education system in georgia

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Public Education

As of 2008, approximately 1.6 million students were enrolled in prekindergarten through twelfth grade in 181 public school systems and more than 2,000 schools in Georgia. Education is compulsory for all children ages six to sixteen. There are approximately 114,000 full-time and nearly 5,000 part-time preK-12 teachers in Georgia; they are assisted by nearly 11,000 full-time and more than 2,000 part-time support personnel (paraprofessionals, nurses, speech pathologists, etc.) and more than 8,000 full-time and more than 1,500 part-time administrators.

Although the state constitution has compelled public support of education since 1777 and the state’s first government-supported high school opened in Augusta in 1783, Georgia did little to provide for public education in the state. A “poor school fund” was established in 1822, but its benefits proved limited. Several towns and cities provided free schooling to local children. Only in 1858, under Georgia governor Joseph E. Brown , was there an effort to establish a comprehensive system for the state’s white children.

The disruption of the Civil War (1861-65) postponed any serious efforts at implementation until Reconstruction . The legislature in 1866 mandated a free public school system, but with few resources to support such a system in the bleak postwar environment, little happened right away. The new state constitution of 1868 called for “a thorough system of general education, to be forever free to all children of the State,” to be funded through poll and liquor taxes. In 1870 the Republican-controlled system was put into place, but only with the return of Democratic “ home rule ” in 1872 did it finally take shape under the leadership of Gustavus J. Orr, state school commissioner. All schools were segregated by race, and many could afford to operate for only three or four months at a time.

It was not until 1949, with legislation known as the Minimum Foundation Program, that a uniform nine-month school term was required. Schools remained segregated, as confirmed by the state constitution of 1945, which led to significant inequities in textbooks, teacher salaries, and facilities. In 1951 a 3 percent sales tax was passed by the Georgia General Assembly to help support schools.

The U.S. Supreme Court declared that segregation was unconstitutional in the Brown v. Board of Education decision in 1954, and ruled a year later that southern schools must desegregate “with all deliberate speed.” The Georgia legislature, like those of most southern states, strongly opposed this federal mandate, declaring it null and void in the state. It passed a series of laws prohibiting or inhibiting enactment of the Court’s ruling, including the termination of state and local funding for any school that did desegregate, and authorizing the governor to close such schools.

By late 1958 these efforts at “massive resistance” slowly began to crumble, as Atlantans launched a “Help Our Public Education” (HOPE) movement to keep public schools open regardless of whether they were integrated. In 1960 the Sibley Commission , established to evaluate the situation statewide, urged that the state repeal its official opposition to the Brown decision and allow individual counties and communities to make their own decisions about when and how they chose to respond. By late 1961 four white high schools in Atlanta had allowed Black students to enroll, as did schools in Savannah , Athens , and Brunswick in 1963.

Yet ten years after the Brown decision, less than 2 percent of African American students in Georgia attended classes with whites. Only in the early 1970s were segregated public schools fully dismantled across the state, though many communities responded by establishing all-white private “segregation academies” that, in effect, kept Blacks and whites in separate classrooms.

Student and Teacher Demographics

All data reported in this section reflect 2007-8 figures provided by the Georgia Department of Education or the Governor’s Office of Student Achievement, except where other sources are noted. The race/ethnicity of children enrolled in Georgia schools at that time was 46 percent white, 38 percent African American, 10 percent Hispanic, 3 percent Asian, and 3 percent multiracial. In contrast, the race/ethnicity of Georgia’s preK-12 teachers (full- and part-time) was 75 percent white, 23 percent African American, and only 1 percent Hispanic.

Statewide, 9 percent of students are enrolled in gifted education programs, and 11 percent are enrolled in special education programs. Less than 4 percent of students are served by ESOL (English for Speakers of Other Languages) programs, but this number will grow in the coming years as the Hispanic population increases.

Sixty percent of the schools in the state receive federal Title I funds to provide supplemental instruction to students whose achievement is significantly behind that of their peers. Title I funds are allocated according to the percentage of students (not the number of students) in the school who are eligible for free or reduced-price (F/R) lunches. If more than 40 percent of the students in a school are eligible for F/R lunches, Title I funds can be used to enhance instruction for all students in the school through a schoolwide program. Other schools that are ineligible for a schoolwide program or choose not to operate a schoolwide program provide targeted assistance only to those students who are at risk of not meeting state standards. In Georgia approximately 1,300 schools receive Title I funds, with about 1,100 schools using those funds for schoolwide Title I programs, and about 200 using them for Targeted Assistance Title I programs. Fifty-one percent of Georgia students are eligible for F/R lunches.

Two statistics of great concern in Georgia are the dropout rate and the high school completion rate. The two terms are not interchangeable. The dropout rate is a measure of the number of students who leave school from one fall to the next for reasons such as employment, incarceration, academic failure, military enlistment, or childbirth. A student who leaves school but later completes a General Educational Development (GED) diploma is still considered a dropout. For grades 7-12 the dropout rate is 2.6 percent, and for grades 9-12 the rate is 3.6 percent. The high school completion rate reflects the percentage of ninth graders who graduate four years later. The completion rate for 2008 was 75.4 percent. In 2009 the Georgia General Assembly passed the “Move On When Ready Act,” which allows high school juniors and seniors to earn high school credit for courses taken at postsecondary institutions and allows such students to graduate early with no financial penalty to the school district if the students have met graduation requirements.

Prior to the fall of 2008, students had the opportunity to earn a diploma with a college preparatory endorsement, a diploma with a vocational endorsement, a diploma with both endorsements, a special education diploma, or a certificate of attendance. In 2008, 49 percent of students completing high school earned college prep diplomas; 23 percent, vocational; 21 percent, college prep and vocational; 3.5 percent, special education; and 4.5 percent, certificates of attendance. In 2007 the state of Georgia eliminated the vocational diploma for students entering ninth grade in the fall of 2008 and beyond. Thus, students can earn a regular high school diploma by meeting all graduation credit requirements and attendance requirements and passing all of the Georgia High School Graduation Tests. Students with special needs who complete all of the requirements in their Individualized Education Program but do not meet other graduation criteria receive a special education diploma. Students who do not complete all requirements for graduation or do not pass the Georgia High School Graduation Tests are awarded a High School Certificate.

The Scholastic Assessment Test (SAT) is a college entrance exam often used to compare the performance of high school students among states and among school districts within a state. The scores that are reported at the national level are the most recent scores for each senior; Georgia also reports the highest score for each senior, but these scores cannot be compared nationally and are therefore not reported here. In 2008 Georgia students averaged 1453 (combined verbal, math, and writing scores, each on an 800-point scale) on the SAT, compared with a national average score of 1495. Georgia students scored an average of 486 points on the verbal section, compared with the national average of 487. On the math portion of the test, Georgia students scored an average of 490 points, compared with the national average of 510. Georgia students scored an average of 477 points on the writing portion of the test, compared with the national average of 488 points. When SAT scores are used to compare states, Georgia usually finishes near the bottom. The College Board, which administers the SAT, cautions against the use of SAT scores for this purpose, because the population of students taking the SAT in each state varies considerably. In some states, most students take a different test, the American College Testing (ACT). In those states, students who take the SAT generally have strong academic backgrounds and plan to apply to some of the nation’s most selective colleges and scholarship programs. For example, in 2008 there were more than 62,000 Georgia seniors who took the SAT, with an average score of 1466. (Note: This number is taken from the College Board, which administers the SAT. The number above was taken from state of Georgia data. The two numbers are slightly different, probably due to differences in how and when students were classified by each agency.) In contrast, only 1,300 Iowa students took the SAT, and their average score was 1799. By way of comparison, Georgia had more than 83,500 high school graduates in 2008, while Iowa had approximately 34,000 high school graduates.

The College Board also notes that certain subgroups of students (based on race, gender, parental education, household income, school type) do not perform as well as others on the SAT. Thus, the more diversity a state has in its test-takers, the more likely scores are to be lower. The state of Georgia has made a concerted effort to encourage more students to pursue postsecondary education. Thus more students, and more diverse students, are taking the SAT in Georgia.

Students who maintain a B average throughout high school are eligible for the HOPE (Helping Outstanding Pupils Educationally) Scholarship to finance their postsecondary education in Georgia. More than 38 percent of the students graduating in 2008 were eligible for the HOPE Scholarship , which is funded with lottery proceeds.

School Options

Of the 181 public school systems in Georgia, 159 are county systems and 21 are city systems; the Department of Juvenile Justice also runs a school system. There are nearly 2,000 schools within these 181 systems. In addition, 24 psychoeducational facilities serve students with severe disabilities. The state also operates a virtual school, which mostly serves high school students. The accrediting body for both public and private schools in Georgia is the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools. Families have a variety of educational options in Georgia.

Charter schools: A charter school or district is a public school that operates according to the terms of a charter that has been approved by the state Board of Education. A charter school may be exempted from certain rules and policies. In exchange for this flexibility, the charter school is required to meet the performance-based objectives specified in its charter. As of September 2009 there were 113 charter schools or systems in the state.

State schools : The state operates three schools for students with special needs, all of which serve students between the ages of three and twenty-one. The Atlanta Area School for the Deaf in Clarkston serves students in metropolitan Atlanta who have hearing impairments. The Georgia School for the Deaf, located in Cave Spring, provides both day and residential education for deaf students from throughout the state. Since 1852 the Georgia Academy for the Blind in Macon has provided residential education for children who are blind. The school also offers a program for students with multiple disabilities. In addition, the GA PINES program (Parent Infant Network for Educational Services) provides services for families of children from birth to five years of age who have hearing and/or visual impairments.

Private schools: In 2007-8 there were more than 650 private schools (parochial and independent) in Georgia, enrolling more than 120,000 students. Private schools are subject to state laws regarding length of school year and day, subjects that must be taught, and testing and reporting standards. Georgia does not have a voucher system, but the topic is frequently considered by the legislature.

Homeschooling : State law provides an option for parents who have a high school diploma or GED diploma to homeschool their children. In 2005-6 more than 36,600 Georgia students were enrolled in homeschool programs. State law specifies the curriculum areas to be taught and number of hours of instruction. Parents must provide attendance reports, and children must take nationally standardized tests every third year, beginning at the end of third grade.

Prekindergarten and Head Start : Since 1993 the state has used funds generated by the lottery to fund prekindergarten programs that are housed in both public schools and private child development centers. Through this program Georgia serves a higher proportion of four-year-old children than any other state in the nation. The program is voluntary on the part of both parents and providers. Thus, there are sometimes not enough spaces for all families who wish to participate. More than 76,000 children (57 percent of the eligible children) are currently being served in prekindergarten programs. The prekindergarten program is administered by Bright from the Start: Georgia Department of Early Care and Learning.

Bright from the Start also administers the Head Start program, a national program that provides comprehensive developmental services for more than 20,000 low-income preschool children and their families. The program addresses developmental goals for children, employment and self-sufficiency goals for adults, and support for parents in their work and in their roles as parents. Children served by Head Start may receive medical and dental examinations and treatment, immunizations, and social services.

Georgia Department of Education

Public education in Georgia is governed by the Georgia Department of Education, which is led by an elected superintendent and a board of education appointed by the governor. The state Board of Education is made up of thirteen individuals, each representing a congressional district. Both houses of the Georgia General Assembly maintain education committees.

The Department of Education has responsibility for a broad array of school-related matters, including curriculum, textbook adoption, assessment, safety, nutrition, and transportation. It publishes a report card for the state as well as reports for each school system and school annually. These report cards contain student and teacher demographic information and assessment results.

Each local school district is led by an appointed superintendent and an elected board of education. Until 1996 there was no uniform standard throughout the state; in many districts superintendents were elected, and boards of education were appointed.

The Quality Basic Education Act of 1985 established the Quality Core Curriculum (QCC), which was the state’s official curriculum for public schools, grades K-12, for nearly two decades. A revision of the QCCs in 2003 was prompted by the results of an external audit conducted by Phi Delta Kappa International. This audit revealed crucial gaps in the curriculum and a general lack of rigor. As a result of these findings, state teachers and other education experts developed a new curriculum, known as the Georgia Performance Standards. Implementation began in 2005 with English, math, science, and social studies.

Textbooks are adopted on a rotating basis, one or two subjects per year (pending funding). The state Board of Education develops a list of recommended textbooks from which local districts may make purchases with state funds.

In the 2014-15 school year, the Georgia Milestones Assessment System (GMAS) replaced the Criterion-Referenced Competency Test (CRCT). The CRCT measured attainment of objectives specified in the Georgia Performance Standards for students grades 1-8. GMAS tests measure comprehensive attainment for students grades 3-12. Students in grades 3-8 must take an End of Course Assessment (EOC) in language arts and math, while students in grades 5-8 must also take EOCs in science and social studies.

Under GMAS, which in addition to replacing the CRCT also replaced the End of Course Test (EOCT), students in grades 9-12 now must take EOCs for each of ten designated courses in five subjects: English language arts, math, science, and social studies. Irrespective of grade level, under GMAS EOCs serve as each course’s final exam and count for 20% of each student’s grade. Students wishing to obtain a high school diploma must also pass all five sections of the Georgia High School Graduation Tests. The Georgia Alternative Assessment is provided for students with special needs whose Individualized Education Programs specify that they are unable to participate in the regular assessment even with maximum accommodations.

Students in grades three, five, eight, and eleven are required to take a writing assessment each year. All kindergarteners are assessed for first-grade readiness with the Georgia Kindergarten Assessment Program. This is a performance-based test (not a pencil-and-paper test) administered to each child individually by the child’s teacher three times per year.

Local school districts are also required to administer a nationally norm-referenced test (such as the Iowa Test of Basic Skills) annually in grades three, five, and eight.

School Finance

The average annual per-pupil expenditure for 2007-8 was $9,120. More than 40 percent of this money comes from local property taxes, and 52 percent comes from state funds. Approximately 6 percent of funding comes from the federal government. State law provides for local systems to hold a referendum to authorize a 1 percent Special Purpose Local Option Sales Tax (SPLOST), with funds restricted for use in capital improvement projects, capital outlay projects, or debt retirement for capital outlay projects.

The base salary provided by the state for a fully certified teacher with no experience was $33,424 in fiscal year 2010. Most school systems provide a local supplement. The average salary of preK-12 teachers in Georgia in 2007-8 was approximately $51,500.

State and Federal Legislation

In 2000 the legislature enacted House Bill 1187, known as the A+ Education Reform Act, which mandated comprehensive educational reform for the state. Major components of this legislation included establishing maximum class sizes by grade level, lowering the age of compulsory school attendance from seven to six, eliminating fair dismissal (tenure) for teachers, establishing the Office of Education Accountability, and mandating CRCTs for students in grades one to eight. The legislation also requires each school to create a school council composed of the principal, two parents, two teachers, and two businesspeople to advise the principal and the local board on any matter, including curriculum, budget, principal selection, and the performance of school personnel.

Some elements of HB 1187 were repealed or altered in 2003. Most significant, the teacher fair-dismissal clause was restored, and some modifications were made to the class-size mandates to avoid undue economic hardships on districts (because of the need to hire more teachers and build more schools).

The No Child Left Behind Act, enacted by Congress in 2001 and reauthorized in 2008, sets nationwide standards for improving public education by the end of the 2013-14 school year. All students, regardless of race, income, or language proficiency, are to be proficient in reading and mathematics by 2014. Further, all students are to graduate from high school, and all students with limited English proficiency are to become proficient. To achieve these goals, the law mandates achievement testing and requires states to set standards to judge whether school districts, schools, and subgroups of students within schools are making “adequate yearly progress.” Schools that fail to make adequate yearly progress must provide parents with the option to transfer their children to other schools. The law also mandates that all teachers and paraprofessionals be highly qualified and teach only in their areas of certification. Finally, the law also requires that schools be safe places and that parents be given the option to transfer their children out of schools deemed to be persistently dangerous.

