child friendly cities case study

The public value of child-friendly space: Reconceptualising the playground

Archnet-IJAR

ISSN : 2631-6862

Article publication date: 16 March 2020

Issue publication date: 16 March 2020

The playground is a commonly advised means to integrate children into the public realm of “child-friendly cities”, yet research has tended not to examine it in relation to adjacent public space. This paper aims to understand the extent to which the playground – a socio-spatial phenomenon – facilitates children's integration into the public realm, enabling critical examination of the “child-friendly space” concept.

Design/methodology/approach

An ethnographic study was carried out across three sites in Athens, Greece, where typical neighbourhood playgrounds replicate features common across the global north. Methods combined observation (167 h; morning, afternoon, evening), visual-mapping and 61 semi-structured interviews with 112 playground users (including adults and children from the playgrounds and surroundings). Rigorous qualitative thematic analysis, involving an iterative post-coding process, allowed identification of spatial patterns and emergent themes.

Findings reveal perceptions surrounding the protective and age-specific aspects of child-friendly design, limit the playgrounds' public value. However, a paradox emerges whereby the playgrounds' adjacency to public spaces designed without child-friendly principles affords children's engagement with the public realm.

Research limitations/implications

Reconceptualisation of the “child-friendly playground” is proposed, embracing interdependence with the public realm – highly significant for child-friendly urban design theory and practice globally. Researchers are encouraged to compare findings in other geographical contexts.

Originality/value

This original finding is enabled by the novel approach to studying the playground in relation to adjacent public realm. The study also offers the first empirical examination of child-friendly city principles – participation in social life and urban play – in a Greek context, addressing a geographical gap in literature on children's everyday spaces.

• Child-friendly city
• Ethnography
• Public value
• Public realm

Pitsikali, A. , Parnell, R. and McIntyre, L. (2020), "The public value of child-friendly space: Reconceptualising the playground", Archnet-IJAR , Vol. 14 No. 2, pp. 149-165. https://doi.org/10.1108/ARCH-07-2019-0164

Emerald Publishing Limited

Copyright © 2020, Alkistis Pitsikali, Rosie Parnell and Lesley McIntyre

Published by Emerald Publishing Limited. This article is published under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY 4.0) licence. Anyone may reproduce, distribute, translate and create derivative works of this article (for both commercial & non-commercial purposes), subject to full attribution to the original publication and authors. The full terms of this licence may be seen at http://creativecommons.org/licences/by/4.0/legalcode

The child-friendly playground

The concept of the child-friendly city (CFC) emerged from the child-rights agenda ( NIUA, 2016 ; UN, 1996 ; UNICEF, 2017 , 2004 , 1989 ). What exactly constitutes a CFC is under debate. As van Vliet and Karsten (2015) argue: “The Child-Friendly City (CFC) label means different things to different people, influenced by their professional interests” (p. 1). Child-friendly principles have nevertheless informed design indicators ( Broberg et al. , 2013 ; IRC/CERG, 2016 ; Krishnamurthy et al. , 2018 ; NIUA, 2016 ; Woolcock and Steele, 2008 ) and guidance relevant to the design and planning of urban space and spatial interventions ( Aerts, 2018 ; CFCI, 2019 ; Hoogendoorn, 2012 ; Horelli, 2007 ; Krishnamurthy et al. , 2018 ; Kyatta, 2004 ; McAllister, 2008 ). Literature variously measures child-friendliness through children's well-being ( Howard, 2006 ; Malone, 2015 ; UN, 1996 ), through green spaces ( Dublin City Development Board, 2012 ; Jansson et al. , 2016 ) or independent mobility ( Cilliers and Cornelius, 2019 ; Malone, 2013 ; Nordström, 2010 ; Whitzman and Mizrachi, 2012 ). Other studies approach child-friendly space as a whole through its child-responsiveness ( Aerts, 2018 ), comment on the advantages of undesignated outdoor play space ( Krishnamurthy et al. , 2018 ) or discuss the qualities and relations it should foster ( Horelli, 2007 ; Woolcock and Steele, 2008 ). However, connecting the majority of these diverse studies is the intention to integrate children into public life through urban space. The playground emerges through this literature as the commonly “advised” space through which to integrate children into public space ( Aerts, 2018 ; Cilliers and Cornelius, 2019 ; Jansson, 2008 ; IRC/CERG, 2016 ; NIUA, 2016 ; Wessells and Kostelny, 2013 ; Woolcock and Steele, 2008 ).

