essay about haitian culture

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Haitian Culture: Music, Food, Festivals and More

The Haitian culture is not an indigenous culture. If you look at the ancestral background of most Haitians, it includes Africans and Europeans. The French colonization of Haiti during the 17 th century had a significant impact on the future of the Haitian culture.

For one thing, there were no so-called “Haitians” on the Caribbean island of Hispaniola before the French colonists came along. The Taino were the indigenous people who were originally on the island of Haiti, but they were killed off after Spanish explorers enslaved them and sickened them with European diseases.

When the French colonists came to Hispaniola, they brought African slaves along with them. The African slaves were force to work on the plantations and harvest crops for their masters. The Africans and French went on to greatly influence the future of the Haitian culture , even after the African slaves got their freedom.

Everything from the Haitian language to Haitian music and religion has elements of African and French influence in them. Let’s explore the different elements of the Haitian culture and see if we can spot the similarities between it and these other cultural influences.

Most Haitians are Christians. Approximately 80% of them identify as Roman Catholics, while 16% claim to be Protestants. There is an even smaller population of Hindus and Muslims in Haiti. But due to the influences of Europe and Latin America over the country, Haiti is predominately a Christian nation.

Aside from Christianity, there is another popular religion called Vodou. It is described as an African diasporic religion, which means it is derived from several different African religions. Between the 16 th century and 19 th century, there were slaves in Haiti who originated from Central Africa and West Africa. They brought their religions with them and together, they combined into a unique type of religion called Haitian Vodou.

Vodouists believe and respect the deities and spirits called “Loa.” The spirits are looked upon as a combination of Yoruba gods and Catholic saints. The Yoruba people are a specific African ethnic group from western African countries, including Ghana, Togo, Benin, and Nigeria. To reduce pain and suffering in life, the Vodouists light candles and incenses as a way to please the enraged spirits.

The first festive time of the year is New Year’s Day. Haitians celebrate this day because it is also their Independence Day. It is the day when they declared their independence from the French. You can expect to see a lot of dancing, gift exchanging, and other celebrations take place on that day.

Another festive time for Haitians is in the beginning of February. That is when they celebrate Carnival, which is the equivalent of the Mardi Gras in New Orleans. It is a Christian inspired celebration that includes music, singing, dancing, parades, nightly parties and all sorts of people demonstrating their talents on the streets.

The favorite sport amongst Haitians is football, which is really “soccer.” The European and Latin American influence on Haiti brought football to their culture. Most Haitians play football with each other locally. Sometimes you’ll see poor Haitians playing it on the streets or in some barren field where they can run around and enjoy themselves.

Over the last 50 years, basketball has become another popular sport in Haiti. The influence of the United States had a lot to do with bringing basketball to Haiti. But football continues to be the most dominating sport there.

Music and Dance

Haitians love to dance, sing and listen to music. You’ll see Haitians doing all three of these things during festivals, church functions, weddings, and any other special occasion. The Haitian style of music and dance have influences from Spain, Africa, France and other areas of the Caribbean. The Haitian vodou religion has some influence over it as well.

For instance, a typical Haitian parade will have street musicians performing rara style festival music. It will include cylindrical shaped bamboo trumpets, drums, metal bells, and maracas. You might also see mini-jazz rock bands, twoubadou ballads (Haitian guitar music), and hip-hop Kreyol.

Caribbean and French influences have established the cuisines of Haiti. Many of the Haitian dishes might include starch, pepper, potatoes, plantains, beans, rice , and corn. Out of all these ingredients, pepper is used the most in the average Haitian meal . Haitians also use tropical fruits because they are easier to grow in the current climate conditions of the country. They grow mangoes, coconuts, and pineapples the most.

The most expensive foods in Haiti are meats and cheeses. If someone were to eat either of these foods, they would be considered upper-class. That is why you’d only find them in the wealthier areas of Haiti, which are only found in the capital city of Port-au-Prince. Outside of the city, you won’t find many meats or cheeses anywhere.

Architecture

There weren’t meant buildings constructed before Haiti declared their independence in 1804. The few homes and buildings that did exist were destroyed during the Haitian Revolution. Once Haitians finally achieved independence, they constructed their own buildings.

The French style of architecture had a profound influence on Haitian architecture. You can see that in Haiti most prominent monuments, including the Citadelle Laferriere and the Sans-Souci Palace. There is one colonial city named Jacmel that still has some homes influenced by Spanish and French architecture. Unfortunately, most of the homes and structures were destroyed in the 2010 earthquake that devasted the countryside.

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Haitians History and Culture: Main Approaches Essay (Article)

Introduction, high-risk behaviors, traditional and complementary health-care practices, spirituality, approaches with gender and intimate care.

Culture can be defined as both the material and immaterial aspects of a group of people. It describes the way of living of a particular group and accords them identity. It suffices to say that all cultures that exist in the world today are all unique in their own way and despite some shared characteristics; few cultures are comparable (Dash, 2001, p.89). Regardless of the location all cultures are defined along religion, gender relations, roles of their members based on gender and age and healthcare practices (Burtoff, 1994, p.50).

The above mentioned aspects are clearly notable in Haitian culture. It is important to note that demographically, the population of Haiti is dominated by people of African descent hence a strong connection of their culture to the various Africa cultures especially West Africa (Thomas, 2004, p. 74). It is also important to acknowledge that ancestors of the Haiti populace had interacted with Westerners, effectively passing on aspects of culture that are evident in Haiti today especially language (Largey, 2006, p. 62). In this paper, focus will be on high risk behaviors, spirituality, approached with gender and intimate care and traditional and complementary health-care practices.

Generally, the term “high risk behavior” is relative depending on the context within which it is applied (Goldstein, 2012, p. 40). High-risk behaviors in Haiti are mainly associated with substance and drug use. Alcohol and tobacco use is widespread in Haiti especially among men and so is drug abuse. In Haiti, traditional beliefs especially regarding illnesses have made it difficult for people to access proper healthcare. Large masses of the population are still chained by the voodoo beliefs that make it difficult in the provision of modern and better healthcare (Munro & Hackshaw, 2006, p.37). Additionally there are risk behaviors related to the social setting of the Haitian society. Marriage and for instance is still governed by fuzzy procedures mainly expose women to the dangers of HIV and mother to child transmission (Stebich, 1992, p.29). There is also the issue of Haitian picuristes and the sharing of used injection needles which has been cited as a major factor in the transmission of HIV/Aids (Larsen, 2009, p.75).

Healthcare practices in Haiti comprise of both traditional and modern services. Haitians believe that illnesses are caused by environmental factors and breakdown of rapport with the spirits. Despite some penetration of modern healthcare services, there still is a large part of the population that still approach illnesses through beliefs and voodoo (Clammer, 2008, p.99). Many people still prefer visiting voodoo priests for treatment for mental illnesses and conditions such as epilepsy. However, this slowly changing as some of the traditional healers are increasingly referring some of their patients to hospitals for effective medical treatment (Holloway, 2005, p. 27).

Spirituality among human beings is a complex issue that nobody has been able to perfectly explain. Different cultures have varied approaches to spirituality which in most cases involves religion and phenomena beyond human control such as death (Salhi, 2003, p.81). In Haiti, there are varies traditions especially concerning the individual, the self, the divine, the dead and the living. It is safe to say that strong beliefs favoring voodoo activities do to certain extend affect the spirituality of the Haitian people’s culture (General, 2010, p. 18). On the other hand, almost half the population in Haiti professes to the Christian faith with Roman Catholics making up 80%, Protestant 16% of the population. It is important to note that roughly half of the population practices voodoo in Haiti (Bell, 200, p.53). Both these groups pray to their supreme beings and believe that they will receive favors such as wealth and health and protection.

Gender is always a thorny issue in many cultures especially on the face of increased activism for equality for both genders (Felix, 2009, p.38). In Haiti, men are considered the heads of the family but in the real sense, women run the families and make most of the decisions. Men are mostly the providers of the families and claim some superiority over women. Despite the important role they play in the Haitian society, it is evident that women in Haitian culture occupy low status in society. There is apparent disadvantage on the side of women primarily due to the fact that they bear children (Lauture, 2007, p.48).

The issues tackled above hardly cover the full spectrum of Haitian culture. Deeper research is necessary for better understanding the Haitian culture especially on the face of complexities brought by traditions, religion, politics and social strife. However, the above issues provide a glimpse of the general look of the culture in Haiti. An important point to remember is that Haiti, like the United States is a mini-melting port of cultures from many parts of the world. Characteristics from those cultures whether authentic or modified are still evident in the Current Haitian Society.

Bell, B. (2001). Walking on Fire: Haitian Women’s Stories of Survival and Resistance . New York: Routledge.

Burtoff, M. (1994). Haitians History and Culture. New York: Routledge.

Clammer, P. (2008). Dominican Republic and Haiti . London: Thomson Learning.

Dash, M. (2001). Culture and customs of Haiti . New York: Thomsons Learning

Felix, E. (2009). Understanding Haitian Voodoo . Cambridge: Cambridge university press.

General, B. (2010). Haitian Culture : Culture of Haiti , Haitian Mythology . New York: Routledge.

Goldstein, A. (2012). Haitian History—Sepinwall . London: Oxford University Press.

Holloway, J. (2005). Africanisms In American Culture. New York: Routledge. Largey, M. (2006). Vodou Nation: Haitian Art Music and Cultural Nationalism . London: Oxford University Press.

Larsen, P. (2009). Chronic Illness: Impact and Intervention . New York: Routledge. Lauture, M. (2007). Cultural Factors Affecting the Transition of Haitian Immigrants . Berlin: Springer.

Munro, M. & Hackshaw, W. (2006). Reinterpreting the Haitian Revolution And Its Cultural Aftershocks . New York: Routledge.

Salhi, K. (2003). Francophone Post-Colonial Cultures : Critical Essays . New York: Thomson Learning.

Stebich, U. (1992). A Haitian celebration: art and culture . New York: Cengage Learning.

Thomas, M. (2004). A Taste of Haiti . Los Angeles: Springer.

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Bibliography

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The Haitian Revolutionary leader Toussaint L’Ouverture painted on the body of a bus operating in Port-au-Prince, July 2008. Photo by Jan Sochor/Latincontent/Getty Images

Atlantic freedoms

Haiti, not the us or france, was where the assertion of human rights reached its defining climax in the age of revolution.

by Laurent Dubois   + BIO

Here is the challenge: to write a history of modern political thought and culture that can simultaneously – and equally – embody and communicate the perspectives of those who arrived in Virginia in the hold of the slave ship São João Bautista , of Thomas Jefferson and Sally Hemings, of Jean-Jacques Dessalines and Napoleon Bonaparte, of Andrew Jackson and Harriet Tubman. While such a project might seem quixotic, we have to try. That is the political history that we’ll need in order to construct a future politics that moves beyond the legacies of racial slavery, rather than perpetually dwelling with them. The field of ‘Atlantic History’, which has expanded dramatically in the past decades, is the thing that will enable us to do it.

That the United States was born of a history of conquest and settlement that brought people from Europe and Africa across the Atlantic is, of course, an unavoidable part of the nation’s history. More broadly, this is the story of all the Americas, though the particular ways in which European, African and Native American peoples became intertwined in the process varies greatly from place to place. The questions posed by Atlantic History are about how to tell that story. Who do we place at the centre of this history? What categories of analysis should we use, and what social, economic and institutional structures should we focus on?