In 2009 the General Assembly enacted HB 251, which provides additional choice options to parents. This law states that local school systems must offer parents the option to enroll their child in a school other than the one to which they were assigned, if space is available. School systems are not required to provide transportation for families opting to exercise the choice option. If there are more students requesting a school by choice than there are slots available, students are assigned by lottery.

Cite this Article

Mewborn, Denise. "Public Education." New Georgia Encyclopedia, last modified Jul 21, 2020. https://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/articles/education/public-education-prek-12/

Mewborn, D. S. (2004). Public Education. In New Georgia Encyclopedia . Retrieved Jul 21, 2020, from https://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/articles/education/public-education-prek-12/

Mewborn, Denise. "Public Education." New Georgia Encyclopedia , 27 September 2004, https://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/articles/education/public-education-prek-12/.

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Today, about 1.6 million students are enrolled in Georgia's public schools. A statewide system of public education was first mandated by the Georgia constitution of 1868.

Courtesy of John La Boone

The New Georgia Encyclopedia does not hold the copyright for this media resource and can neither grant nor deny permission to republish or reproduce the image online or in print. All requests for permission to publish or reproduce the resource must be submitted to the rights holder.

Atlanta Area School for the Deaf

Students at the Atlanta Area School for the Deaf participate in a math lesson. The school, in Clarkston, is one of three schools for students with special needs operated by the state.

Courtesy of Atlanta Area School for the Deaf

The School That Learned to Eat

Produced by the University of Georgia College of Education and General Mills, The School That Learned to Eat (1948) is a short film chronicling a community's efforts to improve the school lunch program at East Griffin Elementary School in Spalding County. 

Courtesy of Richard B. Russell Library for Political Research and Studies, University of Georgia Libraries .

The New Georgia Encyclopedia does not hold the copyright for this media resource and can neither grant nor deny permission to republish or reproduce the image online or in print. Requests for permission to publish or reproduce the resource may need to be submitted to the Richard B. Russell Library for Political Research and Studies at the University of Georgia .

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Public education in georgia.

• 1 General information
• 2.1 NAEP scores
• 2.2 Graduation, ACT and SAT scores
• 2.3 Dropout rate
• 3.1.1 Espinoza v. Montana Department of Revenue (2020)
• 4.1 Revenue breakdowns
• 4.2 Expenditure breakdowns
• 4.3 Personnel salaries
• 5.1 State agencies
• 6 Government sector lobbying
• 7 Transparency
• 8.1 Quality Counts 2014
• 8.2 ABCs of School Choice
• 8.3 State Budget Solutions education study
• 9.1 District types
• 9.2.1 Term limits
• 9.3.1 Path to the ballot
• 9.3.2 Campaign finance
• 10 Recent legislation
• 11 Education ballot measures
• 12 In the news
• 13 See also
• 14 External links
• 15 Footnotes

The Georgia public school system (prekindergarten through grade 12) operates within districts governed by locally elected school boards and superintendents. In 2022, Georgia had 1,735,585 students enrolled in a total of 2,238 schools in 180 school districts . There were 115,647 teachers in the public schools, or roughly one teacher for every 15 students, compared to the national average of 1:16. In 2020, Georgia spent on average $11,707 per pupil. [1] The state's graduation rate was 82 percent in the 2018-2019 school year. [2]

General information

The following chart shows how Georgia compares to the national level for the most recent years for which data is available.

Academic performance

NAEP scores

The National Center for Education Statistics provides state-by-state data on student achievement levels in mathematics and reading in the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) . The chart below presents the percentage of fourth and eighth grade students that scored at or above proficient in reading and math during school year 2012-2013. Georgia's scores were below the national average nearly across the board in the 2012-2013 school year. [3]

Graduation, ACT and SAT scores

The following table shows the graduation rates and average composite ACT and SAT scores for Georgia and surrounding states during the 2012-2013 school year. All statements made in this section refer to that school year. [3] [4] [5]

In the United States, public schools reported graduation rates that averaged to about 81.4 percent. About 54 percent of all students in the country took the ACT, while 50 percent reported taking the SAT. The average national composite scores for those tests were 20.9 out of a possible 36 for the ACT, and 1498 out of a possible 2400 for the SAT. [6]

Georgia schools reported an average graduation rate of 71.7 percent during the 2012-2013 school year, lowest among its neighboring states.

In Georgia, more students took the SAT than the ACT in 2013, earning an average SAT score of 1452 .

Dropout rate

The high school event dropout rate indicates the proportion of students who were enrolled at some time during the school year and were expected to be enrolled in grades nine through 12 in the following school year but were not enrolled by October 1 of the following school year. Students who have graduated, transferred to another school, died, moved to another country, or who are out of school due to illness are not considered dropouts. The average public high school event dropout rate for the United States remained constant at 3.3 percent for both school year 2010–2011 and school year 2011–2012. The event dropout rate for Georgia was higher than the national average at 3.9 percent in the 2010-2011 school year, and 3.9 percent in the 2011-2012 school year. [7]

Educational choice options

School choice options in Georgia included charter schools , homeschooling, online learning , private schools and inter-district and intra-district public school open enrollment policies.

Developments

Espinoza v. montana department of revenue (2020).

On June 30, 2020, the U.S. Supreme Court decided Espinoza v. Montana Department of Revenue , which concerned whether the government can exclude religious institutions from student-aid programs. The case related to Article X, Section 6 of the Montana Constitution , also known as Montana’s Blaine Amendment . [8]

In its 5-4 opinion, the court held that the application of Article X, Section 6 violated the free exercise clause of the U.S. Constitution. The majority held Article X, Section 6 barred religious schools and parents who wished to send their children to those schools from receiving public benefits because of the religious character of the school. [9]

The case addressed the tension between the free exercise and Establishment clauses of the U.S. Constitution—where one guarantees the right of individuals' free exercise of religion and the other guarantees that the state won't establish a religion—and the intersections of state constitutions with state law and with the U.S. Constitution.

Georgia is one of the states with a Blaine Amendment.

Education funding and expenditures

According to the National Association of State Budget Officers (NASBO), states spent an average of 19.8 percent of their total budgets on elementary and secondary education during fiscal year 2013. In addition, the United States Census Bureau found that approximately 45.6 percent of the country's school system revenue came from state sources, while about 45.3 percent came from local sources. The remaining portion of school system revenue came from federal sources. [10] [11]

Georgia spent approximately 24.1 percent of its budget on elementary and secondary education during fiscal year 2013. The state school systems' revenue came primarily from local funds . Georgia spent a greater percentage of its total budget on public education than any of its neighboring states.

Revenue breakdowns

According to the United States Census Bureau, public school system revenues totaled approximately $598 billion in fiscal year 2013. [11]

In Georgia, the primary source of school system revenue came from local funds, at $8.1 billion . Georgia received education revenue in nearly equal parts from state funds and local funds. There was a similar distribution of revenue sourcing in South Carolina , but Alabama and Florida followed different patterns.

Expenditure breakdowns

According to the National Center for Education Statistics, public school system expenditures totaled approximately $602 billion in fiscal year 2012. [12]

Public education expenditures in Georgia totaled approximately $17.5 billion in fiscal year 2012. Georgia had the second highest total expenditures when compared to its neighboring states.

Personnel salaries

According to the National Center for Education Statistics, the average national salary for classroom teachers in public elementary and secondary schools declined by 1.3 percent from the 1999-2000 school year to the 2012-2013 school year. During the same period in Georgia, the average salary decreased by 5.7 percent. [14]

Organizations

State agencies.

The Georgia Department of Education oversees public education across the state by ensuring education laws and regulations are followed, monitoring state and federal money is allocated correctly to local school districts and providing information about Georgia's schools to parents, students, government officials and the media. The Georgia Department of Education is led by the State Superintendent of Schools . Richard Woods was first elected to the position in 2014. Under the State Superintendent of Schools, there are two branches: Business Operations and Academic Affairs. The Business Operations branch houses the offices of Policy and Charter Schools, Finance and Business Operations, Legal Services and Technology Services. The Academic Affairs branch houses the offices of Curriculum, Instruction and Assessment, Race to the Top and School Improvement. [15] [16]

The Georgia State Board of Education has 15 members, one from each congressional district and one Chief Executive Officer. [17]

In 2012, the Fordham Institute and Education Reform Now assessed the power and influence of state teacher unions in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. Their rankings were based on 37 different variables in five broad areas: resources and membership, involvement in politics, scope of bargaining, state policies and perceived influence. Georgia ranked 45th overall for union power and influence , or "weakest", which was in the fifth tier of five. [18]

The largest union in the state related to the Georgia school system is the Georgia Association of Educators (GAE), an affiliate of the National Education Association (NEA). The second largest union is the Georgia Federation of Teachers (GFT), an affiliate of the American Federation of Teachers .

List of local Georgia school unions: [19]

• Georgia Association of Educators
• Georgia Federation of Teachers
• Atlanta Federation Of Teachers
• AFT Savannah

Government sector lobbying

The main education government sector lobbying organization in the state is the Georgia School Boards Association . Another government sector lobbying organization is the Georgia Association of School Personnel Administrators .

Transparency

The state of Georgia's official spending transparency database, mandated by the Transparency in Government Act of May 2008, was launched in January 2009. The site is available here . However, for education spending the Georgia Public Policy Foundation launched the website Georgia Report Card for Parents . The site was first created in 1996. It allows citizens to compare schools in every county in the state on a wealth of factors, including rankings and spending.

Studies and reports

Quality counts 2014.

Education Week , a publication that reports on many education issues throughout the country, began using an evaluation system in 1997 to grade each state on various elements of education performance. This system, called Quality Counts, uses official data on performance from each state to generate report cards for all 50 states and the District of Columbia. The report card in 2014 uses six different categories:

• Chance for success
• K-12 achievement
• Standards, assessments and accountability
• The teaching profession
• School finance
• Transitions and alignment

Each of these six categories had a number of other elements that received individual scores. Those scores were then averaged and used to determine the final score in each category. Every state received two types of scores for each of the six major categories: A numerical score out of 100 and a letter grade based on that score. Education Week used the score for the first category, "chance for success," as the value for ranking each state and the District of Columbia. The average grade received in the entire country was 77.3 , or a C+ average . The country's highest average score was in the category of "standards, assessments and accountability" at 85.3, or a B average. The lowest average score was in "K-12 achievement", at 70.2, or a C- average.

Georgia received a score of 73.9 , or a C average in the "chance for success" category. This was below the national average. The state's highest score was in "transitions and alignment" at a perfect 100, or an A average. The lowest score was in "K-12 achievement" at 70.7, or a C- average. Georgia was the only state in the country to receive a 100 in the "transitions and alignment" category. The chart below displays the scores of Georgia and its surrounding states. [20]

Note: Click on a column heading to sort the data.

ABCs of School Choice

The Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice publishes a comprehensive guide to private school choice programs across the U.S. In its 2014 edition, the Foundation reviewed the Georgia Special Needs Scholarship Program and Georgia's Qualified Education Expense Tax Credit. The Georgia Special Needs Scholarship Program allows parents of students with disabilities, who are dissatisfied with their assigned schools, to attend private school through a voucher system. The Foundation found that the program was well-funded, giving students vouchers worth up to their funding cost in public schools, but suggested growth in the eligibility of students. The Qualified Education Expense Tax Credit provides tax credits for donations to Student Scholarship Organizations (SSOs), up to $1,000 for individuals, $2,500 for married couples, and 75 percent of tax liabilities from corporate taxpayers. The Foundation found that the tax credit program had the opportunity to be one of the most expansive and successful programs in the country, as its only requirement for a student to be eligible is to attend public school for at least six weeks. However, the Foundation found that the funding cap for the program allowed less than one percent of students to receive scholarships. [21] The full Friedman Foundation report can be found here .

State Budget Solutions education study

State Budget Solutions examined national trends in education from 2009 to 2011, including state-by-state analysis of education spending, graduation rates and average ACT scores. The study showed that the states that spent the most did not have the highest average ACT test scores, nor did they have the highest average graduation rates. A summary of the study is available here . The full report can be accessed here .

School districts

District types.

There are two main types of school districts in Georgia: county school systems and independent (city) school districts. The county board of education in each county administers all local schools in the county except those operated by independent school districts. [22]

School board composition

School board members are elected by residents of the school district. Georgia state law declares that a school board shall be no larger than seven members. They can serve anywhere from two to six-year terms. Depending on the preference of the board and district, members can file as partisan or nonpartisan on the ballot. [23] [24]

Term limits

Georgia does not impose term limits on school board members. [25]

The table below contains links to all school board elections covered by Ballotpedia in 2024 in this state. This list may not include all school districts with elections in 2024. Ballotpedia's coverage includes all school districts in the 100 largest cities by population and the 200 largest school districts by student enrollment . Editor's note: Some school districts choose to cancel the primary election, or both the primary and general election, if the number of candidates who filed does not meet a certain threshold. The table below does not reflect which primary or general elections were canceled. Please click through to each school district's page for more information.

Path to the ballot

A candidate in Georgia is ineligible to hold office if they are: [26]

• Not a resident of Georgia.
• Under the age of 18.
• Not a resident in the county in which the individual is seeking office for 12 months prior to the election or appointment.
• Employed by or serving on the governing body of a private educational institution.
• Employed by the Georgia Department of Education .
• Employed by the board of education the individual is serving on.
• The holder of another county office.
• A holder or receiver of public money that has refused to, or failed to, account for it or pay it over when asked.
• A convicted felon who has not been pardoned and is not the subject of a restoration of rights.
• Of unsound mind or unable to discharge the duties of the office because of advanced age or bodily infirmity.
• A publisher of schoolbooks, an agent of schoolbook publishers, or someone with financial interest in the sale of school books.

Candidates must file an affidavit for the local school board they wish to represent prior to the qualifying deadline. [27]

Campaign finance

Candidates in Georgia must file a Personal Finance Disclosure within 15 days after qualifying for the election. They must also keep detailed records of all contributions received and expenditures made. They may be inspected by the Georgia Government Transparency and Campaign Finance Commission at any time. [28]

Recent legislation

The following is a list of recent education bills that have been introduced in or passed by the Georgia state legislature. To learn more about each of these bills, click the bill title. This information is provided by BillTrack50 and LegiScan.

Education ballot measures

Ballotpedia has tracked the following statewide ballot measures relating to education.