… recognition of children's agency is tempered by an awareness of its limits: social space is produced through relationships that, in the main, subordinate children to adults. (162)

Safety, for this purpose, refers to physical design elements such as fencing, lighting, and visibility. (n/a)

The two main questions explored within this important context are: What is the relationship between the “child-friendly” and publicness? What is the playgrounds' public value?

This study centres on Athens, Greece, where the typical neighbourhood play space replicates features common across much of the global north. The majority of playgrounds in Athens abide by the child-friendly perceptions translated to the “standardized playground” model ( Solomon, 2005 , p. 89) – easy to build, not needing frequent maintenance and designed according to the safety standards ( Dattner, 1969 ), paved with impact-absorbing materials. Intergenerational play is not foreseen by the design. It is important to note that at the time of writing, there has been no plan to implement the CFC guidelines in Greece ( Karagianni and Karioti, 2003 ). There is a gap in literature on understanding children's lives and spaces in Greece. This study is significant as it offers the first empirical examination of the CFC principles – participation in social life and urban play – in a Greek context.

Conceptual framework

Public space and public value.

Public is defined through its ability to accommodate different kinds of users and uses in the same space in a constant process of negotiation and participation ( Knox and Pinch, 2009 ; Massey, 1998 ; UNESCO, 2017 ); a “communal living room” ( Hertzberger, 2001 , p. 48). Public space supports and places participation in the public realm and community life; an “open-ended” ( Fernando, 2007 , p. 57) “place of encounter” ( Jiménez-Domínguez, 2007 , p. 106).

The term public value [2] has been coined for this research in relation to the playground space, meaning the value the playground has as a public space; its publicness. It synthesises the concepts of access and interaction ( Knox and Pinch, 2009 ; Petrescu, 2007 ; UNESCO, 2017 ) referring to the extent to which the playground space is accessible to different age and social groups, allowing co-existence or interactions between normal users (i.e. children and adults accompanying children) and non-users (i.e. adults not accompanying children) of the space. This term was chosen to directly contrast with the extensively used term, play value ( Woolley and Lowe, 2013 ) and to direct attention towards the (potentially) public qualities of the space. Public value should not be confused with the often-used term “social value” ( Czalczynska-Podolska, 2014 , p. 132) focusing on interactions between people of the same age group, namely children and youth ( Solomon, 2005 ; Woolley and Lowe, 2013 ). Public value shifts the focus from socialisation as a child's development of social skills between peers, to active interaction with a variety of ages and social groups.

The child-friendly

“Participate in family, cultural, city or community and social life.” (n/a)

“Meet friends and have places and spaces to play and enjoy themselves.” (n/a)

This study therefore focuses on the recurring theme in the child-friendly literature: children's “engagement with social life” ( CFCI, 2019 , n/a). The playground is selected as the main space within Athenian public space that is intended to be child-friendly and offers space to play. It is therefore examined in relation to its ability to engage children with social life, as represented here by the public realm.

Methodology

As “architecture can be found in the actions and relational practices of everyday life” ( Trogal and Petrescu, 2017 , 11), this study focuses on “everyday geographies” ( Horton and Kraftl, 2014 , p. 181) and the mundane, rather than on states of exception. Architecture is here framed as a process rather than object ( Stickells, 2011 ), located in socio-spatial interactions and occupation. Ethnography permitted immersion in the playground, here approached as a socio-spatial phenomenon. Three sites were chosen, each comprising a public piazza which included a fenced public playground (See: Plate 1 ).

These sites were paradigmatic cases ( Flyvbjerg, 2001 , p. 79), representing the typical neighbourhood play space in Athens, Greece. Located in neighbourhoods with contrasting socio-economic identities [3] , the examples were chosen in order to diversify the conditions that might have an impact upon the common playground phenomenon observed (See: Table I ). However, there was no intent to directly compare sites or to identify any relationships to socio-economic status within the findings. All of the playgrounds were outdoor, free to access, purposely equipped, local public spaces, designed with children's play in mind. All were fenced, clearly defined spaces, comprising metallic play structures and seating areas, some paved with soft material (See: Plate 1 ).