It makes good sense that a body of water has become the basis for a questioning of some of our broadest and most cherished historical narratives. Until the invention of the railroad, water was the most important vehicle for movement – of people, goods, rumours, songs, ideas. The world was connected by ports, and in many ways ports came to resemble each other. But if it was a connected world, it was also one in which experiences and perspectives were widely divergent. From whose perspective should we try to reconstruct what the Atlantic world actually looked like?

At the basis of every work of history is a question of positioning. This is also, on some level, an ethical question. Whose history are you telling? And from whose perspective? As the Haitian thinker Jean Casimir likes to put it, when you write the story of Columbus arriving in what the indigenous people then called Ayiti, you have to make a decision: are you on the boat or on the shore?

T raditionally, the history of the Americas was written largely from perspective of Europeans, the conquerors and settlers. It was their writings, their archives, that sustained the history, and in a broader sense European epistemologies and ideologies that undergirded the very sense of what constituted history. In the past decades, historians have struggled to reverse this pattern, telling histories grounded in the perspectives and experiences of Native Americans as well as the Africans and African-Americans who were enslaved in the Americas.

There is a dream at the centre of a lot of historical work that we can find a balance between all these perspectives – that we can in fact, be both on the boat and the shore at the same time, or perhaps floating above, taking notes with equanimity. But while that is at least useful as an aspiration, it is never really that simple. The view from the shore and the view from the boat imply so much else, from the ability to see and understand certain things, to the language spoken and how it’s understood. The two perspectives involve deep questions: how does each group think of human history, and their place in it, at the moment of encounter? Casimir, then, is probably right that there are fundamental choices to be made. And while there are few moments in history where the potential for divergent perspectives is quite as radical as it is at the moment of conquest, any historical moment is defined by the differences in perspective – themselves historically constituted – carried by different participants.

The region’s intellectuals, writers, artists and musicians have long grappled with how to narrate the history of indigenous genocide

That is notably true when we think about how to write the history of slavery, and more particularly of the enslaved themselves and how they experienced, viewed and, at times, rebelled against the institution. The Atlantic was the site of one of the most dramatic movements of people in human history: the slave trade, which brought at least 12 million Africans to the Americas between the 16th and the 19th centuries. The history of the slave ship is at the centre of Atlantic History.

About 45 per cent of the Africans brought to the Americas came to the Caribbean, a region that has been one of the most generative in terms of both theory and practice surrounding the problem of writing history. The region’s intellectuals, writers, visual artists and musicians have long grappled in particularly rich ways with the question of how to narrate and confront the history of indigenous genocide, European colonialism, the slave trade and the plantation, and the rich and layered cultural history that emerged out of this interaction of global and local forces. Historians such as C L R James and Eric Williams, whose work has been pivotal in the development of Atlantic History, were part of this broader cultural and intellectual matrix. In the decades since, other thinkers – notably the Haitian anthropologist Michel-Rolph Trouillot – have been at the centre of discussions about how we write modern history from a perspective rooted in the Caribbean. And at the centre of much of this thinking about history and politics in the Caribbean has been one of the most interesting epics in modern history: the Haitian Revolution.

S tretching from 1791 to 1804, the Haitian Revolution was both a local and a global event, a true world-historical moment in ways that are increasingly acknowledged today. One useful way for us to think about the Haitian Revolution is as the most radical (and therefore one of the most important) assertions of the right to have rights in human history. Even more so than the American and French revolutions, with which it was intertwined, the Haitian Revolution posed a set of absolutely central political questions. It did so in a way that was illegible to many and forcibly repressed by others. But any true analysis of modern political history, not only of Haiti but of the world, has to grapple with the implications of this revolution for core concepts surrounding modern politics.

The French colony of Saint-Domingue, the pinnacle of the Atlantic slave system and the richest of the plantation colonies of the Americas, was based on a radical refusal of sovereignty to the majority. Ninety per cent of the population of the colony was enslaved – more than half of them African-born, many of them recent arrivals in the colony at the time of the beginning of the revolution in 1791 – and were not considered legal or political subjects in any sense. They were chattel property who, through a carefully institutionalised system of law combined with forms of violent repression, were refused any possibility for self-autonomy. Nevertheless, they carved out spaces of autonomy within the plantation, by cultivating small plots of land and bringing products to market. They also created spaces of cultural and intellectual freedom, crafting political visions that would ultimately find voice in the revolution.

The plantation order was based on racial ideologies that emerged out of and were buttressed by the Atlantic slave system. At the core of these ideologies was a kind of dialectic that enabled the simultaneous celebration of a capacity for free action and sovereignty on the part of certain groups while simultaneously denying that same capacity to others. The colony’s system of racial thinking was based on a set of arguments about the fundamental incapacity of a group that was defined by its skin colour to successfully exercise sovereignty over itself. As such, the slave plantation system in Saint-Domingue and elsewhere was one of the most successful mechanisms for the mass denial of human rights in the history of the modern world.

Starting with the 1791 slave insurrection, it is therefore not surprising that those who set about courageously, brilliantly and systematically destroying this system crafted particularly powerful assertions of human rights. Haiti, not the US or France, was where the assertion of true universal values reached its defining climax during the Age of Revolution. Enslaved people who were considered chattel rather than human beings successfully insisted that they had the right to be free and, secondly, that they had the right to govern themselves according to a new set of principles. Their actions were a signal and a transformative moment in the political history of the world. The Haitian revolutionaries propelled the Enlightenment principles of universalism forward in unexpected ways by insisting on the self-evident – but then largely denied – principle that no one should be a slave. And they did so at the very heart of the world’s economic system, turning the most profitable colony in the world into an independent nation founded on the refusal of the system of slavery that dominated all the societies that surrounded it in the Americas.

But crafting an intellectual history of the Haitian Revolution provides a striking challenge, for the vast majority of its key actors did not leave written traces of their political philosophy. That, of course, does not mean they didn’t have one. It just means that they didn’t articulate it through writing. In this they were in fact not all that different from the vast majority of actors in the American or French revolutions, who also depended on conversation and oral transmission of information to shape their thoughts and actions.

The majority were survivors of the middle passage, who’d grown up in African societies with their own traditions of political thought

Print media was not absent from the Haitian Revolution, but it certainly played a smaller role than it did in the American and French revolutions, where the explosion of print was key to the revolution itself. Historians of the American and French revolutions have often depended and focused on the role of print media. But because of the very different circumstances of the Haitian Revolution, namely the fact that slavery itself had prevented most of the event’s key actors from gaining access to literacy, we have to use a different method. And in the process we gain insight not just about the Haitian Revolution, but perhaps also new ways of looking at the history of politics more broadly.

Historians depend on texts to do their work. Although they are increasingly incorporating other materials into their analysis, archives remain largely textual. This can lead to a kind of distortion: because we use texts to access the past, we can sometimes overestimate the centrality of those particular texts within that past. But, as when we study the Haitian Revolution, we need to constantly remind ourselves that these texts are mostly traces of a much larger set of conversations that did not take place through writing, but rather through speaking, organising and debating in the midst of military and political action.

What makes the case of the Haitian Revolution particularly intriguing is that the majority of the people involved were not just enslaved, but African-born. They were survivors of the middle passage, and they had grown up in a wide range of African societies with their own traditions of political thought. They had, in their minds, examples of different institutions, ways of debating, models of leadership and rule, and cultural and social organisation. In fact, for many of them, such reference points would have been far more important than the experience of slavery and the plantation. In the years before the Haitian Revolution, about 40,000 people were brought to the colony each year on slave ships. That means that, at the time of the revolution, as many as 100,000 people or more (out of a slave population of perhaps 500,000) had been in the colony for just a few years.

Most of these recent arrivals, and in fact the majority among the enslaved, were Central African. That means that, as the historians John Thornton and more recently Christina Mobley have argued, to write the political history of the Haitian Revolution is necessarily to study and write Central African political history. This represents a profound re-orientation: the central organising principle for most of the writing of the Haitian Revolution, from James on, has been about the relationship between the French and Haitian revolutions, a reflection on the ways in which that particular set of Atlantic connections became the vector for change and transformation.

T he research of scholars such as Thornton and Mobley raises many issues about how we can know and interpret the Central African context that so profoundly shaped Haitian history. The diversity and complexity of the region, and the limits of written sources, mean that researchers have to deploy a range of approaches – including wide-ranging archival research, historical linguistics, oral history and archaeology – to reconstruct the social and political context of the region in the 17th and 18th centuries. There are intense debates, notably around the question of religion: Catholicism was present in the region, and was embraced by the leaders of the Kingdom of Kongo, starting in the 16th century, which means that many enslaved people crossing the Atlantic practised the religion. But Kongolese Catholicism took shape on its own terms, with a complex theology and practice rooted in, and connected to, local religious and cultural practices.

Furthermore, figuring out precisely where in the region captives came from before being shipped to Haiti is extremely complicated: registers of slave ships most often indicate ports of embarkation, and sources that do indicate regional or ethnic origins for Africans have to be interpreted with care. We know a great deal, but there is still so much more to learn and discover about these questions. What the remarkable research in this area shows, though, is that to write Haitian history is also to write African history. The opposite, interestingly, is also true: the sources of Haitian – and more broadly Caribbean and Afro-Atlantic – history can help us understand African history of the period in new ways.

Women participated in military combat and political debate, leading the way to new labour practices on plantations after emancipation

Historians are still working on understanding the relationship between the Haitian Revolution, Europe and Africa. How do politics travel? Who creates political ideas? How do they transform into action, and institutions? Trying to answer these questions means confronting a knot of issues: reconstructing ideas about and experiences of gender and sexuality in Africa, Europe and the Caribbean. It also means finding ways to narrate the question of rape and sexual violence while reconstructing the history of reproduction of enslaved people: pregnancy, childbirth, child-rearing. A fuller understanding of the practices of family and community structure is imperative to narrating the political history of slavery and emancipation.

Because gendered ideas have constructed society, they have also shaped the archives. Usually, the archives give us only a fragment of people’s lives, so it’s important to understand what influences those fragments. In the case of the Haitian Revolution, women participated in military combat and political debate, and led the way to changing labour practices on plantations following emancipation. Women insisted on time and autonomy for themselves, and constructed forms of land tenure, religious life and family organisation to try to move beyond the experience of slavery. There are now exemplary new histories that reconstruct the experiences of enslaved women, like the early chapters in Rebecca Scott and Jean Hébrard’s Freedom Papers (2012). This work expands our understanding of the period and pushes people to re-think history-telling and its possibilities.

T he example of the scholarship on the Haitian Revolution is just one part of a more ‘Atlantic’ history. What ‘Atlantic History’ actually means, however, depends a great deal on the speaker, or historian. Sometimes the term is so vague that it veers toward the meaningless. This problem is not limited to the term ‘Atlantic’. Ask a group of historians at a bar what ‘Europe’ or ‘Africa’ are, and you should be ready to pay for many rounds of drinks, and wake up the next morning with a hangover and no clear answer. Are they geographical or political designations? When did people begin to use the terms in question, and what did they mean when they did so? What should be the relationship between categories people used during a given historical period and those categories contemporary historians might use to describe that period?