• Georgia Education Taxes for Redevelopment, Amendment 2 (2008)
• Georgia Lottery Appropriations, Amendment 2 (1998)
• Georgia Charter Schools, Amendment 1 (2012)
• Georgia Private College Buildings Tax Exemption, Referendum 1 (2014)
• Georgia Teacher Salaries, Amendment 5 (1926)
• Georgia Taxes for Education, Amendment 7 (1926)
• Georgia McIntosh County Education Bonds, Amendment 8 (1926)
• Georgia Higher Education Bonds, Amendment 9 (1926)
• Georgia Pierce County Taxes for Schools, Amendment 8 (1930)
• Georgia School Board Contracts, Amendment 3 (1932)
• Georgia Consolidation of School Districts, Amendment 6 (1932)
• Georgia School Superintendent, Amendment 3 (1936)
• Georgia Berrien County Bonded Debt, Amendment 3 (1938)
• Georgia Brantley County School Tax, Amendment 5 (1938)
• Georgia Floyd County School Tax, Amendment 11 (1938)
• Georgia Twiggs County Bonds, Amendment 17 (1938)
• Georgia Ware County Bonds, Amendment 19 (1938)
• Georgia Johnson County Bonds, Amendment 3 (June 1939)
• Georgia Tattnall County Bonds, Amendment 4 (June 1939)
• Georgia School District Bonds, Amendment 23 (June 1939)
• Georgia Assumption of School Bonds, Amendment 32 (June 1939)
• Georgia Jeff Davis County School Bonds, Amendment 12 (June 1941)
• Georgia Wilcox County School Bonds, Amendment 13 (June 1941)
• Georgia School Bonds, Amendment 22 (June 1941)
• Georgia Mitchell County Board of Education Loans, Amendment 26 (June 1941)
• Georgia Oglethorpe County School Bonds, Amendment 30 (June 1941)
• Georgia Washington County School Bonds, Amendment 32 (June 1941)
• Georgia School Bonds, Amendment 35 (June 1941)
• Georgia Chatham County School Tax, Amendment 42 (June 1941)
• Georgia Franklin County School Bonds, Amendment 43 (June 1941)
• Georgia Gwinnett County School Bonds, Amendment 47 (June 1941)
• Georgia Toombs County School Bonds, Amendment 48 (June 1941)
• Georgia Jefferson County School Bonds, Amendment 53 (June 1941)
• Georgia School Superintendent Terms, Amendment 55 (June 1941)
• Georgia Cook County School Bonds, Amendment 56 (June 1941)
• Georgia Evans County School Bonds, Amendment 57 (June 1941)
• Georgia Jefferson County School Bonds, Amendment 60 (June 1941)
• Georgia School Debt, Amendment 5 (August 1945)
• Georgia Fulton County Educational Tax, Amendment 10 (August 1945)
• Georgia Chatham County School Tax, Amendment 11 (August 1945)
• Georgia Board of Education Loan Authority, Amendment 4 (1950)
• Georgia Baldwin County Board of Education Elections, Amendment 5 (1950)
• Georgia Chatham County Education Tax, Amendment 11 (1950)
• Georgia Chatham County School Bonds, Amendment 13 (1950)
• Georgia Dawson County Board of Education Elections, Amendment 14 (1950)
• Georgia City of Bainbridge School System, Amendment 15 (1950)
• Georgia School District Merger, Amendment 19 (1950)
• Georgia Fulton County School District Bonds, Amendment 21 (1950)
• Georgia City of Atlanta School System, Amendment 23 (1950)
• Georgia Hancock County Board of Education Elections, Amendment 31 (1950)
• Georgia Meriwether County Board of Education Elections, Amendment 32 (1950)
• Georgia Rockdale County Board of Education Elections, Amendment 35 (1950)
• Georgia Schley County Board of Education Elections, Amendment 36 (1950)
• Georgia Taylor County Board of Education Elections, Amendment 37 (1950)
• Georgia Medical School Scholarships, Amendment 4 (1952)
• Georgia Crisp County School Districts, Amendment 11 (1952)
• Georgia Union County Board of Education Elections, Amendment 12 (1952)
• Georgia Troup County Board of Education Elections, Amendment 13 (1952)
• Georgia Polk County Board of Education, Amendment 21 (1952)
• Georgia Fannin County Board of Education Elections, Amendment 28 (1952)
• Georgia Wilcox County Board of Education Elections, Amendment 29 (1952)
• Georgia School District Merger, Amendment 30 (1952)
• Georgia School District Merger, Amendment 32 (1952)
• Georgia Brantley County Board of Education Elections, Amendment 33 (1952)
• Georgia Carroll County Board of Education Elections, Amendment 34 (1952)
• Georgia Appling County Board of Education Elections, Amendment 35 (1952)
• Georgia Dodge County School Districts, Amendment 38 (1952)
• Georgia Fulton County School District Bonds, Amendment 39 (1952)
• Georgia Floyd County Board of Education Elections, Amendment 42 (1952)
• Georgia Rockdale County School Superintendent, Amendment 44 (1952)
• Georgia Effingham County School Bonds, Amendment 46 (1952)
• Georgia Education Section Addition, Amendment 4 (1954)
• Georgia School District Merger, Amendment 19 (1954)
• Georgia Clarke County School District, Amendment 20 (1954)
• Georgia School District Merger, Amendment 24 (1954)
• Georgia School District Merger, Amendment 30 (1954)
• Georgia Fulton County School District Debt, Amendment 33 (1954)
• Georgia School District Merger, Amendment 44 (1954)
• Georgia Tift County School District, Amendment 45 (1954)
• Georgia School District Merger, Amendment 17 (1956)
• Georgia School District Merger, Amendment 19 (1956)
• Georgia Walton County School District, Amendment 57 (1956)
• Georgia Student Scholarships, Amendment 2 (1958)
• Georgia Scholarships for Employee Education, Amendment 3 (1958)
• Georgia Teacher Scholarships, Amendment 6 (1958)
• Georgia Physician Scholarships, Amendment 7 (1958)
• Georgia Establishment of Colleges, Amendment 11 (1958)
• Georgia State School Lunch Tax, Amendment 14 (1958)
• Georgia State Board of Education, Amendment 3 (1960)
• Georgia Education Tax Levy Limits, Amendment 5 (1960)
• Georgia Board of Regents Membership, Amendment 10 (1960)
• Georgia Funds for School Lunch, Amendment 11 (1960)
• Georgia Repayment of Medical Loans, Amendment 13 (1960)
• Georgia Physician Scholarships, Amendment 14 (1960)
• Georgia Vocational Schools, Amendment 15 (1960)
• Georgia Compulsory Association in Public Education, Amendment 1 (1962)
• Georgia Repayment of Medical Loans, Amendment 8 (1962)
• Georgia Taxes for School Lunches, Amendment 13 (1962)
• Georgia State Scholarship Commission, Amendment 2 (1964)
• Georgia Student Loan Program, Amendment 4 (1964)
• Georgia Dental Student Loans, Amendment 5 (1964)
• Georgia Medical Loan Repayment, Amendment 10 (1964)
• Georgia Area and Vocational Schools, Amendment 1 (1966)
• Georgia Educational Funding, Amendment 4 (1966)
• Georgia Election of County Boards of Education, Amendment 6 (1966)
• Georgia Funds for Vocational Education, Amendment 13 (1966)
• Georgia Medical Loan Repayment, Amendment 15 (1966)
• Georgia Funds for School Lunch, Amendment 4 (1968)
• Georgia Scholarships for Children of First Responders, Amendment 7 (1968)
• Georgia Revenue Bonds for Student Loans, Amendment 8 (1968)
• Georgia Medical School Loans, Amendment 10 (1968)
• Georgia Educational Grants and Scholarships, Amendment 5 (1970)
• Georgia Educational Loan Program, Amendment 11 (1972)
• Georgia Taxes for School Personnel and Facilities, Amendment 12 (1972)
• Georgia Tuition Grants for Children of Veterans, Amendment 13 (1972)
• Georgia Employee Educational Grants, Amendment 15 (1972)
• Georgia Medical School Loans, Amendment 12 (1976)
• Georgia Free University Courses for Seniors, Amendment 23 (1976)
• Georgia Donation of Books, Amendment 27 (1976)
• Georgia Retirement Systems and Education Scholarships, Amendment 2 (1978)
• Georgia Debt for Independent School Systems, Amendment 5 (1978)
• Georgia Curriculum Laboratory, Amendment 6 (1978)
• Georgia Property Tax Exemptions for Nonprofits, Amendment 17 (1978)
• Georgia School Merger Requirements, Amendment 33 (1978)
• Georgia Debt for Educational Facilities, Amendment 2 (1980)
• Georgia Tuition Reimbursement for Teachers, Amendment 3 (1980)
• Georgia Taxes for School Uniforms, Amendment 4 (1980)
• Georgia Property Tax Exemptions for Nonprofits, Amendment 15 (1980)
• Georgia Appointment of State School Superintendent, Amendment 3 (1984)
• Georgia Commissioner of Education, Amendment 1 (1988)
• Georgia Education Trust Fund, Amendment 2 (1990)
• Georgia State Lottery, Amendment 1 (1992)
• Georgia Boards of Education Elections, Amendment 2 (1992)
• Georgia Sales Tax for Schools, Amendment 2 (1996)
• Georgia Indemnification for School Employees, Amendment 4 (2000)
• Georgia Board of Regents, Amendment 1 (1943)
• Georgia Board of Education, Amendment 4 (1943)
• Georgia Consolidation of School Districts, Amendment 10 (1943)
• Georgia DeKalb County Education Tax, Amendment 18 (1943)
• Georgia Spalding County Board of Education, Amendment 21 (1943)
• Georgia Summerville School District Bonds, Amendment 26 (1943)

In the news

The link below is to the most recent stories in a Google news search for the terms Georgia education policy. These results are automatically generated from Google. Ballotpedia does not curate or endorse these articles.

Public education in Georgia - Google News

• Historical public education information in Georgia
• Georgia state budget and finances
• Georgia Department of Education
• List of school districts in Georgia
• School choice in Georgia
• Charter schools in Georgia
• Education Policy in the U.S.

External links

• Georgia Public School Ratings by PSK12
• Georgia Public School Ratings by Great Schools
• ↑ United States Census Bureau , "U.S. School System Current Spending Per Pupil by Region: Fiscal Year 2020," May 18, 2022
• ↑ National Center for Education Statistics , "Fast Facts: High school graduation rates," accessed September 28, 2022
• ↑ 3.0 3.1 United States Department of Education, ED Data Express , "State Tables," accessed May 13, 2014
• ↑ ACT , "2012 ACT National and State Scores," accessed May 13, 2014
• ↑ Commonwealth Foundation , "SAT Scores by State 2013," October 10, 2013
• ↑ StudyPoints , "What's a good SAT score or ACT score?" accessed June 7, 2015
• ↑ United States Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics , "Common Core of Data (CCD), State Dropout and Graduation Rate Data File, School Year 2010-11, Provision Version 1a and School Year 2011-12, Preliminary Version 1a," accessed May 13, 2014
• ↑ Supreme Court of the United States, Espinoza v. Montana Department of Revenue : "Petition for a writ of certiorari," accessed July 3, 2019
• ↑ Supreme Court of the United States, Espinoza v. Montana Department of Revenue , decided June 30, 2020
• ↑ NASBO , "State Expenditure Report," accessed July 2, 2015
• ↑ 11.0 11.1 U.S. Census Bureau , "Public Education Finances: 2013, Economic Reimbursable Surveys Division Reports," accessed July 2, 2015
• ↑ National Center for Education Statistics , "Revenues and Expenditures for Public Elementary and Secondary Education: School Year 2011–12 (Fiscal Year 2012)," accessed July 2, 2015
• ↑ Maciver Institute , "REPORT: How much are teachers really paid?" accessed October 29, 2014
• ↑ United States Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics , "Table 211.60. Estimated average annual salary of teachers in public elementary and secondary schools, by state: Selected years, 1969-70 through 2012-13," accessed May 13, 2014
• ↑ Georgia Department of Education , "About GaDOE," accessed May 19, 2014
• ↑ Georgia Department of Education , "GaDOE Organization Structure," accessed May 19, 2014
• ↑ Georgia Department of Education , "Georgia State Board of Education," accessed May 19, 2014
• ↑ Thomas E Fordham Institute , "How Strong Are U.S. Teacher Unions? A State-By-State Comparison," October 29, 2012
• ↑ Center for Union Facts , "Georgia teachers unions," accessed November 12, 2009
• ↑ Education Week "Quality Counts 2014 report cards," accessed February 19, 2015
• ↑ The Friedman Foundation for Education Choice , "The ABCs of School Choice," 2014 Edition
• ↑ United States Census Bureau, "Georgia," accessed July 9, 2014
• ↑ Georgia Department of Education, "Local School Board Governance," accessed July 9, 2014
• ↑ Georgia School Boards Association, "Georgia Public School Boards," accessed July 9, 2014
• ↑ National School Boards Association, "Survey of the State School Boards Associations on Term Limits for Local Board Members," accessed July 9, 2014
• ↑ Center for Public Education, "Georgia School Boards Association," accessed July 9, 2014
• ↑ Georgia Secretary of State, "Local School Board Affidavit," accessed July 9, 2014
• ↑ Georgia Government Transparency and Campaign Finance Commission, "Filing Responsibilities for Candidates & Candidate Committees," accessed July 10, 2014
• Pages using DynamicPageList3 parser function
• Pages using DynamicPageList3 dplreplace parser function
• Education policy information by state

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Education System

Early and preschool upbringing and education system

Preschool education, including the school readiness program, is voluntary, universal and available for every child of relevant age. The children of Georgia at the public preschool education and care institutions of Georgia are ensured free education and catering services as provided for by the legislation of Georgia.

The beneficiaries of the system are children from 0 to school age, and the services provided to them are divided into three main directions:

• Early education - services provided to a child under the age of two (early) and to his/ her parent and/or legal representative, which includes: education and support for a parent and/or legal representative; services provided to childcare institutions for children under such age, healthcare, catering, hygienic and sanitary safety, early intervention and inclusive education services;
• Preschool education - education services provided to a child in order to ensure his/her comprehensive development from the age of two before the entry to the first grade of the primary level of general education. The school readiness program constitutes a mandatory component of preschool education;
• School readiness program – an educational program developed on the basis of the state education standard for school readiness, which facilitates the achievement of results set by the standard.

General education system

General education in Georgia  regulated by the laws of Georgia: "On General Education" and "On Education Quality Enhancement"; Operating by the National Curriculum and other Sub-legal acts.

Full general education includes 12 years of study and  carried out in three levels (primary, basic, secondary). Primary education includes 6 years of study and  implemented in I-VI grades; Basic education includes 3 years, implemented in VII-IX grades; Secondary education includes 3 years,  carried out in X-XII grades. Primary and basic education is mandatory.

General education institutions are public or private.

The study in general educational institutions carried out according to the National Curriculum, developed by the National Curriculum Department of the Ministry of Education and Science.

Upon completing the Basic education, school students receive a Basic Education Certificate (Atestate).

Upon completing the Full General education, school students receive a Full General Education Certificate (Atestate).

Attestation exams  conducted by the LEPL - National Assessment and Examination Center. Attestation exams  conducted  through computerized testing method (CAT).

A person who completes The Full General Education and receives the certificate (Atestate) has the right to continue learning in the higher education institution.

A person who completes the Basic education has the right to continue studies on the Secondary education level of the General Education or primary level of the Vocational education.

General education  fully funded by the State with the voucher applicable to a financial norm for a student.

According to the data from April 2018, 2085 public and 224 private schools operating in Georgia.

Vocational education system

In Georgia the vocational education is regulated by “Georgian Law of vocational education”, “Law for Educational Quality Enhancement “ and other normative acts.

Types of vocational educational institutions: Vocational Educational institutions / college – that is authorized to implement vocational educational programs, short cycle educational programs, vocational training and retraining programs and national language programs.  Obtaining the status of VET institution and implementation of respective educational activity is possible only in case of authorization of vocational educational institution defined by the rules of authorization provision. Authorization is a procedure of obtaining a status of VET institution purpose of which is to ensure compliance with standards necessary for implementation of respective activity required for issuing of education confirming document recognized by the state. The authorization procedures are administered by – LEPL National Center for Educational Quality Enhancement. According the Georgian Law of vocational education Higher and General education institutions have the right to implement vocational educational programs without attaining the additional authorization. Among these the higher education institution can implement any kind of vocational education program, short cycle educational programs, vocational training and retraining programs and national language programs. While general education institution has the right to implement basic vocational educational program, secondary vocational educational program, national language program, vocational training and retraining programs.

Vocational Education is implemented via:

a) Vocational Educational Program, specifically:

a.1 Basic educational vocational program, which is completed by rewarding the relevant 3rd level qualification defined by the National Qualification Framework; a.2 Secondary educational vocational program, which is completed by rewarding the relevant 4th level qualification defined by the National Qualification Framework; a.3 High educational vocational program, which is completed by rewarding the relevant 5th level qualification defined by the National Qualification Framework;

b) Vocational training program, which prepares the individual for implementing separate tasks and duties in the relevant profession. Learning outcomes defined in the vocational training program may be relevant to 2nd / 3rd / 4th / 5th level of National Qualification Framework;

c) Vocational retraining program that ensures the individual to gain / develop competencies for implementing the duties in the same field. Learning outcomes defined in the vocational training program may be relevant to 2nd / 3rd / 4th / 5th level of National Qualification Framework  

Higher education system

Higher education in Georgia  regulated by the Laws on Higher Education; "On Education Quality Enhancement" and other sub-legislative acts.