The lead author engaged in intensive, short-term ethnography, employing “thick description” ( Geertz, 1973 ) over five months during 2016 and 2017. The data collection employed ethnographic observations, field notes, informal discussions and 61 semi-structured ethnographic interviews [4] in the field ( Angrosino, 2007 ), using “theoretical sampling” ( Ball, 1990 , 165). Observations totalled 167 h in three public playgrounds and their surrounding public spaces and included mornings, afternoons and evenings, both on weekdays and weekends. 112 participants were interviewed (91 adults and 21 children); however, the total number observed cannot be calculated as all three playgrounds were part of a lively public space with constant flows of people. Mapping tools were employed to record the relationship between the spatial characteristics of each space and the participants' behaviours. “Descriptive diagrams” complemented observations, capturing movement, flows and interactions, thereby placing specific observations in space and allowing the depiction of interaction between the different areas. An identifying number corresponding to the field notes was given to each participant, while different symbols ascribed specific characteristics (i.e. female/male, guardian/child and adult/unaccompanied child).

For the purpose of this study, any participant aged 5–12 years old was considered a child. However, age in this research is not understood to imply any correlation with physical and cognitive abilities. Our reasoning is positioned in the post-structuralistic new wave of childhood studies ( Spyrou, 2018 ), focusing on the relational and situated status of age ( Kraftl, 2013 ). The notion of the child-friendly is examined under the lens of this relational socio-spatial construction of one's identity and of ways to interact with and appropriate space ( Horelli, 2007 ), focusing interest on “the ways in which idea(l)s of childhood are literally and materially constructed” through “local, banal, ephemeral, mundane, material practices” ( Kraftl, 2006 , 488). As a result, the research methods and questions were not focused solely on children, rather they were “user friendly” ( Aitken and Herman, 2009 , p. 20). Children were approached as individuals, with movement back and forth on Punch's continuum ( 2012 ), in order to address and engage with each individual's competencies and needs.

The following findings draw upon the qualitative thematic analysis of the full data set, which involved an iterative process of coding and reflexive interpretation ( Mason, 2002 ). This type of analytical process is guided by the research questions, but not by prior framework or theory: instead themes emerge from the inductive process. The analysis started with the pilot study, informing the refinement of methods. By the end of the data collection, the coding process was applied to the text-based field notes and interview transcriptions, allowing identification of patterns and emergent themes. The texts were also interpreted in the context of the descriptive diagrams made during fieldwork observations. This process produced “spatial patterns” that were then mapped in “analytical” diagram. The spatial patterns along with the codes and patterns emerging from the field notes and interviews analysis were then synthesised into broader emergent themes.

A selection of direct quotes from participant interviews and discussions and from the field notes are used to evidence the findings.

The safe “public”

Athens may be the largest city in Greece, but it is the least popular according to resident preferences ( Maniou, 2012 ). The lack of public space and basic infrastructure, in combination with high density, affects residents' everyday lives. Home, or friends' houses, are the hubs of children's play ( Kaisari, 2005 ), with municipal public playgrounds representing the notion of the child-friendly.

The fence is necessary. We control them more efficiently in an enclosed space (Father, Vyronas).

They should play properly. So they will not get hurt. And that way, other children can play as well (Mother, Ilioupoli).

The other playground is new and large but it has too many doors! (Father, Vyronas).

[A mother walking through the piazza was negotiating with her boy] “…the other playground is bigger, better” to receive the answer from the boy “the other one is too crowded! (Field-notes: Vyronas).

This playground needs a bigger slide (Boy, Dexameni).

We do no't fit in the structures! These are for babies! (Father, Dexameni).

He would ask me to climb the bridge but I did not want to climb. You feel this is for the children (Father, Dexameni).

Adult play in the playground was observed only on the broken play structures, which were not in use by children.

So the children would not go out… or others getting in… strange people… You know, dangerous… (Mother, Dexameni).

No, I do not sit in the playground. There is so much space in the piazza, why should I go to the playground? (Man, Vyronas).

Physical characteristics and the number of sitting choices in the adjacent area were often mentioned by the participants as factors that either justified or questioned “outsider” presence in the playground space.

The play public

The boys play in the swings, they exit the playground, climb the statue and then run back again to the playground (Field-notes, Dexameni).