Still, the politics surrounding calling something ‘Atlantic’ history have a particular valence. Atlantic History tackles a critical question: what is ‘the West’? The question is, as it has long been, an urgent one. There are few concepts that have been as historically consequential, on a global scale. Of course this term is never really on its own: it exists as part of a concatenation of terms and ideas about race and culture, geography, and the history of ideas.

The geography of Atlantic History approaches relationships between Europe, Africa and the Americas. Its chronology stretches from the late-15th century through the 19th century. Its fundamental ethos is to avoid teleological narratives that read nationalist histories back into the colonial period. As a colleague of mine used to put it, we have to get away from the idea that, as soon as they arrived from England, settlers began looking at their watches and saying: ‘I wish I was my grandchild so that I could fight in the American Revolution.’ None of this, in other words, had to happen the way that it did.

Slavery provides the most powerful place from which to critique triumphalist narratives of American history. Viewed from the slave ship and the plantation, the triumphalist stories many have told about the ‘West’ start to unravel. Thinking about the history of the modern world from the perspective of slavery, and more specifically of the enslaved, compels a different story about almost everything. It also allows a vision of political history that will be particularly meaningful, and helpful, for today’s world.

James and Williams, two of the key intellectual touchstones for the approach taken in today’s Atlantic History, both came from Trinidad. The titles of their two most renowned books condense the challenge they issued. James’s book The Black Jacobins (1938), first written as a play, tells the story of the Haitian Revolution and of the political thought and actions of its key leader, Toussaint Louverture. William’s Capitalism and Slavery (1944) argued that the plantation complex of the Caribbean was central to the development of industry in Great Britain, and that economic changes rather than ideology spurred on abolitionism in the 19th century.

Williams’s book provoked the most response. Much of it attempted to debunk its claims, but important parts of his argument have held up well. James’s The Black Jacobins meanwhile, made the story of the Haitian Revolution a subject of debate among historians, and provided the foundation for a renaissance in work on Caribbean history. Both remain riveting and inspiring reads, great works both in analysis and style.

When Michelle Obama talks about living in a house built by slaves, she makes Americans think of a history that’s often obfuscated

Not all scholars in the field claim James and Williams as key ancestors. There are other genealogies, built by French and North American historians who, starting in the 1960s and ’70s, began paying increasing attention to the crossings between Europe and the Americas, especially with regards to the question of political history. R R Palmer produced a classic comparative study of the Age of Revolution, though with what now has come to seem as a startling omission: there is no discussion of the Haitian Revolution. At the same time, historians of the Atlantic slave trade, notably Philip Curtin , began the long process of documenting this history, a project that has culminated in recent years with the production of a remarkable open online database containing essentially all currently known slave-trade voyages.

All of this work has given scholars a huge amount of new data. Today, not a month goes by without new articles and books on the connections between different ports, of the lives that transpired between and in them. These stories often challenge received ideas about what American history is, about who Americans are, and therefore about who they might still become. Each historian has to navigate the ethics and challenges of telling these stories, making choices that are at once empirical and ethical.

The past is constantly present in the present and its political debates. When Michelle Obama talks about living in a ‘house that was built by slaves’, she is prompting Americans to consider this history, one that is often obfuscated or distorted because it is not a happy and patriotic story. To understand and confront the present, however, a capacious sense of the past is vital. There is a genealogy linking the Haitian Revolution to abolitionism, the Civil Rights movement and the Black Lives Matter movement. Understanding, or even just being aware of, that genealogy can help us all better understand the world in which we live, and to recognise and reach for justice.

The work of history is ongoing, never-ending, which is itself a testament to its necessity as a practice. The very fact that so much of the past remains unwritten is also a constant reminder that the future is unwritten as well.

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• Culture of Haiti

Culture Name

Orientation.

Identification. Haiti, a name that means "mountainous country," is derived from the language of the Taino Indians who inhabited the island before European colonization. After independence in 1804, the name was adopted by the military generals, many of them former slaves, who expelled the French and took possession of the colony then known as Saint Domingue. In 2000, 95 percent of the population was of African descent, and the remaining 5 percent mulatto and white. Some wealthy citizens think of themselves as French, but most residents identify themselves as Haitian and there is a strong sense of nationalism.

Location and Geography. Haiti covers 10,714 square miles (27,750 square kilometers). It is located in the subtropics on the western third of Hispaniola, the second largest island in the Caribbean, which it shares with the Spanish-speaking Dominican Republic. The neighboring islands include Cuba, Jamaica, and Puerto Rico. Three-quarters of the terrain is mountainous; the highest peak is the Morne de Selle. The climate is mild, varying with altitude. The mountains are calcareous rather than volcanic and give way to widely varying microclimatic and soil conditions. A tectonic fault line runs through the country, causing occasional and sometimes devastating earthquakes. The island is also located within the Caribbean hurricane belt.

Demography. The population has grown steadily from 431,140 at independence in 1804 to the estimate of 6.9 million to 7.2 million in 2000. Haiti is one of the most densely populated countries in the world. Until the 1970s, over 80 percent of the population resided in rural areas, and today, over 60 percent continue to live in provincial villages, hamlets, and homesteads scattered across the rural landscape. The capital city is Port-au-Prince, which is five times larger than the next biggest city, Cape Haitian.

Over one million native-born Haitians live overseas; an additional fifty thousand leave the country every year, predominantly for the United States but also to Canada and France. Approximately 80 percent of permanent migrants come from the educated middle and upper classes, but very large numbers of lower-class Haitians temporarily migrate to the Dominican Republic and Nassau Bahamas to work at low-income jobs in the informal economy. An unknown number of lower-income migrants remain abroad.

Linguistic Affiliation. For most of the nation's history the official language has been French. However, the language spoken by the vast majority of the people is kreyol, whose pronunciation and vocabulary are derived largely from French but whose syntax is similar to that of other creoles. With the adoption of a new constitution in 1987, kreyol was given official status as the primary official language. French was relegated to the status of a secondary official language but continues to prevail among the elite and in government, functioning as marker of social class and a barrier to the less educated and the poor. An estimated 5–10 percent of the population speaks fluent French, but in recent decades massive emigration to the United States and the availability of cable television from the United States have helped English replace French as the second language in many sectors of the population.

History and Ethnic Relations

Emergence of a Nation. Hispaniola was discovered by Christopher Columbus in 1492 and was the first island in the New World settled by the Spanish. By 1550, the indigenous culture of the Taino Indians had vanished from the island, and Hispaniola became a neglected backwater of the Spanish Empire. In the mid-1600s, the western third of the island was populated by fortune seekers, castaways, and wayward colonists, predominantly French, who became pirates and buccaneers, hunting wild cattle and pigs unleashed by the earliest European visitors and selling the smoked meat to passing ships. In the mid-1600s, the French used the buccaneers as mercenaries (freebooters) in an unofficial war against the Spanish. In the Treaty of Ryswick of 1697, France forced Spain to cede the western third of Hispaniola. This area became the French colony of Saint Domingue. By 1788, the colony had become the "jewel of the Antilles," the richest colony in the world.

In 1789, revolution in France sparked dissension in the colony, which had a population of half a million slaves (half of all the slaves in the Caribbean); twenty-eight thousand mulattoes and free blacks, many of whom were wealthy landowners; and thirty-six thousand white planters, artisans, slave drivers, and small landholders. In 1791, thirty-five thousand slaves rose in an insurrection, razed a thousand plantations, and took to the hills. Thirteen years of war and pestilence followed. Spanish, English, and French troops were soon battling one another for control of the colony. The imperial powers militarized the slaves, training them in the arts of "modern" warfare. Grands blancs (rich white colonists), petits blancs (small farmers and working-class whites), mulatres (mulattoes), and noirs (free blacks) fought, plotted, and intrigued. Each local interest group exploited its position at every opportunity to achieve its political and economic objectives. From the mayhem emerged some of the greatest black military men in history, including Toussaint Louverture. In 1804, the last European troops were soundly defeated and driven from the island by a coalition of former slaves and mulattoes. In January 1804 the rebel generals declared independence, inaugurating Haiti as the first sovereign "black" country in the modern world and the second colony in the Western Hemisphere to gain independence from imperial Europe.

Since gaining independence, Haiti has had fleeting moments of glory. An early eighteenth century kingdom ruled by Henri Christophe prospered and thrived in the north, and from 1822 to 1844 Haiti ruled the entire island. The late nineteenth century was a period of intense internecine warfare in which ragtag armies backed by urban politicians and conspiring Western businessmen repeatedly sacked Port-au-Prince. By 1915, the year in which U.S. marines began a nineteen year occupation of the country, Haiti was among the poorest nations in the Western Hemisphere.

National Identity. During the century of relative isolation that followed independence, the peasantry developed distinct traditions in cuisine, music, dance, dress, ritual, and religion. Some elements of African cultures survive, such as specific prayers, a few words, and dozens of spirit entities, but Haitian culture is distinct from African and other New World cultures.

Ethnic Relations. The only ethnic subdivision is that of the syrians , the early twentieth-century Levantine emigrants who have been absorbed into the commercial elite but often self-identify by their ancestral origins. Haitians refer to all outsiders, even dark-skinned outsiders of African ancestry, as blan ("white").

In the neighboring Dominican Republic, despite the presence of over a million Haitian farm workers, servants, and urban laborers, there exists intense prejudice against Haitians. In 1937, the Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo ordered the massacre of an estimated fifteen to thirty-five thousand Haitians living in the Dominican Republic.

Urbanism,Architecture, and the Use of Space

The most famous architectural accomplishments are King Henri Christophe's postindependence San Souci palace, which was almost entirely destroyed by an earthquake in the early 1840s, and his mountaintop fortress, the Citadelle Laferrière, which survives largely intact.

The contemporary rural landscape is dominated by houses that vary in style from one region to another. Most are single-story, two-room shacks, usually with a front porch. In the dry, treeless areas, houses are constructed of rock or wattle and daub with mud or lime exteriors. In other regions, walls are made from the easily hewn native palm; in still other areas, particularly in the south, houses are made of Hispaniola pine and local hardwoods. When the owner can afford it, the outside of a house is painted in an array of pastel colors, mystic symbols are often painted on the walls, and the awnings are fringed with colorful hand-carved trimming.

In cities, early twentieth century bourgeoisie, foreign entrepreneurs, and the Catholic clergy blended French and southern United States Victorian architectural styles and took the rural gingerbread house to its artistic height, building fantastic multicolored brick and timber mansions with tall double doors, steep roofs, turrets, cornices, extensive balconies, and intricately carved trim. These exquisite structures are fast disappearing as a result of neglect and fires. Today one increasingly finds modern block and cement houses in both provincial villages and urban areas. Craftsmen have given these new houses traditional gingerbread qualities by using embedded pebbles, cut stones, preformed cement relief, rows of shaped balusters, concrete turrets, elaborately contoured cement roofing, large balconies, and artistically welded wrought-iron trimming and window bars reminiscent of the carved fringe that adorned classic gingerbread houses.