Georgia has the three-cycle higher education system and is implemented on the bachelor, master and doctoral levels of higher education.

The types of higher education institutions in Georgia are as follows:

University – higher education institution implementing educational programs of all three cycles of higher education and research.

Teaching University – Higher education institution implementing program/ programs of higher education (except for doctoral programs). A teaching university required to provide second cycle – Master’s educational program/ programs.

College – higher education institution implementing the programs of only the first cycle of higher academic education

Higher education institution are public and private.

Only after accreditation procedures can be implemented regulated, teacher preparation, Georgian language education and doctoral programs.

Higher education institutions use the European Credit Transfer and Accumulation System (ESTC).

Only holders of the State Certificates (Atestate) confirming full general education or persons equalized with them have a right to study in undergraduate programs. The Unified National Exams are the

precondition for admission to undergraduate programs. The Unified National Exams are the precondition for admission to undergraduate programs. Undergraduate educational programs include at least 240 credits.

Within the undergraduate level, awarding an intermediate qualification  allowed after reaching of results in studying, defined for completing a part of educational program which should not be less than half of credit number defined for educational program.         

The Teacher Education Program is an independent educational program and is taught at least one academic year, comprising 60 credits. After completion of program The Certificate of subject or subject group Teacher is issued. The prerequisite for admission to the program is the bachelor's degree or equivalent degree and subject examination organized by the National Assessment and Examinations Center.

The Veterinary training education program is an independent educational program and is taught at least one academic year, comprising 60 credits. The precondition for admission to the program is the bachelor's degree of veterinary. After completion of the program the veterinary certificate issued. The holder of veterinary certificate can continue to pursue studies in the third level of higher education (Doctoral studies) in the appropriate direction.

Teacher education, medical education, dental and veterinary education implemented through integrated master’s programs.

Medical Doctor’s (MD) Educational Program is 360-credit and Dentist / Veterinary / Teacher education programs are 300-credit volume.

 Educational program of second level of teaching (master) consists of no less than 120 credits. Only bachelors or persons with degrees equalized with them have a right to study in a master programs. Unified Master exams are the prerequisites for precondition a master’s degree program. The additional conditions of acceptance  determined by the higher education institution.

Third level of high education (Doctoral studies) consists of no less than 180 credits. Only masters or persons with degrees equalized with them, have a right to study in doctoral programs.

According to the data from April 2018, 34 public and 37 private higher education institutions operate in Georgia.

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Georgia’s Separate and Unequal Special-Education System

By Rachel Aviv

Seth Murrell, a four-year-old boy with dreadlocks to his chin, moved with his family to Atlanta in the fall of 2015. On his first day at his new preschool, he cried the whole morning. He wouldn’t sit still in his chair. He’d pop up and snatch the glasses off a classmate’s face, or spit at the teacher. When he was tired, he waved his arms in the air, begging his teacher to hold him. On the rare occasions that his teacher complimented him, he shouted “Yay!” too loudly.

His mother, Latoya Martin, a hair stylist, had moved with her husband and three children from Donalsonville, a rural town in Seminole County, in the southwest corner of Georgia, to be closer to psychiatrists and neurologists who would understand why her son was developmentally delayed. He couldn’t string words together into a sentence. His teachers called Latoya nearly every day and told her to pick him up early, because he was disrupting the class. When Latoya resisted—she was busy looking for a new job—her friends warned her that the school might call child-protective services if she couldn’t pick up Seth promptly. Latoya sensed that the teachers were accusing her of being a bad parent, so she informed the school’s principal that she had never done drugs and that in high school her G.P.A. had been 4.0. Latoya’s sister Anita said, “They kept saying we needed to work with him more at home. I’m, like, we work with him—that’s not the problem. This is part of his disability!”

After a month, Latoya was told that Seth would be sent to a school twenty minutes away, in the Georgia Network for Educational and Therapeutic Support, a constellation of schools, known as GNETS , attended by four thousand students with emotional and behavioral disabilities. Anita, a public-school teacher in Atlanta for nearly two decades, said, “I was just trying to figure it out in my head—we already have special-ed classes in the schools, so why is there this second system?” GNETS has a ten-per-cent graduation rate, compared with seventy-eight per cent for other public schools in Georgia.

Seth, who at twenty-one months had been given a diagnosis of pervasive developmental disorder—a loosely defined diagnosis often given to toddlers when their condition is not understood—was assigned to the Ash Street Center, one of a hundred and seventy-nine sites in the GNETS network. The school is surrounded by a gated fence. Latoya said that the next-youngest student in Seth’s class was nine. The year before, a teaching assistant at Ash Street had been arrested after knocking a fourteen-year-old boy to the floor, choking him, and shouting, “I will kill that little motherfucker!”

Latoya said that, when she walked into her son’s class, “I did not see one white child. All I saw was black boys.” Seth’s “target behavior,” according to the center’s intervention plan, was to “comply with adult directives.” Latoya demanded that Seth be returned to his neighborhood school, but she was told that first he had to meet his performance goals, which included following instructions seventy per cent of the day. “You all know this is against the law, right?” she said to Seth’s teacher. The federal Individuals with Disabilities Education Act, passed in 1975, states that children with disabilities must be educated with their nondisabled peers to the “maximum appropriate extent.” They can be removed from their classrooms only if their disabilities are so severe that they can’t learn in a less restrictive setting.

After Seth had gone to Ash Street for ten days, Latoya and her husband, Tercel, who was working at a Toys R Us, returned with their children to Donalsonville, where Latoya’s family has lived for as many generations as they can trace back. Latoya’s sister Yvette, a high-school teacher, said, “She was just praying that a small town with teachers who had grown up around them would know how to take care of her baby.” Latoya tried to enroll all three children in their former school, where she and her twelve siblings had gone. Though black and white students at the school had held separate proms as recently as the nineteen-eighties, Latoya trusted the teachers, many of whom she’d grown up with. Her two older children rejoined their classes, but the school district said that Seth was now classified as a GNETS student. He would have to take a bus to a GNETS school called Pathways, in Bainbridge, thirty minutes away.

Latoya’s sister Sonja, who lived in Bainbridge, occasionally stopped by Pathways in the middle of the day. She described the school as a kind of ghost town. The front office was empty—the secretary and the coördinator had left, and the positions were never filled—and there was no full-time nurse, social worker, resource officer, or behavioral specialist. (The district’s superintendent said that off-site staff provided support to the school.) Sonja said, of the first time she came to the school, “I walked down the hallway hollering, ‘Hello? Hello? Anybody here?’ ” She looked in Seth’s classroom and saw him sleeping on the floor, alone. His teacher was in another room.

There are roughly a hundred students at Pathways, which has three sites in the region, and all of the students are classified by the state as “economically disadvantaged.” In Bainbridge, there was only one other student in the elementary-school class: MaKenzie Phillips, a petite thirteen-year-old white girl who immediately warmed to Seth, calling him her baby. MaKenzie took antidepressants, antipsychotics, two drugs for attention-deficit disorder, and anti-anxiety pills. She was generally calm and said, “Yes, Ma’am,” when addressed, though she also interrupted conversations with vulgar words. She was in the elementary class because she had an I.Q. of 40. She spent much of the day flipping through magazines that she couldn’t read. MaKenzie’s mother, Erica, said that, whenever she dropped by the classroom, “there was no instruction. But I just figured I was coming at the wrong time of day.”

Seth’s class was led by Melissa Williams-Brown, who lived a few blocks from Latoya and had gone to her high school. She was not certified to teach elementary school, and had little knowledge of the nature of her students’ disabilities. “I didn’t get any specialized training,” she told me. “I just winged it.” The students at Pathways had bipolar disorder, schizophrenia , A.D.H.D., autism , or, as one teacher put it, “home-life issues” such as neglect, trauma, or poverty. Williams-Brown didn’t understand why Seth, who was eventually given a diagnosis of autism, couldn’t return to his neighborhood school, where there were more qualified teachers. “There was nothing in place for this young man,” she told me. “I just felt like these students, especially the black boys, were put there, basically, because they intimidated their teachers.”

The first GNETS school, the Rutland Center, founded in 1970, was once housed in the former West Athens Colored School, whose principal promised to teach the “practical duties of life” to the “inferior race.” The concept for GNETS was visionary. According to a report by researchers at the University of Georgia, the schools, then called psychoeducational centers, would rely on teachers trained in developmental psychology, ready to “face the assault of bizarre behavior.” They were taught that they might be the “only agent for change in the life of a disturbed child.” Mary Wood, a professor emerita at the University of Georgia, who developed the concept, said that she intended for each program to have a consulting psychiatrist, a social worker, a program evaluator, and a psychologist. But as the first generation of directors retired, in the nineties, “the pieces of the mosaic dropped out,” she said.

In the two-thousands, funding was cut, and the psychologists who remained seemed to be given free rein. One mother learned that a school psychologist was planning to subject her daughter, who had post-traumatic stress disorder, to fifteen hours of “experiments” devised to provoke misbehavior. “If I go to a mechanic with my car and my car is not doing the problem that I brought it there for, the mechanic can’t diagnose it,” the psychologist explained, at an administrative trial in 2005. “That’s the same situation here.” Over the years, a few parents became so suspicious of the program that they sent their children to school wearing recording devices. On one tape, as the Atlanta Journal-Constitution reported , a teacher could be heard giving a child what someone in the room called a “be-quiet hit.” On another, teachers laughed about how they had put a student in a seclusion room because they needed a break. In 2004, a thirteen-year-old student hanged himself in a Time Out Room, an eight-by-eight concrete cell that could be locked from the outside.

Leslie Lipson, a lawyer at the Georgia Advocacy Office, a state-funded agency that represents people with disabilities, said that she first learned of the GNETS system in 2001, when a mother called to report that her son was put in a seclusion room nearly every day. “It’s all little black boys at this school,” the mother told her. Lipson researched the mother’s claims and then rushed into her boss’s office to tell him that she’d discovered an “insidious, shadow education system.” She said, “I thought I was Erin Brockovich. I was, like, ‘You are not going to believe this! There is an entire segregated system in Georgia! Can we shut this down immediately?’ I was talking a thousand miles a minute, and my boss waited for me to take a breath. He was, like, ‘Um, yeah, these schools have been around since before you were born.’ ”

Lipson studied the history of the schools, some of which were established in buildings that had housed schools for black children during the Jim Crow era. At a time when there was an outcry against court-ordered integration, GNETS became a mechanism for resegregating schools. “It became a way to filter out black boys, who at younger and younger ages are perceived to have behavioral disabilities,” she said.

The Individuals with Disabilities Education Act ( IDEA ) requires that students with disabilities learn in the “least restrictive environment,” a loose term that may mean different things depending on the race or the class of the student. Nirmala Erevelles, a professor of disability studies at the University of Alabama, told me that, “in general, when it comes to people of color—particularly poor people of color—we choose the most restrictive possibility,” sending students to “the most segregated and punitive spaces in the public-school system.” According to Beth Ferri, a disability scholar at Syracuse University, IDEA provided a kind of loophole to the 1954 Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education , which outlawed racial segregation in schools. Now racial segregation continued “under the guise of ‘disability,’ ” she said. “You don’t need to talk about any race anymore. You can just say that the kid is a slow learner, or defiant, or disrespectful.” Ferri said that IDEA “treated disability as apolitical—a biological fact. It didn’t think about things like racial or cultural bias.”

Data obtained through records requests reveal that the percentage of students in the GNETS program who are black boys is double that of the public schools in the state. Most of the students in GNETS are classified as having an “emotional and behavioral disorder,” a vague label that does not correspond to any particular medical diagnosis. A teacher who worked for five years at a GNETS program called Coastal Academy, in Brunswick, told me, “We always had a sprinkling of middle-class white kids, maybe two or three, but they didn’t stay long. Everyone made sure they got out. It was the black students who were trapped there. They came in first grade and never left.” Coastal Academy occupies a lot that once held an all-black school, originally called the Freedman’s School, and the percentage of black males in the program is three times that of the districts that the school draws from. The teacher, who worried that she’d lose her job if she were identified, said that public schools in the area would “send the African-American kids to us for doing things like saying the word ‘shit’ in class or pushing a chair in really loudly. They would never, ever—never in a million years—attempt to come at a white parent with that.”

The teacher said that students at Coastal Academy were routinely knocked to the floor and restrained. When they couldn’t calm down, they were put in a Refocus Room. “If a student was having a bad day or hadn’t taken his meds, the teacher down the hall from me would park herself in front of the room and the student would stay there all day,” she said. “I heard children shrieking and screaming.” (The program’s director denied that students were knocked to the floor and that the room had been used for seclusion—the state banned seclusion rooms in 2010—and said that some students asked to go there.) When parents complained, the teacher said, “they were met with the same rigmarole: there is a reason why your son is here, and sometimes kids with these conditions make things up.”

Suzie Dunson, the grandmother of a student in a GNETS program called the Woodall Center, in Columbus, said that, when her grandson was in first grade, she stopped by the school one day and found him sitting on the floor, handcuffed to a classroom chair. “He was six years old, and he looked like a chained animal,” she told me. Her grandson routinely came home from school with a swollen face. “I’d ask him, ‘How was school today?’ ‘Oh, I got restrained,’ he’d say.” According to the Woodall Center’s records from the past two years, there were sixteen instances of teachers injuring students while attempting to restrain them. The reports typically blame the student: “In the process of restraining him he twisted his body and hit his head,” one teacher noted. “His face must have rubbed on the ground,” another wrote.

This year, when Dunson’s grandson was sent to a juvenile-detention facility, at the age of eleven, he already had a friend there—a boy from his class. She describes the Woodall Center, where more than half the students are black boys, and ninety-one per cent are classified by the state as “economically disadvantaged,” as a “pipeline-to-prison program.” (A spokeswoman for the Woodall Center said that the school does not have documentation of Dunson’s grandson being handcuffed or regularly restrained.)

It is not uncommon for students with disabilities to be placed in settings that are unnecessarily isolated, but GNETS is unusual in that this form of segregation is sponsored by the state rather than by the school district; families can’t escape it by moving to a new neighborhood. Jatoyia Armour, a public-school teacher in Atlanta, said that when her five-year-old son, Jamir, was referred to GNETS , “I kept telling myself, ‘This isn’t a race issue. Jamir just has behavioral issues.’ ” She and Jamir had recently moved to an affluent suburb in northern Atlanta so that he would be zoned for a better school. He was the only black boy in his kindergarten class. He had an I.Q. of 120, but he wouldn’t sit still, and had tantrums in which he threw objects. Armour said that the school called the police three times before he was transferred to a GNETS program, where the proportion of black boys to other students is nine times that of his elementary school. “When I got to the GNETS program, and it was majority black, it was glaring,” Armour told me. “They wanted this little black boy out. And it hurt.” She homeschooled Jamir for the rest of the year and then enrolled him in a charter school, but when the charter school reviewed his records she was told that he had to go back to GNETS . “I worked hard to move to that area to give my kid the best, and we were pushed back out,” she told me. She worries that Jamir has already internalized the experience. In the past year, he has begun to introduce himself to strangers by saying, “Hi, I’m Jamir, I’m bad.”

In 2016, under President Barack Obama, the Department of Education instituted the “significant disproportionality rule,” which required states to more vigilantly report when students of color are disciplined and placed in special-education classes at higher rates than their peers. Black students are three times more likely to be suspended or expelled than white students, and although black students make up only nineteen per cent of students with disabilities, they make up thirty-six per cent of those who are mechanically restrained—handcuffed, strapped to a chair, tied down.