A paradox was observed, whereby the playground fence supported play outside the playground. The absence of the fence was mentioned by the guardians as potentially restricting play:

The older children have gotten used to it and they play football [outside]. If there wasn't a fence to protect the younger [in the playground] they [the older children] would not play here (Mother, Dexameni).

No, I would not bother to come. I would have visited another place with a playground nearby (Father, Vyronas).

Space emerged as an “equal partner” in play, affording the co-existence of different kinds of games and interaction. In the play island, people were observed climbing or hanging from lamps and trees while taking advantage of elements they could use as goalposts for other games. Space was continually manipulated and reinvented. In contrast with child-friendly initiatives that create time-bound play spaces in public space on specific days through the year, this study's findings suggest that a new everyday was here created and sustained.

Three old men are sitting in the concrete benches. They chase the ball every time the children kick it towards the green areas (Field notes, Ilioupoli).

Different groups of users, people of various ages and backgrounds, co-existed in the same space, interacting and socialising, ascribing public value to the public space.

We do not play because we cannot fit in the play structures […] in the piazza we can play (Father, Ilioupoli).

And in the piazza... You play... What can you do? (Man, Ilioupoli).

This raises the question as to what constitutes a play space in the urban landscape. The findings support studies proposing that there is no connection between play infrastructure and playing outdoors ( Gülgönen and Corona, 2015 ). Rather, the spatial affordances of infrastructure in the public space, although not designed to, emerged as factors supporting play in public, legitimised by adjacency to the playground. This study therefore moves its focus from the playground space itself and proposes an extended playful space in the city: an emplacement without defined physical space that engages with the urban landscape and allows co-existence and interaction between various age- and social groups.

The playground's public value – reclaiming the child-friendly

The designed child-friendly.

Many papers argue how essential the child-friendly approach is in order to support inclusive spaces ( Aerts, 2018 ; Derr and Tarantini, 2016 ; Krishnamurthy et al. , 2018 ; NIUA, 2016 ). This study framed the playground's public value through co-existence and interaction. When first approaching the playground space as a defined spatiality, its public value emerged as limited, informed by its child-friendly design and broader societal perceptions about childhood and safety. The physical element of the fence defined the playground as a space with meanings distinct from its surrounding space. The child-friendliness of the sites emerged through the notions of safety and protection, rather than engagement with the public realm, highlighting a tension between the different dimensions of the concept. The age-specific character of the playground structures, a characteristic often discussed in the child-friendly literature as supporting children's abilities ( NIUA, 2016 ), constructed the playground space as a “special” space supporting conceptualisations of childhood as a precarious stage in human life ( Olwig and Gulløv, 2003 ; Zeiher, 2003 ). The playground emerged as a space where children could meet similar-age friends and socialise with peers, but remain segregated from social life beyond. While previous literature has argued about the “failure” of the playground to engage children in public life ( Cunningham and Jones, 1999 , p.12; Jacobs, 1961 ), child-friendly projects and literature still consider them to be a way to integrate children into public space. Our findings question the effectiveness of this approach. It is often argued that: “designing for children, you design for everyone in a way” ( A Playful City, 2019 , n/a). However, the child-friendly design of the playground deterred adults from engaging with the space, limiting its public value.

The unexpected child-friendly

Although the playground's conceptualisation as a child-friendly, safe play enclave limited its public value, the surrounding piazza accommodated extended interactions. The playground's public value can here be understood to extend beyond its physical limits, materialising in interactions within a play island that occupied the adjacent piazza. What is interesting in this case is that this surrounding space did not abide by any child-friendly design intentions. Nevertheless, the spatial affordances supported children's competencies, allowing them to engage with the public realm – the intention of child-friendly spaces – sustaining co-existence and interactions between people of diverse ages. In contrast to previous literature ( Day and Wagner, 2010 ; Valentine, 1996 ), the public realm in all three sites emerged as highly tolerant of children and their play, bestowing them with space and time. At the same time, while adults tended to avoid direct engagement with the child-friendly playground, the unspecified adjacent space afforded adult engagement in play, suspending normative functioning.

Reconceptualising the child-friendly

The playground is a place in which to have fun, but at the same time it is the adult world's contribution to children's outdoor environment and not self-evidently children's own place (p. 9).