Food and Economy

Food in Daily Life. Nutritional deficits are caused not by inadequate knowledge but by poverty. Most residents have a sophisticated understanding of dietary needs, and there is a widely known system of indigenous food categories that closely approximates modern, scientifically informed nutritional categorization. Rural Haitians are not subsistence farmers. Peasant women typically sell much of the family harvest in regional open-air market places and use the money to buy household foods.

Rice and beans are considered the national dish and are the most commonly eaten meal in urban areas. Traditional rural staples are sweet potatoes, manioc, yams, corn, rice, pigeon peas, cowpeas, bread, and coffee. More recently, a wheat-soy blend from the United States has been incorporated into the diet.

Important treats include sugarcane, mangoes, sweetbread, peanut and sesame seed clusters made from melted brown sugar, and candies made from bittermanioc flour. People make a crude but highly nutritious sugar paste called rapadou .

Haitians generally eat two meals a day: a small breakfast of coffee and bread, juice, or an egg and a large afternoon meal dominated by a carbohydrate source such as manioc, sweet potatoes, or rice. The afternoon meal always includes beans or a bean sauce, and there is usually a small amount of poultry, fish, goat, or, less commonly, beef or mutton, typically prepared as a sauce with a tomato paste base. Fruits are prized as between-meal snacks. Non-elite people do not necessarily have community or family meals, and individuals eat wherever they are comfortable. A snack customarily is eaten at night before one goes to sleep.

Food Customs at Ceremonial Occasions. Festive occasions such as baptismal parties, first communions, and marriages include the mandatory Haitian colas, cake, a spiced concoction of domestic rum ( kleren ), and a thick spiked drink made with condensed milk called kremass . The middle class and the elite mark the same festivities with Western sodas, Haitian rum (Babouncourt), the national beer (Prestige), and imported beers. Pumpkin soup ( bouyon )is eaten on New Year's day.

Basic Economy. Haiti is the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere and one of the poorest in the world. It is a nation of small farmers, commonly referred to as peasants, who work small private landholdings and depend primarily on their own labor and that of family members. There are no contemporary plantations and few concentrations of land. Although only 30 percent of the land is considered suitable for agriculture, more than 40 percent is worked. Erosion is severe. Real income for the average family has not increased in over twenty years and has declined precipitously in rural areas. In most rural areas, the average family of six earns less than $500 per year.

Since the 1960s, the country has become heavily dependent on food imports—primarily rice, flour, and beans—from abroad, particularly from the United States. Other major imports from the United States are used material goods such as clothes, bicycles, and motor vehicles. The Haitian has become primarily domestic, and production is almost entirely for domestic consumption. A vigorous internal marketing system dominates the economy and includes trade not only in agricultural produce and livestock but also in homemade crafts.

Land Tenure and Property. Land is relatively evenly distributed. Most holdings are small (approximately three acres), and there are very few landless households. Most property is privately held, though there is a category of land known as State Land that, if agriculturally productive, is rented under a long-term lease to individuals or families and is for all practical purposes private. Unoccupied land frequently is taken over by squatters. There is a vigorous land market, as rural households buy and sell land. Sellers of land generally need cash to finance either a life crisis event (healing or burial ritual) or a migratory venture. Land is typically bought, sold, and inherited without official documentation (no government has ever carried out a cadastral survey). Although there are few land titles, there are informal tenure rules that give farmers relative security in their holdings. Until recently, most conflicts over land were between members of the same kin group. With the departure of the Duvalier dynasty and the emergence of political chaos, some conflicts over land have led to bloodshed between members of different communities and social classes.

Commercial Activities. There is a thriving internal market that is characterized at most levels by itinerant female traders who specialize in domestic items such as produce, tobacco, dried fish, used clothing, and livestock.

Major Industries. There are small gold and copper reserves. For a short time the Reynolds Metals Company operated a bauxite mine, but it was closed in 1983 because of conflict with the government. Offshore assembly industries owned principally by U.S. entrepreneurs employed over sixty thousand people in the mid-1980s but declined in the later 1980s and early 1990s as a result of political unrest. There is one cement factory—most of the cement used in the country is imported—and a single flour mill.

Trade. In the 1800s, the country exported wood, sugarcane, cotton and coffee, but by the 1960s, even the production of coffee, long the major export, had been all but strangled through excessive taxation, lack of investment in new trees, and bad roads. Recently, coffee has yielded to mangoes as the primary export. Other exports include cocoa and essential oils for the cosmetics and pharmaceutical industries. Haiti has become a major transshipment point for illegal drug trafficking.

Imports come predominantly from the United States and include used clothing, mattresses, automobiles, rice, flour, and beans. Cement is imported from Cuba and South America.

Division of Labor. There is a large degree of informal specialization in both rural and urban areas. At the highest level are craftsmen known as bosses, including carpenters, masons, electricians, welders, mechanics, and tree sawyers. Specialists make most craft items, and there are others who castrate animals and climb coconut trees. Within each trade there are subdivisions of specialists.

Social Stratification

Class and Castes. There has always been a wide economic gulf between the masses and a small, wealthy elite and more recently, a growing middle class. Social status is well marked at all levels of society by the degree of French words and phrases used in speech, Western dress patterns, and the straightening of hair.

Symbols of Social Stratification. The wealthiest people tend to be lighter-skinned or white. Some scholars see this apparent color dichotomy as evidence of racist social division, but it also can be explained by historical circumstances and the immigration and intermarrying of the light-skinned elite with white merchants from Lebanon, Syria, Germany, the Netherlands, Russia, other Caribbean countries, and, to a far lesser extent, the United States. Many presidents have been dark-skinned, and dark-skinned individuals have prevailed in the military.

Political Life

Government. Haiti is a republic with a bicameral legislature. It is divided into departments that are subdivided into arrondissments, communes, commune sectionals, and habitations. There have been numerous constitutions. The legal system is based on the Napoleonic Code, which excluded hereditary privileges and aimed to provide equal rights to the population, regardless of religion or status.

Leadership and Political Officials. Political life was dominated between 1957 and 1971 by the initially popular, but subsequently brutal, dictator François "Papa Doc" Duvalier, who was succeeded by his son Jean-Claude ("Baby Doc"). The Duvalier reign ended after popular uprising throughout the country. In 1991, five years and eight interim governments later, a popular leader, Jean Bertrand Aristide, won the presidency with an overwhelming majority of the popular vote. Aristide was deposed seven months later in a military coup. The United Nations then imposed an embargo on all international trade with Haiti. In 1994, threatened with the invasion by United States forces, the military junta relinquished control to an international peacekeeping force. The Aristide government was reestablished, and since 1995 an ally of Aristide, Rene Preval, has ruled a government rendered largely ineffective by political gridlock.

Social Problems and Control. Since independence, vigilante justice has been a conspicuous informal mechanism of the justice system. Mobs have frequently killed criminals and abusive authorities. With the breakdown in state authority that has occurred over the last fourteen years of political chaos, both crime and vigilantism have increased. The security of life and property, particularly in urban areas, has become the most challenging issue facing the people and the government.

Military Activity. The military was disbanded by United Nations forces in 1994 and replaced by the Polis Nasyonal d'Ayiti (PNH).

Social Welfare and Change Programs

The infrastructure is in a very poor condition. International efforts to change this situation have been under way since 1915, but the country may be more underdeveloped today than it was one hundred years ago. International food aid, predominantly from the United States, supplies over ten percent of the country's needs.

Nongovernmental Organizations and Other Associations

Per capita, there are more foreign nongovernmental organizations and religious missions (predominantly U.S.-based) in Haiti than in any other country in the world.

Gender Roles and Statuses

Division of Labor by Gender. In both rural and urban areas, men monopolize the job market. Only men work as jewelers, construction workers, general laborers, mechanics, and chauffeurs. Most doctors, teachers, and politicians are men, although women have made inroads into the elite professions, particularly medicine. Virtually all pastors are male, as are most school directors. Men also prevail, although not entirely, in the professions of spiritual healer and herbal practitioner. In the domestic sphere, men are primarily responsible for the care of livestock and gardens.

The Relative Status of Women and Men. Rural women are commonly thought by outsiders to be severely repressed. Urban middle-class and elite women have a status equivalent to that of women in developed countries, but among the impoverished urban majority, the scarcity of jobs and the low pay for female domestic services have led to widespread promiscuity and the abuse of women. However, rural women play a prominent economic role in the household and family. In most areas, men plant gardens, but women are thought of as the owners of harvests and, because they are marketers, typically control the husband's earnings.

Marriage,Family, and Kinship

Marriage. Marriage is expected among the elite and the middle classes, but less than forty percent of the non-elite population marries (an increase compared with the past resulting from recent Protestant conversions). However, with or without legal marriage, a union typically is considered complete and gets the respect of the community when a man has built a house for the woman and after the first child has been born. When marriage does occur, it is usually later in a couple's relationship, long after a household has been established and the children have begun to reach adulthood. Couples usually live on property belonging to the man's parents. Living on or near the wife's family's property is common in fishing communities and areas where male migration is very high.

Although it is not legal, at any given time about 10 percent of men have more than a single wife, and these relationships are acknowledged as legitimate by the community. The women live with their children in separate homesteads that are provided for by the man.

Extra residential mating relationships that do not involve the establishment of independent households are common among wealthy rural and urban men and less fortunate women. Incest restrictions extend to first cousins. There is no brideprice or dowry, although women generally are expected to bring certain domestic items into the union and men must provide a house and garden plots.

Domestic Unit. Households typically are made up of nuclear family members and adopted children or young relatives. Elderly widows and widowers may live with their children and grandchildren. The husband is thought of as the owner of the house and must plant gardens and tend livestock. However, the house typically is associated with the woman, and a sexually faithful woman cannot be expelled from a household and is thought of as the manager of the property and the decision maker regarding use of funds from the sale of garden produce and household animals.

Inheritance. Men and women inherit equally from both parents. Upon the death of a landowner, land is divided in equal portions among the surviving children. In practice, land often is ceded to specific children in the form of a sales transaction before a parent dies.

Kin Groups. Kinship is based on bilateral affiliation: One is equally a member of one's father's and mother's kin groups. Kinship organization differs from that of the industrial world with regard to ancestors and godparentage. Ancestors are given ritual attention by the large subset of people who serve the lwa . They are believed to have the power to influence the lives of the living, and there are certain ritual obligations that must be satisfied to appease them. Godparentage is ubiquitous and derives from Catholic tradition. The parents invite a friend or acquaintance to sponsor a child's baptism. This sponsorship creates a relationship not only between the child and the godparents but also between the child's parents and the godparents. These individuals have ritual obligations toward one another and address each other with the gender-specific terms konpè (if the person addressed is male) and komè ,or makomè (if the person addressed is female), meaning "my coparent."

Socialization

Infant Care. In some areas infants are given purgatives immediately after birth, and in some regions the breast is withheld from newborns for the first twelve to forty-eight hours, a practice that has been linked to instruction from misinformed Western-trained nurses. Liquid supplements usually are introduced within the first two weeks of life, and food supplements often are begun thirty days after birth and sometimes earlier. Infants are fully weaned at eighteen months.