The “significant disproportionality rule” was supposed to take effect in the summer of 2017. But, when President Donald Trump directed agencies to cut federal regulations, the Department of Education said that the rule needed to be modified or rescinded, and delayed it for two years. Michael Yudin, the Assistant Secretary for Special Education and Rehabilitative Services in Obama’s Department of Education, told me that he was appalled by the decision. “It flies in the face of the data, reams and reams of data, showing that the problem is massive,” he said.

After Seth had been at Pathways for a few months, the school hired a new teacher, who was properly certified. Latoya said that her son’s behavior quickly improved. In her records, the teacher wrote that Seth “is affectionate with his peers and teachers (hugs). . . . He often dances and sings small phrases from the verses of song.” He began to use sentences.

That summer, after Seth’s first year at Pathways, Obama’s Department of Justice brought a lawsuit against Georgia to “vindicate the rights of the thousands of students unnecessarily segregated in the GNETS Program.” Negotiations for a settlement faltered shortly before Trump was elected. Alison Barkoff, who served as the special counsel in the Civil Rights Division of the Department of Justice under Obama, told me, “The state rolled the dice on a change in Administration and had a good roll.” The new Attorney General, Jeff Sessions , had told the Senate, in 2000, that IDEA was a “big factor in accelerating the decline in civility and discipline in classrooms all over America.”

In October, 2016, Seth’s new teacher quit. She didn’t want to talk to me or have her name printed, for fear of professional repercussions. When I showed up at her house, she wouldn’t let me in. She stood on her porch and said, “What the Department of Justice is saying about GNETS is completely true. It’s completely true. It’s not therapeutic at all. The kids are not being educated. Not even in a social-skills way.”

Melissa Williams-Brown remained in the classroom, with the help of a substitute aide who, she told me, was “just a friend of somebody who worked there. She was just a body, and that body had no educational training.” Years before, Williams-Brown had learned to physically restrain middle-school students, but, she said, “I was never trained how to restrain a child as small as Seth. So I just came up with my own method.” She stood behind him while folding his arms across his chest or laying his arms on a desk. Seth’s doctor said that he was too young for medication, but the staff at Pathways urged Latoya to give him medication; he needed “something to keep him still,” Williams-Brown said.

The middle-school aide at Pathways, Phyllis Rambo, who lived a block away from Latoya, routinely got her hair done at Latoya’s house. Latoya sees some twenty clients a day in her living room. Tercel, who is out of work, sometimes assists by sitting near a power outlet, and, when she waves the cord of the blow dryer, plugging it in. Latoya’s eldest sister had been a close friend of Rambo’s since they were toddlers, and Latoya’s best friend was Rambo’s daughter Daneisha. As she weaved Rambo’s hair, Latoya complained that Seth became more aggressive and defiant at school. His teachers said that he had begun cursing. “I want you to sit here and listen to how many times Seth curses here,” she told Rambo. “Not one time. We do not swear in this house.”

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Latoya wondered if her son’s condition was the cost of her behavior as a teen-ager. In her neighborhood, she had been known as a fighter, easily provoked. “I was angry for a long time about how my daddy used to treat my mama,” she told me. “I thought I could change—and I did change, and that’s why I named my daughter Sahrenety, to be honest—but then it came back with Seth. I felt like this was my punishment for being angry.”

Last fall, when Seth began first grade, a new teacher, Avondika Cherry, was leading his classroom. Cherry, a tall, elegant black woman who was raising a daughter on her own, had been a special-education teacher for seven years in Gadsden County, Florida, where she was once named Teacher of the Year, before rising to become an administrator of the program. She took the position at Pathways because it paid slightly better than her old job. In a reference, a colleague wrote that Cherry was “a very astute, responsible, earnest, and dependable person.”

Cherry had not been trained to teach students with autism; neither had her supervisor, a white woman named Jeanene Wallace, the director of all three Pathways centers, who had worked for gnets for twenty-one years. Wallace asked a teacher who taught autistic students at another Pathways site if Cherry could observe her classroom for a few hours. “I apologize for having so little ideas, but I just don’t know how to work with these students,” Wallace wrote.

Cherry, who was studious and unaccustomed to wasted time, began applying for new jobs after a week. She encouraged Williams-Brown to look elsewhere, too. “I think you can do something better,” she told her one day, as Seth lay on the floor on his back in a sunny spot by the window. “The way I see this place, it needs to be shut down.”

The school had installed new surveillance cameras the prior year, after Georgia passed a law—named for a boy whose mother complained that he routinely came home from school bruised—allowing video monitoring equipment in special-education classrooms. A review of close to a hundred hours of classroom surveillance footage, obtained through an Open Records Act request, shows that there was usually about half an hour of instruction in Seth’s class per day. Much of the day was devoted to the drama of whether or not Seth would wear his shoes. He found them uncomfortable, as many autistic children do. When he took them off, he was sent to Cool Down, a desk facing a blank wall. He went to Cool Down several times a day, for up to thirty minutes at a time, for other behaviors that stem from his disability, such as counting to ten in the wrong order, saying “no” repeatedly, or making funny noises.

MaKenzie often expressed affection for Seth when she sensed that he was being maligned. She told him several times a day that she loved him. He typically gravitated to whatever part of the room she was in. Once, after Seth took off his shoes, MaKenzie asked her teachers, “Seth is being bad, ain’t he?”

“He’s always bad,” Cherry said.

MaKenzie, who liked to take off her shoes, too, sat on a beanbag chair, and Seth lay on the floor, curled up next to her legs. “I’m bad,” she muttered to herself.

Twice a week, Latoya takes her family to the Gathering Place, a church in a former supermarket in Donalsonville. The pastor gives his sermons in the old meat section, a large cinder-block room with L.E.D. lighting. Seth’s aunts and cousins make up about a quarter of the week-night congregation. When I went with them one evening, Seth sat next to five cousins and shared a folding chair with a friend from the neighborhood, a teen-ager raised in foster care who treated Seth like a little brother. As they waited for the service to start, Seth leaned on the boy’s shoulder and watched the other kids while chewing on the collar of his shirt. The pastor made announcements on a microphone, and Seth began silently weeping. He often cried when he heard loud noises. Once the congregation began singing, though, Seth stood up, closed his eyes, bowed his head, and hummed along to the melody. He danced and clapped with the other kids, but a little more vigorously.

In school, Seth was more agitated. He increasingly seemed to embody everything that his teachers resented about their jobs, and they talked about him as if he couldn’t comprehend language. “You’re about three grade levels behind, and you think you’re going to have a career?” Williams-Brown said one day, as Seth sat in Cool Down, where he’d been sent for not listening to a story. He watched the women and whimpered.

“Turn around and be quiet,” Williams-Brown said.

“I’m going to suggest he move back to day care,” Cherry told her.

“If he doesn’t pay attention, he’s going to be locked up,” Williams-Brown said.

“Ms. Williams, I love you—be nice,” MaKenzie said later. “And Ms. Cherry.”

“You know I’m always nice,” Cherry said.

“You’re lying,” MaKenzie told her.

Cherry shared her frustrations with such detail and abandon that she seemed either to believe that no one cared or to wish, on some level, to be fired. When Williams-Brown missed a day of school in October and a substitute, Teresa Richardson, filled in for her, Cherry said that she felt tricked by Wallace into taking a job that no one else wanted. “You say you’re the supervisor—you say you’re watching the camera, then you can see the things that happen,” she said. “You aren’t saying nothing.” She wondered if Wallace, whose office was forty minutes away, was intimidated by her, because she had so many opinions about what was wrong with the program. She was also the only black lead teacher in the building; besides Williams-Brown and Rambo, the middle-school aide, the other teachers were white.

“It’s a bad situation,” Richardson agreed. She was sitting on the floor next to Seth, holding his legs still, trying to coax him to take his afternoon nap. A few feet away, MaKenzie was watching “The Princess and the Frog,” which was being projected onto a wall. Richardson said that her mother had heard people in town talking about how the school was “not giving them the education that’s needed. It’s not what it’s supposed to be—you and I can see that ourselves.”

Cherry shook her head. “I got to get out of here so quickly.”

“I hate my life,” MaKenzie blurted out.

“No, you do not,” Richardson said. “Life is a wonder.”

In Cherry’s third month at Pathways, she hit Seth. Seth had taken off his shoes again. Williams-Brown shoved them back on, saying, “I ain’t gonna have no mercy.” Crying, Seth bolted toward Cherry, who was facing the sink, and slammed into her body. Cherry was startled, and she turned around and hit him four times on the arm and the head. He fell to the floor, and she hit him three more times. MaKenzie watched from a few feet away.

Cherry wanted to resign that night, but, with a mortgage to pay, she continued. When she arrived the next morning, Williams-Brown was chatting with Phyllis Rambo. The conversation turned to the movie “The Exorcist.” The film tells the story of a twelve-year-old girl with an inexplicable disease whose severity her mother doesn’t appreciate. “See, her mama was in denial,” Williams-Brown said. “And that’s when they got to—well, have you ever heard of an exorcism?” Williams-Brown said that the mother, after talking to a priest, “realized that there’s more we have to do for this little girl than just medicating.”

“So let’s take our two students to the priest,” Cherry said. She told Rambo how Seth had charged toward her the day before. “I thought he was the little devil or something,” she said. The two aides laughed.

“That boy totally got me out of my element,” she went on. “I got to reënact this.” She stood up from her desk, walked to the classroom sink, and imitated herself raising her arm and striking him. “I forgot that I was in this class,” Cherry told the aides. “I forgot that I was in the school here, with the camera. I forgot that this is somebody else’s child. I forgot I was a teacher.”

A few minutes later, Seth walked into the room. The school bus had just dropped him off.

“Your shoes—they stay on your feet today!” Williams-Brown told him. “Do you hear me?”

“Yes,” he said, in a soft, hoarse voice. He sat at a table in the center of the room and ate a Pop-Tart.

The three women began to criticize Latoya for not giving him medication. “He is already, what, six years old?” Rambo said. “She should have gotten him on young.”

Seth stood up from his chair and made a deep, wordless noise.

“Sit down,” Williams-Brown told him. He sat down.

“I look at it like this,” Williams-Brown went on. “This is his mama’s fault. He is a product of his environment.”

Williams-Brown added that Seth’s father wasn’t “bringing anything to the table.” She said, “It’s partly his fault for having a child like that.”

“Not only is nothing happening at home, but nothing is happening here, either,” Cherry said. “Because this isn’t school.”

Shortly after Cherry hit Seth, MaKenzie began telling her teachers that she was scared. She sometimes said it more than a dozen times a day. Seth learned the words, too. Nine days after Cherry hit him, he sat at a computer, watching a music video about a tractor. “I’m scared,” he told Williams-Brown.

“You ain’t scared,” she said.

“I’m scared,” he said again.

“Look, did you become MaKenzie?” she asked him. “Don’t be trying to use her antics. You ain’t scared of nothing.”

Later that day, Seth had refined his vocabulary. “She hit me,” he said, while sitting at a table with Williams-Brown and Cherry.

“Who hit you?” Cherry asked.

“Cherry,” Seth said.

Cherry seemed not to realize that he was saying her name. “Who hit you?” she asked again.

“You,” he said.

That afternoon, Wallace, their supervisor, stopped by. “Hi, y’all, how are you doing?” she said brightly, from the hallway. “Good,” Cherry said, without conviction. Wallace kept walking. It was the only time Wallace came to the classroom in all the surveillance footage I watched.

“You’re running away,” Cherry said after Wallace had passed. “Come on in and help.”

At the end of the week, at Wallace’s request, Cherry sent her a chart listing nine times in two days that Seth had been sent to Cool Down, usually for the same reason: “non-compliant.” Wallace was concerned about the amount of time he spent there, and she began watching footage of the classroom, taking notes as she watched. “Stop the power struggle with the shoe,” she wrote. “Tone—harsh, mean.” When she reviewed footage from October 10th, she saw Cherry imitating herself hitting Seth. She rewound to the previous day to watch what Cherry was reënacting.

Cherry and Williams-Brown were told to report to the office of the superintendent of the school district for a meeting the next day. The superintendent, George Kornegay, played Cherry the video of her hitting Seth, and she told him she had been asking for help since she’d been hired. Cherry and Williams-Brown agreed to resign. In an e-mail to the county board of education, Kornegay wrote, “I regret that this incident happened, but I truly don’t know how it could have been foreseen or avoided.” Kornegay told me that Seth’s classroom was not representative of the Pathways schools.

Latoya was shown a clip of the video a few days later and wanted to pull Seth out of school. But her sister Yvette, the high-school teacher, told her, “Make them do what they are supposed to do. Make them give him his education.”

Richardson, the substitute aide, filled in for Seth and MaKenzie’s class with the help of rotating substitutes. After three and a half weeks, Wallace couldn’t find enough teachers, so she told parents at Pathways not to send their children to school that day. “I can’t continue like this,” she wrote to Kornegay. “Something bad has already happened, and I am worried there might be more.” Kornegay admonished her, writing, “I believe we are failing to provide FAPE ”—the right to a free appropriate public education, which is guaranteed by IDEA . A month earlier, the Georgia Advocacy Office, together with the Arc of the United States, a disability-rights organization, had filed a class-action lawsuit, alleging that the state “discriminates against thousands of Georgia public school students with disabilities” by “segregating them in a network of unequal and separate institutions.”

MaKenzie’s mother, Erica, didn’t learn that her daughter’s teachers had been forced to resign, or why, until five weeks after they left. When a video of the hitting incident was played on a local news channel, MaKenzie heard the sound of Seth crying and called out, “Are they hurting my baby again?” The news program announced that Cherry had been charged with battery, assault, and cruelty to children. Williams-Brown had been charged with failing to report child abuse.

Erica decided to teach MaKenzie herself. “I’ll probably continue homeschooling her all the way through, which is going to be a”—she paused, unable to find a fitting word—“a journey,” she said softly. “I’d rather her be in school, but I’m scared.”

Cherry pleaded guilty. Bainbridge’s courthouse is across the street from the board of education, and both buildings overlook a small courtyard with two monuments dedicated to Confederate soldiers. At the sentencing hearing, the state solicitor general, Benjamin Harrell, a young, white attorney, played the clips of Cherry hitting Seth and reënacting the encounter the next day. “Praise the Lord for modern technology that allowed us to discover what was really going on in a school here,” he said.

When Cherry testified, she sounded as if she were talking to a job supervisor. “It was definitely inappropriate,” she said. “It was a mistake, and it happened, and it won’t happen again.”

Latoya could barely talk at the hearing, because she was crying so hard. “I no longer have a best friend, because one of those teachers was my best friend’s mama,” she testified. “She didn’t even come tell me. These people from Donalsonville—nobody came to my house.” When Harrell asked her what she thought Cherry’s sentence should be, she said, “I think that Ms. Cherry should get jail time.” She went on, “It’s sickening that two black women—and you already know the struggle that black people have—that you would do that to your own kind.”

The judge sentenced Cherry to a year in jail. Williams-Brown, who attended the hearing, said that, when she heard the sentence, “I cried and I cried and I cried and I cried and I cried.” She thought that Cherry wouldn’t have been punished so severely if she’d been white, but, she said, “I try not to get caught up in that.” Cherry’s mother, Pat Grant, told me, “I am just so discombobulated. My daughter didn’t get her master’s degree to babysit a child. She was on track to become a principal.”

Phyllis Rambo, who had worked for the school district for nearly two decades, was fired. Williams-Brown, who also pleaded guilty, was sentenced to probation. Harrell told me, “I saw a lot of outrage that there wasn’t more that could be done against them. People around here said, specifically, that all three women in the video were equally bad. They were saying that they should get life. Or even death.”