The need to avoid basing children's engagement on their perceived difference becomes important, while at the same time avoiding “making the Other into the same” ( Moss, 2006 , p. 190). Drawing on the observations in the “play-public”, this study reconceptualises the child–adult dipole. Although conceptualisations of childhood and adulthood were clearly constructed in the playground space, indicating specific behaviours and structuring adult–child interactions, they became blurred when playing in the piazza. Returning to Kraftl's (2006) notion of the localised, banal constructions of childhood, in this study the notions of childhood and adulthood performed in the play island were reconstructed in a mutual way, interrelating and informing each other. “Children, like adults are not a homogenous group” ( Lansdown, 2011 , 14); thus child-friendly does not suffice as a self-evident approach when discussing children. Despite being understood as a child-friendly space, the playground did not directly allow for children's engagement with public life. Drawing on the post-structuralistic new wave of childhood studies ( Spyrou, 2018 ), this study argues that the discussion about children's participation should not revolve only around children's voices, but rather children's actions in space and the specific conditions situating the childhood experience in the everyday life ( Kraftl, 2006 , 2013 ). Noting that the “Dionysian” child ( Holloway and Valentine, 2000 , p. 2) is seen with suspicion because she wanders outside child-friendly spaces, this study highlights that it is not only exclusion but also the ways in which inclusion is constructed that create “particular conceptualisations, identities and ways of being for children and adults” ( Prout and Tisdall, 2006 , p. 237).

This paper has investigated the extent to which the playground – as a socio-spatial phenomenon – facilitates the integration of children into the public realm. It transcends previous research as it has broken through the boundary of the “child-friendly playground” as a self-contained space and has considered its relationship to the wider public and adjacent spaces. It enables a critical examination of the “child-friendly space” concept. Two key questions have guided the study: What is the public value of the playground? and What is the relationship between the “child-friendly” and publicness?

Original findings reveal that perceptions surrounding the protective and age-specific aspects of child-friendly design limit the playgrounds' public value. The playground, the main “advised” way to engage children with the public life in CFC literature, emerged as an inadequate space in these terms. Despite the playground appearing to physically be part of public space (physically accessible to all users), it was not socio-culturally perceived as public. Rather it was designed as a distinct space, classified as “children's”. However, while the playground's public value was limited inside its physical boundary, it afforded children's engagement with the public realm beyond. This interesting twist allows us to reconsider the notion of the child-friendly, its intentions and means of implementation.

It is vital to state that this paper does not argue for the abolishment of child-friendly spaces. The playground – through its very presence and identity, as well as the physicality of its fence – emerged as a necessary catalyst for the play island. Rather, through undertaking a novel approach, the paper proposes a reconceptualisation of the definition and orderings of the child-friendly playground. Approaching the city as a “concretion of certain channels of social relationship” ( Biggs and Carr, 2015 , p. 99), the paradox emerging from this study highlights the playground as an organic and indispensable part of the cityscape, engaging in public life, informing play and intergenerational interaction in public space, while simultaneously being a self-centred, secluded enclave. Building on these findings, one might ask how to make child-friendly spaces “adult-friendly”; how to give the word “childish” positive connotations and “de-criminalise” adults' presence in these spaces, strengthening their public value.

The findings have significant implications for child-friendly urban design theory and practice globally, reconceptualising “the child-friendly playground” to embrace interdependence with public space. Future work could build upon the principles established here to provide practitioners and urban designers with an associated set of design guidelines.

The paper prompts reflection on play, age and space as an assimilation rather than distinct elements interacting with each other. The findings suggest child-friendly could be seen as an approach to space, which refers not exclusively to children but also other population groups ( Biggs and Carr, 2015 ), reinforcing interactions and co-existence. Child-friendly design would therefore move away from proposing prescribed age-specific spaces and instead facilitate the creation of “children's spaces” instead of “spaces for children” ( Rasmussen, 2004 ) as well as undesignated play spaces, focusing on how practitioners could create opportunities for play and engagement in the city.

The three sites – views and plans of main functions. (Photos taken by the lead author)

Outline description of sites

Note(s) : a Dexameni (upper-middle), Ilioupoli (middle) and Vyronas (lower). It is important to note that Athens is a city that does not easily allow clear-cut quantifiable distinctions between the different districts (See: Maloutas and Karadimitriou, 2001 ). The lower-, middle- and upper-middle identities of the threeareas are associated with the everyday and historically based perceptions of the districts, rather than a definitive economic, demographic or job-based categorisation.