Child Rearing and Education. Very young children are indulged, but by the age of seven or eight most rural children engage in serious work. Children are important in retrieving household water and firewood and helping to cook and clean around the house. Children look after livestock, help their parents in the garden, and run errands. Parents and guardians are often harsh disciplinarians, and working-age children may be whipped severely. Children are expected to be respectful to adults and obedient to family members, even to siblings only a few years older than themselves. They are not allowed to talk back or stare at adults when being scolded. They are expected to say thank you and please. If a child is given a piece of fruit or bread, he or she must immediately begin breaking the food and distributing it to other children. The offspring of elite families are notoriously spoiled and are reared from an early age to lord it over their less fortunate compatriots.

Tremendous importance and prestige are attached to education. Most rural parents try to send their children at least to primary school, and a child who excels and whose parents can afford the costs is quickly exempted from the work demands levied on other children.

Fosterage ( restavek ) is a system in which children are given to other individuals or families for the purpose of performing domestic services. There is an expectation that the child will be sent to school and that the fostering will benefit the child. The most important ritual events in the life of a child are baptism and the first communion, which is more common among the middle class and the elite. Both events are marked by a celebration including Haitian colas, a cake or sweetened bread rolls, sweetened rum beverages, and, if the family can afford it, a hot meal that includes meat.

Higher Education. Traditionally, there has been a very small, educated urban-based elite, but in the last thirty years a large and rapidly increasing number of educated citizens have come from relatively humble rural origins, although seldom from the poorest social strata. These people attend medical and engineering schools, and may study at overseas universities.

When entering a yard Haitians shout out onè ("honor"), and the host is expected to reply respè ("respect"). Visitors to a household never leave empty-handed or without drinking coffee, or at least not without an apology. Failure to announce a departure, is considered rude.

People feel very strongly about greetings, whose importance is particularly strong in rural areas, where people who meet along a path or in a village often say hello several times before engaging in further conversation or continuing on their way. Men shake hands on meeting and departing, men and women kiss on the cheek when greeting, women kiss each other on the cheek, and rural women kiss female friends on the lips as a display of friendship.

Young women do not smoke or drink alcohol of any kind except on festive occasions. Men typically smoke and drink at cockfights, funerals, and festivities but are not excessive in the consumption of alcohol. As women age and become involved in itinerant marketing, they often begin to drink kleren (rum) and use snuff and/or smoke tobacco in a pipe or cigar. Men are more prone to smoke tobacco, particularly cigarettes, than to use snuff.

Men and especially women are expected to sit in modest postures. Even people who are intimate with one another consider it extremely rude to pass gas in the presence of others. Haitians say excuse me ( eskize-m ) when entering another person's space. Brushing the teeth is a universal practice. People also go to great lengths to bathe before boarding public buses, and it is considered proper to bathe before making a journey, even if this is to be made in the hot sun.

Women and especially men commonly hold hands in public as a display of friendship; this is commonly mistaken by outsiders as homosexuality. Women and men seldom show public affection toward the opposite sex but are affectionate in private.

People haggle over anything that has to do with money, even if money is not a problem and the price has already been decided or is known. A mercurial demeanor is considered normal, and arguments are common, animated, and loud. People of higher class or means are expected to treat those beneath them with a degree of impatience and contempt. In interacting with individuals of lower status or even equal social rank, people tend to be candid in referring to appearance, shortcomings, or handicaps. Violence is rare but once started often escalates quickly to bloodshed and serious injury.

Religious Beliefs. The official state religion is Catholicism, but over the last four decades Protestant missionary activity has reduced the proportion of people who identify themselves as Catholic from over 90 percent in 1960 to less than 70 percent in 2000.

Haiti is famous for its popular religion, known to its practitioners as "serving the lwa " but referred to by the literature and the outside world as voodoo ( vodoun ). This religious complex is a syncretic mixture of African and Catholic beliefs, rituals, and religious specialists, and its practitioners ( sèvitè ) continue to be members of a Catholic parish. Long stereotyped by the outside world as "black magic," vodoun is actually a religion whose specialists derive most of their income from healing the sick rather than from attacking targeted victims.

Many people have rejected voodoo, becoming instead katolik fran ("unmixed Catholics" who do not combine Catholicism with service to the lwa ) or levanjil , (Protestants). The common claim that all Haitians secretly practice voodoo is inaccurate. Catholics and Protestants generally believe in the existence of lwa, but consider them demons to be avoided rather than family spirits to be served. The percentage of those who explicitly serve the family lwa is unknown but probably high.

Religious Practitioners. Aside from the priests of the Catholic Church and thousands of Protestant ministers, many of them trained and supported by evangelical missions from the United States, informal religious specialists proliferate. Most notable are the voodoo specialists known by various names in different regions ( houngan, bokò, gangan ) and referred to as manbo in the case of female specialists. (Females are viewed as having the same spiritual powers as males, though in practice there are more houngan than manbo .) There are also bush priests ( pè savann ) who read specific Catholic prayers at funerals and other ceremonial occasions, and hounsi , initiated females who serve as ceremonial assistants to the houngan or manbo .

Rituals and Holy Places. People make pilgrimages to a series of holy sites. Those sites became popular in association with manifestations of particular saints and are marked by unusual geographic features such as the waterfall at Saut d'Eau, the most famous of sacred sites. Waterfalls and certain species of large trees are especially sacred because they are believed to be the homes of spirits and the conduits through which spirits enter the world of living humans.

Death and the Afterlife. Beliefs concerning the afterlife depend on the religion of the individual. Strict Catholics and Protestants believe in the existence of reward or punishment after death. Practitioners of voodoo assume that the souls of all the deceased go to an abode "beneath the waters," that is often associated with lafrik gine ("L'Afrique Guinée," or Africa). Concepts of reward and punishment in the afterlife are alien to vodoun .

The moment of death is marked by ritual wailing among family members, friends, and neighbors. Funerals are important social events and involve several days of social interaction, including feasting and the consumption of rum. Family members come from far away to sleep at the house, and friends and neighbors congregate in the yard. Men play dominoes while the women cook. Usually within the week but sometimes several years later, funerals are followed by the priè, nine nights of socializing and ritual. Burial monuments and other mortuary rituals are often costly and elaborate. People are increasingly reluctant to be buried underground, preferring to be interred above ground in a kav , an elaborate multi chambered tomb that may cost more than the house in which the individual lived while alive. Expenditures on mortuary ritual have been increasing and have been interpreted as a leveling mechanism that redistributes resources in the rural economy.

Medicine and Health Care

Malaria, typhoid, tuberculosis, intestinal parasites, and sexually transmitted diseases take a toll on the population. Estimates of HIV among those ages twenty-two to forty-four years are as high as 11 percent, and estimates among prostitutes in the capital are as high as 80 percent. There is less than one doctor per eight-thousand people. Medical facilities are poorly funded and understaffed, and most health care workers are incompetent. Life expectancy in 1999 was under fifty-one years.

Secular Celebrations

Associated with the beginning of the religious season of Lent, Carnival is the most popular and active festival, featuring secular music, parades, dancing in the streets, and abundant consumption of alcohol. Carnival is preceded by several days of rara bands, traditional ensembles featuring large groups of specially dressed people who dance to the music of vaccines (bamboo trumpets) and drums under the leadership of a director who blows a whistle and wields a whip. Other festivals include Independence Day (1 January), Bois Cayman Day (14 August, celebrating a legendary ceremony at which slaves plotted the revolution in 1791), Flag Day (18 May), and the assassination of Dessalines, the first ruler of independent Haiti (17 October).

The Arts and Humanities

Support for the Arts. The bankrupt government provides occasional token support for the arts, typically for dance troupes.

Literature. Haitian literature is written primarily in French. The elite has produced several writers of international renown, including Jean Price-Mars, Jacques Roumain, and Jacques-Stephen Alexis.

Graphic Arts. Haitians have a predilection for decoration and bright colors. Wood boats called kantè , second hand U.S. school buses called kamion , and small enclosed pickup trucks called taptap are decorated with brightly colored mosaics and given personal names such as kris kapab (Christ Capable) and gras a dieu (Thank God). Haitian painting became popular in the 1940s when a school of "primitive" artists encouraged by the Episcopal Church began in Port-au-Prince. Since that time a steady flow of talented painters has emerged from the lower middle class. However, elite university-schooled painters and gallery owners have profited the most from international recognition. There is also a thriving industry of low-quality paintings, tapestries, and wood, stone, and metal handicrafts that supplies much of the artwork sold to tourists on other Caribbean islands.

Performance Arts. There is a rich tradition of music and dance, but few performances are publicly funded.

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—T IMOTHY T. S CHWARTZ

H ERZEGOVINA S EE B OSNIA AND H ERZEGOVINA

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The Vibrant Traditions and Resilience of Haitian Culture

This essay about Haitian culture explores its rich and diverse heritage, shaped by African, French, Spanish, and Taíno influences. It highlights the central role of Vodou in spiritual and community life, challenging common misconceptions by portraying it as a religion focused on spiritual connection and community. The essay also discusses the significance of music and dance, with styles like Kompa and Rara enhancing social and festive occasions. Furthermore, it delves into Haitian art, known for its vivid paintings and innovative metal works, and Haitian cuisine, which reflects the island’s agricultural diversity. Finally, it acknowledges the resilience of the Haitian people, exemplified by the historic Haitian Revolution, underscoring their ongoing cultural strength and contributions to the global community.

How it works

Haitian civilization manifests as a complex tapestry woven from myriad influences, primarily African, French, Spanish, and indigenous Taíno legacies. This intricate amalgamation has engendered a unique cultural ethos that radiates vibrancy, resilience, and profound influence throughout the Caribbean expanse.

At the nucleus of Haitian civilization resides its profound spiritual essence, epitomized by the practice of Vodou—a faith often misconstrued by external observers. Derived from West African spiritual traditions brought by enslaved Africans, Vodou underwent fusion with elements of Roman Catholicism and indigenous customs.

Far from the sensational portrayals depicted in mainstream media, Vodou represents a multifaceted faith emphasizing reverence for ancestors, spiritual interconnectedness, and communal solidarity. It permeates myriad facets of Haitian existence, encompassing music, dance, communal gatherings, and therapeutic modalities.

Music and dance serve as linchpins of Haitian culture, with traditional cadences like Kompa and Rara assuming pivotal roles in both quotidian life and festive revelries. Rara, often intertwined with Easter festivities, encompasses street processions and melodies deeply rooted in African cadences and Haitian historical narratives. Conversely, Kompa, a more contemporary musical genre, melds African rhythms with jazz elements, garnering international acclaim.

Haitian artistic expression exemplifies the richness of the culture. Renowned for its kaleidoscopic hues, intricate motifs, and at times surreal imagery, Haitian painting vividly captures scenes from everyday life, historical vignettes, and spiritual beliefs. Artists adeptly navigate a spectrum of styles, ranging from traditional to avant-garde. Haitian metalwork, repurposing discarded oil drums into ornamental masterpieces, reflects ingenuity and resourcefulness, captivating collectors globally.

Culinary traditions in Haiti mirror the diversity of its populace, echoing the manifold cultural influences that have shaped the nation. Staples such as rice and beans form culinary cornerstones, often accompanied by tropical fruits, tubers, and piquant sauces, showcasing the island’s agricultural abundance. Signature dishes like griot (fried pork) and joumou (pumpkin soup), traditionally savored on New Year’s Day to commemorate Haiti’s emancipation from France, stand as national delicacies encapsulating the country’s gastronomic legacy.