In an e-mail to the superintendent, Wallace complained that Harrell was “out of control,” and said that people were calling Rambo on the phone and threatening her. Rambo’s daughter Daneisha told me, “It’s tragic. Both parties are hurting—the guilty party and the not-guilty party.”

Latoya rarely left her house. “We all live in the same community, and—ooh, it’s the worst feeling I’ve ever felt,” she said. Her sister-in-law overheard women at church saying that Latoya should be ashamed of herself for ruining her neighbors’ careers. Her brother Nathan, who works at a jail, said that he heard a correction officer telling another officer, “If I were that teacher, I probably would have done the same thing.”

When I visited Cherry in jail, she had been there three months, and had lost twenty-three pounds. Her mother had moved into her house to take care of her daughter, who was nine years old and growing so quickly that, Cherry said, she had “gained the weight that I lost.” Her daughter visited once a week and spoke to her for an hour through a pane of glass. Williams-Brown had visited during Cherry’s first week in jail, but Cherry hasn’t heard from her since. “I can’t mentally get myself to go,” Williams-Brown told me.

I was taken aback by Cherry’s beauty. She had a short pixie haircut and wore navy-blue jail scrubs. We sat at a table in a small cinder-block room, and, for three hours, she methodically narrated each disappointment at Pathways. When she got to the day that she hit Seth, she walked to the corner of the cell, telling me, “This would be the sink,” and imitated herself washing her hands. “And then this force came from behind me,” she said. For the second time, she reënacted hitting Seth. It was as if she were still trying to figure out what exactly she had done to him. She said that both times she’d been shown the video, in the superintendent’s office and at her sentencing hearing, she hadn’t been able to watch.

Cherry recounted the previous half year with almost no reference to her personal life; even when she talked about her regrets, she described them through the lens of professional development. She spoke at length about the support that she expected to be in place for teachers, and said that, without it, “I just had an immediate, instinctual reaction to Seth—it was like I had turned into his mom.” When I asked her about her daughter, she said, “She’s O.K. My mom does a real good job with her. Hold on.” She walked out of the room, toward the bathroom. She came back with a piece of toilet paper three feet long, sat down, bent over her knees, and sobbed.

After a few minutes, she gathered herself completely. She understood that she would never get another job in education, and was contemplating working toward a counselling degree or writing a book called “From the Classroom to the Jailhouse,” which would “help educators not find themselves in the same situation as me.”

Every night, at nine o’clock, Cherry led five or six other inmates in prayer. They sat in a circle and held hands. Cherry said that their requests were often the same: “My prayer is that my children will not be taken away from me.” All the inmates referred to one another by their first names, but they called her Ms. Cherry. She wasn’t sure why, since only a few of them knew that she had been a teacher.

In January, 2018, shortly after the Georgia Advocacy Office requested Seth’s records, the district allowed him to return to his neighborhood school. Leslie Lipson, the lawyer with the office, said that when she becomes involved in students’ cases, for possible inclusion in the class-action suit, the student is often transferred out of GNETS. (The state has filed a motion to dismiss the lawsuit. A spokesman for the attorney general said that, “as a rule of thumb, we are unable to comment on pending litigation.”)

Seth entered first grade at Seminole County Elementary School. His records there describe him as “unable to perform a task for 5 minutes without engaging in physically aggressive or otherwise inappropriate behaviors.” For “strengths,” his records say that he “has remarkable sense of rhythm.” After three weeks, he was suspended for spitting at his teacher. Latoya said that, in February, Seth pinched his teacher several times and was suspended a second time, for six days. Latoya asked MaKenzie’s mother to recommend a good homeschooling curriculum, and withdrew him from school.

In the past fifteen years, the number of black families in the country choosing to homeschool their children has more than doubled. Cheryl Fields-Smith, a professor at the University of Georgia, studies why black families in Georgia increasingly make this choice. “One of the dominant themes was a desire to protect their children from being labelled a troublemaker, or having a special-education label placed on them,” she told me. According to the Department of Education, students of color are roughly twice as likely to be identified as having an emotional disorder as white children and nearly three times as likely to be labelled cognitively impaired. (In 2015, four decades of research was challenged by a widely cited series of articles by Paul Morgan, a professor of education at Penn State, and George Farkas, a professor at the University of California, Irvine, who argued that if environmental factors, such as poverty and single parenthood, are taken into account, students of color are actually underrepresented in special education. But other scholars have criticized the authors for overgeneralizing and relying on variables that could be subject to racial bias.)

Chris Vance, a special-education attorney in Atlanta, said that parents who can afford a lawyer’s fees are usually successful in fighting to prevent their children from going to GNETS . They will often hire a psychologist to analyze the student’s behavior in class and then draft a plan that allows the student to stay in the general classroom for most of the day and work with an aide who has been trained to understand how the student’s disability affects the way he learns. But, she said, “those who can’t afford an attorney will often homeschool their children, and so it becomes no education.”

Latoya begins Seth’s lessons at eight each morning with the song “Jesus Loves Me,” which he sings exuberantly, clapping and stomping his feet. On a recent morning, Latoya sat on the floor with a pile of frayed manila folders from Easy Peazy, an online Christian homeschooling curriculum that MaKenzie’s cousin uses. Latoya’s mother, who recently had a stroke, was on the sofa watching TV.

Latoya instructed Seth to recite words pictured on flash cards. Repeating the words required a vigorous windup: Seth arched his back, pumped his arms in the air, and then shouted out the words so loudly that his five-year-old cousin, Keylan, who came to the lesson uninvited, covered his ears. When Latoya told him that he’d done a good job, he clapped and yelled, “Yay, yay, yay, yay!” The celebration went on for too long. “Learn!” his sister, Sahrenety, who was on summer vacation, told him. “Do your work.” She sat on the couch next to Latoya’s niece, who also gave Seth pep talks.

After declaring that “I” is for igloo, Seth began rolling on the ground. Latoya called her brother Lawrence, and put him on speakerphone. He usually came over to play basketball when the lesson was over, around ten-thirty. “I won’t come if you don’t learn,” Lawrence repeatedly warned Seth. Seth got to “K” before everyone gave up. Latoya was sweating, and her niece was snoring loudly on the couch. A few of Latoya’s customers were already in the kitchen.

Latoya realizes that she cannot keep homeschooling Seth, and she plans to move back to Atlanta next month. She wants Seth to attend a public school where the day is structured and predictable and the classroom aides understand the sensory triggers for his outbursts. She doesn’t mind if he’s in a special-education classroom, provided he has some contact with nondisabled students during the day. She’s not even opposed to the idea of eventually placing him in a school for children with autism, as long as the segregation serves a therapeutic purpose. She discovered a specialized school north of Atlanta, the Lionheart School, that she aspires to send Seth to one day, if she can afford it. The director of the school told me, “When people talk about ‘behaviors,’ the assumption is that the child is doing something bad, but we see behaviors as communicative. If the child is punished for screaming, then we’ve missed an opportunity to get to know this child and what he is telling us.”

More than anything, Latoya wants to get out of Donalsonville. She told me, “I feel like everybody here is looking at me, like, Why would she do that to those teachers? She knows her son is bad.”

Whenever Latoya goes to town, she must drive past Phyllis Rambo’s house. Recently, when we passed it, her sister Cecelia, who was driving, became sombre. “That’s Phyllis,” she said, pointing to a one-story brick house. Behind the house was an old swing set where Latoya used to play with Rambo’s daughter Daneisha.

Latoya had started talking to Daneisha again, after Daneisha wrote her a letter describing how important their friendship was to her. For months, friends from their neighborhood had been urging her to forgive Rambo, too, and over time Latoya had begun to soften toward her. “I think Phyllis was basically just trying to fit in,” she told me. “She needed people to vent to at work.” (Rambo did not want to talk to me.)

Latoya had never been close with Melissa Williams-Brown—Latoya described her as having been, in high school, part of the “fancy crowd, the kids who basically have what you call a good life”—but, as she had learned more about the GNETS system, she had begun to see Williams-Brown’s mistakes in a different light. “I’m not upset with Melissa,” she told me. “I’m not even upset with Ms. Cherry. I’m just upset with the fact that, hey, if that was your”—referring to Wallace—“child, it wouldn’t have happened like that.” She cried quietly. “The black women got the blame. I just don’t feel like it’s right. You’ve got three teachers being slandered when they were only doing what you allowed them to do.”

In June, Seth and MaKenzie had a playdate. MaKenzie often asked for Seth, but she lived nearly an hour away, and they hadn’t seen each other for seven months. When Erica parked in front of Latoya’s house, MaKenzie looked up from a magazine and saw Seth sitting under the carport, beside a washing machine.

“I love you, Seth,” she said, as she walked up the driveway. “I love this little boy.” She combed her fingers through his dreadlocks and commented on how long they had grown. He looked away, smiling. Then he walked toward his uncle, who was mowing the lawn. MaKenzie stood still, wringing her hands. “What’s wrong with you?” she said gently.

Erica apologized to Latoya in advance for the language that MaKenzie might use. “When she’s nervous, her words really come out,” she said. “Whatever is on Kenzie’s mind she’s going to tell you.” It quickly became clear that one of the words that MaKenzie had difficulty controlling was the N-word. Erica was accustomed to people making comments like “That little girl needs her butt tore up.” But Latoya assured her that it was fine, even when Seth began repeating the word.

In the carport, they listened to the country song “Meant to Be,” by Bebe Rexha and the Florida Georgia Line. MaKenzie stood under a tree and swayed her arms in the air. Seth walked over to her and began doing the two-step, rocking his hips and shoulders from side to side. Their rhythms were familiar to each other; they had often danced together at school, while their teachers were talking. On Cherry’s last day at Pathways, MaKenzie had sashayed toward Seth, stood behind him, and begun moving his arms to the beat of a nursery song, leading him in a kind of square dance.

Throughout the afternoon, MaKenzie repeatedly told Seth that she loved him and kissed his cheek or the top of his head. Latoya took solace in believing that MaKenzie’s warmth may have counteracted the harsh tone of his teachers. She was less concerned about the physical violence than about the effects of listening to them talk. “He can hear five conversations at a time and remember every word—that’s one of his autistic traits,” she told me. “If you call him bad, he’s going to believe it. He’s going to become exactly who you say he is.” ♦

A previous version of this article cited imprecise critiques by scholars who said that gender had been omitted from Morgan and Farkas’s analysis. Morgan and Farkas, who have replicated their findings in several studies, included gender as a covariate and used—but did not rely on—teachers’ subjective assessments.

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• K-12 Education , Reports , Stephen Owens

State of Education Funding (2023): Opportunity is Knocking

• By Stephen Owens
• January 26, 2023

The United States is experiencing income inequality at a level not seen since the 1920s, and it is worse in Atlanta than in any other major American city. [1] The consequences of this inequality are made clear when examining student performance across districts. Georgia has one of the highest overall rates of child poverty in the nation and simultaneously provides schools with no specific funding to support these children—one of only six such states. [2] This year’s edition of the State of Education Funding report will focus exclusively on poverty in Georgia’s schools and what can be done to support schools serving learners experiencing poverty. Georgia must join the rest of the nation and create an Opportunity Weight in the school funding formula to specifically address the needs of students living in poverty. This type of funding would help ensure these students are given comparable opportunities to their wealthier peers.

Understanding Poverty in Georgia’s Schools

As of 2020, Georgia had more children (aged 0-17) in poverty than 43 other states. [3] According to the most recent Georgia KIDS COUNT Data, 20 percent of children in Georgia live in families with incomes below the federal poverty level. [4] Black and Brown children are much more likely to live in poverty than their white and Asian American or Pacific Islander (AAPI) neighbors. The graphs below show the breakdown by race.

The map below shows the distribution of students in poverty by school district.

This racial disparity seen above is neither unique to Georgia nor inevitable. Twenty-eight percent of Hispanic or Latinx children live in poverty. These children are more likely to have immigrant parents, a group of Georgians who tend to have the lowest income levels. Immigrant workers are clustered in jobs with lower pay, fewer benefits and scant worker protections. [5] Black families, on average, have one-eighth the household wealth of typical white families. [6] The cumulative effect of slavery; Jim Crow legislation; school and housing segregation; explicit and implicit bias, and more created and cemented the persistent poverty in Black communities in the U.S. Even once racist policies are removed, wealth can be determined well before a child enters the workforce. The Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve showed that inheritances and other family support are the largest contributors to the differences in racial wealth in America. [7]

The impact of a family’s resources can be easily seen in educational outcomes. The graphs below show the performance on two Georgia Milestones standardized tests, broken down by income. Students are graded on a scale from Beginning (the lowest) to Proficient.

Often statistics like those above can lead people to racist or classist conclusions. There is no connection between race/income and intelligence. The Georgia Department of Education has a measure of student growth, Student Growth Percentiles (SGPs) , which better evaluates how much a child has improved throughout the school year than measuring whether a student “passes” a state test. Based on SGPs results, there exists no relationship between the percentage of students living in poverty and whether those students exhibit “typical” or “high” growth. Put simply, any difference in test scores between students in poverty and the rest of the state is a consequence of resources and opportunities, not intelligence.

Regardless of this fact, parents, community members and policymakers are often presented with the wealth grading curve as if it is an objective measure of quality. Georgia’s accountability grading system, the College and Career Readiness Performance Index (CCRPI), gives each school and district a rating from 1-100. CCRPI, due to federal and state laws, relies on standardized test scores. The following graph analyzes every school’s CCRPI grade next to the percentage of students living in poverty. Schools that score an “A” average 10.3 percent of the student population living in poverty, compared to 56 percent of the student body for schools that received an “F.”

The wealth grading curve is steeper in Georgia than in most states. The National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) is considered the gold standard of state test comparisons. While students living in poverty score worse on NAEP than their higher-income classmates in all states, the distance is greater in Georgia. Using average 4 th- grade scale scores for the last 20 years, Georgia is 31 st in the nation in reading and 41 st in mathematics. In fact, the wealth grading curve in mathematics is steeper in Georgia than in any other southern state.

Eighth grade reading and mathematics show a similar pattern—Georgia averages 36 th in mathematics and 34 th in reading. These results can be partly explained by the reality that Georgia remains one of only six states that refuses to provide schools with the additional funding needed to educate students living in poverty. Over the last two decades, it has become clear that Georgia’s students who live in poverty are being pushed further behind their wealthier classmates compared to students in other states.

The Case for Additional State Spending in Education

The problems outlined above can be addressed through state investment in schools, and it makes fiscal sense to do so. Every dollar spent on ensuring all students have equally high levels of performance regardless of race, ethnicity, zip code or economic status saves an estimated $2.60. According to a RAND Corporation study, these savings can be attributed to increased tax revenues and decreased spending on social programs. [8] The Center for American Progress also found that significant public commitment to school funding is repaid in future economic growth. [9]

A recent study in the Journal of Labor Economics found that state school finance reforms that brought spending in low-income communities more in line with those in high-income communities had a large effect on the intergenerational mobility of students in poverty. This move toward more equitable budgeting increased the likelihood that these students would earn higher wages over their lifetime than their parents. [10] One analysis reviewed school finance reforms of the 1970s and 1980s and discovered that “the estimated effect of a 21.7% increase in per-pupil spending throughout all 12 school-age years for children from low-income families is large enough to eliminate the education attainment gap between children from low-income and non-poor families.” [11]

Policy Recommendation: Create an Opportunity Weight in Georgia School Funding Formula

The combination of high child poverty rates and limited resources to support these students puts Georgia schools in an impossible position. If we expect these schools to produce an educated populace but only resource them to do so for a fraction of the state’s children, then we are further cementing inequality.

