without bias, creating more enlightened, critical-thinking individuals while giving them the ability to interpret for themselves will create a more well-rounded citizen, without having coerced them into believing anything.

In the last Canadian election, the percentage of citizens that enacted their duty to vote was the lowest ever recorded. This apathetic mindset in Canadian citizens reflects political ignorance as well as ignorance of the duties of citizens. The classroom is where this political ignorance needs to end.

The attitudes, morals, and values of society have drastically changed, yet the education on citizenship and politics has remained stagnant. I believe that in order for citizens to become more knowledgeable in the political spectrum, they must first be taught the basic democratic duties that come with being a citizen.

A curriculum should be created that specifically discusses and outlines the duties and rights of a citizen. The duties that should be taught are but not limited to, the duty to vote, the duty to maintain a just society and tolerate others. [19] Specific duties, such as voting, have been neglected on account that many citizens are unaware that voting is a duty, not just a right of a citizen.

Furthermore, it is imperative that individuals, specifically those aged 14-17 receive knowledge about political issues in society in order for them to make informed decisions when they are the age of majority. This will help make sure that these informed citizens will continually exercise their civil, political, and social duties that define a citizen.

If individuals are taught that voting is a duty then they are more likely to make sure that they maintain a basic knowledge of politics in order to vote and be active in the political arena. Being active in the political arena also draws on the two other fundamental principles discussed above.

If citizens use an open mind, think critically and are knowledgeable about issues, specifically political issues, then these enlightened individuals are more likely to be involved politically and act for the common good. They are also more likely to form educated opinions that have a factual basis rather than just moral beliefs.

Another argument against this is that in order for a state to be justified legitimate consent must be earned and that education on citizenship, specifically civic duties, is gaining consent in an illegitimate way. [20] Although, if through education you give individuals the tools to think critically then by teaching them about the duties of citizenship, they will be critically examining them and may choose to consent or not, which would be legitimate.

Another possibility is that only those that accept the fundamental principles and will keep up with their duties of a citizen should be granted the status of a citizen. Maybe to some, being a citizen is too much work and people may not want to have to exercise their duties and would rather be ignorant and apathetic.

Perhaps through education of the duties of a citizen, ability to think critically and with an open mind individuals before they enter the age of majority, should be allowed to choose whether or not they want to become a citizen. Possibly only those that are able to attain these fundamental attributes promise to enact their duties and want to, should be granted the duty to vote. This would ensure that those that are defined as a citizen, are indeed a contributing member of a society dedicated to ensuring that they fulfill their duties, think critically and act for the common good.

This would also solve the problem of educating individuals in order to coerce them into accepting the state because in order to become a citizen it would require explicit consent.

Regardless, education on the duties of citizenship will help create political awareness and with the teaching of the other two fundamental principles described above, collectively citizens may want to create laws distributive justice and property rights that benefit the collective good and whole and not necessarily strictly benefit themselves.

This would also cause them to critically look at the systems we have in place in society and either collectively come together and ask for a reform, or stand behind the policies already enacted.

In order to keep up with societal values the concept of what a citizen needs to be redefined. This definition may depend on the society an individual inhabits, but the idea that citizenship needs to be taught in school should not be up for debate. Many societies have realized this and have altered their definitions of citizens and created a curriculum to complement it.

An example of this is in France where children are expected to know how political institutions work, understand fundamental rules of political and societal conduct and be capable of effective communication in a formal debate among other things. [21] This ensures that the youth of the nation will be knowledgeable about their civic roles in society.

As the world becomes smaller with globalization and technology it is crucial that citizenship encompass more than just living in a sovereign state. The citizens within a sovereign state must not only be aware of the values and norms of that society but they must be open and tolerant of new cultures.

Perhaps in the near future, citizenship to nation-states will be obsolete and citizenship and its definition will pertain to a global context where personal autonomy, critical thinking and political knowledge are a must in order to be a functioning member of the globe.

Works Cited

Brighouse, Harry., and ed. McKinnon, Catriona. “Citizenship”: Issues in Political Theory , New

York: Oxford University Press, 2008

Callan, Eamonn., “Citizenship and Education” Annual Review of Political Science 7 (2004) : 71-90.

Kymlicka, Will., Contemporary Political Philosophy; An introduction , 2 nd Ed. Oxford

University Press: 285-326

[1] . Harry Brighouse, “Citizenship”: Issues in Political Theory , ed. Catriona McKinnon (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008) 254.

[2] . Will Kymlicka, Contemporary Political Philosophy; An introduction , 2 nd Ed. (Oxford University Press): 285

[3] . Eamonn Callan, “Citizenship and Education” Annual Review of Political Science 7 (2004) : 74.

[4] . Callan, 75.

[5] . Callan, 75.

[6] . Callan, 75.

[7] . Callan, 72.

[8] . Callan, 72.

[9] . Callan, 77.

[10] . Callan, 77.

[11] . Callan, 75.

[12] . Kymlicka, 285

[13] . Harry Brighouse, “Citizenship”: Issues in Political Theory , ed. Catriona McKinnon (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008) 247.

[14] . Brighouse, 244.

[15] . Brighouse, 247.

[16] . Brighouse, 255.

[17] . Brighouse, 256.

[18] . Callan, 87

[19] .Brighouse, 243.

[20] . Brighouse, 257.

[21] . Brighouse, 257.

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Becoming a Responsible Citizen: Significance of Active Citizenship

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Importance of Being a Global Citizen Essay

The Distinction between Globalism and Globalization

Being a Global Citizen in the World of Advanced Technologies

Disagreement between Theorists about the Definition of Global Citizenship

Choosing and Explaining Two of the Six Outcomes of Global Citizenship

Describing at Least Two Personal Examples

Identifying and Explaining Two Specific General Education Courses

Importance of citizenship education

How does it benefit young people?

Who else does it benefit?

Society belongs to all of us. What we put into it creates what we get out of it.

Suggested Next Steps:

Subscribe to our Newsletter

Citizenship Essay: Fundamentals Towards the Future

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Author: William Anderson (Schoolworkhelper Editorial Team)

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Becoming a Responsible Citizen: Significance of Active Citizenship

Refugee Law

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