The indomitable spirit of the Haitian people finds emblematic expression in the Haitian Revolution (1791-1804), a seminal event marking the sole successful slave uprising in history and heralding Haiti’s emergence as the first black republic. This ethos of resilience and defiance permeates the nation’s annals, underscored by ongoing struggles for political stability and economic prosperity in contemporary epochs.

In summation, Haitian civilization exemplifies the dynamic fusion of diverse influences, yielding a cultural milieu characterized by uniqueness and vitality. Despite confronting formidable challenges, both historically and in contemporary contexts, Haiti’s cultural heritage endures as a testament to the fortitude and tenacity of its populace. Through spiritual devotion, artistic ingenuity, musical innovation, and culinary artistry, Haitians steadfastly commemorate and safeguard their cultural patrimony, leaving an indelible imprint on the global cultural landscape.

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Haiti Up Close

11 Haitian Cultural Traditions You Didn’t Know About

Lansèt kòd group in Jacmel

Photo: Jean Oscar Augustin

The Essential Haitian Traditions to Know

If you already know a little about Haiti, then you likely have an idea about our magnificent country, located on the enchanting island of Hispaniola that we share with the Dominican Republic. It's possible, however, that you have yet to hear about some of the most unique Haitian cultural traditions only known to locals.

To satisfy your curiosity, we've rounded up a selection of our oldest traditions, ranging from the daily life in our rural communities to the hubbub of our cities and rich culinary culture.

Krik-krak storytelling in Cayes Jacmel

Photo: Anton Lau

1. "Krik-Krak"

Any true Haitian knows that the exclamation "krik?" always proceeds with an excellent "krak," or story, as telling tales is an integral part of Haiti's cultural traditions. Whether under an arbor drinking lemongrass tea with cinnamon or in the comfort of a warm room, the youngest gather around the oldest to tell their tales of yesteryear.

If you want to catch the attention of a Haitian friend, take every opportunity to throw out a "krik?" and they will invariably respond with a "krak." But your story better be a good one!

Sounds interesting, doesn't it? Get the backstory to this unique tradition and discover the impact of krik-krak in Haitian culture. Also, for an excellent read, the book Krik? Krak! is a compilation of fascinating Haitian tales by Edwidge Danticat, one of the most famous Haitian women authors to date.

Workers in a konbit in Gonaïves

If you pass through some rural regions in Haiti during the tilling season, don't be surprised to find all the villagers working together or on each other's lands. This form of social organization in our rural societies is an essential part of our culture and one of the oldest Haitian traditions that continue to this day.

While the men happily handle their kouto digo (hatchet), and machetes to unearth and work the land before its next sowing, women prepare the meals. Moreover, the word " konbit " in Haitian Creole has come into use to refer to living in harmony and the neighborly practices that are unique to the Haitian community.

Lakou Soukri in Gonaïves

Imagine living in a homeland within another, where each individual forms an integral part of a larger society devoted to a greater good. In Haiti, such a place is known as a lakou . It's typical to see Haitian families sharing common spaces around their central family units.

The lakou serves as an educational cocoon in which the youngest members can learn about sharing and living in neighborly harmony from their elders. Those who grow up in the commune have a responsibility to one day return to honor their family, seek wise advice, and publicly apologize to the Vodou spirits or loas that may have been offended.

Many Haitian rural communities rely on the social organization that lakou provide to advance in everyday living - and not only do they till the ground together but also share and practice their belief in Haitian Vodou. The worship of spirits is deeply entrenched in the lakou, and well-known lakou like Souvans, Soukri , and Badio maintain this cultural tradition unique to Haiti.

4. Beny chans

It might seem strange from the looks of it initially, but if you happen to come across a large water bowl of mixed herbs and leaves while traveling through Haiti, then you've encountered a " beny chans ." Traditionally an herbal shower for women after giving birth, it is also considered a potion for good luck, finding a soulmate, or even protection during a life-changing trip.

If you didn't grow up in Haiti, you might be wary about dipping your hands in this unusual mixture. Still, for locals, it's all part of the unique Haitian culture - so much so that it wouldn't be surprising for a native living abroad to return to Haiti to receive this sacred anointment on New Year's eve.

Feeling adventurous? Go and give it a try. But don't forget to tap into your African-Caribbean roots with our guide on returning to the motherland.

Ritual at a Vodou ceremony

Photo: Pierre Michel Jean

5. Vodou ceremony and dance

Here's one of the Haitian cultural traditions that will undoubtedly arouse your curiosity. Forget about the mainstream concept of a group of bloodthirsty Satanists gathering at a run-down Gothic-style church - this is Hollywood stereotyping at its best. Instead, think of an authentic spiritual experience where members enter a trance-like state in alignment with powerful spiritual entities.

Haitian culture isn't the only one that has Vodou as a religious practice, with similar rituals actively performed in places like the " Deep South" in Louisiana or the insular African nation of Benin. In countries such as Brazil and Cuba, the practice of Santeria is still common in many communities. The Haitian Vodou tradition, however, involves elements from years of syncretism, resulting in a blend of African, Christian, and Taíno spiritual traditions.

Vodou is a strong cultural tradition in the Haitian collective imagination—and it's present in Haitian paintings, music, dances, and literature. More than simply religion or spirituality, Vodou is an intangible patrimony that all Haitians share, whether they consider themselves a true practitioner or not.

Ready for an experience of your own? Find out how to attend a Vodou ceremony in Haiti.

Fèt Gede in Port-au-Prince

Photo: Franck Fontain

6. Fèt Gede

The dead occupy a place of central importance in Haitian daily life, and honoring them constitutes one of the most sacred cultural traditions. To do this, the entire month of November is consecrated each year to ceremonies aimed at appeasing the dead and communicating with them. The spirits that reign over the world of the dead in the Haitian Vodou pantheon are Bawon Samdi and Grann Brigitte.

The Gédé symbolizes the spirits of those who have passed into the other world. During the ceremonies organized in their honor, they return to bring joy to the people with their frenzied dancing and salacious speech.

Every Haitian day of the dead celebration is packed with an aura of excitement and mysticism, which you can see for yourself in this photo journal from a Fèt Gede celebration in Gonaîves.

Rara band marching in Bois Moquette

Not all Haitian cultural traditions have origins as dark as those about death. In fact, some of them are rather joyous, and the Rara is a perfect example. These groups that march on foot along the streets during pre-Carnaval weekends and the Easter period constitute one of Haiti's best-known cultural practices.

These spirited groups of bons vivants play various instruments, such as bamboo, the vaccine, cymbals, and sometimes even trumpets and other brass instruments. Their repertoire can run from parodies of popular songs to original songs and those written for special occasions.

Each group is preceded by a man who carries a flag, a woman who wears the group's colors, and young girls who start the procession. Following are musicians and the rest of the good-natured group that dances along to the sound of the music.

Now, the practice of Rara isn't only particular to Haiti; other Caribbean nations like Cuba and the Dominican Republic, where it is known as Gaga, have adopted this cultural tradition from Haiti.

Get the true origins behind the Rara tradition of Haiti and join the celebration!

A group of lansèt kod in Jacmel

8. Lansèt kòd

If you visit Haiti during the Carnival period, you'll undoubtedly have the chance to witness one of the most unforgettable cultural traditions: the famous procession of the Lansèt Kòd. Some Haitians will tell you that they were traumatized by it as children. These groups that flood the streets of towns such as Jacmel, Jérémie, or Cap-Haïtien on pre-Carnival Sundays have more than what it takes to impress.

Wearing bull horns on their heads and whips in hand, these men with rippling muscles and bare chests fill up the streets while covered entirely in black paint. Yes, you read that right—they are completely covered with a blacker-than-black substance that will surely make you think of crude oil. Throughout the Carnival procession, they'll offer up a performance that will remain ingrained in your memory for some time.

Learn more about the Lansèt kòd tradition here!

Carnival in Jacmel

9. Carnival

The Haitian carnival is one of the most widely recognized in the Caribbean. The one hosted in Jacmel has been decreed a national festival due to its artistic allure, attracting numerous tourists every year. It is a brightly colored cultural manifestation where you'll see Haitian artisans' talent displayed in themes reminiscent of flora and fauna of the country.

This popular celebration is not only an occasion for artists and artisans to display their talents or attract visitors - but it's also a means for the population to express their problems with the powers that be. It's a celebration where all levels of society come together without embarrassment or worrying about societal barriers.

If you're looking to be part of the festivities this February, then you'd better be prepared to party like a Haitian at Jacmel Carnaval.

Soup Joumou

10. Soup Joumou

If you visit any Haitian family on New Year's Day, you'll be pleasantly surprised by a culinary practice as old as Haiti: the traditional Soup Joumou preparation. So forget about your desire to eat anything else, and let our succulent soup seduce your tastebuds.

Prepared from a giraumont (turban squash) base, where the soup gets its name -as well as vegetables and tubers - this dish is a staple in all Haitian households on New Year's Day. Don't be surprised to see people incorporating Soup Joumou with every meal served during the entire celebration. It's just that good.

This tradition hearkens back to January 1st, 1804, when the young nation chose this delicious dish - until then only reserved for the colonizers and special guests - to celebrate their freshly acquired liberty.

Want to find out what makes Soup Joumou so unique? Pick up on some of the history behind the dish, and learn the basics of preparing the best Soup Joumou.

Fête champêtre in Saut d'Eau

11. Fête champêtre

Every city in Haiti has its own patron Saint to which the inhabitants turn to confess their troubles and joys or make special petitions. These cultural celebrations of the patron saints, also called fête champêtres , are on another level.

Regardless of their religious beliefs, locals from other provincial towns, as well as a crowd of curious onlookers and tourists, head toward the capital cities from each village to celebrate the feast dedicated to the patron saint.

Along with religious pilgrims, you also have the partygoers who are only there to enjoy the festival following the Grand Mass of the local parish. Among the most popular fêtes champêtres in Haiti are the celebrations of Notre Dame of Mount Carmel in Saut d’Eau and Notre Dame in Petit Goâve.

Gather with the locals and go on a pilgrimage to Saut d'Eau, whether for spiritual reasons or just to celebrate and party hard with the crowd.

Written by Costaguinov Baptiste.

Published December 2022.

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The Haitian Times

Bridging the gap

Being a proud Zoe is only the start in uplifting Haitian culture | Essay 

Two Haitian-Americans, Fabienne Doucet and Karl Racine, chosen by Carnegie Corporation for its annual Great Immigrants group.

By  Arslay Joseph

America has a long history of antagonizing the world’s first Black republic, so it was no surprise that Haitian immigrants faced intense discrimination when they arrived here. During the 1980s and 1990s in particular, matters worsened when the CDC designated Haitians as a high-risk group during the AIDS epidemic, spurring discrimination under the guise of public health. Newcomer Haitians settling in Miami and New York became known as the “boat people” and remained social pariahs. 

With many relegated to live in rough, inner-city neighborhoods, some Haitian youth faced “ Haitian Fridays ,” when delinquents would jump Haitians for recreation. This hostile environment caused many Haitians to abandon their heritage entirely. 