Most of Georgia’s school funding is determined by a system of weights where children with different needs are weighted differently to earn their school funding. A 9 th through 12 th -grade general education student is given a weight of 1, while a child in special education would “earn” a much higher weight, for example, since the latter student would need smaller class sizes and other accommodations. This type of funding is structural equity: different needs demand different resources. An Opportunity Weight, or a weight in the formula provided to educate students living in poverty, would modernize the way we fund schools in Georgia to recognize the immense challenge of inequity and be a tool for racial justice. If Georgia policymakers directed resources to help educate students in poverty, it would flow to every community in the state and equitably to Black and Brown learners. A policy like this is overdue for these students. Specifically, it is beyond time for all children to be granted the same opportunity.

[1] Stone, C., Trisi, D., Sherman, A., & Debot, B. (2015). A guide to statistics on historical trends in income inequality . Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. https://www.cbpp.org/research/poverty-and-inequality/a-guide-to-statistics-on-historical-trends-in-income-inequality ; Jackson, D. (2022, November 28). Atlanta has the highest income inequality in the nation, Census data shows . Atlanta Journal-Constitution . https://www.ajc.com/news/investigations/atlanta-has-the-highest-income-inequality-in-the-nation-census-data-shows/YJRZ6A4UGBFWTMYICTG2BCOUPU/

[2] Education Commission of the States. (2021). Funding for students from low-income backgrounds . https://reports.ecs.org/comparisons/k-12-and-special-education-funding-06

[3] U.S. Department of Agriculture. (2020). https://data.ers.usda.gov/reports.aspx?ID=17826#Pdeeb6664109a436caf670b19a2951669_3_241iT3

[4] Annie E. Casey Foundation. (2022). KIDS COUNT Data Center. https://datacenter.kidscount.org/data/tables/44-children-in-poverty-by-race-and-ethnicity?loc=12&loct=2#detailed/2/12/false/2048,1729,37,871,870,573,869,36,868,867/10,11,9,12,1,185,13/324,323

[5] Foxen, P., & Mather, M. (2016). Toward a more equitable future: the trends and challenges facing America’s Latino children.  National Council of La Raza. https://eric.ed.gov/?id=ED571647

[6] Bhutta, N., Chang, A.C. Dettling, L.J., & Hsu, J.W. (2020). Disparities in wealth by race and ethnicity in the 2019 Survey of Consumer Finances. Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. https://www.federalreserve.gov/econres/notes/feds-notes/disparities-in-wealth-by-race-and-ethnicity-in-the-2019-survey-of-consumer-finances-20200928.html

[8] Vernez, G., Krop, R. A., & Rydell, C. P. (1999).  Closing the education gap: Benefits and costs . RAND. https://www.rand.org/pubs/monograph_reports/MR1036.html

[9] Lynch, R. G., & Oakford, P. (2014). The economic benefits of closing educational achievement gaps: Promoting growth and strengthening the nation by improving the educational outcomes of children of color . Center for American Progress. https://www.americanprogress.org/article/the-economic-benefits-of-closing-educational-achievement-gaps/#:~:text=If%20the%20United%20States%20were,%242.3%20trillion%E2%80%94larger%20in%202050 .

[10] Baisi, B. (2022). School finance equalization increases intergenerational mobility. Journal of Labor Economics , 41 (1). https://doi.org/10.1086/718980

[11] Jackson, C. K., Johnson, R. C., & Persico, C. (2015).  The effects of school spending on educational and economic outcomes: Evidence from school finance reforms . National Bureau of Economic Research. https://www.nber.org/system/files/working_papers/w20847/w20847.pdf

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The Challenge

Quality education is critical for the development of both individuals and societies, helping to pave the way for a successful and productive future. Despite significant achievements in recent years, the Georgian education system continues to face many challenges.Georgia’s expenditure on education is lower than that of other countries with the same GDP per capita. The low quality of education is a major challenge for children of Georgia. Georgian students underperform in International Student Assessments.

About two thirdsof 15-year old students in Georgia do not meet baseline standards in reading, science and mathematics.

Poor student performance can also be seen in the high dropout rate from secondary education and students’ difficulties to meet the demands of the labor market later on. The quality of education is especially undermined by the low qualification of teachers and the ineffective system of teacher deployment and management. 

The Solution

In partnership with the Government of Estonia and Poland, we support the Government of Georgia in strengthening the quality and inclusiveness of Georgia’s national education system. 

This partnership aims at designing and introducing Bachelor and Master programmes in nine Georgian state universities for pre-service training of pre-school and secondary school teachers.

In the framework of this partnership, the new National Curriculum for primary grades was launched in 15 partner schools, introducing innovations, new learning approaches and digital technologies for education.

The resulting model of implementation for the new national curriculum will later be rolled out to all schools across the country.

As a result of this partnership, children in Georgia will acquire skills and competencies needed to thrive in a fast-changing world of globalisation and technological advancement, and will have equal access to educational innovations.

We also work with the Ministry of Education,Science, Culture and Sport of Georgia and other development partners to make Inclusive Education a reality in Georgia. The legal and administrative framework for Inclusive Education has been strengthened and about 7000 children with special educational needs and disabilities have been enrolled in mainstream schools. 

We further supported improvements to the Education Management Information System by collecting data on Out of School Children and Children at Risk of School Drop Out. However, the data needs more systematic analyses to define the factors of school dropout.  

Making public school open enrollment in Georgia more accessible

Open enrollment, an education policy that allows K-12 students to transfer from one public school to another, is gaining traction across the United States. This policy aims to give families greater freedom in choosing the most suitable learning environment for their children. 

A recent report from the Georgia Public Policy Foundation delves into the current state of open enrollment in Georgia, comparing it with open enrollment accessibility in other states and offering insights into how this facet of school choice could be improved.

The rationale of open enrollment is explained in the report: “Students and their parents should be allowed to choose the learning environment that best suits them. If that option is a different public school from the one they currently attend, they should be afforded the freedom to transfer without arbitrary boundaries.”

The report draws on evidence from other studies and reports that show positive impacts of open enrollment. Studies from EdChoice and the University of Chicago’s Becker-Friedman Institute for Economics include improved school quality through competition, especially among the lowest-performing schools.

Despite the growing popularity of open enrollment programs nationwide, the report reveals that Georgia is not meeting its full potential in making these programs accessible to students.

Here is a breakdown of the situation in the Peach state:

The report found that Georgia’s open enrollment program is typical compared to other states. There are some metrics by which the state is performing well, and others that could use significant improvement.

The Georgia Public Policy Foundation reached out to 69 of the largest school districts in Georgia and received 21 responses. These responses, and the lack of others, paint a mixed picture of how open enrollment is implemented at the district level. While some districts track relevant data and respond promptly to information requests, others lack the infrastructure or policies to do so effectively. This inconsistency further complicates the task of evaluating the policy’s success and identifying best practices.

The districts that responded and were able to provide data amount to approximately 547,000 students across the state, or about a third of Georgia’s K-12 students. Among these, districts collectively reported 25,826 total applications for transfers, with 20,448 accepted and 5,378 denied. While at first glance it appears that the majority of transfer applicants are successful, the reality is more complex due to variations in how districts manage and track these applications. Notably, some districts reported no denied applications, not due to a lack of rejections, but because they do not make applications available for schools at full capacity, effectively denying certain transfers implicitly.

The report highlights a significant issue with both data transparency and data reporting. While a few states, including Kansas, Oklahoma and Wisconsin, have robust data collection systems in place at the state level, Georgia does not. Also, its district-level reporting is often incomplete or non-existent. This lack of comprehensive data hampers the ability to assess the effectiveness and accessibility of open enrollment policies fully.

Moreover, the report underscores the importance of transparency in informing parents about their options. Given that most families opt for traditional public schools, it’s crucial for Georgia’s education system to provide clear and accessible information about the transfer process. This not only aligns with the broader arguments for school choice but also promotes a competitive environment encouraging schools to innovate and improve to retain and attract students.

The report highlights areas in which the state is falling short. While Georgia allows for within-district transfers, cross-district transfers are subject to the receiving school’s approval and capacity constraints, limiting the choices available to students. This is compounded by the lack of comprehensive data collection at both the state and district levels, making it difficult to understand the policy’s full impact and areas for improvement.

The report calls on Georgia to make the following improvements to the open-enrollment system:

– Georgia should require all school districts to participate in statewide cross-district and within-district open enrollment.

– The state should improve transparency by district reporting to the Department of Education, which should publish that information.

– Georgia’s state-level reporting should at least include transfers in and out of each school, along with net change. It should also include reasons for denied applications

– Public school should be free to all Georgia students.

If the above recommendations are implemented, Georgia could not only enhance educational opportunities for all its students but also serve as a model for other states grappling with similar challenges. This would be a pivotal step toward ensuring that every child has access to a quality education that meets their unique needs and aspirations.

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As Fulton’s school enrollment drops, leaders look for solutions

Fulton County Schools enrolled 1,851 fewer students this school year than it did last year, according to data from the district. The decrease is 2.5 times larger than last year’s decline of 692 students.

While the school district doesn’t expect the decline to deliver a huge financial blow, it could result in less state funding for Fulton. Georgia’s Quality Basic Education Act assigns the amount of state money districts should get in part based on the number of students in a district. The majority of Fulton’s funding comes from local property taxes, but the district receives millions of dollars annually from the state. Officials project Fulton will receive $425 million in QBE funding for the upcoming fiscal year.

Changes in enrollment can affect how a district allocates resources. For example, some buildings could be underutilized. Fewer teachers and staff may be needed. Enrollment can also be a matter of pride. No school district likes to see a decline in enrollment.

School board members reviewed the enrollment numbers at a recent meeting, where district officials explained the reasons for the drop, noting fewer home sales in the county.

“The lack of existing housing supply, increased cost and escalated interest rates (have) influenced housing market uncertainty within the district,” said Executive Director of Operational Planning Tarika Peeks.

Student mobility is also a factor, Fulton says. That’s when students move in or out of school zones during the year, creating turnover. Fulton’s mobility rate for the 2022-23 school year was 19.1%, state data shows. That means almost 1 in 5 students in the district changed schools at least once during the year, some possibly moving to schools outside of the district.

Private school enrollment in Fulton County is also increasing, officials said. The number of students attending private institutions rose from 11,760 during the 2021-22 school year to 11,940 students during the 2022-23 school year.

In addition, the school board opted not to renew charter schools RISE Grammar School and RISE Preparatory Academy last year, anticipating those roughly 800 students would return to traditional Fulton public schools. However, RISE appealed to the State Charter Schools Commission and those schools are now part of the state charter schools network.

Credit: Jason Getz / [email protected]

Fulton is Georgia’s most populous county and is the state’s fourth-largest school system. However, over the last decade, school enrollment has eroded. A decade ago during the 2013-14 school year, Fulton enrolled 95,095 students. During the 2023-24 school year, Fulton served 87,872 students.

Enrollment trends in metro Atlanta districts vary. School systems such as Forsyth, Henry and Gwinnett have steadily grown over the last decade, while Clayton, Cobb, DeKalb and Atlanta Public Schools have seen enrollment declines, according to state data.

The downward trend is expected to continue in the upcoming years. Peeks said Fulton expects a decrease of 600 students next school year.

“As we look to the future, we anticipate a steady continuation of enrollment decline over the next five years by 2,360 students,” she said.

The decline in Fulton’s student population is happening across the 70-mile-long district. Officials divide the school district into three parts: north, central and south. One possible silver lining, Fulton says, is despite the overall drop, south Fulton’s population is expected to grow due to new housing developments.

Some board members said to spur enrollment, the district should brag a little more.

“I’d love to see us (put) more effort into marketing of our schools and our school system as to what we have to offer,” said School Board Vice President Kristin McCabe.

“I would like for us to think about ... if people are building (homes), how do we get them into our schools?” said Franchesca Warren, who represents areas in south Fulton. “I tell my community that we have great things happening, but if you listen to what has been historically said (about south Fulton), you will be cautious to enroll your children.”

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Here’s how enrollment has changed in Fulton County’s school system over the last five school years:

School Year Enrollment

2023-24: 87,872

2022-23: 89,723

2021-22: 90,415

2020-21: 90,376

2019-20: 93,948

Source: Fulton County Schools.

About the Author

Martha Dalton is a journalist for The Atlanta Journal-Constitution writing about education and the Atlanta Public Schools system. Martha was previously a senior education reporter at WABE, Atlanta’s NPR affiliate.

Credit: Tyson A. Horne

Credit: Arvin Temkar/AJC

Credit: Hyosub Shin / [email protected]

HIGHER EDUCATION SYSTEM OF GEORGIA

Higher education in Georgia consists of three stages:

Bachelor program, master's program, and doctorate program.

Educational program in the institution of higher education during one educational year includes an average of 60 credits. The educational program of the first stage of teaching (bachelor) consists of no less than 240 credits. The first stage of higher education may include an educational program of teacher training. Only holders of state certificates confirming full general education or persons equalized with them have a right to study in bachelor programs. The second stage of the teaching (master’s) educational program consists of no less than 120 credits. Only bachelors or persons with degrees equalized with them have a right to study in a master's program. A Medical/dentist educational program is a one-stage higher education program that ends with awarding an academic degree of certified physician/dentist. An academic degree received after completing an educational program of a physician with 360 credits or a dentist with 300 credits, is equalized with an academic degree of master's. The third stage of studying (doctorate program) consists of no less than 180 credits. Only masters or persons with degrees equalized with them have a right to study in doctoral programs.

After completing each stage of higher education, a respective diploma is issued. The institution of higher education is authorized to award the student with intermediate qualification, in case of completing a part of the educational program. Awarding an intermediate qualification is allowed after reaching results in studying, defined for completing a part of an educational program which should not be less than half of the credit number defined for an educational program.

Types of higher education institutions:

In Georgia, three types of higher education institutions are active:

• University - the institution of higher education which carries out higher education programs of all three stages and scientific research
• Teaching university - the institution of higher education which carries out higher educational program/programs (except doctorate programs). Teaching university necessarily carries out educational programs of the second stage - master program or programs.
• College - the institution of higher education which carries out only the first stage educational program of higher academic education.

Obtaining the status of the institution of higher education and implementation of respective educational activity is possible only in the case of authorization of higher education institution defined by the rules of authorization provision. Authorization is a procedure of obtaining a status of higher education institution purpose of which is to ensure compliance with standards necessary for the implementation of respective activity required for issuing of education confirming document recognized by the state. Authorization is carried out by the National Center for Educational Quality Enhancement, according to the rules defined by the authorization provision. The state recognizes only diplomas issued by accredited or equalized with their educational institutions.

Acceptance:

In the institutions of higher education, in bachelor, certified physician/dentist educational programs, only those enrollees have the right to study who completed their respective Unified National Exams according to the rule defined by the Ministry of Education and Science of Georgia. In higher educational institutions of Orthodox theologian direction, enrolment of students in bachelor's theologian educational program is carried out on the basis of the proposal presented by Catholicos-Patriarch of Georgia, according to the rule defined by the Ministry of Education and Science of Georgia, based on the result obtained in a certain subject of Unified National Exams.

National Examinations Center is a legal entity of public law which ensures the execution of Unified National and Joint Master Exams and is authorized to carry out national estimations and international research, carrying out other authorities defined by the Georgian legislation.

1 : Universiteti : � Research University

Description: Higher education institutions implementing educational programmes of all the three cycles of higher academic education.

2 : Teaching University

Description: Higher education institutions implementing the first and second cycles of higher academic education (no doctoral programmes).

3 : Koleji : � College

Description: Higher education institutions providing professional higher educational or/and only the first cycle of higher academic education (Bachelor's degrees).

� Pre-Higher Education System

Length of program: 6

Age level from: 6

Age level to: 11

Length of program: 3

Age level from: 12

Age level to: 14

Certificate/Diploma awarded at end: Sabazo zogadi ganatlebis atestati

Secondary :

Age level from: 15

Age level to: 17

Certificate/Diploma awarded at end: Sruli zogadi ganatlebis atestati

Vocational :

Age level from: 14

Age level to: 18

Pre-school education (1-5) is not compulsory. Primary education of 6 years (6 to 11) and basic education of 3 years (12-14) is compulsory. Secondary education lasts 3 years (15-17) and students must successfully pass secondary education and pass the Unified National Examination in order to enter higher education. Vocational training is open to students having completed 9 years of compulsory education, with enrollment open twice per year, in spring and autumn.