“Safety is defined as the state of being free from harm or danger. This could mean harm or danger from living things (e.g. criminals, dogs) or man-made things (e.g. buildings, vehicles)” ( NIUA, 2016 , p. xi).

The same term is commonly used to refer to the value an organisation gives to society ( Meynhardt, 2009 ). Here, however, the term is reappropriated to address and explore the interaction between the public realm and the playground space.

Dexameni (upper-middle), Ilioupoli (middle) and Vyronas (lower). It is important to note that Athens is a city that does not easily allow clear-cut quantifiable distinctions between the different districts (See: Maloutas and Karadimitriou, 2001 ). The lower-, middle- and upper-middle identities of the three areas are associated with the everyday and historically based perceptions of the districts, rather than a definitive economic, demographic or job-based categorisation.

The interview guides were organised under the following thematic sections: Context, Play, Outsiders, Boundaries, Crises, Rules and Space. Among those there were designated questions for guardians, children and outsiders.

As evidenced by the design indicators of child-friendly cities revolving around special infrastructure and provisions ( Hoogendoorn, 2012 ) and informed by developmental approaches to childhood ( NIUA, 2016 ; Nordström, 2010 )

Often spaces created to support children's public engagement retain their character as “children's” functioning more as entry points ( Olwig and Gulløv, 2003 , p. 15) than spaces of public engagement (See: Aerts, 2018 ; Jansson et al ., 2016 ; Lansdown, 2011 ; Nordström, 2010 ) strengthening the view of children as “others”, being “outside” society.

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Corresponding author

About the authors.

Dr Alkistis Pitsikali is an architect specialising in children's environments. She recently completed her PhD at Northumbria University, exploring the potential of the playground to become a space of intergenerational inclusion. Previously, she undertook an MA in Designing Learning Environments from the University of Sheffield. Her research focuses on the social aspects of architecture, and more specifically children's geographies, children's play in the city, educational spaces and the ways participatory architecture can support inclusive communities. Alkistis has participated in various research projects, workshops and conferences from the areas of Architecture, Anthropology, Geography and Education while she has published articles exploring children's geographies.

Rosie Parnell is professor of Architecture and Pedagogy in the Department of Architecture, Planning and Landscape, Newcastle University. Her research and practice focus on children's spaces and their experiences of the built environment and spatial design process. She is particularly interested in the transformative potential of collaborative and playful creative process. Rosie is a founder member of PLAYCE – the international network for children's architecture education and a member of the American Institute of Architects' Committee on Architecture for Education, Research Task Force. She has lectured internationally on children's participation and architecture education and facilitated training for major UK organisations.

Dr Lesley McIntyre's background is in architecture and she has practiced in Northern Ireland, Scotland and New York. She is currently a senior lecturer in architecture at Northumbria University, Newcastle. Throughout her teaching, research and practice, she has been motivated to develop a greater understanding of the interactions and experiences people have within the context of the built environment. She is interested in the design process associated with creating architecture and this flows through her studio-based teaching. Her research is driven by working with a range of stakeholders, within real-world contexts, and in refining methods and analyses that inform practice.

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Children’s views about child friendly city: a case study from izmir, children from around the world hold similar views about what constitutes a child friendly city.

This study sought the views of children from three different districts in Turkey on what constitutes a child-friendly city.  Two of these districts (one low income, the other high income) were located within the central city of Izmir and had no plans or projects focusing on child friendly issues. The third district was outside the center of Izmir and was known for its vision of being a Slow City. This district had planned for and initiated some projects towards becoming a Child Friendly City.

The first stage of the study involved children from the two central city districts. The specific aim of this stage was to examine the impact of socio-economic data on the perceptions of children. The aim of the second stage was to see if the claims and related efforts of being a Slow City and a Child Friendly City have any impact on children’s views related to the “Child Friendly City” concept.

Open-ended questions and drawing tasks were used to obtain children’s opinions on what they thought a Child Friendly City should be. Fifty-three children participated in the first stage of the study – 19 from the high-income district and 34 from the low-income district. Twenty-two children participated in the second stage of the study.