One day, a group of youth in Miami’s Little Haiti decided enough was enough. Together, they formed the “Power Of United Negroes in Divinity,” more commonly known as the Zoe Pound . Members were “hard as bones” — “zo” meaning “bone” in Creole. Their primary goal was to fight back against their tormentors, meeting violence with more violence. 

The Zoes became a force to be reckoned with and, soon enough, there were no more Haitian Fridays. Instead, Zoe Pound held regular Haitian pride demonstrations, driving around en masse, blasting Haitian music and waving the Haitian flag. 

Say what you will about the Zoes, since they eventually expanded into a formidable criminal organization, their unabashed embrace of Haiti set the tone for an emerging diasporic identity. They ushered in a new era of pride, celebration and flair for Haitian Americans. Being Haitian became cool. And nowadays, Zoe is a term of endearment for youngsters throughout the Haitian diaspora.

Finding our ground as Haitian Americans

Though much remains unchanged — gang warfare and political instability continue to plague Haiti, and people still flee for safety — Haitian American communities are finding their ground. 

People of Haitian descent have an employment rate, 80%, that is 21 percentage points higher than US-born citizens and 16 percentage points higher than non-Haitian immigrants, according to the CATO Institute . Second-generation Haitians are an educated group, with 54% holding a college degree, compared to 42% of all Americans. 

“When given the chance and proper legal institutions,” the study notes, Haitians “turn around their economic fortunes.” Haitians are running successful businesses, winning elections , and receiving appointments for prestigious positions.

Slowly yet surely, Haitians are achieving the American Dream, and the excitement around it all is building within the diaspora. Second-generation Haitians now wave the flag with more gusto than their parents. A new crop of Haitian American icons has emerged, from Edwidge Danticat to DroXYani and Jessie Woo . 

Much of the most viral Haitian media is being created outside of Haiti, signaling a shift in Haitian identity. Previously, someone like Success Jr . would have been written off as not really Haitian. Now, he is one of many cultural touchstones for the Haitian diaspora. 

What it means to be Haitian 

This shift comes at a cost though: A growing rift between Haitians back home and Haitians abroad. The differences in attitudes, values and cultural expression cannot be ignored. In particular, both groups have differing views on what it means to be Haitian. Some accuse the diaspora of capitalizing off a superficial Haitian identity without genuinely understanding the culture they claim to represent.

My parents would never refer to themselves as “Zoes.” To them, Haiti is playing soccer outside and running from house to house without a care in the world. Haiti is handling an emergency without the privilege of Triple-A, 911 or medical insurance. Haiti is gathering every evening for krik-krak storytelling with the village elders. It’s a lifestyle that folks raised abroad can never truly understand. 

For many of my peers, in contrast, Haitian identity amounts to eating soup joumou , bumping Kodak Black and putting a flag in a social media bio. 

Often, this rift starts in the home. As children, we resented our parents’ traditional, domineering parenting style. Many of us do not speak Creole or French. Instead of being taught about Haiti, we grew up hearing peyi a pa bon and Ayisyen pa bon . It’s enough to make those on the outside think of Haitian culture as mysterious and insular.

Much of the most viral Haitian media is being created outside of Haiti, signaling a shift in Haitian identity. Previously, someone like Success Jr . would have been written off as not really Haitian. Now, he is one of many cultural touchstones for the Haitian diaspora

Educate ourselves, uplift our culture 

However, there is something very empowering in educating yourself about your heritage. For me, reconnecting to my roots meant learning to love parts of myself that I took for granted. It means appreciating the culture and people who raised me. 

The more I learn about Haiti, the better I can understand my family history, the stories of my loved ones and my personal story. As a diaspora, that’s the work we must do to learn about and uplift our culture. For our sake, Haiti’s sake and our children’s sake.

Arslay Joseph is an aspiring writer and blogger based in the Boston area. This essay is adapted from his writings about Haitian identity and culture, available on his blog Imprecisewords.com or Medium .

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The (Mawr)velous Adventures of Esteniolla

"…we got so caught up in school being a tradition that we stopped using it as a learning tool…" –tupac.

Still Coming to Terms with my Haitian Identity…

October 6, 2012 by Esty Maitre

I wrote a blog post that would capture how heavy I have been feeling this past week about being an English speaking Haitian-American woman who grew up in a bilingual house. Then, I deleted it all. As I re-read what I wrote, I realized that my sentiments were no different from the ones I expressed in the college essay that got me into this great institution. Therefore, it bothered me a lot to know that I am still grappling with the same identity-related questions from two years ago. This realization does not speak to my inability to grow and to own my Haitian identity because I have in ways that I am not able to articulate—I simply feel it. But it does speak to the amount of personal-growth that still needs to be done—i.e. no more feeling like I am not 100% Haitian, no more feeling like I have to be fluent in the  language to be a part of the culture, and no more feeling like I have to prove to anyone but myself that I can claim the culture.

So, in sharing my college essay from two years ago, I am making myself vulnerable to my deepest embarrassment and greatest pride: being Haitian. It is my hope that others will read, relate and realize their own battle with cultural identity no matter their cultural background.  

Esteniolla Maitre

Personal Essay for Bryn Mawr College

November 11, 2010

“Bon-di . . . e deee. Se poo lime fet- . . .”

“Esteniolla you are saying it wrong. Again.”

“I’m trying! Bon-die dee. Se poo lime- . . .”

I looked down as my mother’s weathered bible shook in my hands. My eyes filled with tears and the Haitian phonetics blurred from sight.

“We can try again t-t-t-tomorrow Mommy. I’m done,” I choked.

“Ou mèt ale.”

I fled up the stairs to my room, slamming the door with force: BANG! The sound reverberated through the wooden floor, my body, and my heart. I was embarrassed. I hated being forced to learn Kreyòl . Numerous times, I sat before my mother, clutching the book of God, failing to stress syllables, tripping over my tongue, ending each session with the scriptures splotched with tears. My mother did not understand why her language did not run through my blood and spill fluently from my mouth in its musical French phrases.

I did not expect her to understand for I had told no one about the brutal bullying I received from kids at school. To them, Haitians, Haitian-Americans, recent Haitian immigrants were all social pariahs and targets of ridicule. Even when my skin blended with the dark shades of my peers — my school community was about 80 percent African American, Cape Verdean, and Latinos —  a bully would always single me out on the playground with   “Hey, I found a Haitian!” I soon learned that we Haitians were spotted by what we wore (Sunday best clothing even if it was not Sunday), smelled like (supposedly like the fisheries boarding Haiti’s peninsula), and our coarse, thick hair (which the bullies said, “broke mad combs!! Hahahaha!!!” ). Negative remarks about my culture struck me like lashes on my back. I was scarred. I got their message: being Haitian was dirty, despicable, and shameful. So, I dropped the culture like a bad habit and conformed to please my bullies. I dressed in the latest fashions, followed the latest fads, sprayed on extra perfume, relaxed my hair, even adopted the Hispanic culture as my own — anything to rid myself from being Haitian.

Years later, these experiences led me to protect myself but also taught me to sympathize with other kids who have  been much less fortunate than I — Phoebe Prince from North Hampton, Carl Joseph Walker-Hoover from Springfield, and Tyler Clementi, whose roommate “outed” him with a live video  —  a humiliation that led him to jump off of the George Washington Bridge. I wondered if, in hiding my identity back then, I was being courageous. . . or cowardly.

Only when alone in my room, either after a grueling Kreyòl lesson or a horrible day at school, I allowed myself to feel the guilt and shame that came with hiding. I knew that erasing my culture was hurting my mother and eroding my identity, but I was not yet strong enough to own that part of me. Instead, I spent countless nights masking my hurt by reading books. I devoured Mildred D. Taylor, Tupac Shakuar, and Maya Angelou, all of whom wrote about characters of color struggling to come to terms with themselves. I empathized with Paul-Edward from The Land, as he dealt with feelings of alienation growing up as a bi-racial teenager in post-slavery Mississippi.  In “The Rose Who Grew from Concrete,” by Tupac Shakuar, I was the beautiful rose who was fragrant, not malodorous, when sniffed, who broke from the concrete layers of guilt, shame, and embarrassment to immerse herself in the sun rays of self- and social acceptance. When my imagination ran empty, I delved into the life of poet, Maya Angelou. As “a caged bird,” I longed to free myself from my own fears of rejection, to free my bullies from their ignorance, and to fly to a place where they do more than give lip service to diversity

As I read more books, the stories were no longer words on paper, they were me. I grew braver with each character I met, knowing that I, too, would not tolerate discrimination and would declare my identity to my bullies without fear. To this day, my journey toward self-acceptance is ongoing, but I am comfortable with being a young woman of Haitian descent. Freed from shame, I have immersed myself in Haitian literature by the Haitian author, Edwidge Danticat, a woman who has also faced adversity for being Haitian, and writes beautifully about Haiti’s courage and strength despite years of federal corruption and poverty. In Krik? Krak! , a collection of stories, Danticat writes about the courage of Haitian women, in particular, and how, despite the government’s collapse, they hold family and life together. In one story in particular, a girl named Grace, whose family is living in America, has to negotiate between her mother’s traditional values and her own American identity. This captured my dilemma exactly and gave me a model that showed me that I’d be forever centered in the middle of two identities — part Haitian and part American.

I had this epiphany about identity while a student on a thirty-day scholarship trip to Oaxaca, Mexico, where I explored the arts and the culture. While there, I also discovered a world filled with cultural festivities, delicious food, welcoming families, generous individuals, and a life of contentment. I was there and had learned Spanish, thinking it would replace the culture I tried to erase for years. Of course, I was absolutely wrong. Sitting in the green garden of the Arte Institute del Oaxaca, I thought about Krik? Krak! and the fact that I was not Hispanic — that as beautiful as this culture and language was, it was not my culture. For me to experience a similar feeling of contentment, I had to have the courage to accept myself as Haitian.

Now, I want to read, write, speak, and learn to love the language of my mother. I want to share the knowledge I’ve gained: that “hiding from bullies” is a form of self protection, which can keep you safe for a while — but that ultimately; you have to find the courage to accept who you are. If I were to meet my bullies today, I’d say, “Yes, I am Haitian!” And with my education, I plan to find ways to bring my self-acceptance to the people of Haiti, to witness their courage in the face of recent calamities, to help them rebuild their bodies, lives, and enjoy their beautiful culture. I have always been called a leader and I plan to devote my energies to do something useful in the world — and I can think of no better place for my work than Haiti.

Until I find myself an institution that understands women of courage, and will help me accomplish my goals — and I feel that Bryn Mawr is that institution above all others —  I am comfortable with the company of my books, with the memories of Oaxaca, with learning everything I can about Haiti from the news, and with reciting the bible in Kreyòl to my mother.

“Bondye di, ‘se pou limyè fèt.’ Epi limyè te fèt!”   I declared.

My mother smiled and translated: “God said, ‘Let There Be Light,’ and then there was light.”

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Haitian Flag Day 2024: A guide to events and ways to celebrate Haitian pride

Haitian Flag Day commemorates the creation of Haiti’s flag, a symbol deeply rooted in the nation’s struggle for independence. On May 18, 1803, amid the Haitian Revolution, leaders like Jean-Jacques Dessalines and Alexandre Pétion convened in Arcahaie to officially adopt the flag.