� Higher Education System

The three-cycle higher education system (Bachelor-Master-Doctorate) has been implemented. The higher education sector is composed of both public and private institutions. It is supervised by the Ministry of Education, Science, Culture and Sport. Higher education institutions are autonomous. They can be legal entities of public law, legal entities of private law, and non-profit legal entities. Rectors of public higher education institutions are elected by the Academic Council (composed of Professors). The majority of HEIs are funded through tuition fees. Grants are given to the students according to their performance in the national admission exam that takes place at the end of secondary education and their field of study. Loans schemes are also available.

Law on Development of Quality of Education (2010)

Law on General Education (2005)

Law on Higher Education (2004)

Description: Higher education perspectives in Georgia and integration to the EHEA.

Georgian, Abkhazian

University level first stage : First cycle – Bachelor’s degree (240 credits)

Description: The Bachelor's degree is awarded after 4 years and is worth 240 ECTS. Within the first cycle programme, there is the degree of Certified Specialist which is worth 120-180 ECTS and may be awarded after 2 years.

University level second stage : Second cycle – Master’s degree (120 credits)

Description: The second stage leads to the award of a Magistris diplomi (Master's degree) after two years' study. Integrated 5-year programmes are available in Dental Medicine, Veterinary Medicine and, since 2017, teacher-training (300 ECTS); in Medicine they last 6 years (360 ECTS) and these are all equal to a Master’s degree.

University level third stage : Third cycle – Doctor’s degree (180 credits)

Description: The doctoral degree comprises three years' study and ends with the presentation and defence of a dissertation.

There is no specific teacher training for teachers within higher education. To become a Professor, one must hold a Doctorate and have 6 years of experience in teaching and research; to become an Associated Professor, one must hold a Doctorate; to become an Assistant Professor, one must hold a Doctorate or be a doctoral student.

Ministry of Education, Science, Culture and Sport

Street: Dimitri Uznadze N 52

City: Tbilisi

PostCode: 0102

Tel: +995(32) 2 200 220

www: http://www.mes.gov.ge

Contacts: Mikheil Chkhenkeli (Head), Job title : Minister

National Center for Educational Quality Enhancement - EQE

Role: The National Center for Educational Quality Enhancement was founded on 1 September 2010 under the Law of Georgia on Educational Quality Enhancement. The EQE is the legal successor of the LEPL - National Center for Educational Accreditation. Its main goal is to promote the formation of internal mechanisms of educational quality assurance and the implementation of external mechanisms in cooperation with educational institutions and other stakeholders.

Street: 1 Aleksidze Street

PostCode: 0193

www: http://www.eqe.ge

Contacts: Giorgi Vashakidze (Head), Job title : Director

Recognition for institution: no

Recognition for profession: no

Sruli zogadi ganatlebis atestati

Requirement for: All institutions

Students should also pass the Unified National Examination to gain entry to higher education.

Definition: Foreign students are those who are not citizens of Georgia.

Admission Requirements: See: http://studyingeorgia.eu/

Health: Medical certificate

� Recognition of Studies

The quality assurance (QA) system in Georgia consists of internal and external mechanisms. Internal self-evaluation is carried out by educational institutions commensurate with the procedure of evaluation of own performance and shall be summarised in an annual self-evaluation report. External QA is implemented through authorization and accreditation. Authorization grants a right to educational institutions to operate and is based on similar criteria as institutional accreditation. Accreditation looks more at the programme level and is linked with the state funding. All programmes in regulated professions have to pass accreditation. The national agency implementing external QA is the National Centre for Educational Quality Enhancement (EQE). Authorisation and accreditation have to be renewed in every 5 years.

For the Exercise of a Profession: Regulated professions (medicine, including veterinary, medicine, law and education) require students to sit a State Certification Test as well as having a relevant academic degree.

Convention on the Recognition of Qualifications concerning Higher Education in the European Region. Lisbon, 11 April 1997 (1999)

� Student Life

Is there social security: No

By Road: No

By Rail: Yes

By Air: Yes

Available to Foreign Students: Yes

� Credentials

Description: This credential is obtained after completion of 12 years' study in basic and secondary school. However, students need to pass the Unified National Exam in order to have access to higher education.

Bakalavris diplomi

Description: First terminal degree awarded on successful completion of a four-year course (240 ECTS). Students must sit the Unified National Examination in order to enter this programme.

Entrance exam test at National level: yes

Credential required for entry: Sruli zogadi ganatlebis atestati

Type of institution where credential is offered: Universiteti (Research University) Teaching University Koleji (College)

Doctor of Dental Medicine

Description: Degree in dentisty awarded after 5 years of study (300 ECTS).

Doctor of Medicine

Description: Degree in medicine awarded after 6 years of study (360 ECTS).

Doctor of Veterinary Medicine

Magistris diplomi

Description: Academic degree conferred after two years' study (120 ECTS) following the Bachelor's degree and successfully passing the Unified Master’s Examination

Entrance exam test at Institution level: yes

Credential required for entry: Bakalavris diplomi

Type of institution where credential is offered: Universiteti (Research University) Teaching University

Doktoris diplomi

Description: Doctoral degree comprising three years' study and ends with the presentation and defence of a dissertation.

Credential required for entry: Magistris diplomi

Type of institution where credential is offered: Universiteti (Research University)

� Data Provided by

IAU from the website of the Ministry of Education, Science, Culture and Sport of Georgia; NUFFIC document 'Education in Georgia, 2019'; website of the National Center for Educational Quality Enhancement , February 2020.

Updated on 02-03-2020

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Georgia universities, tech colleges partner for emerging tech jobs, a partnership between georgia's university system, its technical college system and rowen, a life-sciences campus in gwinnett county, will generate projects and programs focused on emerging technologies and industries..

How to Become a Paralegal in 2024

April 10, 2024

The role of paralegals has become increasingly vital in the dynamic legal industry. In 2024, the demand for skilled professionals in this field continues to surge. If you are considering a career that combines legal expertise with hands-on involvement in the justice system, becoming a paralegal might just be your next big step.

What Does a Paralegal Do?

Paralegals, often referred to as legal assistants, play a crucial role in the legal process. They provide invaluable support to lawyers by conducting research, drafting legal documents, organizing files, and assisting during trials. From corporate law firms to government agencies, paralegals are integral to the efficient functioning of legal teams across various sectors. Why Should You Become a Paralegal?

Why Should You Become a Paralegal?

• Career Versatility: One of the most compelling reasons to pursue a career as a paralegal is the versatility it offers. Whether you are passionate about criminal law, corporate litigation, or intellectual property rights, there is a niche for you within the legal realm.
• Professional Growth: As a paralegal, you will constantly be exposed to new challenges and opportunities for growth. The dynamic nature of the legal field ensures that no two days are alike, encouraging continuous learning and development.
• Impactful Contribution: Paralegals directly contribute to the delivery of justice and the protection of rights. Your work will often have a tangible impact on clients’ lives, making it a profoundly rewarding career choice.

Career Outlook for Paralegals

The future looks promising for aspiring paralegals. According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), the demand for paralegals is likely to grow by 4% through 2032. As law firms and corporations seek to streamline operations and reduce costs, the need for skilled paralegals will continue to rise. Moreover, advancements in technology are reshaping the legal landscape, creating new avenues for paralegals to leverage their expertise.

The BLS reports that the median yearly salary for paralegals and legal assistants is $59,200, with the top 10% earning over $94,960.

How to Become a Paralegal

1. Enroll in a Recognized Paralegal Course

Invest in your future by enrolling in a reputable paralegal course, such as Georgia Southern University’s Certified Paralegal (Voucher Included) program. Designed to equip you with the essential skills and knowledge in just 12 months, this comprehensive course covers everything from legal research to case management. With a focus on practical training and real-world applications, you will graduate, ready to excel in the competitive field of law. The course also prepares you to appear for the Certified Paralegal exam through the National Association of Legal Assistants (NALA).

2. Gain Hands-on Experience

While classroom learning provides a solid foundation, nothing beats hands-on experience. Seek internships or entry-level positions at law firms, corporate legal departments, or government agencies to gain valuable practical insights into the role of a paralegal.

3. Stay Updated

The legal landscape is constantly evolving, with new laws and regulations being enacted regularly. Stay informed about industry trends, attend seminars, and pursue continuing education opportunities to stay ahead of the curve.

Networking is key to unlocking opportunities in any profession. Connect with fellow paralegals, lawyers, and legal professionals through industry events, online forums, and professional associations. Building a strong professional network can open doors to job opportunities and mentorship.

Start Your Paralegal Career Today

Becoming a paralegal in 2024 offers a pathway to a rewarding and dynamic career in the legal industry. With the right training, skills, and mindset, you can embark on a journey that not only fulfills your professional aspirations but also makes a meaningful difference in the pursuit of justice. So why wait? Take the first step towards your future today. Enroll in the Certified Paralegal (Voucher Included) course now.

Posted in Continuing and Professional Education Blog , Continuing and Professional Education Newsroom

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College of Engineering

Georgia tech ai makerspace.

Using an approach unlike any other in higher education, Georgia Tech’s College of Engineering has created a digital sandbox for students to understand and use artificial intelligence in the classroom.

The AI Makerspace is a supercomputer hub that gives students access to computing resources typically available only to researchers or tech companies. It means hands-on experience for our students, deepening their skills and preparing them to be the new generation of AI professionals.

With the resources in the AI Makerspace, the College can redesign courses to incorporate practical AI tools and develop new ones that impart the essential principles of AI to all students.

The initiative is in collaboration with NVIDIA , one of the country’s largest suppliers of AI hardware and software — and a substantial investment. Students and faculty receive support through NVIDIA Deep Learning Institute resources, including faculty-run NVIDIA workshops, certifications, a university ambassador program, curriculum-aided teaching kits, and a developer community network.

The AI Makerspace also enables Georgia Tech to enhance or redesign courses to incorporate practical AI tools, along with develop new courses — both foundational and advanced — that impart the essential principles of AI to all students. The partnership between Georgia Tech and NVIDIA signifies a substantial investment. The allocated funds will be utilized for technology, including NVIDIA graphics processing units (GPUs), and infrastructure. S tudents and faculty will receive support through NVIDIA Deep Learning Institute resources, including faculty-run NVIDIA workshops, certifications, a university ambassador program, curriculum-aided teaching kits, and a developer community network.

The collaboration is part of the College’s commitment to nurturing a vibrant AI-powered university that will shape the future generation of AI professionals.

Georgia Tech Unveils New AI Makerspace

By giving students access to powerful supercomputers, Georgia Tech will teach AI to undergraduates in a way unlike any other university in the nation.

What Sets the Georgia Tech AI Makerspace Apart?

Educational Empowerment

In an era where AI is increasingly ingrained in our daily lives, the AI Makerspace democratizes access to heavyweight computing resources.

Training the AI Workforce

The AI Makerspace takes a dedicated approach to workforce development through curriculum-based study as well as independent exploration. 

National Security

Harnessing the power of AI is a strategic imperative for national security. As nations strive to secure their positions as global leaders in the field, investing in AI education is critical for U.S. competitiveness.

Interdisciplinary Focus

The AI Makerspace offers a unique opportunity for students to harness the power of AI technologies in ways that extend beyond traditional computing applications.

The Georgia Tech AI Makerspace is a dedicated computing cluster paired with NVIDIA AI Enterprise software. The software technology resides on an advanced AI infrastructure that is designed, built, and deployed by  Penguin Solutions , providing a virtual gateway to a high-performance computing environment. 

The first phase of the endeavor is powered by 20 NVIDIA HGX H100 systems, housing 160 NVIDIA H100 Tensor Core GPUs, one of the most powerful computational accelerators capable of enabling and supporting advanced AI and machine learning efforts. The system is interconnected with an NVIDIA Quantum-2 InfiniBand networking platform, featuring in-network computing. 

Infrastructure support is led by Georgia Tech’s Partnership for an Advanced Computing Environment (PACE) .

It would take a single NVIDIA H100 GPU one second to come up with a multiplication operation that would take Georgia Tech’s 50,000 students 22 years to achieve.

20 NVIDIA H100-HGX servers, each with:

• 8 x NVIDIA H100 GPUs (SXM5 form-factor)
• 2 x 32-Core Intel Sapphire Rapids CPUs (2.8 GHz)
• 2TB 4800 MHz DDR5 DRAM
• 3 x 3.84 TB NVMe storage
• 1 x ConnectX-7 IB NIC (400 Gbps)

Total System:

• 160 NVIDIA H100 GPUs
• 1,280 Intel Sapphire Rapids CPU cores
• 40TB 4800 MHz DDR5 DRAM
• 230.4 TB NVMe storage

Frequently Asked Questions

What are gpus and cpus.

GPUs (graphics processing units) are specialized processors designed to handle certain complex computations efficiently, commonly used in tasks such as rendering high-resolution graphics and performing parallel computations in fields like machine learning and artificial intelligence. CPUs (central processing units) are the central component of a computer responsible for executing instructions, managing tasks, and coordinating the operation of various hardware components, serving as the brain of the computer.

GPUs have become prominent due to their exceptional parallel processing capabilities, which make them highly efficient for high-performance computing (HPC) tasks. Additionally, advancements in GPU technology have led to significant improvements in graphics rendering, gaming experiences, and visual computing applications, further driving their prominence in various industries and fields.

How many GPUs are in the Georgia Tech AI Makerspace and what makes them important?

Phase I of the Georgia Tech AI Makerspace comprises a total of 160 NVIDIA H100 Tensor Core GPUs. 20 NVIDIA H100-HGX servers contain 8 GPUs each. The benefit of GPUs is that they provide extremely performant accelerators designed specifically for AI, with a very large unified memory space that can accommodate very big models.

It’s also noteworthy that an important capability of AI is low-precision performance. These nodes provide roughly 640 petaflops (PF) of theoretical 8-bit floating-point for 8-bit integer (FP8/INT8) capability, combined with the 640 gigabytes of GPU memory per server.

Why are there both GPUs and CPUs in the Georgia Tech AI Makerspace? 

CPUs and GPUs are optimized for different kinds of calculations, so it’s useful to have both available. Optimized software will perform certain steps of code on the CPU and others on the GPU to maximize performance.

CPUs are “standard” general-purpose chips that work well for many calculations. GPUs are specialized. A server cannot run without a CPU. The CPU handles all the tasks required for all software on the server to run correctly. 

GPUs are accelerators with more focused computational hardware that rely on a separate host system to operate.

Who will manage the infrastructure of the AI Makerspace? 

The AI Makerspace infrastructure will be supported by Georgia Tech’s Partnership for an Advanced Computing Environment (PACE). PACE provides sustainable leading-edge Research Computing and Data (RCD) cyberinfrastructure, software, and support for research and education requiring high performance computing and other advanced research computing infrastructure. 

PACE is a collaboration between Georgia Tech faculty and the Office of Information Technology (OIT) focused on HPC.

Is the AI Makerspace scalable?

Yes. Each GPU can be physically partitioned into 7 GPUs (with 1/8 the capability of the whole). With 160 total GPUs, the AI Makerspace can provide 1,120 concurrent GPUs to allow large numbers of students access simultaneously. 

How much power does the AI Makerspace require?

The new servers will draw about 140kW of power, compared to the 800kW PACE’s five existing clusters draw.

The theoretical 64-bit performance of the new hardware is 5.5 PF (petaflops, a measurement of computer speed of performing calculations). The existing PACE clusters altogether have about 4-4.5 PF of performance. This means that the new servers are significantly more energy efficient for the same computational capability than older systems.

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