Results indicated that children felt playgrounds, sports facilities and bicycle paths should be accessible to them. They also asked for more education and entertainment facilities and for traffic calming devices. Safety and security were important to the children, as evidenced by the importance they placed on the city being a peaceful place and their playgrounds being safe. They also wanted traffic rules to be obeyed. The ideas expressed by the children did not differ by socio-economic status nor were there significant differences between the opinions of male and female children. A limited number of children in the second stage of the study mentioned the importance of “good governance” and “participation;” these numbers, however, were not significant. Ideas expressed in the children’s drawings were consistent with the written responses, indicating that most children expect a Child Friendly Environment to be green, spacious, clean and well-kept. These findings are consistent with other studies, indicating that children from around the world hold similar views about what constitutes a Child Friendly City.

Gokmen, H., Tasci, B.G., (2016). Children’s views about Child Friendly City: A case study from Izmir. Megaron, 11(4)

http://dx.doi.org/10.5505/MEGARON.2016.20981

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Search UNICEF

Child friendly cities initiative.

The CFCI has begun to spread gradually in Japan.

In Japan, preparatory work for the CFCI began in August 2016. After a two-year usefulness check of the CFCI in five municipalities (Niseko Town, Abira Town, Tomiya City, Machida City, and Nara City) starting in October 2018, the CFCI was officially launched in June 2021.

As of 2024, these five municipalities have been recognized as the CFCI implementing municipalities.

In addition, Toyota City has been recognized as a CFCI candidate municipality and is working toward becoming a CFCI implementing municipality.

To date proactive and concrete steps have been taken for promoting the CFCI, including the establishment of a new "Children's Division," the inclusion of the CFCI in the comprehensive plan, the addition of the CFCI as a training item for new employees, the participation of high school students in the evaluation of municipal projects (see the Machida story), and the participation of children in the reconstruction of schools destroyed in the earthquake. These are clear indications that the CFCI is an important program for Japanese municipal management.

In April 2023, Children’s Basic Law came into effect and the Children and Family Agency was also established. Amidst a mountain of issues surrounding children, such as child poverty, abuse and bullying, major changes have occurred in Japan's child-related systems and laws. The Japanese government has begun a full-scale effort to promote children's rights. This is in step with UNICEF's CFCI and is expected to increase the number of municipalities in Japan that engage in the CFCI.

COUNTRY FACTS

Population: 124,630,000

Pop. under 18: 18,055,000

Kayo KATO, [email protected] Japan Committee for UNICEF UNICEF House 4-6-12 Takanawa Minato-ku, Tokyo 108-8607 Japan

• UNICEF Japan – Child Friendly Cities Initiative
• UNICEF Japan website
• Machida stories

List of child friendly cities in Japan

5 recognized cities, 1 candidate city.

• Toyota city

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Child-friendly cities initiative.

The Danish Committee for UNICEF piloted the Child-Friendly Cities Initiative (CFCI) in Denmark from 2018 to 2023. The overall aim of CFCI is to support Danish municipalities in becoming better at realizing the rights of all children. The initiative will help put children at the centre of decision making and will rethink the way municipalities organize themselves to include a child perspective across their work.

The municipalities in Denmark play an essential role in the implementation of child rights and the day-to-day contact with children and their families. Still, the United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child continues to have concerns about the municipalities’ ability to ensure child rights in reality, for instance related to their capacity to detect child abuse, decide on the need for alternative care and ensure child participation.

The pilot with the first recognized municipality was officially launched on 16 September 2020.

Since then, Aalborg the 4 th biggest city in Denmark was recognized on the World Children’s day 20 th November 2022.

The Danish Committee for UNICEF worked with 3 municipalities in a pilot project to bring the CFCI to Denmark. The first part was a learning phase with the municipalities, with the aim of modifying the international CFCI framework to make it relevant to the Danish context. A specific effort was done to develop a strong child participation approach by the cities.

From 2023, the Danish Committee for UNICEF plans to end the pilot phase and consolidate CFCI by strengthening and upscaling the initiative with a stronger and more digital concept and take in more cities to the program.

We are proud to join and be part of the international movement of Child-Friendly Cities.

COUNTRY FACTS

Population: 5,800,000 (2020)

Pop. under 18: 1,300,000 (2020)

Tina BOSTRUP [email protected] 0045 24 699 452

• UNICEF Denmark website
• Aalborg city
• Billung city
• Gladsaxe city

List of child friendly cities in Denmark

3 recognized cities.