Most historical accounts credit Catherine Flon , an enslaved woman, with repurposing the French tricolor flag but omitting the white stripe to signify the rejection of white supremacy. The remaining blue and red stripes symbolized unity between Black and mixed-race residents in their quests for freedom.

Haiti’s flag is meant to represent themes of unity, independence and resistance. Haitian Flag Day celebrates that spirit while honoring the sacrifices made during the struggle for freedom and acknowledging Haiti’s rich cultural heritage.

Here is a sampling of festivals, parades, cultural events and demonstrations of Haitian pride across the U.S. All events are on May 18 unless noted otherwise.

• Albertville: Albertville Cultural Arts Festival  — Musical artists Nixon Leger, DJ Washny and DJ Beat headline the Albertville Cultural Arts Festival, which features music, art, delectable cuisine and activities for children. The Haitian American Association of Alabama hosts this event and other Caribbean fests.

California 

• Los Angeles: Haitian Flag Day — The Haitian community will kick off its Flag Day festivities in Leimert Park with a symbolic morning walk, followed by an afternoon festival with entertainment, live music and tantalizing cuisine.
• San Diego: Caribbean Pleasure Haitian Cuisine — Caribbean Pleasure Haitian Cuisine, a local restaurant, invites visitors to indulge in authentic flavors and experience the vibrant spirit of the community. The Haitian-owned restaurant has a 4.2-star rating on Google , and its menu includes dishes like oxtail and jambalaya.
• Denver: Empowerment for Haiti — Womenful Voice presents “Empowerment for Haiti,” a cultural gathering featuring dynamic speakers, performances by Haitian dancers, and a culinary journey with authentic Haitian cuisine and drinks.

Connecticut

• Hartford: Haitian Flag Celebration — The St. Justin-St. Michael Parish, a Catholic church, will host an evening celebration featuring authentic food and a floor to dance the night away in celebration.
• Stamford: Haitian Flag Raising Ceremony — Haitian American local leader Francise Jean-Louis presents the 12th annual Haitian flag-raising ceremony at 10:45 a.m. at the Stamford Government Center. The city board representative also hosts Haitian Heritage Month festivities throughout the entire state.
• Miami: The Haitian Compas Festival — Miami, a hub of Haitian pride, will host the 26th Haitian Compas Festival, a celebration of Haitian Flag Day featuring performances by Haitian artists including Nu Look, T-Vice and Klass.
• Orlando: ONO LIVE Featuring FRIDAYY — Join the festivities at Mango’s Tropical Café with music, drinks and dancing under the Haitian flag.
• Port St. Lucie: Treasure Coast Cultural Festival — Haitian Flag Day — Diverse vendors will be offering Haitian cuisine, cultural handmade goods and more. This free event will feature many Haitian artists including Harmonik and Andy Beatz.
• Atlanta: Haitian Flag Day Kickoff — The Georgia Haitian-American Chamber of Commerce will host a kickoff celebration on May 17 at the Atlanta City Hall Atrium. The event will include music, vendors, food, speakers, performances and more.
• Chicago: Haitian American Museum of Chicago — Explore the Haitian American Museum of Chicago for free on Haitian Flag Day and learn about Chicago’s Haitian influence, which can be traced back to its founding by Jean Baptiste Point DuSable . The organization has a host of events for Heritage Month.
• Evansville: Taste of Haiti Flag Day Celebration — The Haitian Center of Evansville will host a free celebration of Haitian Flag Day, complete with Haitian cuisine, lively music and vendor booths.
• Waterloo: Haitian Flag Day: Celebrating Haiti!  — Waterloo City Center celebrates Haitian Flag Day with traditional foods and lively entertainment. It’s a free-admission event for people to experience the culture of Haiti, the first Black republic in the world.
• Silver Spring: Lokal Haitian Flag Day — Gisele Restaurant will host a celebration featuring Haitian cuisine and music by live band DJ Zick. The band teased some of its Kompa music on Instagram .

Massachusetts

• Norwood: Haitian Flag Day Celebration  — Norwood Town Commons will celebrate Haitian culture with food, music and festivities.
• Boston: Boston Red Soxs game —A limited number of ticket buyers for the game against the Milwaukee Brewers at Fenway Park on May 24 will receive a Red Sox Haitian Celebration jersey.
• Boston: 6th Annual Haitian American Business Expo and Job Fair — The business expo and job fair at Boston Prep is a free networking event. Attendees will include business owners, entrepreneurs and local elected officials.
• Boston: LIBÈTÉ a Haitian Flag Day Celebration — Join Navet 1804’s Flag Day event for an immersive experience honoring Haitian heritage, history and resilience. There will be cocktails, DJ performances, Haitian cuisine and domino games.
• Brockton: 18 Mai Nan Boston — Lva Mixx and DJ Smoov will host this year’s Boston Haitian Flag Day celebration, filled with music, dance and cultural pride. The door opens at 9 p.m. 
• Grand Rapids: Union in Action for Haiti — Dance to live Haitian music, eat Caribbean cuisine and watch lively dance performances at an outdoor event where the proceeds will help students and Haitian families in need. The event will feature vendors including Fran’s Earrings & Things .
• Kansas City: KC Haitian Flag Day celebration — Celebrate Haitian culture through music with free Kompa lessons, dance performances and a parade. The event will feature performances by Ayati Rara, DJ Flip Int’l, Crossfire and more.
• Las Vegas: Haitian Flag Day — Come dressed in your Haitian pride colors — blue and red — at this event featuring live music by D-Singer.
• Elizabeth: Zoe Fest  — Join Zoe Fest on North Broad Street for a night of music, food and fun to celebrate Haitian Flag Day. Zoe, a slang word that refers to Haitian people, explains the event title “The Zoe Take Over,” which means “The Haitians Take Over.”
• Brooklyn: Ayiti Cultural Soiree — Experience Haitian culture at the Ayiti Cultural Soiree in Brooklyn, featuring Haitian arts and cultural showcases, food and drinks.
• Brooklyn: Haïtian Flag Day Ride & Fête — Join a 10-mile solidarity ride through Little Haiti and other neighborhoods, followed by food, music, raffles and kremas tastings courtesy of Krem Liquor.
• Wyandanch: Haitian Flag Day — Join Shades of Long Island for Haitian Flag Day, a celebration of Haitian culture with food, music and more. It will also feature Haitian business owners.
• Westbury: ServeHAITI — Haitian Flag Day Celebration and Fundraiser — A celebration and fundraiser for ServeHAITI will include music, dance and food, paying tribute to Haiti’s culture and heritage as well as a speech by Frantz Bourget , a Haitian American business owner. ServeHAITI is an organization that serves people in Grand-Bois, 40 miles east of Port-au-Prince.

North Carolina  

• Lumberton: Haitian Flag Day — Lumberton’s local Haitian community will celebrate Haitian Flag Day with music, dancing and cuisine.
• Cary: Haitian Flag — Family Fun Day — Cary’s Family Fun Day celebration will celebrate Haiti’s culture and heritage with festivities for all including domino games and a soccer tournament.
• Charlotte: Experience the Culture — This festival features workshops like Creole 101, lessons on dancing and cooking, as well as panel discussions and activities for children. This free event by Haitian Heritage & Friends of Haiti will also have Haitian music by DJ D-Red and DJ Red Dog.

North Dakota

• Fargo: Haitian Flag Day — Rhythm Laughs Entertainment is hosting a night of culture and music with DJ Islandboy and DJ Lee Mix. The event costs $20 and will run from 8 p.m. to 2 a.m.
• Columbus: Haitian Flag Day Celebration — At Columbus’ Flag Day Celebration, you can support local businesses, indulge in Haitian food, and immerse yourself in Haiti’s culture, history and art. The event is free for kids and $10 for adults.

Pennsylvania

• Philadelphia: 8th Annual Haitian Flag Day Celebration After Party — This after-party features Haitian singers KennyMixx, Step is Back and Rara Militan 215 and top DJs including DJ Carens, DJ Most Wanted, and DJ RJMix.
• York: Haitian Flag Day Festival — This festival at William Penn Park hosted by Haitian American Community Outreach promises a day filled with Haitian music, traditional dances, traditional cuisine and family-friendly entertainment. 
• Austin: Haitian Flag Day Selebrasyon — Fanm Djanm, a headwrap retailer in Austin, often hosts community gatherings. On Saturday, 10% of the purchases at the store will be donated to Bati School, which provides education for children in a mountain community in Haiti.
• Plano: Haitian Flag Day Picnic — Contribute a Haitian dish to a Flag Day potluck while enjoying music, soccer and more.
• Norfolk: Annual Haitian Flag Day Celebration — Proceeds from ticket sales for the event hosted by One Hope For Haiti will go to help a Haiti-focused nonprofit organization.
• Seattle: Kompa Night Haitian Flag Day — Celebrate Haitian Flag Day on May 18 in Seattle with a Kompa Night featuring music including Kompa, Afrobeats and dancehall alongside authentic Haitian food.

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Philly’s Haitian Community Promote Hope, Resilience Amid Country’s Turmoil During Flag Raising Ceremony

Philadelphia’s Haitian and Haitian-American community stood together outside City Hall in celebration during its annual Haitian Flag Raising Ceremony on Friday, May 17. 

“As we raise this vibrant, symbolic flag of Haiti , we celebrate our unity, the rich history, culture, and resiliency of the Haitian people,” said Irma Wilson during the ceremony.

While Haiti is currently enduring a time of significant strife and turmoil, the local Haitian and Haitian-American community remain hopeful that brighter days are ahead.

“While hope and chaos co-exist, it is up to each one of us to choose hope, to learn toward hope,” Wilson added. 

The Haitian community in Philadelphia is a prosperous one. 

As part of the flag raising festivities, Mayor Cherelle Parker issued a proclamation for Philly’s Haitian community.

“Their resilience and entrepreneurial spirit has shaped the economic and cultural landscape of Philadelphia, creating opportunities, and fostering innovation,” the proclamation read in part. “We honor and appreciate the countless ways in which Haitian-Americans have positively impacted the city of Philadelphia.”

During the flag raising ceremony, one local business or organization is honored for its work in uplifting the community and improving the quality of life for residents of the city.

Zion Community Church was the selected organization this year. 

Each year, the local religious organization partners with Toys for Tots to distribute toys for children during the holidays. In addition, Zion Community Church also teams up with Philabundance on a weekly basis to provide food and canned goods to those who need it. 

Currently led by Pastor Jennifer M. Joseph , the legacy of community service of the church is expected to not only continue, but grow for generations to come. 

While associated with Haiti, the celebration of the Haitian flag is something that goes far beyond Haiti.

“It is endemic to freedom, it’s endemic for liberty,” said Numa St. Louis , District House Representative. 

The reason is because of the Haitian Revolution that ultimately led to Haiti becoming the first Black republic to gain its independence, paving the way for so many other nations to eventually follow suit. 

“As we gather here, irrespective of your background, your race, your creed, understand that the Haitian flag is worthy,” St. Louis added. “It manifested the freedom, not just in rhetoric, but in action. And that’s what the Haitian flag represents.”

A list of events taking place in Philadelphia to celebrate Haitian Heritage Month can be found here .